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Western Clarion Apr 16, 1920

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A Journal of
Number 817
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
Economic Causes of War
The Great PoAvers of Europe have allied themselves into different camps according to their economic interests. When Russia made an effort to get
Constantinople, during the Russo-Turkish war,
1877-78, she was checked by Great Britain. When
Germany took a hand in the Treaty of Berlin, Russia threatened her with war, and this brought about
the Austro-German alliance of 1879.
Britain, to keep France quiet, told her to step in
and take Tunis at the first opportune moment. When
France did so, Italy was disappointed, because
Italians being the colonizers of Tunis, she thought
it should be her sphere of exploitation. For this
reason she joined the alliance of Austria and Germany in 1882. In the years 1887, 1891 and 1902,
Italy renewed her alliance, Britain urging her to do
so as the Italian fleet would be a help to her to
comabt French ambitions in the Mediterranean.
Thus we find nations playing a double game whenever it suits their economic interests. The Russo-
French alliance of 1891, arose because of Britain's
inteiwention in Egypt. Notwithtsanding all this
manoeuvering of the Great European Powers, they
all tolerated the independence of the small Balkan
States, not because they respected the rights of the
small nations, but because each of them did not want
the others to obtain a foothold there. The geographical position of the Balkan states, the route to the
vast natural resources of the Orient, has made them
pawns in the great gamble of diplomacy. Similarly,
Belgium and Holland are independent states only
because England, France and Germany could not
permit each other to control them.
Russia was the bogey-man held up to the people
of Britain during the decades of 1860-70-80 in the
Eastern situation, but Germany, who was yearly
becoming more dangerous commercially, replaced
Russia as the great menace to British financial
interests. Take the steel industry for example. The
Oxford pamphlets No. 16, 1914-15, state: "Great
Britain was producing in round numbers about
8,000,000 tons of pig iron and 2,000,000 tons of steel
per annum. The quantities produced by the United
States and Germany were relatively small. Today,
in round numbers, substantially accurate and readily remembered, Great Britain is producing 7,000,000
tons, Germany 14,000,000 tons, and America 28,000,-
000 tons per annum."
Bernhardi, in his "Germany and the Next War,"
pp. 82-83, said, "We are absolutely dependent on foreign countries for the import of raw materials, and
to a considerable extent also for the sale of our manufactures We are already suffering severely from want of eolonies to meet our requirements  and supply raw materials and food
stuffs." On page 103 he said, "We are compelled
to Obtain space for our increasing populations and
markets for our growing industries." Again on page
23, "The native population cannot consume all the
products of our industries—work and employment
are secured so long as they find markets which
gladly accept their products."
As all the desirable land for colonies was in the
hands of other nations, Germany endeavored to
penetrate in the peaceful method. She, therefore,
after a thorough study of the situation, was convinced that French influence in Morocco, English
influence in Egypt, English and Russian influence
in Persia, and the influence of the United States in
Article No. 2
Central America, were due chiefly to the peaceful
penetration method of advancing loans and controlling the administration of those countries. Germany
then succeeded in placing loans, buying some mines,
and in initiating a number of business enterprises
in Venezuela, South America, and following the customary mode of procedure anchored a warship in
one of the Venezuelan harbors, and made a demand
for some share in the control of the administration.
But the United States gave Germany to understand
that she would not permit any interference in the
government of Venezuela, and the outcome of this
squabble was that Britain and France withdrew
their opposition to the United States building the
Panama Canal.
Germany then tried her hand in Africa, but
obtaining only territory that was of little account,
she next turned her attention to a scheme of constructing an overland route to the Persian Gulf,
only to be again checked by Russia and Britain. As
Germany began building the Bagdad railway, adding
mile after mile in the mountains of the Caucasus,
the sentiment in favor of Persian independence grew
more and more outspoken* .and Britain «jad Russia
sent a joint commission to study the situation. This
commission reported with grave irony, that Persians
were incapable of self-government and suggested
that Britain and Russia should intervene to prevent
the continuance of the existing state of anarchy.
Russia controlling the North, Britain the South,
with a neutral belt between; thus was Persia partitioned. Persia was allowed to administer the
affairs of this neutral zone subject to the supervision of Britain and Russia combined. So again
German schemes for expansion were cheeked.
When France annexed Morocco, Germany was
Avilling to uphold its independence, because France's
occupation meant that the French-imposed customs
against her trade would be prohibitive, but as
France was strongly supported by England, Germany was once more sat on. To seduce Italy in her
alliance with Germany and Austria, her opposition
to France acquiring Morocco was bought by France
agreeing to annexing Tripoli on the first suitable
occasion, Avhich she did, creating a war with Turkey
and ushering in the Balkan wars.
Roland Usher, in "Pan Germanism." says, page
209: "The Balkan States who received intimations
of the desirability of war from Berlin and Vienna
Avere astounded to receive almost simultaneously,
suggestions of the desirability of war with Turkey,
from London, Paris and St. Petersburg. The Triple
Entente had made up its mind that the moment was
opportune for an attempt to erect a barrier in the
way of Pan Germanism The stragetic position of the Balkans controlling all the roads between
Europe and Asia Minor, controlling the Aegean Sea
and the Adriatic, was so necessary to Pan Germanism, that no more deadjy blow could be possibly
dealt that scheme than the creation of a Balkan confederacy under the aegis of the Triple Entente."
The greater this confederacy, the greater the safety
of France and Britain against any treachery of Russia, but the loss of Tripoli to Turkey, and the growing German interests in Turkey, caused France and
Britain to AvithdraAv their objections to Russia
having Constantinople, preferring to have it
controlled   by   Russia   than   by   Germany,.    Ger
many had built a zig-zag railway in Turkey,
receiving certain concessions and the customs
receipts' for security. This is why Germany
Avas helpless when one of her allies, Italy, believed
to have been aided by France and England, fought
Turkey over Tripoli. Germany was afraid of driving Italy out of the alliance if she supported Turkey,
and on the other hand if she supported Italy gone
was her plunder-ground in Turkey. No sooner was
the Italian-Turkish war ended than the Slav Confederation of the Balkans, financed via Russia wtih
French money, tried to finish off Turkey altogether,
and after some terrible working class massacres and
with Turkey almost beaten, Germany saved the situation by inducing the Balkan states to fight
amongst themselves. This stroke set Turkey free
and frustrated the Russian government tools whose
ambition was to possess Constantinople. Serbia
captured some Turkish ports in the Adriatic Sea
but had to give them up, being compelled to do so
by Austria who was assisted by Britain at the peace
of the Treaty of London, 1912-13. Serbia, on retiring from the Adriatic, was an inland state without
a seaport and had to depend on Austria for a market
for her agricultural products and the supply of
almost all of her industrial wants. Austria exploited
Serbia and kept her poor by imposing high tariffs.
All the outlet for Serbian trade with the outside
Avorld Avas through Austrian ports. Herein lies the
Serbian trouble which was one of the many economic factors which brought on the Great War. For
instance, Serbia had lots of pigs to sell; Turkey
refused to buy pigs, Bulgaria had enough of her
OAvn, and Austria had a high tariff on pigs. We
have just to look at the peace treaty to find out
what superficial humbug was dished up for "Henry
Dubbs" to swallow. The British correspondent of
the Iron Trade RevieAv says, "German losses in the
iron and steel industry, as a result of the peace treaty
Avill be 74 per cent, in her iron ore output, 32 per
cent, in her coal industry By losing Upper
Silesia and Alsace-Lorraine she loses 32.7 per cent,
of the coal output d¥ 1912, 72.4 per cent, of her iron-
ore output of 1912, 74.7 per cent, of her zinc output
of 1912, and 37.8 per cent, of her blast furnaces.
France will be able to increase her capacity in steel
production from the territory acquired, from 5,000,-
000 to 11,000,000 tons per annum."
Even Sir Edward Carson said, "The one object
of this Avar is to smash Prussianism and to smash
German interference AA'ith our trade throughout the
Empire." Again, Sir Edward Carson, speaking at*
a Savoy Hotel luncheon of the British Empire Producers' Association, Admiral Lord Beresford in the
chair, Thursday, May 24th, 1917, says (he is addressing £700.000,000 of industrial capital), "Millions of
men were told day by day to go over the parapet
and face the German guns, they were the men preserving for them and for him such property as they
had. (Cheers)."
About this time A. J. Balfour Avas in the United
States and the condition of British capital in Mexico, particularly the British capitalized railways,
Avas causing much anxiety. Balfour summoned Mr.
Thurston, the British Consul-General in Mexico, to
Washington, and the' principal subject believed to
have been discussed Avas Iioav to regain control of
the British capitalized railways in Mexico. This
(Continued on Page 8) PAGE TWO
THE intellectual development of a people follows
the industrial development, but not necessarily close at its heels. In fact, many things may
intervene to nullify this premise. It is quite logical
to conclude that a working-class, given an opportunity to observe the changes brought about in the
evolution of the machine, as Avell as in Avhat Veblen,
in one of his essays, terms the "immaterial equipment" Avithout at the same time, being compelled to
absorb the class propaganda disseminated by capitalist institutions, Avould be much more susceptible to
Socialist teaching. The baneful influence of school,
church, press, and movie tend to counteract the intellectual results that, otherwise, Avould naturally
be expected in those industrial centres where the
machine has attained the highest degree of perfection. A comparison of the Russian Avorker, both
peasant and artisan, with those of his class in Western Europe will assist in making clear this deduction.
The ansAver to our query in last issue regarding the
revolutionary potentialities of the British workers
is dependent upon due consideration of the above
factor.Judging by all the data available on the matter, the workers of Britain AArould easily be acquitted
of the charge that their programme is immediate
socialization of the means of Avealth production. Despite the fact that social unrest is prevalent, and occasional outbreaks of a rebelloius nature indulged
in, the evidence points strongly to a lack of class
education sufficient to assume control of the poav-
ers of state.
