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Western Clarion Oct 16, 1922

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Array •*v/
A Journal of
Official Organ of
No. 877.
EIGHTEENTH YEAR     Twice a Month
Public Opinion
"He who will not reason is a Mgot,
"He who cannot reason is a fool,
"He who dares not reason is a slave."
THE time worn expression we hear so much
about from time to time uttered by the politicians, labor skates, newspaper men, univer
sity professors, and the whole host of others who
compose the jackals who voice the sentiments of the
ruling class:—It may not be amiss ta touch the rough
spots and examine what this expression really means
to the position of the working dass, who are conscious of their exploitation by another class who
own and rule.
We of the Marxian school have a different outlook on life from the great mass of the working class
who never do any thinking outside of their immediate wants, i.e., a job and a pay envelope, wherewith
to buy the eats and other necessaries of life. We,
then, claim that we have a great deal of knowledge
(backed by scientific research) of human society,
and its development through the ages, from a time
when man was but slightly removed from his brute
ancestors. Haphazard catck-phrases and the empty
piffle that is spread broadcast by the tools and hirelings of the master class among the nu-ss of wage
slaves with ar/ avowed purpose, is subject to be
analyzed by the Marxists from a scientific point of
view. In order to do this effectively we have to
delve into the realms of sociology, economics, history, biology and other sciences, and view them all
from the standpoint of change. In other words we
tackle the sciences, equipped with a knowledge of
the evolutionary process going on in nature. We
go further than that; we observe and understand the
direction in which nature works her "forces," and
discover the laws of their motion, which enable us
from time to time to give a fairly accurate account of
what is likely to happen in the future, sometimes
with something akin to mathematical precision.
If we are scientific, if we are able to put up arguments which the university professors and other
intellectuals of our opponents, are unable to combat
without resorting to trickery and lies, then we must
have "the goods," and we must be deemed competent to analyize all the bunk that emanates from the
class who exploit the workers.
Respectable '' Public Opioion'' varies in time and
area. It is not uniform. It is something plastic
that is subject to change from time to time, especially among those who have come within the pale of
capitalist civilization. As conditions warrant, the
machinery that creates public opinion can mould
such to suit its own end. During the great war all
the churches, politicians, the press and all the resources of capitalist ingenuity were set to work to
create the-patriotic fever, to stir up instincts that
were once deep rooted in the kinship of ancient
society. Millions of the most virile wage slaves of
all lands have responded and manured the plains of
France and Belgium with their dead bodies. Poison
gas and other atrocities of capitalism, were voiced
against from thousands of pulpits when used on one
side. The sanctity of the marriage vow went by
the board when the Bishops and other champions of
law and justice were hollering to legalize war babies
and raise the status of the unmarried mother. The
Germans and their "public opinion machinery" were
shouting their beads off about culture, defence of
their homes and civilization. Lloyd George and his
host of squealers were shouting to hang the Kaiser
and spoke of having to go back to Bai barism if the
Allies were defeated. Meantime the scheme was.
wox-king, and the slaughter went merrily on.
We have heard of the angel that was hovering
around the Canadian soldier boys; we have heard
weird stories of our men being crucified by the
wicked Huns. One could write volumes on the-various methods and devices that were employed to
mould public opinion by the unscrupulous master
class of both opposing camps. Each camp fighting
with all the weapons at its command, to hold their
place in the sun and conquer and dominate the world
After the holocaust of war new weapons were
weilded to lull the unthinking into sleep. Production and more production was one of the slogans
used and heralded over the width and breadth of the
land where wage slavery held its sway. Retrenchment, economy, eat less and work harder was the
S. 0. S. that the hirelings of the profit mongers sent
broadcast to all the wage slaves of Christendom.
They told us that greater efficiency in production
and consuming less of the necessaries of life would
bring our tottering civilization back to normalcy at
a time when the world markets were already glutted
with hoarded war supplies that were no ionger necessary. The bald Canadian prairies were turned over,
and during the war hundreds of thousands of acres
of virgin soil were brought into cultivation by tractors and modern machinery. The banks loosened up
in the name of patriotism to help the farmers produce mountains of wheat for the saving of our civilization,—and all that means. Those were the days
when any 2x4 cockroach hayseed could gain access
to the sanction of the bank manager and borrow
enough dollars to make a substantial payment on a
"Tin Lizzie" or a quarter section of land to increase
his misery. War markets warranted generous facilities to the soil slaves, who did not require a whip
to drive them to work in the fields 12 to 16 hours per
Today the tide has turned; a new code of ethics
has come into being to suit the reaction of changed
conditions, on which I would like to write at some
future time.
Public opinion must necessarily be the voice of
the ruling class in any epoch in history. Such
opinion in modern society must conform and harmonize with the concept of private property, which
is based on the exploitation of wage workers.
This thing is set in motion and is inoculated into
the children of the working class in the public
schools, and all the other institutions of capitalism
are merely pillars built to uphold the Grand Arch
of property rights. Tn other words, the working
class live in an environment of property concious-
ness around which their concepts of rights and
wrongs, fairplay, etc., hinge.
The vanguard of the industrial proletariat who
are guided by an understanding of Marxism must
have a viewpoint which opposes the Shibboleths and
bunk disseminated by the master class and their
henchmen, and replace this rubbish and vast ignorance among the workers with real knowledge and
understanding, by the route of positive science.
Capitalist civilization has evolved the formidable
weapon of science to solve its own problems during
its struggling development. We are of the working1
class are learning how to use the same weapon in
our struggle for economic freedom. We who have
discarded property consciousness for class consciousness are few among the vast hordes of our class;
but we are hopeful of the future, knowing that historical development is in harmony with the Socialist
movement. The process may appear slow to the uninformed, but to the Marxian student, the driving
forces are doing their work. The wheels of time
move forever onward, the velocity of change may
vary, but it never ceases.
New slogans to delude the workers, or rather to
keep them deluded, will grow less effective as tine
goes on. Capitalism will awaken more slaves from
their slumber than we ean, but the scientific socialist movement is here to clarify and work in conjunction with conditions, ii time will come when the
bulk of the working class will have an opinion of
its own, which will centre around class consciousness and the struggle for emancipation from wage
slavery. D. MACPHERSON.
The Manufacture of
Public Opinion in
EVERY child knows by this time that the
"Bolshevik Dictators," have among other
crimes, suppressed the freedom of press. This
charge has been repeatedly brought up against Soviet Russia in the past few years, by the liberal and
radical bourgeois press, and even by the workers'
organs. Well, let us see what this much-vaunted
freedom of the press is worth in old, "liberal" England, which boasts of its wise Constitution.
2300 periodicals are published in England. Of
this number, the workers (15 million men according
to the official statistics of the Social -Lut-urance Bureau) dispose of 45 weeklies, and 75 monthlies, with
lather limited circulations. Of 180 dailies, the workers control but one, the Daily Herald, which maintains a precarious existence.    "~
Let us pass over to the circulation. In London
are sold 6,500,000 numbers of the daily newspapers.
Of these 6,500,000 copies, 150,000 represent the issue of the Daily Herald, the only labor organ. Add
to this that the evening editions have a circulation
of 3 million, and that there is no evening labor daily.
But this is not yet sufficient to make "public
opinion." The bourgeois system of news-feeding
is much more extensive; to the daily publications,
we must add the 6,000,000 numbers of the bourgeois
weekly press, served every Sunday morning to the
London population.
And here we have the picture of the contending
forces. On one side the heavy artillery of the bourgeois press, and on the other the beanshooter of the
Now let us look a little closer at the organization
of the bourgeois English press.   Let us make a little
tour through the malodorous factories where the
public opinion of a modern democracy is manufac-
(Continued on page 3) !
i  *
The Origin of the World
By R. McMillan.
Do you know why cats with blue eyes are always
deaf? I do not, and I never met anybody who did;
but I suppose there is a reason for it! Do you
know why there are no tortoise-shell tom-cats? All
tortoise-shell cats are females. I wonder why that
When you gain knowledge of the facts of life,
you can ask more difficult questions than even a
child can. The more you learn, the more you find
you do not know, so that there is no fear of ever
getting puffed up by the amount of your knowledge. Geology is the most wonderful of all the
sciences for the revelations it brings to ignorant
people. I was very, very ignorant of the facts of
existence when I began to study it, and each day
seemed to bring a new revelation; and the revelation of a rain-drop was one of the most marvellous
to me.
