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Western Clarion Jul 1, 1922

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Array i i -s
/     v
JUL -713
A Journal of
Official Organ of
No. 870.
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, JULY 1, 1922.
Conditioning the Job
FOR long and weary years the working class
has struggled for the modification of its working conditions. Age-long it has centred its
activities on the terms on whicii it would yield its
labor-power; on the very intimate questions of hours
and wages, time and overtime, health and safety.
Yet for all the years of its struggles, it has but little
to show in class comfort, class security, class welfare,
and still it is braving the same old adamant questions.   Why the failure? How find success?
These questions are the two aspects of the same
thing—social relationships. The same answer explains both. Fundamentally, a job is access to the
means of life; and the terms of the job are the terms
of social production. The conditions of the job,
therefore, are thc conditions of social organization.
What are those conditions? The relationships of
capital. The relationships of a society, where the
means of life are the private property of one class,
a class which operates them solely ior private advan-
' tage to the exclusion of social needs and interests.
So private advantage dictates the terms of labor,
antf under this class dictation labor toils, not for itself, but for class'privilege; not for society, hut for
private property. Out of this deal the laboring class
acquires the bread of subsistence; the owning class
secures all that is left over. Whether this surplus
is much or little does not concern us. That is a side
issue. Poverty aud Avealth, luxury and degradation,
are the sordid accompaniments of a slave society,
the consideration of which is valueless if it fails to
find the common cause. What does matter is that
the laboring class, in reproducing its own subsist-
once, accomplishes, at least, a like service for the
owning class. Technical progress is but a mere
heightening of the advantages accruing to private
ownership. When thc working class reaches thc
point of asking why it does this, why it works one-
third for itself and two-thirds for the master class,
it will take the final step to controlling the conditions of the job.
Wherefore, then, the why? Why does capital
command labor? Why is labor compelled to produce profit—surplus—in order to reproduce its own
sustenance? And why can no reform obviate its
necessity of so doing? Because capitalist property
right in the means of life is the basis of our social
organization. Because that is the explicit constitution of the society of "law and order." Because
society is directly and specifically organized for exploitation ; for the production of the social necessities of life, through the machinery of profit. The
owning class, owning the means of wealth production, own of nccesity the wealth of production and
so control and direct all social activities, while labor,
OAvning no share in the material means of life but
requiring access to them must, perforce, work on the.
terms specified by capital, i.e., while reproducing its
own keep, must produce profit. And there is no
possibility of reformation in the matter. For, since
tlie capitalist class is organized in the capitalist state
there can be no reform inaugurated which does not
redound to the interest of the capitalist, class. And
for the same reason there can be no "step at a time"
journeying to the Socialist commonwealth. Master
class interests and working class interests are antitheses: the opposite poles of the social sphere. Like
magnetic currents they interglow, each in its own
channel, in the adverse necessities of profit production ; they cannot intermingle in the harmony of social tranquility. When they meet, they conflict, and
when the opposing forces are strong enough, they
produce the irruption, termed in social affairs revolution.
It is true, tho living standards of today are differ-
eiit—are higher, if you will, potentially at least—
from the living standards of yesterday; that nominal Avages have risen, and hours of labor fallen, and
that the life conditions of certain sections of the
Avorkers are far in advance of 100 years ago. But it is
also true that modem life is ruled by more imperious
necessity; that the Avorkers' existence is more precarious than it has ever been; and that the life standards of the working class as a whole have fallen^
and are steadily slipping on thc steepening slopes
of our industrial auvcrnus. If sanitary conditions
have been vastly improved it has been, chiefly, because the lax and haphazard methods of rural communities, threatened Avith plague and disease thc
growing populations of the rising industrial towns,
i.e., the capitalists and their means of wealth; commodity transportation paved the roads and charted
the seas; efficiency lighted the factories and pumped air into th**-mines. Property protection renovated the dark places, electrified the streets, brought
in water systems, conjured the glittering city, to ravish it.And the rivalry of competition burned out the
unfortgettable haunts of young enterprise, to re-
garb them in the diaphanous creations of the great
industry. If safety devices are installed in industrial plants they are there, mainly, not to protect
the life and limb of the slave, but to safeguard the
pocket of thc master. The big topsails of the Avind-
jammer were not split in two lest the struggling
shellback be lurched overboard in a gale, but he-
cause the laboring ship could be quickly double-
reefed,—and rendered safe.
The same force which put the patent coupler on
the American railroads retained the hand system in
the British Isles -cheap production, not the security
of the laborer. Only as an incidental does the labor
class benefit, and at that, partially. -If industrial insurance and benefit schemes find a place on the statute books, they are there,—if operative at all,—because monopoly saw in them a means to crush small
competition. And even so, monopoly throAvs the
onus of thc scheme on thc whole community, as an
added item in the cost of production, and makes additional profit thereon.
if labor agitation can effect adjustments and conciliations, why is it so impotent against thc mass of
unemployment today? If it has reduced working
hours, why do working hours continually fluctuate
thc Avorld over? If craft unions were powerful
enough to accomplish reforms, why did labor lose
everything during the war? Why are they so abject and servile in the grim stagnation of the moment? Why does their vaunted conciliation fail of
its desire? If reform is anything but a mirage of
the steel age, vyhy is the grip of the oligarchy tightening on every hand - famishing all peoples; disrupting every home; prostituting every mortal bond and
human ideal? Why? Because labor reform is a
labor myth; because capitalist conciliation is capitalist exploitation; because capitalist labor is slave
labor, and the fearful anguish of the modern Avorld
is the inevitable fruit of evolved law and order, and
based on the individual right of property in the
means of life. Labor fights capital in the struggle
for existence, as nature struggles in evolution, blindly, without concept, whither it is tending, without
knowledge of its slave status in society. Unions
struggle—-as they must—in the mills of hours and
Avages, as they struggle in the mills of profit,—aa
commodity sellers. As commodity sellers they are
bounded by the horizon of trade interest, and in
trade interest there is hut one freedom—gain. The
reform they clamor for comes only as a climax to individual development, and receives its crown solely
from the interested hands of the ruling class.