Many political and industrial organizations have
had their inception in recent years, but, in the exceptional instances Avhere these have been of a
scientific character, the progress has been decidedly slow. Much ado is made, in radical circles, of
the late victories of the Labor Party on the political
field, as well as the peremptory demands of the
"triple alliance' 'of railway, mine, and transport
wrorkers in regard to the conditions in which they
toil. A close examination of such "victories" disposes of any semblance of the benefits expected to
The British Labor Party, ahvays conciliatory, compromising and confusionist in policy, is more so at
present than ever before. This condition accounts
for its recent popularity. As the "Labor Leader"—
the official organ of the party—has admitted in a
late issue (February 14th), "All sorts and conditions
of men are joining the Labor Party. It is becoming
a refuge for disappointed politicans, for disgruntled
public servants, and for ambitious place hunters."
Former members of Liberal and Unionist parties
are deserting their former affiliations and joining
the ranks of this hybrid collection of political opportunists Avho seek to harmonize all class antagonisms
in the interests of the ruling class. The boast that
a Labor Government will succeed the present administration may Avell be made. Their platform is
one that invites the co-operation of all sections outside the revolutionary element. But Ave Avill venture the prediction, AAiiich is not in the nature of a
prophecy, but a logical deduction from the premise,
that should the Labor Party be successful at the
next election, the capitalist system will be given a
neAv lease of life in Britain with better prospects
for the future than any other section of civilization,
not even excepting the United States. All the nostrums, and palliatives imaginable can then be inflicted on the Avorking masses by their paternalistic
rulers, and a lengthy period is likely to ensue before
the effects of such a programme proclaim its utter
Many are prone to have faith in the fact that some
of the leaders in the Labor Party are working men
themselves and can, consequently, be relied upon to
act honestly and Avisely. Our friends of the I. W.
W. and C. L. P. on this side, are so insistent upon an
exclusive proletarian membership that even those
Avho folloAV the professions are either denied admittance or prohibited from holding official positions
in these organizations. The ratiocinative idiocy of
such a policy is AA'ell portrayed in recent events in
Germany, Avhere Ebert, the harness maker, is leading the reactionary forces, AA'hile Dr. Liebknecht,
Dr. Cohn, and Dr. Levy, alternately occupied positions at the helm of the revolutionary movement.
On the industrial field the same lack of Socialist
knoAvledge is displayed. Fiery speeches and spectacular actions do not serve to alleviate the effects
of class OAvnership of the means of life. One Big
Union, or ten big unions, can be of little avail unless the nature of the class conflict is understood
by those Avho participate in the struggle. At the
Glasgow Congress in September, the miners over-
Avhelmingly decided to "compel the government to
nationalize the mines. " Now, they have voted to
rescind this resolution, and concentrate their
strength on the coming elections. Given a Labor
' Government and Ave can expect an extension of nationalization to the mines, land, railways, slums,
etc., but none of the changes contemplated can have
any effect, nor are they intended to have any effect
on the commodity nature of labor-poAver.
Outside Britain there is only one solvent state in
Europe today. That one is Russia. This vast storehouse of agricultural, mineral, timber, and other
treasures is apparently on the threshold of a remarkable era. With the establishment of peace Russia
gives promise of becoming the most prosperous
section of the Avorld. A social structure based on
production for use; an industrial mechanism practically unimpaired by the ravages of Avar; and the
development of a technique in production and politics, peculiarly adopted to recent changes, leave
the Russian situation one of momentous importance
to all students of society.
Even the great financial problems that are noAv
agitating the minds of European statesmen, and
presenting impediments that baffle \surmounting,
are almost absent in the case of Russia. Only in
the commercial relations with other countries is
gold really essential and, even here, its use will soon
be obviated by exports of foodstuffs and raAV materials. The concentration of foreign business transactions to a department under control of the "Council of People's Commissars," reduces the exchange
of commodities to a minimum of expense and complications and, obviously, means a great advantage
over the capitalist method of private competition,
• involving thousands of industrial and mercantile
concerns, with a consequent army of officials, accountants, salesmen, diplomats, missionaries and
other superfluous appendages.
Trade betAveen other European countries and Russia is advancing steadily regardless of the fact that
the Allied methods of tyranny and coercion have
not been suspended. 'Financiers and statesmen
are beginning to realize that the results of the
" blockade '* are very different from what was intended, and that a further cessation of trade relations, instead of starving Russia into abject surrender, would only mean commercial suicide to the
Allies themselves. The Soviet Government has business representatives in London, Berlin, and Paris,
and the bankers and manufacturers of these centres
are soliciting trade with the knowledge and approval of their respective governments.
The econmic and fiscal maladies of France are
Avell knoAvn to every student. On this soil Avas the
chief trysting place of nations for the period of the
Avar. The truculent embraces of Latin, Slav, Teuton, and Saxon were not conducive to settled and
prosperous conditions. The property of the French
capitalists was mercilessly immolated through the
predatory proclivities of both friends and enemies.
600.000 industrial Avorkers were lost in the struggle.
As many Avorkshops and factories Avere destroyed.
Regions Avere laid waste which in the year previous
to the war had contributed 94 per cent, of the avooI ;
90 per cent, of the linen thread; 90 per cent of the
minerals; 70 per cent, of the sugar; and 53 per cent,
of the coal produced. Besides, two-thirds of the
wheat-bearing area was devastated; the transportation industry seriously dislocated; and a large section of the mercantile fleet was sunk by mines and
submarines. With these catastrophal, changes a
lengthy period will be required for reconstruction in
France. Much has been written by American financial correspondents regarding the early shipment of
gold in payment of the French Government's share
of the Anglo-French loan which matured in October,
but this radiant assumption, so far as France is concerned, cannot materialize for some time.
Germany is still in a state of chronic industrial
depression and, in all probability, will be till the
complete elimination of the present ruling class, and
the adoption of something approaching the Russian
standard in politics and industry. The resumption
of production is proceeding slowly, and so badly
has the industrial gearing been shattered that even
in those industries where a larger number of workers are employed, the output is still very far below
pre-war mark.
It is usual to look upon Germany as a commercial
upstart of one generation. On the contrary, German influence has been felt in international trade
for a full century. "Soil und haben," a business
novel, written nearly seventy years ago, reveals
that, even then, Germany was no amateur in a commercial sense. The house of "Schroeter" Avas typical of many business establishments, employing
large staffs proficient in language, geography and
history, and especially equipped Avith a knowledge
of the habits and customs of foreign customers, particularly those of South America, Africa, and the
Orient, Avhere trading opportunities Avere then being
In the realm of finance, hoAvever, Germany never
Avas a formidable contender for the laurels of Britain. She had no incentive to be. The great natural
resources, supplying materials of all kinds utilized
in the productive process, had to be first developed,
and until the transition Avas completed, Germany
Avould be left in the position of a borrower, while
her commercial competitor, With her own resources
exploited to a high degree, and dependent for raw
material on other parts of the world, Avas holding
the purse strings of Europe.
As for the remaining states, and principalities of
Europe, they can be collectively assembled under
the heading "Closed fflr alterations." A feAV
months ago an emissary appeared in America in the
person of Sir Geo. Paish, noted editor of the London
'Statist," and some authority in the financial Avorld,
to float a "startling" loan of 15 billions of dollars
on behalf of bankrupt Europe. First, the peace conference appraised the crimes committed by the Teutonic Allies at 120 billions of dollars, which they
decided those vandals must pay. The solution of
this paying problem is one of the really humorous
situations emanating from this sordid tragedy. The
only conceivable method by which the debtors could
recompense their debtors Avas by borrowing money
from the recipients of the indemnities and paying
them back out of the funds so borroAved. Funny as
such an adjustment may seem, it is still the only
possible means of settling accounts.
As shown in our last the wealth of the world is
produced Avholly by the Avorking class. These values consist of things good to eat, good to wear, good
to look at, etc., and are consumed as produced. This
Avealth, the result of "matter" and "labor," when
consumed has passed out of existence. There is nothing left to pay for it because anything tangible,
that could be construed as means of payment, Avould
be itself included under the heading of wealth. All
that can remain is a mess of figures, representing
Avhat is gone, and these persist in accumulating until someone with the moral turpitude of the Bolsheviki appears and erases the figures. But this rude
cleaning off the slate destroys nothing of value. It
merely Avipes out charges on posterity, and promises
to pay, which could be burned by the bale Avithout
destroying an atom of Avealth. International commerce is a complicated affair, but international finance, as prepared and presented by bourgeois economists, is doubly confusing. Onr next Avill tell the
story of Sir Geo. Paish and his mission.
J. A. McD.
Labor Defence Fund
Send all money and make all cheques payable to
A. S. Wells, B. C. Federationist, Labor Temple, Vancouver, B. C.
Collection agency for Alberta s A. Broatch, 1203
Eighth Avenue East, Calgary, Alta.
Central Collection Agency: J. Law, Secretary, Defence Fund, Room 1, 530 Main Street, Winnipeg,
..     -T---   .■       ■'■   ."  *   * WESTERN  CLARION
The Science of Socialism
Rent, Interest and Profit—Surplus Value.
WE have seen that the profits which are the aim
and the end of capitalist production of wealth
are the result of the OAvnership of capital, which enables the capitalist to take from his laborers a certain portion of the Avealth which they have produced. The capitalist lives and has his being by
the exploitation of human labor-power, and the appropriation of surplus-value which that human labor
power produces.
But Ave have, for the sake of simplicity, considered
the Cotton King as the individual possessor of all
the industrial process. As a matter of fact the land
and capital of which he has been the controller is
not all his own. The landlord and the money-capitalist must be considered.
Let us re-examine the productive process in the
light of what has gone before. We saw—did we not?
that the Cotton King starts his production of cotton
goods with Money Capital. This represents the
means whereby the Cotton King is enabled to go
into the mart and purchase the raw and incidental
materials and human labor-power with which to start
the process of producing cotton goods. Whence
comes this Money Capital?