The first time I saw a slab of stone with a lot of
little round pits on it I could not understand it, till
the professor told me they were "ancient raindrops." You could tell which way the wind was
blowing, in relation to the block of stone, by the
mark of the rain-drops! And yet the block of stone
came from the depths of a quarry, and had been
buried for millions and millions of years. The soft
surface which the heavy rain-drops had dinted had
been covered up for ages, and had turned to solid
rock; but now it had been exposed, as one of the
pages of the great stone books, to bear witness to
the fact that tbe laws were the same millions of
years ago as they are today.
One of the startling rain-pitted blocks I first saw
came from the Connecticut Valley in the United
States. It bore the imprints of the feet of great
birds, with the marks of rain-drops beside them.
It would be very difficult for me to explain to
you the effect the sight of this block of stone had
on my mind. It seemed to prove that all the geological stories I had heard were true. This block
was not made by men to bear witness to their truthfulness, or to confirm their astonishing stories; but
it was a record made millions of years ago and only
recently uncovered, and never meant in any way
to confirm any statement. It Avas a page from the
stone book.
Then I. saw, upon a sidewalk, a flagstone that
was rippled, just as I had seen the sand rippled by
the wind and waves. I wondered how the flagstone
became rippled, and when my teacher told mc that
it was simply a "ripple mark" from an ancient
sea-beach, made by the wind and the tide millions
of years ago, I was amazed. How strange that a
mark of that sort should have endured through all
the ages, when all the mighty works of early man
were obliterated. The temples and tombs and
palaces and mighty works of great races had been
obliterated by the gnawing teeth of time; but here
were these simple ripple marks, and the footprints
of birds and the pitting of rain-drops, left to bear
witness to the uniformity of law. It was wonderful,
wonderful beyond all telling to poor ignorant me,
and I walked as one in a dream.   I wanted to know
why I had never been told about it before, but my
teacher replied that very few people cared about
such things. They were not interested in the origin
of the world, and so they never learned, and nobody
told them. That was a very hard saying to me then,
but I have since learned that it is quite true.
The curious thing about the _footprints of the
birds in the Connecticut Valley is the discovery
that maybe they were not birds at all. There was
an age of amphibians, of beasts that lived partly
on the land and partly in the water; then came an
age of reptiles, which lived on the land entirely,
grew to an enormous size, and acquired the most
wonderful forms. I would like to show you some pictures of the monsters of those far-away days, but I
think I had better show you the skeleton of one of
them called the pterodactyl, a name which comes
from two Greek words meaning wing-fingers.*
The pterodactyl had no feathers. It was a bat- .
like reptile, and we have nothing like it today, unless it be a tiny fruit-bat. The pterodactyl (terro-
dack-til) was, however, a monster. J,n fact, there
were flying animals before there were feathers or
birds. And yet a man, a scholarly man, asked me
which came first, the hen or the egg! If he had
asked me which came first, birds or feathers, what
would my answer have been? Birds, of course;
but that would not have been quite true, for nothing is ever absolutely true. Everything is relative--
but that is philosophy, so we will not discuss it, eh ?
Tbe first fliers had no feathers, but the first
birds were really reptiles, flying reptiles, and the
development of feathers was very slow. Feathers
were developed from the skin, and the skin formed
the wings of the flying reptiles, so that there were
.birds which were part reptiles, with tails and teeth.
People used to laugh when they spoke about "hen's
teeth," as something that never was on land Qr sea;
but when you come to study the origin of the world
you find that there were, "once upon a time," birds
with teeth.
When I first heard of a "bird with teeth" I was
incredulous, for it appeared to be too wonderful to
be true. When I saw the drawings of it, and the description of it, and finally a model of it, I believed
it. But when I came to understand more simply
and naturally the origin of the world, I could see
that there must have been a time when there were no
birds, just as there must have been a time when
there were no beasts. There must have been a time
when there was nothing but white-hot gas; and my
mind goes back to the time when all that gas was
scattered about the universe. But my mind never
goes back further than gas. My mind never goes
back to the time when there was nothing, for the
simple reason that I cannot think of something coming out of nothing. I cannot make my mind do what
I want it to do; I cannot think of two twos being
five, any more than 1 can think of nothing becoming something.
In the Jurassic limestone, in Europe, they found
the bones and feathers of a real, true bird, almost
the size of a magpie, with several real reptilian
characteristics, including teeth. While a reptile
goes about on the earth it must have teeth to crunch
its food, but as soon as the reptile learns to fly
it has a wider range of vision and a wider selection
of food. It can choose softer food, and that means
a change in dental arrangements and stomach. These
changes all affect its form, and the true bird alters
from the true reptile until, after long ages, Ihe two
become so altered as to be different species.
The bird that was found—in fragments—in the
Jurassic limestone was "restored" by the naturalists, and the complete bird shown; but the actual
fossil bones and feathers are now in the British
Museum and the Berlin Museum.
It is not what you would call a pretty bird, but
the naturalists only showed what they had. They
added as little as possible to the form, only filling up
the gaps so as to make a complete bird. But the
main point is that it has teeth—well marked, well-
formed, definite teeth—and that is what proves the
development of the bird from the reptile. Now we
come back to the "bird tracks" in the Connecticut
sandstone, and we see that they may have been the
tracks of reptiles; just developing bird like characteristics.    Did the bird's foot develop before the
* Note: There are some illustrations in the book
which, unfortunately owing to financial reasons we
are unable to reproduce.—Ed. Clarion.
bird's wing? Who ean say? Geology is such a baby,
and the stone book is so marred and mutilated that
we really cannot tell; but we are quite sure that
boasts and birds develop from reptiles, and that they
came from amphibians, which came from the water.
What a miracle!
OUR last article closed with a quotation from
Sir John Cadman's article in the "Manchester Guardian Commercial" (6 July '22), in
which he sets forth quite frankly the cnarges which
have been made against British policy in the mandate territories, particularly in the near east. It
has been charged, he says, that British interests have
striven to keep competitors out of those areas. He
says, in concluding his article, that he has managed
to disarm American suspicion on the grounds stated,
and that British policy has come to be favorably
understood in America. The facts are very much
against his statement in this connection, however.
Great Britain, in the mandates for the German
African colonies and the Pacific Islands had come to
agreement with the United States without very much
friction as to competitive commercial rights. The
Council of the League of Nations by July 24th last
had approved mandates over the various areas proposed to be. mandated by the terms of the Versailles
Treaty, but Lord Balfour at the London session of
the Council on that date (when Palestine was given
to Great Britain and Syria to France) announced
that Great Britain was Still unable to reach an understanding with United States over the terms of
the proposed British mandate in Mesopotamia. This
territory, although garrisoned "by British troops, is
still in dispute between these governments. The
British mandate, in its official approval, and operation is held up by American interference in the interest of U. S. commercial enterprise.
The San Remo agreement, entered into between
Great Britain and France (April 1920) is known as
the Anglo-French Oil agreement. It has been the
subject of countless controversial articles, particularly relative to American oil interests. By its terms
Great Britain is granted 75 per cent of the oil output of Mesopotamian territories, and France is
granted 25 per cent. The French interest is not
an actual operative interest. She receives (from
British governmental or commercial operative control) 25 per cent, output at current market prices
and is entitled to 25 per cent of the total capital investment. British interests maintain financial control, and actual industrial operative control.
The American interests enter at this point and
point out that they have prior "claims" in Mesopotamia. The Chester claims, concessions granted to
U. S. Rear-Admiral Chester in 1908 by Abdul Hamid,
included the right to exploit mineral and mining
concessions extending from points on the eastern
Mediterranean to the Persian border and to Bagdad.
Operation of the concessions has been interrupted
by the Young Turk revolt in 1909, by the Italian-
Turkish war, 1911, by war between Turkey and Bulgaria 1912 and against Greece in the same year, the
Balkan war of 1913 and the world war of 1914. Now
that the American interests are anxious to resume
prospecting for commencement of operations they
are stopped by the mandatories, that is to say, by
the controlling interests of Great Britain. Notes of
protest have been sent during the past two years
by former U. S. Secretary of State Colby and the
present U. S. Secretary Hughes. As a result, the
Mesopotamian mandate is still in dispute although
the British are in actual control. The American
press, since the close of the world war, has been full
of reports of activities of the U. S. hospital missions, Red Cross services, philantrophic enterprises
throughout Asia Minor, actively supported by big
business, much in the same way as in China during
the famine period of a year or more ago. By means
of these agencies American commercial interests are
(Continued on page 3) .
-. a   ■  ssbjM :.-'■', ****
_*—*•*-   - WESTERN   CLARION
Conflicting Interests
By Sid Earp.