Commodity struggles may he necessary struggles,
hut they are not struggles for economic freedom.
They may be the necessity of a trade struggle hut
they are never the terms of a class struggle. In the
class struggle they spell, not power, hut confusion;
not hope, hut prejudice; not class concept, but self-
interest. They are advents of progress; the adventitious progeny of fictitious advantage; hut they must
he subordinated to the understanding of social concepts of social organization. They exist, they aTe
material, they are necessary. Yet, are illusions; productive of no reality; melting away witlh the unsubstantial job. Like the flicker of sunlight on water
they flash between cause and effect, enriching experience only by eliminating the results of that experience. True, they are the derived fruits of capitalist development, landmarks on the road to freedom. But they are also the tumuli of aborted! hopes,
containing, like the cairns of ancient folks, the mouldering relics of cherished delusions. They ore not
the means through which capital is to be abolished,
and they are not the key to the class-conscious knowledge which alone can replace the illusory interests
of reform with the unwavering concepts of revolution.
Capitalist progress is capitalist accumulation.
With that accumulation comes the great monopoly
closing the doors of opportunity, deepening social
destitution and making further social progress an
impossibility. Capitalist private property and social
production are antagonisms, and no reform can ef*-
fect any ameliorating influence on both sides. Property can be secured only at the expense of society;
profit can be obtained only through the degradation
of labor; hours can bc shortened only by heightened
efficiency in production; and wagfes maintained
(relatively) only by closing out everything but technical skill from production. Obviously that is impossible. That is Avhy, in all cases, thc final results
of reformist efforts are a progressive increase of
power to the owning class, and an equally progressive deterioration of the life standards of the working class.
To control the conditions of the job is to own the
^ob. To own the job is to own the means of wealth
production. To own the means of wealth produc-*
tion is to hold the powers of the State. Always
does power vest in OAvnership; ahvays is control in
the hands of possession. There is no side-stepping
on the matter. Forward we must go, be the path
as it may. The full task is the necessary prelude to
the full plate. And as clearly, the last issue is not
reform but revolution: not craft union but class consciousness; not conciliation bnt understanding.
- ^
The Origin of the World
By R. McMillan.
It is all very well to talk about the origin of the
world, but I feel that it will take you a long, long
time to realize how small the world is. "Man is
the measure of all things," said an ancient Greek;
and we are apt to measure the size of the world by
ourselves.   That is why it seem so large.
But man is not the measure of all things. Man
is no more the measure of things than is an ion
or an electron. You know what an atom is, do
you not? An atom used to be thought the very
smallest possible speck of "matter," so small that
it could not be divided, so small that is could not
be seen even under the strongest microscope. An
atom was looked upon as the very smallest speck
in the world. But now, so- great has been the advance of science, we know that an atom of hydrogen
(and that is the lightest gas we know of) contains
700 electrons; and an atom of radium contains 160,-
000 electrons. Why may not an electron be accepted as the measure of all things? If you take an
electron as the standard, a man is huge, a mountain
is colossal; a world is incomprehensibly enormous.
Words would be useless to try and explain how big
the world is compared with an electron.
But if you use space as the measure of all things,
or the star Canopus, then you come to quite a differ*-
ent standpoint. Our world is one million and a
half times smaller than our sun, and our sun is,
possibly, as much smaller than the star Canopus;
and yet the star Canopus is only a tiny bright speck
in the "sky." in space. If you take a great big
map of the world, and find a speck of fly-dirt on it,
and image that to be Canopus, then how will you
find our world, which is a million, million times
smaller? You see, it all depends on your point of
view! But you may take this from me, that our
world is a tiny, tiny, tiny speck of "solid matter,"
whirling round a central blazing sun at the rate of
a thousand miles a minute.
A little while ago I gave a lecture on "The
Origin of the World." Some people objected to
my point of view, but some of the scholars agreed
with it; and one of the criticisms by a clever
University man was that my propositions were the
"commonplaces of science." He was quite right!
The scientific world has known most of my facts
for twenty, or thirty or fifty years; hut they are all
new to you, and to your grandfather, and to most
people. That is our trouble. Scientific knowledge
is confined to a small class, but the great mass of
the people still hold to the ideas and. beliefs of two
thousand or more years ago.
I am only trying to explain to you the "commonplaces" of the scientific world. I am not inventing anything, or telling you what I have discovered myself; hut I am just trying to tell you
what men of science have discovered during recent
years. Science is very young and very feeble as
yet; but it is growing stronger and clearer, and more
confident every day. Science is a very promising
baby indeed, and when it grows up we will know
what sort of a world we live in. And Avhen Ave
are wiser we. will also be better, for knowledge
means virtue. One of old said: "Ye shall know the
truth, and the truth shall make you free." Science
means truth.