We find, in modern society, that we have banks,
insurance companies and similar concerns of commerce whicii are prepared to advance to the Cotton
King a certain sum of money in order that he may
start in the production of cotton goods. That is
to say that these commercial institutions advance
him his Money Capital. Or it may be that he is
able to secure his Money Capital partly from these
institutions and partly from a number of similar
"investors" as himself.
Capital in the form of money plays an increasingly important part in modern capitalism, and the
poAver of the great financial houses such as the Rothschilds is positively enormous.
The point to be remembered is: That the Money
Capital of the Cotton King does not represent his
own investment, but is the financial investment of
These astute business men do not invest their
money in the manufacturing process because they
are in love with cotton or because they desire to see
a greater quantity of cotton goods produced. They
have advanced to the Cottoi. Xing his Money Capital with the idea of securing a portion of the Surplus Value Avhich the King secures from the unpaid
labor-power of his laborers. In other words, they
have lent him the necessary money to start him in
the manufacturing process, with the one and only
idea of securing INTEREST.
The Cotton King, must, therefore ,share a portion
of his Surplus Value with the money-capitalist in the
form of interest. The latter, having lent to the
Cotton King a certain sum of money expects in return not only the sum of money lent, but interest on
that sum each year until the whole debt has been
re-paid. This Interest is paid to him by the Cotton
King, but he can only do so as the result of the
appropriation of the use-values produced by human
labor-power, for which the laborers receive no return. In other words, the Money Capitalist, when
he draws his Interest, draws from the cotton-spinners so much Surplus Value in the form of so much
per cent. Interest on his money.
AVe come, iioav, to the consideration of another factor in the production of finished cotton goods—Rent.
The use of land is essential to the production of
Avealth, and AA'hen the land surface of the world is
the property of landlords, these owners of the soil
and its contents demand and receive a certain por-*
tion of the wealth which is produced by human
labor—a portion of the wealth produced, which is
called Rent.
What is Rent? In what way and by Avhat means
do landlords receive rent?
It is essential that we enter into a short abstract
disquisition upon this subject before we can obtain
a clear answer to these fundamental questions.
Turning to the great political economists of the
last hundred years or so we find that there is a
striking unanimity of opinion upon this point. John
By H. M. Bartholomew.
Stuart Mill says:—
"The rent of land consists of the excess of its return above
the return to the Avorst land in cultivation."
FaAvcett tells us that:
"The rent of land represents the pecuniary value of the
advantage which such land possesses over the worst land in
Marshall declares that;
"The rent of a piece of land is the excess of its produce
over the produce of an adjacent piece of land which would
not be cultivated at all if rent were paid for it."
These definitions are offered by these eminent
economists as an elaboration of the famous definition of rent propounded by their master, Ricardo,
Avho tells us that:—
"Rent is that portion of the produce of the earth which is
paid to the landlord for the use of the original and indestructible powers of the soil."
In the first place, it is clear that the Ricardian
theory of rent deals solely with the rent from agricultural land. It deals with the revenue of the landlord Avho sells the "original and indestructible
powers of the soil." We find, then, that the existence of rent in the Ricardian sense is due to the
private ownership of land.
The farmer who rents "the original" powers of
the soil does so Avith the idea of making a profit. He
does not do all the work himself, it may happen that
a very small portion of the total work of the farm is
performed by himself, for he "hires" laborers to
Avhom he pays wages. To the landlord he pays rent
for his land, to the laborers he pays wages for their
labor-power—the rest is his Profit.
We find then, that rent in the Ricardian sense is
due to:—
(a) Private property in land.
(b) Capitalist production for profit.
(c) Unlimited supply of free and propertyless
But even in the matter of simple agricultural rent
Ricardo's theory of rent does not explain the whole
of the payment made to the landlord. He makes
no allowance for those many and diverse circumstances in modern society which affect the size of
the amount of money paid to the landord in the form
of agricultural rent. Advantages in transportation,
improved machinery, distance from market—these
are the most important factors out of many which
affect the sum of money paid as agricultural rent.
These factors are surely not covered by Ricardo's
bald statement regarding the "original and indestructible powers of the soil?"
Moreover, as hinted above, agricutural rent by no
means covers the whole of competitive rent under
modern capitalism. Deadrents and royalties paid
in mines are a source of much revenue to landlords
today. The investigations of the Coal Mines Commission upon this subject in Great Britain has
thrown a veritable flood of light upon the tremendous sums of money Avhich these royalties divert into
the pockets of those who "toil not neither do they
spni." Here, too, rent arises from a monoply of a
portion of the earth's surface accorded by society
to an individual.
Then Ave come to the rent of land in cities and
great industrial centres. In this we find ourselves
completely outside the "original an dindestructible
powers of the soil" and that the Ricardian theory
of rent does not apply to this huge and ever-increasing toll of the landlord. The prices paid for small
tracts of land in the centres of large towns are simply enormous, the rent charges are tremendous—
surely these sources of revenue cannot be due to the
poAvers of the soil, per se?
These enormous and increasing rent charges are
due to the tendency for the bulk of the Avorld's
population to concentrate within compartively narrow limits, to huddle together in towns, not, as in
the Middle Ages, for protection, but because of the
economic necessities Avhich find their cause in
machine production for profit.
It is natural that the competition for the most
favorable spots within these narrow confines becomes from social causes extraordinarily keen, with
the natural result that the prices which the landlord
can demand for the employment of his land are
enormous. The tremendous price paid for small
plots of land each year are due to the private OAvnership of that land ,and to the capitalist system of
wealth production which everyAvhere obtains.
It will be seen, therefore, that Ricardo's theory of
rent is not Avide enough to cover the whole of the
rent paid in modern capitalist society to the landlords.   Hyndman suggests that:
"Rent of land is that portion of the total revenue Avhich
is paid to the landlord for the use of plots of land after the
average profit embarked in developing such land has been
Needless to say, this is not a perfect definition of
rent, but it is one Avhich covers not only agricultural rent, but all payments made for the use of
It will be seen that Rent is a payment which is
made to the landlord by those who work for the use
of his land. The payment of rent pre-supposes private ownership of land, the possessors of which are
able to demand their own terms for its use. Rent,
in short, is a large portion of the Avealth which has
been produced by human labor-poAver diverted into
the pockets of the possessors of land.
To return, for a brief moment, to our Cotton King
and the production of cotton goods.
We find that he is compelled to either OAvn or rent
portions of land for his factory. If he pays rent for
the ground upon which his factory stands, he must
share a goodly portion of his Surplus Value with
the landlord in the shape of rent. If he buys that
plot of land he includes that in his capital and the
amount of Surplus Value to be produced by the
cotton-spinners is just as great as if the land was the
possession of a landord who is not directly interested in the production of cotton goods.
Our brief analysis of the capitalist method of
wealth production is now complete. We are enabled,
as a result, to understand many and apparently
diverse problems which previously baffled our understanding. We are able to take a bird's-eye view,
so to speak, of the whole of the economic system
prevalent to-day, and to find a solution for that
great and growing problem of discontent with which
Ave dealt in the first article.
To recapitulate:
The possessors of land and of capital are rich,
Avhilst the laborers are poor.
The creation of wealth is consequent upon the
exercise of human labor-poAver to land and capital.
Land and capital are oAvned by landords and capitalists who employ the propertyless laborers for
The laborers can demand no higher terms because
the essentials of Avealth production are the exclusive property of the privileged few.
The laborers, Avho receive wages, work upon the
land, and with the capital of the landlord and the
capitalist, and the articles Avhich they produce, are
the property of the landlord and the capitalist.
Into these articles they have embodied a greater
quantum of value than they have received in the
form of wages, and Avhen these commodities are
sold they yield to the landlord and the capitalist
Rent, Interest and Profit.
The laborers are poor because they are deprived
of a considerable portion of the total wealth which
they produce.
The landlord and the capitalist are rich because,
they are enabled, as the owners of land and capital,
to take a very considerable portion of the wealth
produced by the propertyless laborers and call it
Rent, Interest and Profit.
We find, then, that modern society is divided by
a great economic gulf. On the one hand are the few
who are as drones in the human hive, who by virtue
of their ownership of the means of wealth production are enabled to oavu a considerable share of the
total wealth of the world; on the other hand the
great mass oJ! propertyless Avorkers Avho toil early
and late for a bare pittance. This relentless and implacable class warfare continues and grows in bitterness, and it is criminal folly to expect that the social
reforming of this or that manifestation of its evils
will land us any 'forader. Not by bandaging limbs
and digging graves can we remedy matters; it is
only when we STOP THE WARFARE ITSELF that
we shall have done something substantial along the
line of economic and social progress.
Next Article: The Nemesis of Nations. PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A  Journal   of  History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published twice a  month by th« Socialist Party of
Canada, 401 Peuder Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland 2583.
Editor ,»  Ewen MacLeod
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Famine and human distress are usually the parents of revolutions. The German revolution of 1918
established a republic. Avith perhaps a little hope
engendered that the Allies Avould more generously
treat with a government clothed in democratic
draperies. The terms of the peace treaty and recent
events have demonstrated the relentlessness of the
Allies in pursuit of their objective.
The much adArertized disagreement between
France and Britain over the French advance East
of the Rhine Avill not develop into a very serious
rupture; indeed, if our masters' need arises British
troops will share in the occupation of that region,
and the objective Avill be the maintenance of the
capitalist order to suit their needs.
The lesson read to the proletariat by their rulers
is becoming well understood. The Jacobin "aa-UI of
the people" of '93 found a neAv expression through
the Communards in 71; the Bolsheviki in 1917 have
proved their sound understanding of the lesson, and
now the German Avorkingmen give evidence of their
uderstanding of the terms of dictatorship— the dictatorship of the military at the direction of their
capitalist masters—or of themselves—the proletariat.