TO those people who are capable of viewing
in a practical scientific manner, the pitiless
competitive struggle for existence which, in
the name of freedom, Capitalism imposes upon the
individual, modern society in its economic and social
life stands condemned as being absurd, wasteful and
brutal to the extreme. Furthermore, to the careful
observer it is quite clear that this condition of affairs must inevitably become worse while society remains upon a basis of personal interest. Evidence
of this can be seen by the rapid increase in the
number of protective organizations which are now
a feature, in every branch of human life.
As in a calamity of natural origin such as by
fire, wind or water, human life is conserved by the
drawing together for protection in face of a common
danger, so is it, that in the struggle lor existence,
are groups formed to conserve personal interests in
those trades and professions by whieh men seek to
gain a livelihood. Boards of Trade, employers' associations, retail merchants' protective societies,
trade unions, etc., all function in the interests of the
individuals comprising their membership, for the
perpetuation of Capitalism, whether consciously or
otherwise, and all are doomed to failure. One of the
latest additions to the ranks of these small bore protectionist groups in British Columbia is the Asiatic
Exclusion League, whose object is to bring to an
end the successful competition of the Chinese retail
merchant, which constitutes a menace to the white
retailer in the grocery and kindred trades. Acting
as a distributor of goods for the big wholesale firms,
the retailer takes on the character of a business man,
which places him in a social category one notch
above that of the wage worker upon whom he depends for the sale of his goods. In this, as in other
lines of business, trade comes in greatest volume to
those who market their goods at the lowest price,
without any consideration of race, creed, or color,
In Capitalist society human attributes count foi
little or nothing, price quotations and cash payments
are the things that count. Of late the Chinaman,
who is not any man's fool when it comes to a busi-
nes deal, has demonstrated that he can retail goods
cheaper than other people; in other words, he is
more efficient. Hence the storm of hostile criticism and bitter denunciation which is being directed
aganst him by the Asiatic Exclusion League. They
have discovered at this late hour that Western civilization can never absorb the Oriental type. He is
a danger to our moral and ethical standards, and his
habits of life tend to debauch and degenerate our
rising generation!
Comparisons, of course, are odious, but if only
a cursory glance is given to those portions of the
earth where the white race have succeeded by force
and trickery in establishing themselves among
backward and untutored peoples for the purpose of
trade, the c/riticisms lately directed against the
Oriental appear as sheer ranting hypocrisy. Mankind, in very truth, is a reasoning animal. His reasoning is fearful and wonderful to behold. Whatever action he may take to serve his material wants,
must be cloaked in moral or ethical guise*. He has
achieved the distinction of doing that, of which no
other animal is capable. He can fool himself and
get much glory out of the process.
But, willy nilly, the struggle for life will get more
keen, and in its keenness, his reasoning will change
in form. As the gods of his religions appear in a
true light as superfluities, he will discard them. Likewise his moral and ethical scruples as an aid to satisfying hfis material Irequirements. Also will he
change and discard them. Capitalism is the great
leveller of men; under its influence they will inevitably become welded into one common, despairing
mass, regardless of any artificial distinction. The
purpose of life is to live. The opportunity to live
with a minimum of discomfort and a maximum of
pleasure and satisfaction for all is available right
now. A policy for the exclusion of the Oriental or
any other type is a policy of foolishness. The root
cause of conflicting interests lies in the social re
cognition of the claims upon the wealtli ot society
by tlie owners oi its means ol lite—me Capitalist
ciass; towarus whose maintenance all social enort
is guided.
The legality of this ownership, in the form of
title deeus, bonds, mortgages, etc., is made effective
by State control in the hands of the Capitalist class,
And by no other way than the elimination of this
control will the conflicting interests of today be
ended. Society will then have free access to its
means of life; and parasitism by constitutional property right will give way to a full enjoyment by
mankind of all that his toil and ingenuity through
the ages has made possible for him.
(Continued from page 1)
(Continued from page 2)
able to maintain representatives in areas that would
otherwise offer obstacles to commercial investigation.
In the case of France, she is tied to British control in the matter of oil supply. The French oil
trust operates merely in distribution of an imported
oil supply. By the terms of the San Remo agreement British oil companies which are able to furnish the necessary guarantees have a right to operate in French colonial territories. The necessary
guarantees obviously mean British governmental
guidance. Tunis, Morocco, Algeria, France itself, in
places where oil oozings have shewn ate all subject
to British operation. Jn the French territories
French capital is allowed to exercise financial control, but France has no industrial experience in oil
operation and her bankers and oil trusc have been"
content with foreign enterprise. Politics plays its
part too, for British consent to French occupation
of Syria was consequent upon French agreement at
San Remo.
The "Manchester Guardian" reported on August
21st that Standard Oil was interested in a new
French company just formed to operate the French
part of the Bagdad railway. The same dispatch
says Standard Oil and the Bank of Paris are jointly
interested in several European oil fields. There are
some other Franco-American oil companies also but
up to the present their operations or proposed operations, notably in former Turkish territories, have
been restricted within the terms of thc San Remo
agreement. No doubt this agreement has tied the
hands of France at the Mudania conference.
Recently the London "Times" reported an estimate of British oil holdings and their importance
as compared with American present resources. The
report estimated that in the course of ten years
United States would be dependent on British oil
to the amount of 200 million pounds sterling per annum.
Baku oil is an all important factor in present
international rivalry. The Genoa conference saw
a mad scramble for oil concessions in the Baku field.
Last May "The Lamp," the organ of the Standard
Oil, described Baku as the most prolific oil field in
the world. Its oil outlet is through a pipe line to
Batum on the Black Sea, the outlet from which is
through the Dardanelles. Control of the Straits is
an important element in the exploitation of the
Baku fields which, no doubt, all the competitors
hope to resume a share in. At any rate, recent
events have brought Turkey and the strategical
position of Constantinople into prominence again,
with the usual palaver about Christian minorities,
and the regular war-time atrocity crop has been well
up to the standard.
It is not to be supposed that the scramble for oil
is the whole reason for international rivalry, but in
a world run by power driven machinery it is an ever
growing cause of dispute.
The working class lesson lies in an understanding of the fact that oil as an indispensable factor
in present day industrial life is sure to be a factor
in any wars that may crop up. Present day indus-
thial life in all its ramifications and enterprise is devoted to the interest of capital, and war is an essential corollary. War betAveen rival capitalist
groups is therefore devoted to the interest of eapital also and as such is no concern of the working
class. E. M.
tured. The most important morning daily is the
Daily Mail (circulation 1,817,947). The Daily Mail
vulgarizes for its readers the opinions of the aristocratic Times (circulation 75,000). The Times is the
semi-official organ of the Government, more especially of the Conservative Party, the enemy of all
progress. The Times demanded the "war to the
bitter end" against Germany, and favored intervention in Russia. Today it defends the "Entente
cordiale." During the Hague Conference, it never
referred to Comrades Litvinov and Krassin except
as "bandits." The Times belonged to the deceased
Lord Northcliffe, the greatest poisoner of English
public opinion.
And while we are at Nord Northcliffe, let us consider a while the activity of this man who has just
died, mourned by every journalistic prostitute. Lord
Northcliffe owned (and his heirs still do) the following dailies: Times (75,000 circulation), Daily
Mail   (1,817,947)   Evening  News   (894,558%
Irrespective of their owners, the English bourgeois journals are all very much alike. Daily Mail,
Daily Mirror (1,059,861), Daily Express (855,000),
Daily Sketch (837,654), Evening News (894,558),
Star (702,600), Daily News, Daily Telegraph, Morning Post,—all print 10 to 20 pages, large size, 4 to
8 of whieh all are entirely devoted to advertisements,
which make a newspaper a paying proposition. A
page in the Daily Mail costs £1,000; in the Daily
Express, over £500. The advertisement tax nets the
Government a yearly income of £13,000,000,—9 million from the morning papers and 4 million from the
evening editions. The English dailies have financial,
commercial, sporting, literary, society, pages. They
relate the least incidents of the St. James Court.
But the Moscow reader, accustomed to his Pravda
and Izvestia, would be very much surprised. Never
a word of the working class, unless it be to combat
some strike, or give a line or two to some labor accident in which a larger number of workers have
lost their lives ("lesser" accidents are not judged
worthy of notice). Needless to say, that the English
newspapers have neither pages for the woman worker, nor for the youth
Here are the principal owners of the English
1.   Lord Northcliffe (now his heirs).
2. Viscount Rothermere, owner of Daily Mirror
(London), the Leeds Mercury (Leeds), the Glasgow
Record (Glasgow) and the weekly Sunday Pictorial
(2Vi> million circulation) very much read by the
workers because of its numerous illustrations and
its cheap price (2 pence).