Having said so much (and hoping that you understand in some small way what a little world this
is), I now go back to where we left off, when the
tiny world was cooling and hardening, and the
"great" oceans of warm water were fairly still.
You notice that I put the word great in quotation
marks. I did that because I want you to understand that the world is not really great. If you
take an orange in your hand and look at the skin.
you will see that it is not quite smooth. There are
tiny holes all over it.   Those holes in the skin of the
orange are deeper than our oceans, compared with
the size of the earth. So you see we are discussing
a very small world.
When the warm seas Avere fairly at rest all the
gases and atoms and electrons entered into various
combinations, and the oxygen and hydrogen, and
nitrogen, and carbon, and phosphorus made weird
and wonderful jellies, and slimy masses, which
quivered and shone in the warm seas. How long did
the warm seas exist while these combinations were
being made? Nobody knows! Time was not. Time
is not a real thing. Years are only a human invention. It took ages and ages, and finally there
arose from these gaseous unions a tiny spot of
jelly, which grew from within instead of from Avithout.
Crystals groAV from without. The pyramids of
Egypt grew by piling one cut stone on another.
Men build things, but the jelly in the warm seas
grew. You never thought about the miracle of
growth, did you? When I put a bean into the
earth, and leave it there for the sun to warm it, and
tlie rain to moisten it, and the soil to nurse it, all
through the dark nights and the sunny days, do
you know what happens? Xt grows! The bean decays and turns black, and dies; but out from the
heart of the dead bean comes a little white shoot.
This forces its way through the soil, turns green at
the sight of the sun, grows up and up towards the
sky, and in time produces more beans for men and
for horses to eat.
But what made it grow ? How did sun and rain
and soil unite to make that little bean grow into a
whole lot of beans? I do not know, child. Nobody
knows. Tt is all the "law of growth." Life and
death, growth and reproduction, are all manifestations of the Ibavs of nature, which are beyond human
comprehension; but we are now learning the laws of
growth, and we are getting better crops and more
wonderful results all the time; and men like Luther
Burbank are finding out more marvellous things
every day, and—so the world grows wiser, as it
comes to understand the laws of nature.
In the shallow pools of earth, in the deep oceans
of the world, in the quiet warm waters of the dark,
steamy, hot earth, these laws of growth were at
Avork, ahvays and for ever the same. They gave
us jelly forms which grew; and that was the beginning of life on the globe. That was tihe origin of
life. Just the same as the origin of the globe! All
so simple, simple as winding a watch, but quite as
mysterious. We know what force and energy and
electricity are only by what they do. We know life
and matter and motion only by their manifestations. Yes, you say; but the origin of life is very
mysterious. So it is, my child; but not more mysterious than the groAvth of a seed in your garden. Not
more mysterious than the ray of sunshine that flickers across your room and shows the motes in tho
.air as it gleams before your eyes. You are living in
a world of mystery, Avhere nothing is really comprehensible. We are living in a marvellous, incomprehensible miracle-world; but people will insist
upon it being "common" and "unclean." Do you
not ever think such things, for this is a beautiful,
mysterious, fascinating world we live in; and the
men to whom a vision of its secrets is given are
counted as being wild, or wicked, and the crowd
will not hearken unto them. We had a poet once
Avho had this vision of things, and he sang of them,
and was flouted by the rabble. This was one verse of
his song, and it is true:—
We who are god-like now were once a mass
Of quivering purple, flecked with bars of gold;
Unsentient or of joy or misery,
And tossed in terrible tangles of some wild and
wind-swept sea.
TT has never been a secret to Marxists that the
politics of any period coincides with the econ-
•*— oinic conditions of that period and that it has
been the custom of the politicians to ascribe the
numerous crises or panics to the incompetency of
the administration in power, but it seems to be the
peculiar function of the Rochester "Herald" to pull
thc capitalistic cats out of the bag and hold them
up to public view.
In the edition of June 23, 1922 is the following
under the heading   "Some   Hoary   Propaganda."
It is frequently stated that the effects of a tariff law
are never as beneficent as its friends assert nor as injurious as its enemies avow. Every one is familiar wlith
the old-time claim that a panic has followed eveiry downward revision of the tariff and tbat a business boom has
come after every upward revision. To discuss this today
is like threshing old straw, but sine© th© recent uipward
trend in' business is occasionally being ascribed to the effect of a prospective high tariff law, some passing remarks
on this topic may not be inappropriate.
The alleged connection between tariffs and panics has
never had any standing among economists, whether they
were high-tariff men or free traders. Those who try to
set up such a connection mak© out a bad case for protection. The last two disastrous panics in this country
oocured under a high tariff regime. The panic of 1907 occurred under the Plngley Act, and afflter that law had been
in full effect for ten years. Moreover, there was not at
the time any immediate downward revision of the rates.