Every letter that has come to us from the United
States during the past few months has had its postage-stamp cancellation effected by an inked imprint
Avhich directs us to "JOIN THE NAVY." Now, Ave
have no particular choice in navies. If we felt like
joining the naA'y, the U. S. fleet of war canoes
Avould probably suit as Avell as any other, for it's
a perfectly good navy, in spite of the lying testimony of one or the other or all of those inglorious
mud-pilots AA'ho ha\re been so impolite, each to the
other before the U. S. committee of investigation
now sitting.
But in addition to the admonition on those postage-stamps, now comes a leaflet issued from the
Business Proposition from the Navy." It is a statement of fact concerning wages and is directed to
the attention of the impoverished Avage-worker, and
considered from that standpoint anyhow it has
reached an appropriate destination.
After outlining the monetary reward accruing to
the enlisted dupe, it says to the Avage-worker: "It
makes no difference what you are earning,—can you
save anything like the above—under conditions iioav
prevailing?" And it plainly asks, "Hoav much have
you saved." And, of course, this is a Aveighty argument, for if every hefty young male Avho could truthfully ansAver "nothing" should thereupon join the
navy, the entire Avorld's battle fleets and mercantile
marine could never shelter the recruits.
A note of Avarning to the ambitious young man
is contained in this passage: "Do you knoAV—statistics shoAv thta at 65 years of age, 85 per cent, of
the MEN then living are dependent on charity, relatives or children. DO YOU EXPECT THIS?" (The
black face type belongs to the leaflet). ''Do you*
know that at 45 years, 15 per cent, of the males are
dead, 15 per cent, are Avholly or partly dependent,
65 per cent, are still self-supporting, but only 4 per
cent, have saved anything?"
Now, in recent memorable years, we have bashfully resisted persistent and pressing invitations to
tilt a lance against the Kaiser's clattering legions of
ironmongery on the field of battle—invitations
made to us upon the pretext that in so doing we
Avould be protecting small nations and thereby safely
securing the inviolate integrity ol democracy, not
just plainly saving ourselves selfishly from a lingering dearth by starvation.
But Avhile we shall enter no dispute against the
figures presented, Ave have paused to Avonder how
it is that the workers produce the Avorld's requirements in food, clothing and shelter, build the rail-
ways and ships required to transport them, year
by year in ceaseless toil, and still have a monoply
on poverty, with an official prospect of its continuance.
The truth of the matter is that those things are
private property and are for sale—not human use,
are produced for the realization of profit—not to
contribute to human comfort and wellbeing, and as
such are held under the ownership, not of the producers themselves but of their masters, in Avhose
interest a full manned navy is essential and is maintained.
Contributions in our columns on Morocco, Egpyt,
and European affairs generally Avill appear shortly
from the pen of Comrade Leckie, Avhose second article on the "Economic Causes of War," appears in
this issue. His efforts towards Avorking-class education will therefore benefit a larger section than hitherto, for his efforts have been largely confined to
Ottawa, in lectures on economics and history.
# #   * *
The editorial by J. H. in our last issue The German Revolution,  contains two errors: November,
1917, should  read November,  1918,  and January,
1918, should read January, 1919.   This unfortunate
mistake is due to an oversight on our part.
# #   #
We are glad to say that "The Evolution of the
Idea of God," by Grant Allen, will be on hand
shortly, according to advices just received from
Watts & Co., London, Eng. Those who have the
book on order may expect delivery A-ery soon. The
price is 55 cents, post paid.
# #    *
We are glad to announce that the S. P. of C., Hall
and reading room at Smithers, B.C., is noAv C3mplet-
ed and occupied. Any comrades and Avorkers generally, visiting in and around that district are cordially invited to make use of it.
# #   #
Comrades in Alberta and Saskatchewan 'will do
Aveil to note the address of the Alberta and Saskatchewan Provincial Executive Committee, and its
energetic secretary, Comrade John F. Maguire, Box
785, Edmonton, Alberta. Correspondence relative
to the affairs of Locals should be addressed there.
# , #   *
W. Bennett again heads the "Here and Now" list.
From My Notebook.
By H. M. Bartholomew.
A friend of mine has sent me a copy of a religious paper published in New York, which
bears the title "The Golden Age." And when I
opened it, a few facts and figures met my eye in an
article entitled "England's Child Slaves." This is
what this article tells us:—
"It is useless to claim that a child laboring in a factory is
anything less than a slave. . . . The great city of Manchester
boasts 6,000 little workers of seven to fourteen years, including 1,500 girls. Warrington has the distinction of having 700
child slaves. No mill city exists in England -that cannot
point with pride to its hundreds or thousands of these invaluable infants of the industrial and social order. Girls work
twenty-one hours a week for 11 cents, or half a cent an hour.
.... Little boys if eight slave ten and one-half hours a day
for 20 cents."
Such are the inevitable conditions which obtain
in an industrial system which is based upon the
private ownership of land and capital.
In contrast with the above read what Prof W. T.
Goode says about conditions in Soviet Russia. You
will remember that Professor Goode was sent by
the "Manchester Guardian" to investigate conditions in Russia under Bolshevism. His report is
to be found in his recently published book: "Bolshevism At Work," and this is what he says of child
life in Russia to-day:—
"One of the things most carefully impressed upon me just
before leaving Reval was that in Moscow I would find no
children under ten years of age. All younger, I was informed, were dead. The truth is, that both Moscow and all
parts of Russia I visited swarm with young children from
babies in arms upwards, and in no country in the world with
which I am acquainted is so much care and thought lavished
on children by any government as here in Russia. In saying
tnat, I speak with expert knowledge for my life has been spent
in educational work Up to the age of sixteen food and
necessaries are supplied gratis, according to the rate of the
highest category Education is gratuitous, and has been
placed on a footing and planned with a lavishness that bids
fair to cope with the dense ignorance of millions of illiterates."—(The italics are mine).
To make the contrast between child life under
Capitalism and child life under Bolshevism more
striking the reader should secure Professor Goode's
book and read his vivid pen pictures of the lavish
care expended by the People's Government upon the
"citizens of to-morrow." Here is a quotation from
"Bolshevism at Work," which tells us a little of
the great work being done by the Moscow Soviet:—
"There is the provision of seven theatres-iu gardens and
elsewhere, where on Sunday a fternoons, special performances are given free for children only. I went to one in
the Zoological Gardens, where I saw some 2,000 children of
all ages up to fourteen intensely interested in "Uncle Tom's
Cabin." I went among them specially to note their appearance and condition, and came to the conclusion that they
Avould compare favourably with a similar audience of London
I see by the neAvspapers that the new British Ambassador to the United States Is Sir Auckland
Geddes. The representative of the Associated
Press reports Sir Auckland as saying recently that:
"The chief possibility of friction or ill-feeling between the
peoples of the two countries in the near future lies in the
inevitable rivalry between the two because of their paramount
position at the present time as the two greatest commercial
powers in the \vorld."
The truth will out at times! The Socialists have
been telling the people for years that war and the
whole militarist machine are the inevitable products of social production for private gain, but it
is somewhat a departure for an ambassador of "a
great power" to tell the people that international
''friction" arises from trade "rivalry." I wonder
if anyone has given Sir Auckland a copy of "Militarism"?
Some of our heaven-born statesmen seem to be
Avondering why there is so much discontent in the
world at the present time. If they would read the
report of the Women's Municipal League of New
York concerning an investigation into conditions of
home life in tne great metropolis perhaps they would
cease to wonder.   This is what this report says:
"In one block there were 1,050 families, 165 white and 385
colored. Rents were from $18 to $33 in the Phipp's houses
(better houses built by a wealthy philanthropist), and from
$8 to $14 in the old houses- . . . The character of the other
houses varied %vith their owners, but in general they were
old, dark dirty, and not fit for human habitation. A high
grade of cleanliness was not possible in the best of them, and
in the worst there was practically no sanitation. The cellars
were damp and full of rats, the halls Avere not even lighted
by gas jets, the four flats on each floor were served by two
toilets in the hall, the plumbing was old and often out of
repair, so that the air was foul. . . . Physicians attending
cases of illness in the block traced them in many cases to this
filth. . . . These were the homes of the general run of wage-
earners in New York." —(Italics mine).
Such are the conditions which fall to the lot of
the real creator of wealth—the worker. If the reader wishes to contrast this condition of affairs with
those which obtain in the charmed circle of the
"suckers of society," I must refer him to the society
columns of the press.
In a recent copy of the "Labor Leader" I read:—
"Lancashire's luck still holds good.' The latest story is of
a man who secured £32,000 for shares bought for £4. Recent
figures confirm the possibility of this. Springhead, £19 for
30s., shares; Grove Mill £29 given for £5 shares; Brooks and
Doxey, £45 for £10 shares. The Iris Mill, Oldham, has just
paid 200 per cent."
That is enough to make the much lamented Shy-
lock turn green in his grave with envy! It reminds one of that statement made by an Eastern
manufacturer before the Pringle Commission some
time ago: "We are not running onr mill for the
glory of God, or anyonO else." Socialists have told
the workers that for a good many years, but when
the same is told them by a boss who reaps a harvest
of something like one hundred per cent, there is a
chance that the truth will sink in to their dazed
/These capitalists who are reaping this rich and
plentiful harvest seem to be taking a leaf from the
book of wisdom of Omar.lt was the Persian who
"How sweet is mortal Sovaranty!" think some:
Others—"How blest the Paradise to come!"
Ah!   Take the Cash and let the Credit go,
Nor heed the music of a distant drum."
..„--,-.  . _ WESTERN  CLARION
Saving Us
Have you read of the Inter-Church World Movement?
Well, it is a move on the part of the clerical Aving
of capitalism, to cure the Avorld's unrest, by "faith."
In the last week of April, the sharps in charge,
will unite in a universal howl for funds to carry on
the "good work."
We invite your attention closely to this. They
tell us their precious faith can remove mountains
and still they have to beg for funds. They complain that many of heaven's shop stewards exist on
less than $20 a Aveek. So the Lord evidently doesn't
ahvays provide. In their appeal to the faithful
they also assert: "Democracy owes its very life to
• the message of the Master."