3. Baronet Halton, owner of Daily Sketch, Daily
Dispatch, Evening Standard, the weekly Sunday
Chronicle, and a number of provincial sheets.
4. Lord Burnham, owner of Daily Telegraph.
5. Lord Beaverbrook, Daily Express and Sunday Express.
6. Lord Inverforth, Daily Chronicle.
7. Viscount Cowdray, one of the petroleum
kings, owns the Westminster Gazette.
8. Baronet William Berry, one of the Brothers
Berry who own about half tlie apartment houses
of London, owns the Daily Graphic, Sunday Times,
Financial Times. One of the Berrys, Seymour Berry
is manager of the Western Mail, published in Cardiff, the eoal centre of Wales.
9. Mr. Cadbcrry, big chocolate manufacturer,
owner of Daily News and Star, a great enemy of
France, because of the serious competition of the
Meunier products.
10. Lord Riddle, owner of the News of the
World, an idiotic weekly filled with melodramatic
serials, with a circulation of 31/- million among thc
English working class.
11. Countess Bathurst, Morning Post, ultra-reactionary.
Well, there is a thing to be proud of this press
freedom of England! English "public opinion,"
which unfortunately includes the working class
opinion, is manufactured by a dozen capitalists who
have no interests but those of their business. From
this it is easy to understand their hatred of the Proletarian Dictatorship, and their zeal to defend the
freedom of their press. Let us hope that the reader
of this too summary article will have understood
also.—I. P. Correspondence. PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy,
and Currenit Events.
Published twice a month by the Socialist Party of
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor. Ewen   MacLeod
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THIS is rather an alarming title. It sounds
virulently academic, and it may rouse the ire
(though I hope not) of those who are more
enamoured of "direct" than of cerebral activity.
However, we may be able to steer a perilous course
betweed the Scylla of "oldi-fashioned Clarionism'*
and the Charybdis of "revolutionary action," albeit
close hauled to port.
Education is a thing of fine flavor and subtle
interaction—as vague and sundry as its definition.
What is education? The acquirement of wisdom.
In all ages wisdom has made its appeal to man. In
all ages it has not only left its impress on passing
time; it has projected its image on the changing concepts of posterity. In different ages it has been
acquired by different processes. But always it has
won respect and esteem, and in the light of it's understanding—has magnificiently "triumphed. It has
had setbacks and disasters. That but proves its
kinship with cosmical processes and is itself part of
the means of education, But it accumulates continually and shall do so till society itself, in the
aeons of futurity, shall be vanquished in the decline
of a perishing planet.
The society which discovered fire not only discovered a new force to progress, but added a new
means to immediate  existence,  and with it new
social transformations.   The fisher folk who invented the net and the boat increased the gathering
store of knowledge, and by river and sea spread it
to new habitations.   The hunters of the grim ice
ages who acquired cunning in the ways of the wild
showed .their necessary alkgiande  to wisdom as
truly as the modern exponents of "free education."
The wandering herdsmen ultimately enshrined their
gathered lore in the mystical books of the ancients;
and even the destruction of marauders added its rudj
quota to the store.   The ancient empires rejoiced in
the wisdom  of god-king—hierarchies—interlinked
abstractions of the baseless but fearful realities of
medicine  men men and witch doctors.      Greece)
achieved the art and science of Ionia and declined
in a welter of militarism.   Rome expressed the practical philosophy of Pagan pragmatism—crudely and
sternly as becomes a martial rule.   The middle ages
swathed themselves in the eclectic and extraneous
wisdom of the unknowable trinity,—whose reflex
appears in our not distant forefathers whc desired to
see their hopefuls "waggin' their heads in the pu'
pit."   Today the concept of wisdom i,s the classical
idealism of school and college—barren, inept, uninviting,—founded in imitation of a culture, whose
life and imagery, vanished with the conditions from
which it sprung.
Underneath the idealism of school and age, is
the realism of natural life. And naturally their
concepts and interpretations of existence differ. The
social view point is the base line from which man
measured attainment, and with every alteration iu
the gravity of position there is a corresponding difference in the angle of fact. The culture of
the time may be dominated by a particular force or
influence, but it is intermingled with every impulse
of life, and interfused with every interest of time.
Society is not explained by one force, or one factor,
or one school.   It is the amalgamation of all influ
ences; of now and of yesterday; the balancing, or
interruptions, or perturbations of conflicting forms,
antagonistic forces and ever changing interests.
Classical history shows us the decline of empires,
and ultimately atributes their fall to the decline of
wisdom—hidden vicariously in lack of prevision,
political ineptitude, social corruption, public dis-
probity, etc. And that answer is quite true. But it
evades the primal issue: why did wisdom decline?
Why? Because progress had undermined the foundation on which it was built; had engrafted on ancient acquirements the impulse of vitalistic immediacy; had confronted society with new needs, clothed
it with new necessities, and sent it spinning on a
new plane of rotation.
Since the days when tribes became the nation,
society has been politically controlled, i.e., by necessity has been enslaved to the "will" of a priest-king
warrior. The exploits of monarch and noble have
been recorded and magnified, but the slaves  who
alone made the exploits possible are not mentioned—
or only in contempt. Sargon founded Babylon—on
the labor of slaves. Tiglath raised tempi ss and monuments—on the labor of slaves.    Assurbonipal built
■walls   and   public   works—on the labor of slaves.
Hammurubi "turned the desert into fruitful gardens"—on slavery.    Slaves built walls and dykes,
made the roads and kept them in repair; tended
and watered the gardens; constructed the bridges
and aqueducts, and suffered as only hapless slaves
can suffer.   Tlje pyramids of Egypt; the irrigation
canals of the old Empire,  the temples of Tuxor;
the splendor of the "city of the good god;" tho conquests of Rameses; were the symbols of a ferocious
slavery.   Spartan simplicity rested on Helot subjection.   The glory of Athens was based—bloodily—on
the slavery of silver Tauruim and the greatness of
Rome on the unremitting and unrewarded toil of
the Tatifundia.   Slavery, slavery, slavery, unspeakable in its ferocity, pitiable in its helplessness, frag-
mentarily recorded,   and  veiled  by  the   flickering
moonshine of egotistical individualism and an Osher
Empires fallen into decay for lack of learning?
Nay! But because the economic of slavery counter-
mined the foundations on which they stood.    Because the incessant looting of States, the plunder
of peoples, the wastage of life, the sacking of cities,
the pillage of plain and field, the ravishing of enterprise,  the swoopjing  destruction  of labor,  the
"dashing of the little ones against the stones," the
slave raids, the wanton massarces, the blindings, the
torturings, the impalements, the crucifixions, ruined
all human intercourse, turned nations into festering haunts of glittering vice, shattered the process
of exchange, palsied the hands of industry, violated
the necessities of production, mortgaged farm and
home and man, diverted the routes of trade, made endeavor fruitless, filled the cities with famine and thc
empty country with brigands, and laid the ancient
Empires open to fresh attacks of plundering hordes,
with a similar culture, but with a new virile coherence of civilised savagery.   Through the 10,000 years
of political society down to the fall of Rome, that is
the history of the world.   Sowing and reaping the
whirlwind; crushing man and freedom; annihilating
love and life.    The invading Goths introduced an
antique feudalism into Europe which, modified by
the crumbling relics of mouldering Rome—and subsequently  colored  with  a  politically  aborted  religion—produced the new monstrosity, the feudalism of the Middle Ages.   The re-birth of commerce,
the advent of new concepts, the discovery of new
worlds, the new hope of political franchise, the invention of new technical processes of production
forwarded society into the relatively higher vaatage
of political democracy.    And now. the sociely of
today—the society of capital—slips on the same slippery steep down which the scarlet mistresses of the
mystical East vanished into oblivion.
To ask how this came about sounds like tautology
—since the nature of the answer is already indicated. But it was neither by the telic idealism of ac-
cummulating "good," nor by the wardship of gifted
individuals!   There is no reason why this "good,"
e.g., should not have endowed ancient Egypt with
the culture of tomorrow's instead of yesterday's
10,000 years; nor why the "masterly man" should
not have lifted Egyptian society out of its morass
of lethal slavery. Modern research has vindicated
their claim to a high state of civilisation, and an
intelligence no whit less than the vaunted type of
today. And of "great men" there has never been
any lack.