The earlier panic of 1893 came after the McKinley Act
with its high rates had been on the statute books for three
years. In 1920-21, under the present low tariff act, the
country went through the most trying period of financial
readjustment in its history without any panic. Now,
these facts only establish a negative conclusion, and that
is that panics have come and gone, but the tariff has no
connection with them whatever. No reputable economist
or business statistician today attributes any of the recent
improvement to the prospects held out by the new tariff
There you have it. The Democratic party in
trying to rake the coals from under the boiler of tho
Republican party spills the fat into the fire and
thereby confirms the contention of the Marxists,
that is that the question of high tariff or low tariff
is no concern of the worker. That it makes no difference what the capitalist has to pay for the means
by which they exploit the workers neither does it
matter to the worker what it costs to market tho
commodities of which they exploit them. The only
concern of the worker is to put a stop to the exploitation itself.
That the capitalist press even acknowledges
this fact is very significant. It denotes that the
doping effect of more bromide has reached its physiological limit.
Tikhon, patriarch of the Russian church, has resigned under pressure by his own clergy. His vigorous political activity and his active opposition to
requisition of church treasure for famine relief
brought such a storm upon his head that he abdicated. A conclave to be held in August will determine whether he shall be tried by an ecclesiastical
court for his acts, and Avill also rule upon the
changes in ritual, including substitution of modern
Russian for ancient Slavonic in the church services,
Avhich are demanded by many of Tikhon's opponents
Avithin the church. In view of the recorded facts in
the case, and of the outspoken criticism of leading
Russian church officials, it is almost amusing to find
Bishop Manning and other American and English
churchmen aroused and bitterly protesting because
the Soviet Government has called Tikhon before the
Supreme Revolutionary Tribunal to answer for his
deeds. He is charged with having drafted an appeal to the priests which resulted in more than a
thousand bloody riots and the loss of several lives.
Eight priests who led in these riots were sentenced
to death in early May; theircaseshavebeenappealed
The Tikhon appeal naturally was particularly resented in the famine-stricken regions, profoundly
religious though they are. Bishop Antonius, who
has provisionally succeeded Tikhon, takes the position, that the Soviet Government exists "thanks to
the help of God, without whose help nothing may
take place in the world" and declares opposition to
Tikhon's policy because it "brings bloodshed, contrary to the desires of religion."—"Nation" (N. Y.) WESTERN   CLARION
Current Topics : the European*Tangle
Article 5: BY ROBERT KIRK.
A Summary of Previous Articles.
HE "Allied" nations in 1920 decided to make
Germany pay the equivalent of 56-/2 billion
dollars in goods and gold divided into periods
covering 42 years. This after taking away from her
Slesvig and lipped Silesia besides breaking up into
many "independent" republics the countries of Austria-Hungary, who were in reality vassals to Germany. So aiming to destroy not only the military
and political poAver of Germany but her commercial power as well.
Having succeeded in this wise to reduce Germany to economic servitude, Britain and France
arc now opposed to each other on the question of
reparations, and a bitter jealousy is growing Avhile
they exercise their imperial powers in new fields of
Britain, because her manufacturers can not produce goods on equal terms with the Germans,—the
cost of production of the latter being much less
than that of the former,—considers German reparations to be "sour grapes."
On the other hand, France considers1 these goods
to be the most delectable of morsels she has indulged
in for decades. This, because her industries differ
widely in character from those of either Germany
or Britain, so that she is enabled to dispose of these
without any injury to her own industries.
Instead of breaking the industrial power of Gen
many, as the Versailles treaty was so intended to
do, the "allied" nations have forced Germany to
concentrate this power within a smaller geogra-t
phical area. Thus making her a-s dangerous a
commercial rival in 1922 as she was in 1914.
*       •       •       •
So far I. have contented myself by stating such
facts as Avould be familiar to the reader, my intention uoav is to use these in an argumentative fashion.
Should Britain, by some chance occurrence, succeed
in abrogating this treaty, or, at least in reducing
the amount of indemnities to a figure well within the
compass of Germany to fulfil; what then? Would
such a change help the manufacturers of Britain, in
view of recent developments in German industries
and transportation, to recapture the European market? Whatever hopes these folks may have, the
financiers of the country do not share in them, for
capital is constantly being diverted from British
industries to countries overseas, to Australia, Canada and New Zealand, India, Egypt and Africa. If
there Avas room for expansion, a possibility of profits
from fresh investments, improved machinery in alf
ready existing industries, the capitalists of the country would speculate in this field. Instead, we find
such astute labor-skinners as the soap-boilers of
Port Sunlight opening huge plants in Cltiina, a
tacit admission that there is no room for expansion
in England. A cursory survey of her natural resources is sufficient for observant people to see that
Britain can never again become the "workshop of
the Avorld."
But repeal of the treaty or, failing this, a reduction of the sum of reparations would leave Britain
with not only a dangerous commercial rival in Germany, but a more implacable foe in France—unless
France was compensated for the loss of reparations,
some squaring of debts between herself and America and Britain, not to mention many alternate
proposals France could very logically make. Yet,
without a reconciliation of the many conflicting interests between hersrlf and Britain and Germany,
she could use the military and political power, which
she undoubtedly possesses in Europe, and near eastern countries, to stir up more trouble in India and
in Egypt, than Britain is ever likely to handle—
Avith that success which has attended many of her
activities up to date—Gambler's luck. And in view
of recent happenings throughout Egypt and India,
the simile is not altogether inapt.