Strange again; vividly we recall the colorful
appeals on the war posters alongside the compelling,
distressed Christie draAvn damsel, "Buy a bond
and save Democracy."
The message of the Master was "Love ye one
The message of one of his alleged principal fol-
lojvers, the stenchful Hillis, is: "Put the reds on
a ship of stone with the wrath of God for a gale and
hell for their destination."
So, Ave are moved to ask: "Whose message?
And yet again, we must query: What Master?
And now, we are on the trail. Don't think for a
minute that this bunch of Pharisees are getting
back to first principles. Not much. See who is
behind this carefully organized move to dull the
uplifted sword of Labor. Quite brazenly they tell
us, as though it is a recommendation to our tribe,
that the "financial" editor of the New York Evening Post cabled from London "The world needs a
genuine religious revival," and he added, "this is
the vieAV of hardheaded business men." The same
type that Avere once going to find it easier to go to
hell than heaven on account of their riches, according to the original master.
But noAv-a-days they seem to be the piper calling
the tune. Is that Avhat they mean by THE MESSAGE OP THE MASTER? When the modern Prince
of Bethlehem, Charles SchAvab, passes them the glad
. hand with a "in a strong religious sentiment, lies
the FIRMEST FOUNDATION for OUR civilization." Do you think he doesn't knoAv his best
friends ?
When the President of Princeton University
unbosoms himself thus: "The spirit of Christianity
alone can sucessfully cope with those influences
steadily growing in our country that tend to destroy
our great institutions, both religious and POLITICAL." Sure; "Render unto Caesar the things that
are Caesars."   He's on to his game, isn't he-
And Roger Babson, their economic watch dog,
also gives the "Message of the Master" to the tune
of "For OUR sakes, for OUR children's sake—let
US business men get behind the preachers and the
churches—upon them ultimately the value of all
WE own depends." Oh my, Roger; but for the
Master's sake; when you get BEHIND the preachers, have the good sense to keep out of sight, Other-
Avise, Ave catch on, especially when Hamilton Holt,
editor of the "Independent" fearfully laments
"—Avhen the very foundations of society are rocking Ave need TO STRESS the great moral principles
of Christianity for they alone can save us."
"Slaves obey your masters" we presume he
means by great moral principles, but if they alone
can "save us" (them) it is a poor outlook for
them. Henry Van Dyke enters the lists with this
diplomatic "message from Garcia." "You can protect civilization by laAv. You must reform it by
LOVE—one man at a time."
It would take so long, don't you see, that diplomats and other liars need never worry. Haven't
they been doing that for 2000 years, with occasional
mass lovings and purifyings like the recent attempt
"to make a world fit for heroes to live in?"
HoAvever. let us take heart of hope. They admit
that millions of young people are growing up in
American Avith no religious training at all. Which
helps some.
Besides this interchurch outfit, it appears as
though the Pastor Russel cavorters have some backing from the "Master."   A perfect flood of their
pernicious dope seems to be swamping the land.
And so cunning are they! In one periodical, presumably a review of world events, there Avere columns of admissions regarding the outrageous conditions of labor, and predictions of Socialism, or
some millenium coming very soon now. But,
Some of the devil chasers are quite alarmed over
the ouija board. It must take members with good
solid cash aAvay from the fold4 And most assuredly
it destroys the brain. Numerous cases of insanity
have folloAved its use. A certain rattle-brained,
irresponsible "radical red" in Washington, a school
teacher, one who used to glory in flaunting "Solidarity," "Industrial Worker" before people's gaze,
AArho used to cover his fence Avith chalked inscriptions insulting our aged "Master" King John of
Tarrytown, has recently ceased his ribald work.
Calling on him one day he produced a ouija board
and invited the Avriter to join him in making the
table ansAver his question as to "Avho would make
his coffin." Nothing happened—but arm-ache. He
was puzzled for a Avhile, then said: "Your spiritual
nature has been stunted by your economic views."
"No doubt," I replied, "but at least the views
are scientific." "Oh, but the best scientists in
the Avorld are believers in spiritualism noAv."
"Yes, Avho are they?" "Well, I can't recall their
names, "but he Avent on "the savages who can't read-
or Avrite all believe in spirits, and intuition isv
greater than reason."
All such trashy drivel, from orthodox ritual to
spooky ouija, spell mental degradtion or death. Our
masters are not fools; long ages of experience in
such matters, on the part of all preceding master
elases, have put them wise to this game.
There is no doubt a Avidespread plot to strangle
the groAving mental vigor on the slave's part AA-ith
this paralizing propaganda.
But the "pie in the sky" is losing its glamor, as
Ave surely demonstrate the possibility of getting it
here instead.
It is all a matter of education, till we. have enough
class conscious Avorkers to get it.
F. S. P.
Human Development
We are iioav living in a Avorld of great perplexity.
Human society has once more entered the throes of
a gigantic struggle Avith the forces of retardation.
The battle between progressive elements and static
forces is not neAv. Struggles by men with circumstances created unconsciously beforehand originated
at a very early period in human history. Prehistoric
man, during a long and painful process, built up
step by step the structure that greAv too large for
its shell. The pregnated nucleus of a social system
found its Avomb in the forest when man lived in a
restricted habitat. He Avandered around picking up
in some form .of food what nature provided. By
some method of friction produced in the rubbing
of tAvo sticks together he discovered fire and its
uses for cooking purposes. Man Avas noAv able to
leave the shelter of the forest and dwell along the
banks of rivers and on the shores of the sea coast.
Fish speared in the river by some roughly pointed
implement when cooked along with shell-fish gathered on the sea coast added greatly to the forest
menu. This discovery marked an epoch in human
development. It Avidened man's vision and spurred
him on to higher achievements. The elasticity of
certain kinds of Avood Avhen formd into boAv shape,
held in position by some kind of a thong, gave birth
to the impression of velocity, and the savage, Avhile
backward and feeble in mental ability, invented the
bow and arrow. This invention enabled primitive
peoples to again change their environment by leaving their old surroundings and dwell inland on the
great plains. Wild animals were killed in abundance by the arrows shot from the bow. The flesh
of the animals was used as food. The skins dressed
Avere made into tents and used as a protection
against climatic changes. The hunting life had a
wonderful effect; it developed the idea of higher
social relations. The organization of the gens and
group marriage noAv made its appearance. For the
first time in man's career the idea of some form of
government was found to be necessary to regulate
his actions. Laws at this period were more in the
form of customs and every member of the gens
acknowledged it their bounden duty to follow rules
and customs out to the letter. The gens, phratry
and tribe greAv and developed; progress in inventions and discoveries still prevailed. The process of
making pottery, the Aveaving of baskets and mats
with the fingers, the bark and the dug-out canoe,
the flint-pointed spear and other implements marked
another stage in the building up of the embryo of
the primary social system of human society. The
discovery of iron ore and the invention of the process of making iron, lifted man a step higher in the
social scale. It produced implements of greater
resistance that accomplished feats almost impossible
Avith the softer metals. The discovery of agriculture
and the domestication of animals brought mankind
close to the gates of civilization. Being the greatest
achievement so far, agriculture paved the Avay for
a moraentuous period of further progress. Inventions now came hard and fast. The building of
roads and bridges, reservoirs and irrigating canals,
the shuttle and the crude loom, and last but not
least "Human Slavery." The cultivation of land
and the making of adobe brick for building houses
presupposes a settled life.
The culminating point is reached Avhen man began
to record his thoughts. The art of reading and
writing coupled Avith the development of the idea
of private property in the OAvnership of land and
slaves ended a long and painful primitive communism through all its embroyic stages to the point
AA'here it has become tob large for its shell; and it
must in order to comply with the laws of human
progress burst the shell and give birth to a new
social order.
When Grecian society settled down within walled
cities learning the idea of municipal control, the
Avhole mode of life of the people Avas being changed.
Many of the Greek population were being enslaved
for debt. The survivors in the struggle for property
OAvnership Avere seeking for greater privileges. Members of other gens scattered around the Mediterranean were flocking to Athens and settling down to
city life along with Athenian tribes. The old institutions of primitive communism Avere still being
maintained and as no person outside the Grecian
gens had any say in the management of city affairs,
strife and general dissatisfaction arose.
The improved methods of production and distribution, the rapid increase of human slaves, an improved military system, the seizure of land for debt,
the unquenchable thirst for private gain created a
situation similar to that Avhich modern society faces
today. Things went from bad to worse until society
produced a great law-giver in the name of Solon.
In the year 594 B. C. Solon took the helm. He
divided the classes into' four, endowing them with
certain responsibilities and allowing them votes
according to Avealth and their position in life. The
improvements on propery relations modified conditions but little. Solon, to pacify the restless folk
made concessions, but he still clung tenaciously to
the old form of government adapted to communism
Avhen everything Avas held in common. He lingered
for many years but his "inefficiency to satisfy the
needs of Grecian society proved Solon's downfall.
It required a greater genius than Solon to lift
ancient society from its miserable position and assist
its logical development.
That necessary genius Avas found in Cleisthenes.
Avho succeeded Solon. Cleisthenes had a Avide vision,
a man Avith foresight far in adA^ance of his predecessor. No doubt the whole of the movements of
the Grecian people Avith their economic development
produced the man in the form of the Athenian that
solved the problem by establishing Political Society
based upon territory and property. This ended the
system of primitive communism, which gave birth to
the state and a system of governmnet that still prevails in the world today.
Modern society in every nation of the Avorld. excepting Russia, is striving to modify conditions Avith
the vision of a Solon or a Numa. Present day society
is groaning under a burden that demands a Cleisthenes or a Servius Tullius. It is perfectly evident
and Avidely recognized by Socialists that no individual can take the Avorld out of the abyss that is
threatening to engulf it. The working class as a
whole only can cure the evil.