But mighty as Bel and Isis were, like Dagon of
the Philistines they could not endure the face of the
great Mammon of Capital.   Ancient Egypt lived in
the Bronze Age.    The "life of giving revelation"
of technical production was not vouchsafed to them,
and if—as is sometimes said—the Egyptians knew
the force of steam, they certainly knew not how to
harness it.   And it is primarily the application of
power to production that has carried men, in our
day, to the pinnacle of renown.   It has abolished
hand labor and exchanged brawn and muscle for
brain and skill.   It has converted the militarist adventurer into the Imperialist syndicate, and transformed the political slavery of the chattel into the
political slavery of wages.    It has unlocked new
powers and forces whieh progress has placed in the
hands of a temporary master class.    It has formulated a new scheme of subjection, more subtle and
sure, since it is the bondage of social consent.    It
has transformed and remodelled class and caste. It
has banished the gods of the sleeping night for the
gods of the sleeping day.   For the autocracy of the
land, it has substituted the autocracy of the machine; and for the tyranny of the "great king" it has
involved us in the tyranny of world finance.   And in
its completer stages of development it is shaking
society loose from its convictions, matured in the
sun of yesterday; from its ancient preconceptions
of law and order, or right and justice, of equity
and truth.    It is breaking down the stultifying apathy of custom engendered by centuries of discipline, and in the gathering comprehension of a necessitous present, unveiling the ominous origin of the
time-honored sanctities of privilege and power.
This is what we imply by education.   Not political theorising or classical transcendentalism, but
time experience.   It is not a fugitive author, or a
polemical hero, or inspiring orator which make the
fulcrum on which knowledge forces the gates of the
mind.   They are but side influences.   It is social apperception that counts; social understanding of the
pature of its life and living.   And it is the changing
technique of production, with its changing and diminishing gravity of interests, the more feverish and
antagonistic cycle of progress and the continual flux
and growth in and of the social forces, stemmed,
harassed, necessitous, which widen the vision of the
driven and conventionalised mass.    It is this unveiling of original issues; this dissolution of class
interest in the acid of class antagonism; this pressure of development on the modified circumstance
of time; this alignment of social interest against
private privilege which opens the curtained eyes of
tradition to the sparkling world of fact.   It is not
books, or theory, or men, but common, daily, yoked
experience, pulsing hot from the throbbing founts
of life.   It is not poverty alone, nor misery, nor degradation, nor party nor politics which effect the
recognition and need of change.   It is those things
(Continued on page 5)
Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion.
...-fi-'*     ■: -i.    ■   „
Parliament or Cabinet
Which ?
By John A. McDonald
Editor's Note:—The following article is consequent upon
the discussion on Parliament and Cabinet between Comrades Harrington, "R." and McDonald. See Western Clarion of September lst and 16th. As stated Sep*.. 1st., Comrades Harrington and "R.," are entitled to close the discussion and they may, if they wish to do so, follow up on
this. We are a little concerned over sfpace in this controversy, however, and enter a plea for brevity all round.
PARLIAMENT, its nature and function, its possibilities, from a proletarian standpoint, as
a means to emancipation are matters of much
importance to the awakening working class. Many
and varied are the opinions expressed, even in our
own press, and on our own platform, as to the functions of the legislative institution, and the attitude
which should be taken towards it by the different
parties in the revolutionary movement.
We have extremists, on one hand, telling us that
Parliament is today merely a name or a shadow,
and so far as authority and privileges are concerned
it has none, being in this respect "sans teeth, sans
eyes, sans taste, sans everything.'' At the other extreme we find those who continue to have sublime
faith in the powers of Parliament and to this institution they look for a remedy to cure all the social
ills of the age.
Somewhere between these two extremes we have
the attitude taken by the Socialist Party of Canada
as numerous articles,both pre-election and otherwise,
in the "Western Clarion," since the date of its inception, will demonstrate. It is the purpose of this
•contribution to re-affirm this attitude and make plain
the position for "Clarion" readers.
Those who contend that Parliament has no power, no privileges, or authority, and now lives merely
on the prestige of its ancient traditions, with the
plume plucked, and the pinion broken, are surely
obtuse 'to the relationship existing between the legislative institution and the social system whose interests it reflects. Such outbursts are historically
incorrect; and politically absurd.
The name— Parliament—while specially pertaining to the supreme legislature of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, can be applied to
all analogous assemblies in other countries. The term
may be used to cover the Houses of Lords, Commons,
and Representatives, Senate, Reishtag, Chamber of
Deputies, etc. In all modern capitalist nations this
Parliament is the means through which the ruling
class imposes its desires on socitey. Through its
mandate the working class is coerced and capitalist
property administered.
Should some pressing incentive necessitate the
substitution of other means, such as Cabinet, Monarch, or President, to carry out the will of the dominant class, in all probability such could be accomplished or at least attempted. Up to the present,
however, the urge in this direction has not been
sufficiently emphasized to ensure such a result.
Parliament is still capable of attending to the needs.
of our rulers, and in such cases as a weakness has
been displayed the defect is remedied by a modification of Parliament itself.
Let us take a couple of concrete examples of modern Parliaments in order to see that they can and
do function, and are** at present the acknowledged
centre of power.
In the United States we have a national legislature, consisting of a Senate, and House of Representatives, jointly called Congress; with the executive
power vested in the President, and the judical power in the Supreme Court. Whether or not this legislature, with the exception of the Supreme Court, is
elected by the people depends upon the standpoint
from which we start. Did we wish to quibble, we
could pooh pooh the idea of the people having a will
at all, as it is manufactured for them by various
methods. By this same mode of reasoning (or lack
of one) we could say that the horse has no stable
because someone owns it, or I have no nob because it
is controlled by a boss. The alarm clock suffices to
remind one that I have a job, and a hard one.
The people of the U. S. elect the President, the
members of the Senate, and the House of Representatives. True, the method of election in regard to
the President is somewhat roundabout, as he is nominally chosen by a system of double election through
an electoral college. But it is nevertheless the recorded judgment of the people that ensures his election. The seven millions of a majority cast for
Harding at the last election amply illustrates the fact
that he was returned by a vote of the people.
All citizens of the U. S., we must grant, are not
entitled to the franchise. The large migratory population is deprived of the privilege of voting. The
negro element, through educational tests, and intimidation have their constitutional privilege in this respect curtailed. But, even allowing for these, and
other exceptions, the huge majority of those voting
at presidential elections are members of the working class.
That those workers are the creatures of their
environment, and have their opinions moulded or
fashioned through the institutions at the disposal of
their masters, is a commonplace in Socialist circles
and need not be specially stressed in this article.
The people do the deed regardless of how or where
they got their information.
The President appoints a cabinet, or council, of
several secretaries who preside over the various administrative deparements. This Cabinet has practically no power, as the final decision on all matters
of import rests with the President, who is alone responsible to the electors. Still, the members of the
different departments hold positions of importance
and the fact that a Secretary of Commerce like
Hoover, who Avas opposed to the administration, yet
was included in the Cabinet would show that particular interests demand representation that cannot
very well be refused.
While the President dominates the Cabinet, his
power is regulated by Congress. Let us revert to
the case of Wilson and the League of Nations. The
President took up a firm stand in support of the
League. While some claim that by so doing he was
sacrificing the interests of American capitalists, the
fact that other figures of national importance, including ex-President Taft, favored the League, with
certain minor reservations, i.s sufficient proof that
Wilson's policy coincided with that of one section
of the Amercan ruling class.
When we consider the conflict of interests today
apparent between national and international capitalists there is no mystery attached to the matter.
Though the President could dismiss his cabinet with
impunity, he found that he could not override the
power of Parliament, and in his decision to become
"Aut Caesar aut Nullus," he became the latter.
Turning to the British Parliment, we find that it
consists of the King and the Houses of Lords and
Commons. The power of the King, in matters of
legislation, is "non est." About a decade ago the
power of the Lords was curtailed and the Commons
became supreme. The members of this House are
elected by the people. Whether it is the knowledge
or the ignorance of the people that sends them there
is another matter.
The victorious Party at the general elections
takes over the reins of government. A Prime Minister is selected. This leader, far from occupying
an obsequious position, has for the post seventeen
years held precedence next after the .Archbishop of
York. The Premier selects the Cabinet, taking members both from the Commons and Lords if so decir-
ed. The Prime Minister and Cabinet cannot long
hold office without possessing the confidence of the
House of Commons. This House has full power to
dismiss the Cabinet should occasion demand it. The
fact that this has seldom been done demonstrates
the further fact that the Cabinet has kept its place.
It has not made it necessary for its master to take
such drastic action.
Naturally, in case of a conflict between Commons
and Cabinet either a compromise would be effected
or the Cabinet must recede. To introduce the action of the Labor Party in voting against its own
measure to avoid political disaster has no more to
do with the matter than a Bach fugue or Handel
sonata. Labor Party members are elected, not independently, but in conjunction with Liberals, as a
glance at any compendium of world events will show.