While many schemes have been submitted for the
reduction of indemnities not a single one has touched
at the roots of this Franco-German problem. The
exigency of the present occasion may induce the
British government to offer many, more or less,
plausible proposals to settle these differences, but
the possibility of achieving any satisfactory solution is, indeed, remote. British propaganda in the
United States since 1920 has left the political mind
of the country unimpressed by British needs, or the
needs of Europe, so that little encouragement or assistance can be expected from this quarter. And
yet without any concurrence on the part of America
to bring about some kind of satisfactory agreement
in this problem, either in regard to cancellation of
all debts between herself and France, any offer of
Britain's along this line will simply add to the losses
of her capitalist class. And to force Germany to reconstruct France, in the way most desirable by
France,—that is, by payment of gold,—will simply
increase the problem of stabilizing currencies, by
forcing Germany to once again start her printing
machines producing more "promis)e-to-pay" bills
in order to purchase gold. But we can dismiss this
matter without further ado, as something for the
capitalist class to wrangle over until the Avorld is
involved in another war.
You will remember, I hinted at the start of this
discussion that there was more than, one obstacle in
the road of the "peacemakers." Oil is one of these.
This innocent disturber of the -world's peace has lain,
quiescent under a thick coverlet of the earth till yesterday, when the necessities of trade discovered in
it a use-value greater than gold. It will be the
motive-poAver of future merchant fleets and navies
of the air. At present, its chief use is to reduce the
cost of labor-power in the carrying trade of nations
who control the source of oil.
The reader should keep in mind the immense
quantity of coal consumed on a big Cunarder, or a
White Star liner, on a trip between Liverpool and
New York, or on all the big merchant and passenger
ships plying for trade between countries; and the
number of men required to dig this coal for one
trip or all the trips made in a year, together with
the number of railroad "hands" required to convey
this eoal to ports, to be loaded into the bunkers by
another army of dockworkers. Then add to these
the number of trimmers and stokers required to
keep up steam on these ships on their voyages.
Imagine now what happens when this vast amount
of labor-power is turned loose, displaced by the use
of oil! But what happens is no concern of transport companies; their main concern being to reduce
the cost of operations, in order to reduce the cost of
This oil is not found in Britain, yet her merchant
fleet is the largest in the world. Nor is it found in
many countries, yet all countries employ ships,
either on the seas or in river traffic. And vvhen you
understand that whatever gives one country an advantage over another in competing for trade is
quickly adopted by all you know the cause of the
present scramble for oil.
Just before the curtain fell on the farce staged
in Genoa, the newspapers splashed "Oil" in big
headlines giving us one brief but sufficient view of
this obstacle preventing the establishment of trade
relations betAveen Soviet Russia and those more
civilized (!) nations.   When:
"The talk of "Germany," of "Russia," of "France," of
"Kngland," and of their political spokesmen faded; instead the excited correspondents cabled columns about the
"Royal Dutch," the "Shell," the "Anglo-Persian," and the
"Standard Oil."    The great oil companies assumed the
centre of the stage; the politicians appeared -plainly aa the
puppets; for a day or two we were even permitted to
read the names of the men who pull the strings.
"The 'Shell Transport' had negotiated a contract for exclusive sale of the Russian oil product. Or perhaps it was
for only half the Russian oil; and perhaps the contract
had been drawn up but not signed; or perhaps it had
been signed in January. Accounts differed; open diplomacy does not yet apply to these fundamental negotiations.
Everybody denied something or other; but the denials
sometimes conflicted. Colonel H. W. Boyle, representing
the Shell interests, admitted that he had just returned
from Russia and the Caucasus, that he had negotiated with
Krassin about oil in January, and that he had mentioned
oil in casual conversations with Krassin art Genoa.
"That was enough to set the world afire. Barthou was
recalled to Paris; "Belgium" playing catapaw for "France,"
refused to accept the British draft of a joint note to
Russia, and that British draft suddenly appeared in a
siharp and sinister light. The abstract discussion of
Russian recognition of property rights became concrete.
An obscure phrase declaring that while foreign-owned
properties must be returned to foreign owners wherever
possible restitution was not compulsory ln the event that
' exploitation of property cannot be assured except by incorporating it in a general group" suddenly assumed form
as meaning' that the small Belgian and French holders of
oil properties in the Caucasian fields would be squeezed
out and the big British firms would get their property.
Many innocent sounding diplomatic phrases have some
such meaning, but the public seldom learns what it is."
Kxcerpt from article, "The Diplomatic Smell of Oil," ln
the "Nation" May 17, 1922.
I have no desire to take the reader back into history in order to show him or her how necessity for
fertile plains and valleys, gold and silver, coal and
iron, has been the most fruitful cause of wars. But,
if such a one is inclined to think that oil, a prime
necessity today, in the age of enlightment will neve*
cause another war, let such remember Mexico.
That I am not exaggerating the importance of oil
the reader may learn from the following news clipping from the "Vancouver Province" of June 19,
London, June 19.—There is every indication from subsurface rumors that are cropping out that events of far-
reaching Importance in the oil world He behind; the recent
acquisition of approximately $28,000,000 worth of stock
in the Shell Oil Company by British interests. One fact
is that it puts English capital in such a position as to
have its fingers in more than half of the existing distributing agencies for oil in the eastern hemisphere.
Hitherto the division has been about equal among the
Anglo-American, representing the Standard Oil Company;
the Royal Dutch and Shell groups, representing Holland;
and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, which Is purely British in character.
Recent Purchases.
Recent purchases have given English capital control of
the Shell group, Avhich, in turn, is controlled by the Royal
Dutch, so that Holland has not been eliminated, even
though British interests have been advanced.