The Labor College, London
By James Griffiths, South Wales Miners Federation Student.
EDITORS NOTE—The following description of the nature
and origin of the London Labor College has been sent
by Comrade Griffiths in response to a request made to
him Avith that end in view. The curriculum as outlined hereunder should prove interesting to those who
are interested in the systematic education of the working-class.
Its Origin.
STRIKES have played a very significant role in the
development of the British working class movement. Though they often fail to achieve their immediate objective, the experience gained from those
failures has been productive of much good.
Thus out of an obscure strike of compositors in
London was born our only Labor daily paper, '' The
Daily Herald." The nearest approach Ave have to
an industrial union, the National Union of Railway-
men, is the result of the bitter experience gained by
the raihvay Avorkers in the strike of 1911.
It seems, therefore, fitting that the Labor College
should have been born in a strike, as Avell as being
indicative of the mission and character of the College. In order to understand the why and wherefore of the college, it will be an advantage to know
something of Ruskin College, the parent that the
child (The Labor College) has disowned.
Ruskin College was founded by two Americans,
Mr. Walter Vrooman and Dr. Charles Beard at Oxford in 1899.
At the inaugural meeting Mr. Vrooman thus expressed the purpose of the college:
"We shall take young men Avho have been merely
condemning our social institutions and will teach
them how to transform those institutions."
Ruskin College came to be looked upon as a
Labor College; the bulk of the scholarships were
provided by the trade unions, but the trade unions
did not control it. The trade union students desired that Ruskin College should not only be looked
upon by the labor movement as its own college, but
that the movement should also control it. The efforts of the university to draw the college into its
bourgeois arms spurred them to form a Plebs League
with the avowed object of securing that end, viz.,
control by the labor movement. The then Principal,
Mr. Dennis Hird, associated himself with the league
and its object. This brought down on his head the
Avrath of the authorities of the college, and ultimately he was dismissed.
This was the signal for action on the part of the
students, and they Avent on strike. The outcome of
the strike Avas the founding in 1909 of the Labor
College. The objects of the new college were set
forth as being to "train men and women for the industrial, social and political work of the labor movement."
The college has had a very stormy career. The
students, and other friends ,of the cause of independent working-class education, have fought valiantly for it. They carried on a persistent propaganda to get the trade unions to realize the need for
such an institution as an integral part of their activity. In 1914 their efforts met with partial success Avhen the*South Wales Miners' Federation and
the National Union of Raihvaymen decided to jointly own and control the college. Efforts are now being made to get other trade unions to join in the
OAvnership and control of the institution—with every
hope of success.
What Kind of Education Does It Impart?
Tn conformity with the objects of the college, the
curriculum is confined to those subjects that are of
vital importance to the labor movement in its work.
Those objects are officially set forth as "To teach
trade unionists the sciences which afford a penetrating insight into the deepest foundations of society, which disclose the processes by means of Avhich
social structures arise and function, and Avhich,
therefore, provide the enlightening knoAvledge of
those Avays and means to be adopted by the labor
movement for the accomplishment of its historical
• task."
Labor's problems being social problems, the college concentrates upon those social sciences that
serve as a key to the understanding of those problems.
The history taught is the history of labor, a study
of the development of social institutions, of the
means of production at different stages in the evol
ution of industry, leading up to a study of the modern working class movement.
In economics it is decidedly Marxian. It does
not ignore other schools, for the curriculum includes
a course on the history of Economic Theory. It is
important to know the opposing point of view. It
is far more important to have a thorough knowledge
of our OAvn. So, aided by Marx's monumental "Das
Capital," it concentrates on the task of unravelling
the mysteries of the economic structure of capitalism.
Other important subjects are given careful attention. The Science of Understanding (based on
the works of Joseph Dietzgen), Evolution, Sociology,
Economic Geography. Political and municipal questions are all included, Avhile auxiliary subjects such
as English grammar, foreign languages and elocution find a place in its work.
How the Work is Accomplished.
The tAvo chief methods by Avhich the work is done
are residential tuition at the college itself in London, and social science classes in the provinces.
A—Residential Tuition.
The college is situated at Earls Court, in the
south western district of London. There are at
present twenty-seven students in residence. There
is an efficient staff at the head of which is the Principal, Mr. W. W. Craik. It is a tribute to the efficiency of the college that tAvo members of the staff,
including the Principal, are products of its training.
The method folloAved is that of lectures, followed
by questions and discussion. These are followed up
Avith private study and essay writing.
The scholarships are provided by the trade unions,
generally for a two years' course. The fee is £100
for board and tuition.
B—Provincial Classes.
There has been a remarkable development of this
branch of the college activity within recent years.
It is computed that there are over 6,000 students
attending these classes during this present winter.
The subjects taken are mainly, Industrial History
and Economics. Most of the tutors are old students of the college. It would be impossible to estimate the influence of these classes upon the labor
movement in this country. From them are recruited the advanced section, the left wing that
forms the dynamic force of our trade unions and
labor and Socialist organizations.
Such is a brief outline of the work that is being
carried on by the college. There is a remarkable
awakening of interest in independent Avorking class
education in this country. '
The tasks that confront the labor movement are
many and difficult. The greatest need is education. The college exists to meet that need; and it
is fulfilling it right worthily.
BETWEEN the cannibalistic Fuegians of South
America (who also in hard winters as related
by Darwin, killed and ate their old women, when
they spared their more useful dogs' lives), and civilized man, how vast, in command over Nature, is
the difference! It is our perfected Tools and Organization of Production and Distribution that
makes most of this difference for, without the Tool,
man is Nature's Slave, and as the tool becomes perfected the Slavery declines. But, the tool or organization having come into existence, they who have
none, or own tools of antiquated and imperfect nature, become the slaves of those who own the best
tools and organizations Now, the TRUST is that
best and most efficient Tool and Organization. But
until the nation owns the trust, the nation will re
main the slave of the trust. The "Law of Value"
shows that goods are exchanged according to the
amount of labor-power embodied in them and socially necessary for their production. Now the
goods, made and distributed by the operator of Superior Capital, being more numerous and turned
out Avith Less Expenditure of Labor-Power than the
goods turned out and distributed by the operator
of Inferior Capital, are cheaper. They, therefore,
drive the small, inefficient man's goods out of the
market. An outcry arises because the Big Capitalists seek to monopolize the trust for their own exclusive benefit. The small, inefficient, reactionary
capitalists, who are being ground to powder by the
trust's Superior Competition, want to tie up and
hamper the trust, thereby throwing back Civilization. But it is only the Working-Class and those
intelligent enough to support that Class, who aim to
administer and control the whole of the machinery
of wealth-production, so that its benefits may be
enjoyed by all.—'' Progress.''
The Odd Trick
(Concluded from last issue)
The introspective moralists, Christian, Positivist,
or what not, are therefore right when they insist on
the satisfaction of material wants not being regarded as the final end of human life. They are only
wrong in not seeing that until obtained they must
necessarily seem such to the vast majority of men.
The signal failure in history of the doctrine of repression, whether it take the form of the "holiness
of the Christian, or the more plausible "ascetic"
discipline" of the Positivist, after a reign of two
thousand years ought, one would think, to give these
good people pause as to whether repression is, after
all, so conducive to the higher life of man as satisfaction.
The true telos of human life, the "rational activity" of Aristotle, "the beautiful, the good, the
true" of the young man who is taking to literary
composition, may be compared, not to speak it profanely, to the odd trick in whist, Avhich, though it is
the object of the hand to win, yet presupposes the
winning of six other tricks. Now the amateur of
the "goody-goody" morality—the perfectionist of
individual character—thinks to make the odd trick
Avithout having completed his regulation half-dozen.
The Socialist is rather concerned that the human
race as a whole should each and all "make" the
first six tricks, called respectively, good and sufficient food and drink, good housing, good clothing,
fuel, untaxed locomotion, adequate sexual satisfaction, knowing that before these are scared the
"odd," which is the final purpose of the "deal,"
will be impossible. With bad and insufficient food,
with small and squalid dwellings, with scanty and
shoddy clothing, with insufficient firing in cold
weather, and the lack of change, and with inadequate satisfaction of a sexual kind, man may exist;
but he (i.e., the average man) will see nothing but
these things in front of him, his ideal will still be
them and nothing else but them. When once he
possesses them they become a part of his ordinary
life, and he ceases to think about them. His horizon
is then extended. He sees the final purpose of his
life in things of which before he had never dreamed.
Once more, I repeat, let us make no mistake, all
asceticism, all privation, is in itself an unmitigated
evil. It is doubtless true that there are occasions
Avhen it is our duty, living in a period of struggle, to
deprive ourselves, to sacrifice ourselves, for a better
society. But even this deprivation, this sacrifice,
is in itself an evil. It only becomes a good if it is
undergone with the purpose of putting an end to
the sempiternal privation and sacrifice which civilization imposes on the majority of our fellow-creatures. One can well appreciate the sacrifice of ourselves, the men of this generation, when necessary
for the future, in all the respects named; but I confess that did I, like the Christians, the Positivists,
and the sentimental Socialists, such as I understand
Count Tolstoi to represent, believe privation and
sacrifice (even "ascetic discipline") be it in the
most groveling of material matters, to be the permanent lot of Humanity, my ardor in the cause of progress Avould be considerably damped.
One can scarcely conceive the nobler life which
will result from generations of satisfied (rather than
repressed) animal desires, once they are the lot not
of this or that class, but of all. With food, drink,
and other creature comforts to be had for the asking, they will cease to occupy the attention of
human beings to an extent previously unknown in
the world's history. Then for the first time will the
higher aspirations and faculties of man have free
play, the "something more," the "odd" trick, which
is the real goal of human life, will assume a new
character and be pursued with an energy rivaling
that hitherto devoted to personal gain, ambition or
. glory, since the path to these things at least in the
old sense, will have been closed forever. WESTERN   CLARION
THERE is a peculiar disease prevalent at this
present time Avhich might be termed psycho-
phobia. It is a strange malady, finding ready victims
among those possessing wealth and riches in abundance, which said Avealth accrues to them, not through
any undue physical effort in the line of labor on
their part, but by virtue of their owning everything
worth owning, and on which human life depends, or
to use a stereotyped phrase, the machinery of wealth
This class of people, sometimes termed capitalists,
sometimes Captains of Finance, Robbers, Exploiters and Parasites,—all according to one's temperamental outlook or knowledge, are not the only ones
to suffer from the peculiar and distressing malady.