Their existence depends on their obedience to Liberal dictates. To gull their working class constituents they must occasionally display a fighting spirit, but when their bosses, in whose workshop they
are employed at odd jobs, find it essential to show
them the rod they never hesitate.
The necessity for a change in governmental methods because of the intrusion of "Labor" members is
remote. The late Lord Northcliffe stated in Sydney some months ago, that capital was in no way
endangered by the election of a sane Labor Govern-*
ment, but had much to gain by such a result. The
support given by Viscount Haldane, and others, to
the British Labor Party shows that they have no fear
of property or property rights in case of an election
of a Labor government.
Still, authorities will differ on the matter, and
the recent legislation to strengthen the House of
Lords, after a decade of impotency, reveals the fear
of one section of the British ruling class at a Labor
victory. It was not the Cabinet, but the Upper
House which attracted their attention.
In a future article I will try to make plain the
revolutionary, value of participation in Parliamentary elections.
(Continued from page 4)
in conjunction with the constant abrogation of social
reforms, necessitated by class interests, with the
continual transformation of political institutions,
required by progressive business; with the necessitous unmasking of imper al.st ambiti ns, consequent of Imperialist aggression; and with the consequent—continually more conscious—gathering together of the social mass, bound by a common interest, of need, inspired with a common principle of
life, and cognisant of a common aim of social advantage. That is education as we understand it—
the changing of the mind of man and mass under the
compelling impulse of social fact.
Our much speaking, and boring from within or
without, is but a feeble and puny effort in the panorama of enlightenment—negligible in the mighty
clamor of capitalist antagonisms. But as every
rill and streamlet that trickles from the everlasting
hills helps to swell the eventual river, so every influence embodies itself in ultimate social percept and
action. And although society, amidst a tragic circumstance of misery, clings—like MacTeague to his
canary—with a solicitous tenderness to its airy idols
of yesterday, and is apparently impervious alike to
changeling fact and class appeal; nevertheless, in
due time, the ruthless hammering of experience shall
fashion the consciousnecc of man in accordance with
and   inspired   by   the intimate kinship of reality.
11-— : !	 PAGE SIX
Economics for Workers
i   ;    M
TO illustrate the difference of the rate of sun-
plus value and the rate of profit let us take
the following example.
If a capital  of 100 produces with 20 laborers
working 10 hours a day a wage of 20 and a surplus
of 20 we have this result:—
Total Ex-
Capital. Constant Cap. Var. Cap. Sur. Val. ploitation
100 80 20 20 100%
The total product being 120, would show 20 per
cent profit.
If the hours were increased to 15 a day and
wages (i.e. variable capital) remained the same we
would have the total value increased from 40 to 60,
since 10 to 15 equals 40 to 60.
The result would be:—
C.C. V. C. S. V. Ex. Rate Profit
80 plus     20 plus     40 equals   200% 40%
The exploitation and the profit had increased at
the same ratio.
On p. 74 (Capital, vol. 3) Marx shows how the
rate of profit can become less and surplus value remain the same, e.g.:—
T't'l. Cap
.    ation.    Profit
80 +
100%    20%
100%   16 2-3%
100%    25%
200%   20%
We have the rate of exploitation rising from
100% in number 3 illustration to 200 in number 4,
while the rate of profit has fallen from 25% to 20%.
Here is the mystery of exploitation laid bare.
The lst and 2nd illustration show the rate of profit falling while exploitation remains the same. This
answers the great contradiction, as machinery
means greater capital making the profits look smaller as they are quoted on a percentage basis, i.e., on
the total capital invested.
Marx also shows that profits can rise or fall at
a greater rate than surplus value; if variable capital increases or decreases or if surplus value increases or decreases.
For instance Profits can rise when surplus falls
or Profits fall when surplus value rises. For example :—
lst: Variable capital decreases, surplus^value
rises while profits fall.
C.C.      V.C.     S.V.     Exploitation. Profit.   Capital
80+        20+   20 equals       100%        20%       100
90+        10+    15 equals       150%       15%       100
Again, when raw material falls profits increase,
C.C.      V.C.     S.V.     Exploitation. Profit.   Capital
80+        20+   20 equals       100%       20%       100
20+        80+   40 equals 50%       40%       100
We therefore see how lower priced material lowers constant eapital, increases variable capital and
increases profits, while exploitation has decreased to
50%. The explanation is that surplus value is percentage on variable capital as it is through the exploitation of labor that surplus value is created
while the rate of profit is the percentage of surplus
value to the total capital invested.
Again, the rate of profit may increase through
the cheapening of constant capital while the rate
of exploitation of the laborer remains the same. e.g.:
C.C. V.C. S.V. Exploitation. Profit. Capital
80+ 20+ 20 equals 100% 20% 100
30+        20+   20 equals       100%       40% 50
Marx states, however: "The falling tendency of
the rate of profit is accompanied by a rising tendency in the rate of surplus value, that is in the rate
of exploitation. . . Both phenomena, the rise in
the rate of surplus value, and the fall in the rate
of profit are but the specific forms through which
the productivity of labor seeks a capitalistic expression.
"The rate of profit does not fall because labor
becomes less productive but because it L*ecomes more
Kautsky touches this point in his "Class Struggle"
p. 60: "The total amount of surplus yearly produced
in capitalist society today increases rapidly, but
still more rapidly grows the total amount of capital
invested. Xt therefor happens that while exploitation grows the rate of profit falls. Some would
imagine this would put an end to the capitalist class,
but that in no way implies that the income of tlie
capitalist class is becoming less, but the mass of
surplus flowing into their hands is growing larger.
The conclusion would be correct if the rate of profit sank and the capital invested remained stationary.
The decline of profit and interest does not
bring on the downfall, but the narrowing of the
capitalist class, and therefor the concentration of
wealth and industry into fewer hands. The more
highly developed the capitalist system becomes, the
more capital is needed, the narrower the field for
the worker to leave the laboring class and the capitalist becomes a parasite on the body politic."
Unterman puts it: " The increase of mass profits,
despite the decrease in the rate of profit compels the
capitalist to invest in new industries and countries,
but, they grow up and intensify the situation. The
unemployed increases and becomes permanent, keeping wages at a bare subsistence."
The following table illustrates surplus or exploitation at 100% while the rate of profit falls.
and Profit",
lst. "A general rise in the rate of wages would
result in a fall of the general rate of profit but
broadly speaking, not affect the prices of commodities.
2nd. "The general tendency of capitalist production is not to raise but to sink the average standard of wages."
Marx points out how Adam Smith inferred that
the accelerated accumulation of eapital must turn
the balance in favour of the worker by securing a
growing demand for labor, but modern industry was
just then in its infancy. We have a number today
who claim that more machinery means giving more
employment, but Marx shows in "Value, Price and
Profit" that if the proportion of the two elements
remained the same, Constant Capital to Variable
Capital as one to one, it will in the progress of industry however become 5 to 1 or more.
He says: "If of a total capital of 600, 300 is laid
out in instruments, raw materials and so forth, and
300 in wages, the total capital wants only to be
doubled to create a demand for 600 working men
instead of for 300 men.
But if of a capital of 600, 500 is laid out in machinery, materials and so forth, and 100 only in wages,
the same capital must increase from. 600 to 3600 in
order to create a demand for 600 men instead of
300 men. In the progress of industry the demand
for labor keeps, therefor, no pace with the accumulation of capital. . . . it will still increase, but
increase in a constantly diminishing ratio as compared with the increase of capital."
Therefor the capitalist position is strengthened
to sink the average wage to a bare subsistence level.
Surplus value, however, is divided up in Rent,
Interest and Profit, but is a result of unpaid labor
split up amongst the landowner, industrial capitalist
and moneylender.
If the capitalist is the owner of the capital he
employs and also is the landlord, well, he pockets
the whole surplus.
It is immaterial to the worker whether he pockets the whole surplus or has to divide it up as interest and rent. The surplus is produced before the
division takes place and it is unpaid labor that produces it. Why then, workers, bother your heads
with single tax and other palliative reform nostrums when you only get your slave's portion.
Marx deals with interest bearing capital as representing capital'as ownership compared to capital as a function in production.
Marx says: "The money capitalist hands over
to the industrial capitalist, money as a commodity.
The industrial capitalist receives it as capital; what
then is the use value the capitalist hands over? It is
the use value the money assumes as being capable
of being invested as capital and performing the
functions as capital so that it can create a surplus
value in addition to preserving its original magnitude of value. In the case of other commodities the
use value is ultimately consumed. The substance
disappears in consequence and with it their value,
but the commodity capital has the peculiarity that
the consumption of its use not only preserves its exchange value and its use value but also increases
them. The money loaned in this respect shows an
analogy with labor power in its relation to the industrial capitalist. The use value of labor power to
the industrial capitalist consists in the faculty that
labor-power creates more value. In like manner the
loan capital appears as its faculty of preserving and
increasing value; but interest is just the division of
profits. Profits consist of surplus value and surplus value is unpaid labor."