The faot remains, however, that the Shell Company has
been tlie most active industrial factor in the Royal Dutch
Oil Company and through this transfer of stock English
capital Avill be able to array the Anglo-Persian and Shell
companies against the Anglo-American If lt so desires.
Building Refinery.
At tho sam-3 time, the Anglo-Persian company, the
majority of whose ordinary shares are owned by the
British Government, is constructing a refinery ln England,
six thousand miles from its source of supply, which will
enable it to produce enough gasoline to meet half or more
of the English demand.
Men interested in oil say that such activity on the part
of British capital can only mean two things, either actual
competition for European markets with a real oil fight in
"••respect or some form of agreement along the several
But, besides oil there is still another obstacle:
There are vast sums of capital for reinvestment in
profitable exploitation and only an extremely small
area to be still exploited. This will take us into
new fields: the near and far Bast, which Ave Avill explore in the next issue of the "Clarion." PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A lawmal tf HUtory, ■oonomles, PMlostfky,
aad Current Brents.
PnMfsksi twies a aontk by the Socialist Party of
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
at ©. P. O. as a aswspapsr.
. Bwen MacLeod
SO i
i*mou __..	
****** tt tkb amber it ea ysnr address label year
K71 nbi«rif*doa expiree with aezt israe. Beaew
w ■ ■   prwnptly.
VANCOUVER, B. C, JULY 1, 1922.
WE promised in last issue to print Comrade
Mrs. Director's letter registering a friendly kick against Comrad Kirk's representation of Prance as the Jew of Europe ( see Clarion,
May lst), and here it is:—
Prince Rupert, B. C, May 22, 1922.
Editor of the "Clarion"' Vancouver.
Dear Sir:
In the "Clarion" of the lst inst. I find in the front page
article called "The Genoa Conference" by Root. Kirk, the
following sentence, "But in this latest picture, France
appears as the Jew of Europe, stoutly defending the tenets
of Shylock," to which I take exception.
I pjlways (understood that socialists stood/ for the
•brotherhood of man, irrespective of color, race or creed
and am disappointed to find such an instance of petty
prejudice ln a paper of tihe standing of the "Clarion",
Tlie Jews have suffered through the ages from ignorance and prejudice, and it is too bad that the "Clarion"
helps it along.
Your paper, which is as well thought of in Europe as
in America, and is looked up to by radicals of all nationalities as a paper which is broad-minded and fearless enough
to tell the truth at all times, will not add to its reputation
by slamming a whole race.
As you well know, many ignorant people reading the
article in question, and glad to hear something nasty
about the Jews, Will say to themselvees and others, "I
was always told the Jews were Shylocks; it must be so if
such a radical paper says so."
Also, remember that Quite a lot of radicals are of
Jewish birth and these will think that here was one paper
that they did not expect such prejudice from, and it. will
be a disappointment to them to find that the "Clarion" is
the same as any bourgeois paper, ready to print something
that will appeal to the sentiments of the mob.
I am one of the charter members of theiS. P. of C. here,
also am of Jewish birth, and as such, I cannot begin to tell
you the trouible and mlseiry such expressions as these
cause the Jews.
It is because I want to be able to say to my friends
truthfully, that here are, at last, people who judge human
beings as people, and not as Jews, Christians, Mohammed-
ians, etc., that I am sending this protest to you and hope
that you will not allow anything like this to bet printed in
the "Clarion" again.
Before I close may I be permitted to say that I enjoy
reading the "Clarion" very much, and would not miss an
issue for anything.
Yours sincerely,
(Mrs.) H. Director.
Now, since Kirk is at the present moment out in
the wilds working in "the pit" at the head end of
a steam shovel and is, besides, under the unfavorable circumstances and surroundings usual to liter-
i'.ry composition in camp life diagnosing in his customary, systematic manner the sickness of world
capitalism- (see "Current Topics") we may proceed
to an examination of Mrs. Director's letter and
make our peace, if we can.
We take it that it will be recognized by all and
sundry, and the statement accepted at once, that in
the family of wage workers we hold no prejudice as
between JeAV and Gentile whatsoever. But, if we
err in citing Shylock as the most outstanding example of usurious greed and revenge that presents itself in the Avorld of literature Ave err in good company. Tradition is deep rooted, and habits and customs form themselves and concepts survive today
which had their origin centuries before and which,
mainly, best fitted the time in Avhich they found general acceptance.   At the same time, particularly apt
illustrations that might have been applied to conditions and to relationships in industry, to family life,
religious creeds, trading ethics and so forth of days
gone by, are still commonly used with an everyday
application. True it is that ten percent, wrung
from any borroAver by a Gentile is no pleasanter to
think about than ten per cent, extracted by a JeAV,
and to a wage Avorker the terms of employment and
the burden of his misery are lightened none by the
fact that his master may. be an ordinary Christian.
As Shylock himself says:
1 am a Jew. Hath not- a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew
hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions?
Fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means,
warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer as
a Christian is? If you prick us do we not bleed? If you
tickle us do we not iaugh? If you poison us do we not die?
And if you wrong ua, shall Ave not revenue? If we are like
you in the rest we will resemble you in that. If a Jew
wrong a Christian, what is his humility? Revenge. If a
Christian wrong a Jew, what should his suffering be by
Christian example? Why, revenge. The villamy you teach
me I will execute; and it shall go hard but I will better the
instruction.—(The Merchant of Venice)
-That passage, by the way, at the present time
Avould have an appropriate setting applied to the
negro race in the Southern States.