There are others who, due to their position or
manner in which they get their living within this
society, and commonly known as lackeys, flunkeys
and intellectual prostitutes, are ready victims of
this dread malady.
This disease OAves its birth to the origin and rise
of private property, and manifests itself most violently at certain crucial periods in the history of
mankind Avhen ideas in regard to said property and
its ownership come into conflict, leading to a squabble between those Avho own, and those Avho do not,
but are very desirous of possessing.
What hitherto seemed to be a very happy family
suddenly becomes a raging maelstrom of discontent
and strife, and the owners of the family property
develop an acute attack of psychophobia and begin
to bring in repressive measures through their control of the family government, by which instrument
they have held on to their possessions to the detriment of the others.
Eventually the former holder of the property
are ousted from the head of affairs and a new class
takes their place.
After the change has taken place the disease
seems to have died out, but alas! "things are not
Avhat they seem."
The disease so far from being dead has but spread
itself over a larger field, until we have now reached
a period in history where it has again made itself
prominent, not only in certain given localities, but
all over the world, thanks to capitalism.
In the past men have tried to lay this dread
spectre once and for all time. But alas, such was
not to be. In ancient Rome the slaves thought their
only hope lay in the land beyond the sky. After the
fall of Rome, and Avith it the last and greatest empire built upon chattel slavery, feudalism gradually
came into being, and the Catholic Church of Rome
became the head of the family. But after a time
the dread disease of psychophobia began to raise its
ugly head. The vested interests of the church began
to be imperilled.
Under Tonquemada there began a system of fiendish oppression of all those Avho began to express
ideas inimical to the interests of the powers that be,
but although thousands Avere burned at the stake
and thousands more tortured on the rack, the ideas
still persisted in a most exasperating manner. The
gauntlet was eventually throAvn down to the Church
of Rome by Martin Luther and the feudal system
got its knockout delivered to it by the forces of
Oliver Cromwell.
Once again it looked as though the disease Avas
squelched. But no; with its wonderful theosophic-
al nature it has again made its appearance ,but this
time it is doomed to extinction, for we have learned
an awful lot since Oliver and his Ironheads ruled
the roost.
All kinds of doctors arose on the horizon professing to have the remedy to cure or kill the disease.
None could be hailed with success, however, t until
there appeared upon the scene a man of such an inquisitive nature and blest with such deep perceptive
faculties as Avere possessed by none of his forerunners, and very, very few who have followed
since, his name was Karl Marx.
Aided in his work by a most capable assistant,
Frederick Engels, the tAvo soon began to show results.   In 1848 they published their historic "Com
munist Manifesto."
Not content'Avith this, Marx immediately proceeded
to apply his genius to proving that Psychophobia
could be banished once and for all time. In 1859
he published his "Critique of Political Economy,"
a Avork Avhich foreshadowed his crowning achievement, "Das Capital," the first volume of Avhich made
its appearance in 1867. In 1883 Marx died, but the
work in which he was engaged Avas carried on by his
faithful co-worker, F. Engels, Avho saAV to it that
volumes two and three were delivered to the world.
These Avorks are a thorough and complete investigation into what is known as the capitalist system.
Its workings are all laid bare. Tracing it up from
the single commodity, which Marx thoroughly analyses in a most skilful manner, to the complex mechanism of socal production and exchange, he shows
the inherent contradictions contained within a system based upon social production and private ownership of the goods produced by a feAV individuals, who
by virtue of their ownership of the machinery of production not only take what has been socially produced, but are able to control the lives of the producers.
To consolidate their right to the OAvnership of the
means of livelihood they assume control of the state,
and through the power of this organ they are able
to pass laAvs to their own interest, and of course to
the detriment, of the dispossessed class. Whenever
the vested interests of the ruling class are at stake
they usually begin to pass repressive laAArs, which
are carried into effect by the lackeys, flunkeys and
opportunists—spawn of the capitalist system.
Ever since the breakdown of the Russian Empire
under the rule of the Czar, and the coming into
power of the Bolsheviki, the disease of Psychophobia has spread with as great a rapidity as Spanish
flu, and the reason for its spread is not. far to seek.
Nick Lenine and his felloAv Bolshies are trying to
apply the Marxian formula, and that is to destroy
the breeding ground of the disease.
Insofar as Russia goes, they have made a pretty
good job of it. Their success has but served to
scare the capitalists of other countries; so much
so that in America we are getting the full benefit
of their attack. They have arrested Reds throughout the country by the thousands, holding many for
deportation and have deported others.
Just now they have made themselves the object of
ridicule by prohibiting fi\re NeAv York "SloAvcial-
ists" from acting as assemblymen after they have
been regularly and in full compliance with the rules
of "law and order" elected to such positions.
Of course the raid upon the Reds Avas to be expected as they are a political party, and as such in
the campaign for the coming Presidential election
much propaganda could be done, and so to stop any
such possibility, they have resorted to raiding.
A feAV months ago, Canadian Avorkers had a manifestation of Psychophobia. This Avas during and
after the great strike. A feAV individuals have been
made to suffer for the awful crime of being elected
to take charge of affairs while the strike Avas in progress, and to Avhat extent vested interests are Avilling
to go to secure a conviction has been shown by their
attitude in the Winnipeg trial case.
This appearance of Psychophobia can only make
its appearance in a system containing classes of
possessing and dispossessed. It makes itself most
strongly felt just before a vital change is imminent.
Marx has shown us in his works that Ave have
noAv reached a point or mark in man's history where
there are but two classes: A Capitalist class owning
all .and comprising the minority, and a majority dispossessed of everything except their power to labor.
These two classes are rapidly nearing a clash,
Avhich must result in the abolition of all classes.
With the erasing of class distinctions Ave finally
slay the dread spectre—psychophobia.
No, dear reader, Psychophobia is not contained in
a Noah Webster. A short terse definition is "brain
The World Mart
PROFITS, markets, commerce,—commerce, markets, profits—so runs the circle of capitalist
thought, its measure of success, its understanding
of society and its movements. In one breath it is
"democracy" in the next ''markets," unconscious
that the two things are mutually exclusive. Here
the watchword is "freedom,"—to trade—and trading, the objectiA'e disappears. There, a "market,"
—that obtained, becomes an implacable rival. The
identity of capital and labor is our golden text, and
labor bows in unremitting toil, while capital squanders in unremitting exploitation. We are nurtured
on an integrity, that, in practice becomes vice, on
a creed that is a lie, a justice that is plunder, a law
tha.t is slavery, an order cankered with sophistry,
hypocrisy and deceit. In all things, commerce and
contradiction, in all things, their reflex—anarchy
and corruption. Could society assume a lower form,
concept of man be meaner, ethic more ignoble?
But the market.
To secure commercial supremacy, the warring
States incurred enormous debts during the war,
and for the prosecution of the Avar production attained a. new high level of efficiency, exploitation a higher pitch of intensity, while purchasing power declined. Thus
is the magnitude of debt increased. This debt is a
charge against the industry of the future; from that
industry it must be taken, and taken by high-power
The market of the Middle and Far East Avas the
goal of the Bagdad Railway, the protege of the
grand fleet, the inspiration of the Soaring Eagle. Its
territory is vast, its resources untouched, its potentialities unlimited; its peoples innumerable,—alike
it has intoxicated Briton and American, French and
Jap. It lures them with dreams of treasure, dazzles
them with its loveliness,—and conceals from them,
that it is buried in the roots of the rainbow.
The capture of the East, by the Bolsheviki, and its
re-opening to trade, is a fatality to imperial capital.
As a capitalist market the East is gone, because capitalist exploitation is limited by the neAv and higher
life condition of Soviet Russia. Commerce, as it
always does, will become advocate of the new society: the barrage of censorship will be thrown
down; the empirical reality of the social East, confound the falsity of the "democratic West."
The economic ruin of Germany closes the doors
on another market, and the hope of France has perished with the first victory of the proletariat. The
market of the nations is the nations themselves.
With themselves alone can they trade and expand.
But, trading and expanding, they mutually ruin
each other, and the more their necessities invoke
disaster on their rivals, the more inevitable is the
eomon ruin. They can erect trade Avails and barriers, they can make or unmake mandatories and pro-'
tectorates, seize territories and resources, but they
cannot create a market.
Thus Britain and America and Japan, are squarely brought to bay. Their necessities demand a market ; world reality snatches it away. No diplomacy,
however keen, can overreach the pressing urgencies
of their developed social forces; no treachery, however black, obviate the law of their economic. Capitalist production must proceed in terms of its oavu
necessity. Nothing can be produced, nothing consumed, save first it assumes the quality of capital.
Capitalist competition has given place to capitalist
co-operation; individual production to monopolist
production for the effective market. Therefore must
capitalist concentration go on apace, the market
fail, production slacken, and monopoly with its
necessity of dividends, inflated price, and restricted
functioning, come face to • face with the necessity
of society. And in that necessity lies the condition
of social triumph.
Here do the lines converge. And when the chickens come home to roost—when the closing market
tightens the economic screws on production, when
bondholders of all descriptions fail of their interest,
Avhen taxation climbs to new heights, and credit
Avorks its inevitable bankruptcy,—who can doubt
that freedom will whisper new thoughts to the
questioning slave, will open his eyes, at once, to the
grim desert of the past, to the green vales of the
future? B" PAGE EIGHT
In spite of the experiences through which men
have passed during the Great War, the gigantic
proportions of which had the effect of calling forth
a veritable deluge of moral lessons from those specially employed for that purpose, we find the
refining influences of our great purification have
not changed very much the commercial atmosphere
in which we liATe. Commercial succecss is yet the goal
of man's ambition.