The capitalist mode of production has now separated the superintendence of industry from its ownership and it is no longer necessary for the capitalist
to perform any useful function himself; that is performed by paid employees, just as a director of an
orchestra need not be the owner of the instruments
of its members, nor is it part of the duties of a
director that he should have anything io do. with the
musicians. A superintendent's wages fall like all
other skilled-labor wages, with the general development which reduces the cost of production of specially trained labor power. Our technical education
moves in that direction.
Therefore, having seen that it is becoming more
and more difficult to rise from the working class to
the capitalist class, discovering that capitalist development tends ever and anon to sink wages to the
limit of subsistence, with a greater rate of exploitation, we should agree with Karl Marx when he
said: "Instead of a conservative motto: 'A fair
day's work for a fair day's wage,' the unions ought
to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: 'The abolition of the wages system.' "
Next article: Rent.
Preface hj tho author.
132 PAGES.
Per Copy, 15 Centt.
Tea oopies up, 10 oenta each.
Port Paid.
^■;  .«i j_.«.,..«^r^g^^ii»»MB>M(i>wiiil
"The Outline of Science"
Editor's Note:—We have seen only parts of Prof. J. A.
Thomson's "The Outline of Science," but thii-- review, from
"The Freeman" (N. Y.), seems to merit reprinting and
will be of use and interest to students primarily. Students
in the various cities where there are public libraries should
insist upon books such as these being placed on the
SPECIALIZATION in modern science has become so great that the scientist speaks a language unintelligible not only to the layman
but even to his own colleagues whose researches lie
in other fields. Every one owes a debt of gratitude
to the editor of "The Outline of Science"* for attempting to bring into a small compass the results of
modern research. Profesor Thomson is known as a
writer of numerous popular and semipopular works
on biology, of which the most recent is the delightful volume on "The Haunts of Life."* The "Outline" itself is very interestingly written; the style
is lucid and straightforward though often somewhat
jerky; in places the reader's head is being continually twisted about to contemplate some new marvel.
The illustrations are always, vivid and clear, and
the two volumes so far published, especially in the
sections dealing with natural history, are very readable indeed(*)
But natural history is the easiest part of science
to write about because it is the least technical; we
have long had interesting and accurate books dealing not only with animals and plants, but also with
astronomical and geological subjects. It is the less
descriptive and more theoretical parts of the work
that constitute the real test of its success; and these,
it must be admitted, are not so well done. The evidence is not always properly marshalled or critically
handled, the reasoning is sometimes confused and incorrect, verbal descriptions are made to do duty
where diagrams are needed, parables take the place
of plain speaking, and difficult subjects are quickly
passed over with statements so condensed that the
reader is given a false impression. The bibliographies also often show important omissions. Moreover,
the commendable attempt to maintain an impartial
attitude sometimes breaks down at critical points.
Thus, while the book avoids being dogmatic about
the non-inheritance of acquired modifications!, ja
subject on which scientific dispute has practically
ceased, the discussion of vitalism versus mechanism,
a question on which scientific opinion leans decidedly toward the latter side, is characterized by a definitely vitalistic bias. Of course the editor might be
forgiven or even commended for being frank about
his own views; but to the reader Professor Thomson's beliefs are of less importance than an adequate
presentation of the mechanistic theory.
Moreover, "The Outline of Science" fails to convey an impression of unity. The great achievement
of science is its correlation of apparently unrelated
facts, its disclosing of connexions where none have
been suspected. To the unsophisticated reader it
might well appear from the "Outline" that each science is a law unto itself. Except in that portion of
the first volume which relates to the history of the
earth and its inhabitants, the articles are arranged
with no pretence to any system. The "plain story
simply told" becomes a series of stories, each of
which is simple merely because its relations to the
others have been overlooked.
In another way also the editor of these volumes
has shown a lack of a truly philosophic grasp. For
although there have been nationalistic controversies
over the credit for various discoveries, and in times
of stress scientists have, like their non-scientific fellows, been swayed by their political emotions, nevertheless science has always constituted an international fellowship. The fact that, as in the case of
wireless telegraphy, an idea may be theoretically
1. "The Outline of Science: A Plain Story Simply
Told." Edited by J. Arthur Thomson. In four volumes.
New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Vols. I and II. $3.75 per
2. "The Haunts of Life." J. Arthur Thomson. New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Company.   $2.50.
3. The third and fourth vols, are now off the press.
(Ed. Clarion).
worked out by an Englishman, experimentally demonstrated by a German, and practically applied by
an Italian, is not only-typical of the method of scientific progress but teaches a lesson of international
co-operation which ought not to be neglected. The
"Outline," however, seems loath to take the world
for its province; it is national in the sense of being
British, and sometimes even provincial in the sense
of being Scots. The casual reader might well receive the impression that only rarely have contributions to the advancement of knowledge been maide
outside the boundaries of Britain. Not that credit
is given to those who do not deserve it; but it seemls
strange to read the section on physiology without
seeing a mention of Claud Bernard or Johannes Mul-
ler, or to go through the discussion of energy without
meeting the names of Mayer and Helmholtz. Moreover continental scientists get very scant representation in the picture gallery; in fact almost the only
non-British portraits are those of prehistoric men.
The same defect appears in the sections on natural history. Here "our birds" are always British
birds, "our mammals" British mammals, "our insects" British insects. These sections might have
been utilized to give a more general idea of the life
of the earth and to bring out some of che results of
geographical distribution. Instead there seems to be
rather too much emphasis on the United Kingdom
even at the expense of the Dominions beyond the
But after all, as Professor Thomson says in his
preface, scientific information is less significant than
the scientific habit of mind. As W. K. Clifford
pointed out in his essay on the "Ethics of Belief,"
and as Mr. Bertrand Russell maintained in a recent
issue of the Freeman, it is of the utmost practictal
importance that people should harbour no views for
whieh there is no evidence. If the "Outline" contributes towards such a rational attitude, all its
Aveaknesses may be cheerfully forgiven it. However,
a habit of mind, like any other habit, ean be acquired only by practice; with all due regard for the serf-
vices rendered by popular scientific treatises, we
must admit that such works often produce a habit
of mind quite the reverse of scientific. The over-
technical exposition puts the reader under the impression that he has fundamental knowledge where
he really has only superficial information. Hence
this type of writing may defeat its own purpose.
The general reader who is not capable of weighing
evidence critically, comes to be easily swayed to any
notion that is plausably trapped out in the paraphernalia of learning; and as a result, he may be induced to hold very definite ideas on subjects concerning
which there is no real proof. Professor Thomson
himself can scarcely contribute to clear thinking
when, for example, he says: "The human sense of
race is so strong that it convinces us of reality even
when scientific definition is impossible."
Those who greet popular expositions and compilations so enthusiastically as providing a remedy
for ignorance lose sight of the fact that reading can
never furnish that familiarity with scientific materials and methods that results from work in the laboratory or training in thc solution of scientific problems. It may be unfortunate, but it seems to be a
fact that we can learn only by taking ideas at intervals, by turning them over in our minds until all
their aspects are familiar, by establishing a system
of relation between them and our own interests. An
outline of history may be both scholarly and readable because the notions with which it deals are
familiar to every one; but any general treatment of
science worthy of the name must be so full of ideas
unfamiliar to the layman as to be quite unassimil-
able if presented in the guise of ordinary reading-
matter. Whatever it may be that the uneducated
person can read as he runs, it is not science.
I do not wish to be understood as criticizine
Professor Thomson's ability as a scientific expositor.
But I do wish to suggest that the subtitle, "A Plain
Story Simply Told," is a mistaken one. Science is
often a very complicated story requiring complicat
ed exposition, and no amount of expert teaching can
take the place of actual thought on the part of the
student. The question it not so much whether one
can explain Kant's philosophy to a peasant in his
own language, as Tolstoy said that one could, but
whether, after one has done so, the peasant can understand one's explanation. So far from being always capable of enunciation in plain English or
French or German, science has, in many cases, in
order to make any progress at all, had to emancipate
itself from the ordinary form of speech and to construct a language of its own. This ii particularly
true of mathematics and mathematical physics. It
is generally recognized that their advance has been
due largely to the invention of such notations as
the decimal system, logarithms, the calculus, and
the vast array of higher mathematical symbols that
are utterly meaningless to the layman.