But, in spite of the fact that the Jew thus clearly
identifies himself with his Gentile brethren, the Shylock of Shakespeare still persists in appearing where
an illustration has to be draAvn of acquisitiveness,
commercial cunning or revenge. Trotsky, himself a
.lew, in his book "Our Revolution," quotes Antonio's stricture on Shylock's cunning: "The devil can
cite scripture for his purpose." And Marx, also a
.lew, illustrates the unctious legality of the developing system of credits by quoting the adamant Shylock: "I stay here on my bond." ("Critique," p.
An enquiry into the development of usury will reveal .the reason for all this. Marx (quoting Hard-
castle) says: "JeAvs, Lombards, usurers and bloodsuckers were our first bankers, our original bank
sharks, their character being such as to be called al-
most infamous .... They "were joined by the London goldsmiths. On the whole .... our original
bankers Avere a very bad croAvd, they were greedy
usurers, stony hearted vampires." ("Capital," vol.
3, p. 718).
Now, quite obviously, it Avill not do to accuse
Marx of race prejudice, and Kirk's reference to
France clothed in the garb of Shylock is clearly applicable, the more so, indeed, since revenge was of
as much importance in the case of Shylock (follow-
Shakespeare's story) as his precious ducats. And to
show Marx's impartiality avc may quote him again,
("Capital," vol. 1, p. 113): 'I knoAv nothing of a
man by knoAving that his name is Jacob."
If there are any observable differences in racial
characteristics they are readily subordinated and
regulated in their expression under the general stress
of working conditions in modern industry. The
alarm clock and steam whistle play the same tune in
the ears of all Avage Avorkers from whatever source
they derive and, so far as we have observed, with
equal effect.
So now, just to be cheery and holding the tenets
of tradition in disdain, the editor confesses (in confidence) that he is himself a Scotchman.
And so to press!
COURTESY month has almost floAvn, and its
impression on the "Clarion" cash columns, as
will be seen by these totals, has been but
slight. Now we are celebrating Dominion Day for,
as all good and well governed Canadians know,
July 1 first came to be an important day in the year
1867, when the fathers of Confederation held their
politieal prayer meeting and bequeathed to a liberty loving people the British North America Act.
Such kindness having been enacted so long ago it
must surely be that large sections of the populace
have now prospered to the extent of one loose dollar, by the reckless expenditure of which they may
learn something of the real and actual political
boundary affecting their status Avherever they may
hang their working cap.
Which means to say that the importance of Sir
-lohn A. MacDonald is as nothing compared with
that of a •'Clarion" subscriber.
FolloAving, $1 each—J. G. Meldrum. Geo. Paton,
S. Arrowsmith, And. Larsen, W. Grayson, J. Ramsay, J. Parnell (per W. A. P.), Wm. Braes, T. B.
Miles, G. Wrpcker, W. B. Durham, A. Tarshis, C. F.
Orchard, W. Miller, A. Jankoff, W. Mitchell, E.
Simpson, W. A. Alexander, F. Smirifitt (per J.
Marshall), John Macintosh.
R. Sinclear, 50 cents; R. C. Mutch, $1.25; C. Macdonald, $2.; J. W. Rosmtcr, $5; H. G. Mingo, $2.
Above, Clarion subscriptions received from 16th
to 28th June, inclusive—total. $30.75.
.J. Parnell (per W. A. P.), $1; Wm. Braies, $1;
from 16th to 28th June, inclusive—total, $2.
Mondays, Thursdays and Saturdays, at 8 p.m.,
at the corner of Carrall and Cordova Streets, Vancouver. These meetings will be carried on throughout the summer months by Local No. 1. Literature
sellers need help, so come along. Ncav and old
speakers will adorn the" soap box.
"You can bet your life Ave'11 use gas" . . .
said Rear-Admiral Sims. . . "Gas, the Rear-Admiral declared, is not the inhuman method of warfare that it generally is believed to be. The general
impression that-the use of gas Avas so inhuman, he
said, Avas caused by Allied propaganda when tho
Germans Avere using it."—Associated Press Dispatch.
We thank the Admiral for his frankness. It is
cheering, if a bit startling, to knoAv that the Germans Avere not really inhuman after all—neither
more nor less Hunnish than we are or shall be. Only
it distresses us a little to have the doughty Admiral
.asperse the uprightness and truthfulness of our
brave Allies—and ourselves. Because knockers and
pacifists might interpret his words to mean that
mendacity Avas practiced in so holy and righteous
a cause. It almost leads one to wonder whether the
un-American critics who said that the Admiral's
tongue wagged too freely had not something on their
side. It would be embarrassing to have him tell us
next that Edith Cavell really Avas technically guilty
under the so-called laws of war or that the Germans
had a case when they sank the Lusitania, or that
submarine warfare was legitimate, or that the invasion of Belgium—but here we draw the line; not
even Admiral Sims would go that far.