Anyone who likes to take the trouble can glance
through our popular magazines and newspapers and
find all sorts of offers, the acceptance of Avhich with
the necessary cash will place them on the highway
to "success." One thing you will notice is insisted
upon. You must "get out of the rut," "cease to
carry a dinner-pail," "get out of the habit of
punching a clock"—in other words, lift yourself out
of the ranks of the Avage earners—become a superintendent, a manager, president or "master of men."
In order to reach your higher plane you must develop personality, become a forceful speaker, and by
giA'ing your "mind" a particular system of exercise,
the world is at your feet to do with it what you
will. "The mind" has become the wonder of the
age—only look around and see some of its latest
products—jazz music, "insipid" journalism, investigations into the H. C. of L. and economics, Christian Science (?), ad nauseum. Now, it is not contended that these exhibitions of the "mind" of the
present generation are the sole legacy we have
received from the much vaunted "discovery" of the
part the "mind" plays in our life. These examples
are simply what we find "dished up" daily for
popular consumption. The diligent and laborious
studies and experiments of the real searchers after
truth have no look in amongst this flood of worthless
piffle. The people don't want to know the truth
about anything in particular except getting on, i.e.,
making money, being "a success." The standard
of success is wealth—"a successful business man"
the living example, par excellence. Of course one
can be successful in other lines, but that only makes
you "interesting" unless the commercial successses
also recognize your outstanding abilities and you
become allied with the "aristocracy of brains." The
association of money and brains is still a peculiar
expression of the Avorkers, and the expression is
often conveyed to one that "money can do anything
It may be noted in passing that one of the chief
reasons for the admiration of the workers outside
of Russia for Lenine and Trotsky is that they have
been able to demonstrate that they are able to handle
the agents of "successful" imperialist business
nations in such a manner that the "wonders" of
wealth do not look so big as they did in 1914. If
some of these admirers would take the trouble to
study some of the writings of these two men instead
of the usual and malicious and often lying reports,
they would discover how it comes that they have
proved such useful "servants" to the working-class
of Russia. (Both Lenine and Trotsky hold important executive positions with the Soviet Government,
and the word "servants" is used here for the special
benefit of those who do not understand what a
Proletarian Dictatorship signifies.
The outstanding personalities, or at least the well
knoAvn individuals Avho are cerdited with being the
"shining lights" in commerce and industry are not
the ones Avho go beyond the shallowest attempts to
explain their success. They are usually very silent
when questioned, or deliver themselves of such hazy
generalizations as to "not watching the clock,"
"having a definite goal in life," "character is the
basis of success," "industry," "perseverance,"
etc., etc. HoAvever, if you cannot find any opening
along these lines you can get comfort in the fact
that probably you may have been born "under a
lucky star," and so confound all these rules of
guidance. Is it any wonder that under the influence
of all these mysterious messages from an unseen
power that the "people" should be continually
hoping for some speedy release from the galling
position of Avage-slavery. Under the present system
it is despicable. Your "friends," who do not Avant
your money but only your "labor-poAver" lament
over the fact that your earning poAver is becoming
so great that they do not now how they are going
to pay you. Those who work Avith their brain in
industry envy the fortunate manual workers—and
they both, the manual and mental workers envy the
great "brains" of those who have evolved the triumphant philosophy of "I should worry;" "Pack
up your troubles;" and "Smile, Smile, Smile."
The measure of "success" from a class conscious
point of view is another question. The success of
a "class" becomes a predominant idea—a social
idea in contrast to the individualistic idea—the idea
of personal success. One of the outstanding features of the commercial idea of "success" is derived
through the competitive system, wherein the individual appeared as the living demonstrtaion of his
superior methods. The development of gigantic industry has in actual fact destroyed this "superior"
individual, but the illusion remains, and whilst some
person has to be the nominal head of any business,
the process by Avhich he arrives there is by no
means always a question of knowledge or ability:
the tradition of the position remains, and the occupant becomes the heir to the glories of the past. A
dying "class" lives on the past and for this reason
keeps alive as long as possible the ideas that are
useful to them. When the capitalists were a rising
class they ridiculed the traditions of feudalism.
The working class—the present rising class—ridicule the outworn traditions of their masters, i.e., the
class conscious Avorkers do. Those who are not class
conscious still sing '' Smile, Smile, Smile,'' especially
Avhen they hear the system creaking under their
"wage demands." Their masters join in the refrain
too, though, in fact, they taught that little song to
their heroes, the majority of whom were workers.
The interests of the capitalists as a "class" are to
develop business on a basis of "profit," and in order
to do this the wages system is necessary. To be a
"success," therefore, under the capitalist system,
you must be prepared tp maintain the interest of
the predominant class. No "system" of success
undermines that idea.
The measure of success from the point of view
of the class-conscious workers becomes a matter of
their class interests. The wages system is not to
their interest. The solution of the problem is the
measure of the success of the working-class, and
the development of the "mind" of the worker is an
important element in the problem. Their minds
have to function on a basis differing from capitalist
education—the problems of "producing for pi*ofit"
are to be substituted by the problems of "producing
for use," an inteligent definite objective of their
own. The practical solution by themselves as a
class—not how much to "one," but how much to
everyone—that is the class-conscious measure of
H. W.
Literature Price List
Communist Manifesto. Single copies, 10c; 25
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The Present Economic System. (Prof. W. A.
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Capitalist Production. (First Nine and 32nd
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Red Europe. (F. Anstey, M.P.). Single copies,
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Evolution of Man. (Prof. Bolsche).. * Single
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The Nature and Uses of Sabotage (Prof. T. Veb-
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Red Heart of Russia.      (Bessie Beattie).     Per
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\Ten Days that Shook the World. (John Reed).
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The Criminal Court Judge, and The Odd Trick
(E. B. Bax). Single copies, 5 cents; per 25 copies,
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Total 29th March to 12th April inclusive, $9.50.
(Continued from Page 1)
difficulty was brought about because the Mexican
Government's neAv Constitution decreed that no foreign trust or syndicate Avas to be alowed to own
and work concessions unless they made a special
covenant to regard themselves as Mexican citizens
insofar as the said property was concerned, and not
to invoke the protection of their own governments
for the protection of this property, under the penalty of forfeiting the said property to the Mexican
nation. This statute, however, has since been modified through outside pressure.
The Liberal papers of 1911 and 1912, like "The
Nation," "Daily Chronicle," and some of the Conservative reviews, attacked Sir Edward Grey's foreign policy, and in fact said it would lead to a great
European war. "The Round Table," a quarterly
review of the politics of the British Empire, of September, 1912, in an article "Australia on Anglo-
, German Relations," says: "The attitude of England
towards Germany in such a position is not altogether creditable; England has treated herself well
in the matter of territory, yet if it is announced
that Germany has acquired territory in the South
Pacific or in South Africa or the West Coast of
Africa, a hoAvl arises from the jingo party that
Germany is acquiring a strategic point which will
command a British colony or trade route. It is idle
for such arguments to be used against the progress
of an expanding nation. The real reason, of course,
is that the British colonies are practically undefended, her trade routes unprotected, and to save
herself the responsibility of their protection she
seems to be striving to hem Germany up in the
North Sea But to try and avoid these problems of defence by bottling Germany up in the North
Sea is folly.    It is like putting a dam against a
rising tide The German danger is from a
Germany concentrated in Europe, Germany dispersed throughout the Avorld is not a dangerous foe,
 The very alliance which Britain joins for
her own protection is an alliance which Germany
for her own protection must smash. There is an
irreconcilable conflict here Avhich must go on piling
armament on armament till the crash comes.'' This
note Avas written in 1912, and yet Lord Rosebery
said it would be fifty years after the war before
we would know its causes. In "The English Review,'-' November, 1917, page 462, Major Stephens
says, "My carefully calculated anticipation proved
true to a day, as did, three years before this monstrous war, my prophecy that the first shot in the
Armageddon would sound on August Bank Holiday,
1914." The Major declares he made this prophecy
in the London Evening Times, November 11th, 1911.
Poor "Henry Dubbs" was told this war was sprung
on us unexpectedly, and yet Britain declared war
on Germany and Lord Haldane, speaking in London, March, 1915, reported "Glasgow Herald" the
22nd, said, "The enemy was dealing in the first
place with a British army, the commander of which,
to my personal intimate knowledge, had been studying the possibilities of a campaign like this for five
years or more." Frederick Banbury, M. P., City of
London, finance representative in the "Weekly
Dispatch," said July 16th, 1916, "So seriously did
I regard the prospects of war that months before it
broke out I considered it prudent to sell some German securities that I held in my possession." It
seems he must have been "in the know" before the
Sarajevo murder.
C. Macdonald, $1.50; following $1 each, A. M.
Davis, J. F. Maguire, L. Voll, P. Frosbi, J. Reid, J.
Pollock, W. Vowles, Alf. May, Bob. Sinclair, W.
McMahon, J. Stevenson, Sam Buch, K. Johnson,
F. A. Evans, M. P. Dougan, W. Miller, Trevor
Maguire, F. D. Hayes, A. P. McCabe, R. H. Cole,
E. P. Wahl, Wm. Morrison, J. Hutton, G. R. Ronald,
J. Guiffrida, S. Berry, M. D. Armstrong, and A. R.
Sinclair; following $2.00 each, K. Dengg, M. Goudie,
N. T. Sachle, A. J. Kivi, C. Martin, Wm. Mulholland,
K. Fulerton and H. Robertson. H. Roberts and C.
W. Springford, $3.00 each; M. Stafford, $4.00; Jas.
Mathre, $8.00; R. 0 McCutcheon, $10; W. Bennett,
Subs, total 29th March to 12th April inclusive,


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