It is in those fields where ideas have become
most precise that new methods of recording thought
have been found necessary; and if graat and highly
trained minds like Newton and Einstein have required special languages to formulate and solve particular types of problems, is it likely that lesser and
untrained minds can express these problems and
present their solutions in terms of everyday speech?
It is no mere accident of history that the attempts
to popularize mathematics have been very few indeed: "The Outline of Science," at least so far as
its contents have been announced, makes not even
a pretence at including this subject. Neither is it an
accident that those who have written on birds and
flowers have left the modynamics, a much more fascinating topic, rather severly alone.
In his preface, Professor Thomson quotes Leibnitz to the effect that as knowledge advances, it becomes possible to condense it into little books. The
implication is that, as the books would he little, they
would be easy to understand. But this conclusion
does not necessarily follow. In fact the "Outline"
itself, far from being compressed in its treatment,
is tpiite discursive and its material is spread very
thin. Professor Thomson might have quoted a more
extreme opinion even than that of Leibnitz, for
Laplace said that with sufficient knowlege he could
condense all science into a differential equation. Yet
we have never seen it suggested that this question
would be easy to grasp. The nearest that science
has come to such a mathematical formula of the universe, is in the equations of the general theory of
relativity; and not even the most sanguine of popu-
larizers has pretended that these are ;ntelligible to
any but the expert mathematician.
We have, in modern times, come a great distance along the road of popular education. Yet we
must not be deluded into making a fetish of the
ordinary man and his everyday speech, It is no
injustice to thc average intellect to point out that it
is incapable of thinking scientifically lor very long
at a time. Some would claim that this trait can not
he altered at all, thai tlie great majority of individuals would under no circumstances he capable of
straight thinking. But although there is, of course,
a large range of variation in inherited mental ability, yet the general increase in rational ibought that
has occurred in the course of history does not seem
to warrant an attitude of extreme pessimism. It
ought to be possible to abolish what wt call education, whieh seems to he a scheme invented for the
purpose of preventing the young from learning too
quickly until it is too late for them to learn at all,
and to devise some system for teaching people what
constitutes scientific method, and for giving them
the elementary notions of mathematics, physics and
chemistry, of biology, and of astronomy and geology. Until we do something of this sort, popular
science can scarcely be anything more than an outline—form Avithout substance. We must realize that
knowledge, like death, is no respecter of persons;
and if there is no royal road to science, neither is
there a special highAvay for the bourgeoisie or the
proletariat. ALEXANDER WEINSTEIN. ■ph
The Clarion Mail Bag
A satisfying volume of correspondence has been
received at headquarters since last issue. Although small in its organized membership, the
revolutionary movement is Avidespread; and to those
earnest comrades Avho are carrying the message of
emancipating truth to the toil driven slaves of Capitalism in the outlying districts, much credit is due.
They are the real pioneers of social progress; folly their efforts in mill, mine and camp, the deadening master-class ideology Avhich iioav holds the workers in a maze of ignorance, is being transformed
into a virile class consciousness eager for freedom
from Capitalist domination. May their members increase is our fervent wish.
Com. M. Goudie is again to the fore Avith an interesting letter in which he expresses satisfaction
with the upAvard trend of Clarion finances. He encloses ten dollars collected from the boys in and
around St. Johns for the benefit of the C.M.F. That's
what Ave call "square shootin." A request for a
bundle of Clarions comes from Montreal per J. St.
Andre which has received attention.
A. R. Pearson writes from Toronto; he has recently returned from a trip to the Old Country
where amongst other forms of diversion he listened
to the great I.L.P. and in Canada to the Workers
Party on his return. He encloses a sub and asks for
back numbers of the Clarion.
Com. Berry sends in a sub and back membership
dues from Stratford, Ontario. Two letters arrived
from Winnipeg this time. One from Sidney Rose
who asks to be remembered to Charles Lestor and
W. A. P. Com. Rose has recently been up against
the protagonists of "economic power," and he
Avrites feelingly of the combat. The other letter is
from "Sandy," Avhose normal condition is one of
pulsating humour. He says the movement in Winnipeg is very dull at present, one propaganda meeting every Aveek being the best they can do at present. The controversy ranging around "Ourselves
and Parliament" is causing a deal of comment
among the boys and a class is to be held on Sunday afternoon for a general discussion. "Sandy"
complains that the "Mail Bag" column should
not be confined Avholly to the recording of subs.
His point is Veil taken, but failing news of the
movement we can do no better for the time being:
Write again "Sandy," you're a little ray of sunshine.
Com. Lessey sends Avord from Calgary that Clarion sales have fallen off considerably of late, the
boys all being away at work in the country.
J. A. Beckman writes from Meeting Creek, Alberta. He has met with an accident Avhile riding
but is noAv fit and well again. Sends best regards
to Vancouver comrades.
A long letter comes from Com. McPherson of the
Wimborne Local. Things are quiet just noAV, but
the winter promises much activity for them. He
speaks of thc gloomy prospect for the farm slaves,
as crops are a distinct failtire in that district. He
also promises to contribute an article to the Clarion
soon. Keep cheery Mac. Ave shall welcome your effort    (See "Public Opinion," this issue, Ed.)
Writing from Renate, B. C. Coin. Friesen sends a
sub, and speaks Warmly in praise of the Clarion.
From the same camp also comes a renewal of his
sub from Joseph Gray. August Eicke and T. Roberts write from Fernie and Sandon respectively,
sending a sub and contribution to the Maintenance
J. Woods also sends a brief note and a dollar to
the Maintenance Fund from Port Hardy, B. C.
From Prince Rupert, Com. Walter Ridout writes
to say that the Local there is disbanding as the boys
v.re all scattered and gone aAvay. He expects to be
in Vancouver in a feAV weeks time. Two short letters and some subs come from 'Com. E. Simpson,
An interesting letter from A. J. Beeny of Winnipeg who hopes soon to be on passage to Vancouver has been received, in which he expresses much
interest in the argument over "Ourselves and Parliament."
A Avelcome letter comes from Com. Frank M^cNey
Avho has just arrived in San Francisco from a five
month's sojourn in the wilderness. He encloses a
five spot for back dues and the Maintenance Fund
aud states that an article can be expected from him
soon. W. Raport writes a nice letter from Petaluma,
California. He sends a renewal of his sub and a
dollar to the Maintenance Fund, and asks to be re>-
membered to comrades in Calgary and Vancouver.
Comrade Ed. Price also. He writes from Pasadena,
California. He Avas some years ago v. member of
Local Winnipeg. Sends $3 to C.M.F. and $1 renewal,
Avith a benediction on Clarion efforts.
Comrade J. A. McDonald commenced his win-
ter lectures and educational class courses in Frisco
on Oct. lst. First lecture was entitled "The Coming War." Further lectures announced are "Lenin
or Lloyd George?" "Is Darwin a Fraud or Bryan
a Fool?" "The Eating Problem and Hoav to Solve
it." "The Change from Coal to Oil and After.'' The
effort Avill be made to establish a Workers' College,
independent of political affiliations.
From Rewanui, West coast of New Zealand
comes a letter from Com. W. Ayres, enclosing fourteen dollars for subs to the Clarion. He promises
more in the near future and signs himself, Yours
for Progress; which sounds good enough to us. Good
luck to you old man.
Literature Price List
THE burden of our song is still subs, and more
subs. The anatomy of humor in the Clarion
laboratory is discovered to be useless equipment in the make up and prowess of an accomplished Clarion sub. hunter.
If it were not for the sub. scalping accomplishments of Com. Ayres of New Zealand our totals
wo/ild be busted tfiis issue altogether. Where are
those subs, to come from Avhich Ave must have?
You'll find—if you like to try—that they must come
from the folks you meet up with and Avith Avhom you
undoubtedly discuss Clarion reading matter.
If you consider the matter purposefully we may
manage to elude the bailiff yet.
#       #       #       #
By the Avay, will the subscriber Avho sent $1 from
Camrose, Alberta, kindly give us his name?
The following are the righteous:—
FolloAving $1 each: S. Berry; F. LaAvson, G.
Wood, H. Ferguson, P. M. Friesen, A. R. Pearson,
D. McTavish, J. Gray, Sid. Earp, J. A. Beckman, Ed.
Price, C. Foster, No Name, Camrose, Alberta.
E. Simpson $2; J. M. Sanderson $3; A. T Beeny
$2; T. Cameron 50 cents; J. Carlett 50 ctsj'V . Hoav-
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Above, Clarion subs, received from 29 September
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Above, C.M.F. contributions received frqm 2f)th
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