—"Nation" (New York)
Manitoba Provincial
Election, 1922
Local (Winnipeg) No. 109, S. P. of C. has
nominated Comrades George Armstrong and
Sidney J. Rose as candidates. Contributions
are needed to meet deposit (Provincial Govt)
fees. These may be sent to the secretary of
Winnipeg Local:—-
P. 0. BOX 2354,
When the Time
COMPARED with what it Avas two or three
years ago, the working class movement is
now in a feeble, disorganized condition. Various explanations are advanced as to how this state
of affairs has come about, all of which are worthy of
consideration. But it does appear strange indeed
that at the time when the workers are feeling the
dominatingd!or/'e of Capital so keenly, they show the
least resistance to it. If it is true that thc revolutionary movement appears at its best only when
trade is brisk and employment is regular, then the
jig is about up so far as a healthy development is
concerned. For there is abundant evidence to hand
showing quite plainly that modern industry, with a
splendid technical equipment at its disposal, will at
the best only find employment for a relatively hi all
number of the working class.
A tremendous increase in unemployment is no
doubtful speculation, it is a certainty. With it must
come also a corresponding increase inv the distribution of surplus values in tbe form of charitable doles,
—or a working class revolt If the ruling class have
learned anything at all during recent years it surely
must be in the ma. ier of dealing with revolting
slaves. Furthermore, they are not above giving the
utmost publicity in the neAvspapers of the character
and effectivenes of their methods; Not that this
matters much, for the Avorking class are so gullible
and indefinite in their methods of thought that they
actually applaud or condone that whicii is nothing
less than cold blooded murder. Recent happenings
in the mining areas of South Africa tell the tale too
well. What happened on the Rand can, and will,
happen in any other place where slaves are found in
rebellion against their masters' dictates. And revolt
they surely will, or degenerate into a state of hopeless, helpless pauperism.
Since the rise to poAver of the bourgeoisie, Capitalism has imposed a heavy burden of suffering upon
the working class; in its declining stages, which we
are iioav enduring, that burden Avill become far heavier and more demoralizing. The present indifference
of Ihe workers towards social and political questions is more in thc nature of mental laziness than
anything else. Where once a fine enthusiasm was
manifested towards those matters touching the interests of the workers, sectionally or as a whole, a
maudlin, slavish sentiment can now be observed.
"We will, be th?*re when-the time comes." is a fre-
quent response lo any attempt made in the way of renewing a dead revolutionary spirit. The statement
is just as foolish as it is vague. The inference, Avould
seem that sometime, somewhere, a decisive showdown vvill be staged between "us" and someone else,
thc outcome of AA'hich will be satisfactory and quite
conclusive. Whoever takes this attitude toAvards the
question of working class emancipation, needs to
seriously review his stock of knoAvledge. As workers and fighters, the wage slaves of modern Capitalism have proved their worth beyond possible doubt.
The chattel slaves, and the men at arms of bygone
ages are in the "pork and bean" class compared with
the men of today. Courage and vitality is not lacking among the working class; iti never was.
But that Avhich is of supreme importance to them
in their struggles against the adverse conditions of
today, is either totally absent, or vague and indefinite in its character at the best. The needful quality
is a class consciousness. A point of view essentially
practical and scientific, Avhich sees in the payment
of wages for a task performed, exploitation pur-- and
simple. This is wage slavery; the fountain source
from which in mighty volume comes that mass of
commodities destined by the very conditions of its
production for sale in a Avorld market, and constituting the Avealth of Modern Society.   But to the
class who pay Avages does that wealth belong. By
legal enactment, backed up by physical force and
the sanction of society, their title to ownership in
the means of life is made effective.
The continual acceptance by the working class of
the system of wage slavery must eventually bring
them face to face Avith a crisis where compromise
will be impossible. By the regular development of
Capitalism, the attempts of the Avorkers involved in
disputes with their masters over the question of declining wages, are doomed to failure. The-recent
outcome of the engineers' strike in England furnishes proof of this. To the class-conscious element in
society there is neither illusion nor desire to compromise one Avith another. One group strives to hold
what it has, by any method which is effective; moral
and sentimental scruples have no weight with'them.
They are the oAvners of capital; Aveak in. numbers,
but in spite of their relative Aveakness they are the
lords of society.
Opposing them is the revolutionary element of thc
working class, also few in numbers but clear in its
demands for freedom from the dictates of capital.
Between the opposing groups, the huge inariticulate
mass of society interposes itself, convulsed in an
effort towards adaptation to a social environment
constantly changing in its complications. The task
to which the revolutionary Avorking class movement
has by circumstance been allotted, consists in spreading among the Avage slaves of capital a knoAvledge
of their real position in life; giving them a correct
understanding of the relations between man and
man under the present social order. By directing
Ihe thought of the Avorking class along the lines of
scientific Socialism, will come a poAver before which
the entire armoury of Capitalist defence Avill not
avail. By class ignorance alone are the Avorkers
kept in servitude to their masters, and by no better
means can that ignorance be dispelled than by the
continued support of the propaganda of revolutionary ideas. Well meant promises to be there when
the "time" comes are valueless. The "time" has
cotiie, and more waiting "will not help one particle.
B'or it is a truth indeed that the working class can
have their freedom whenever they know how to take
and keep it.
To the revolutionist, invitations for support
are unnecessary. As he values himself and desires
to live like a man, so will he aet with his fellows like
a skilled workman, knowing what has to be done,
and how to do it.
The only trouble with the revolutionary movement at present is in being short of revolutionists.
A SKULL probably 25,000 years old Avas discovered in a creek bank on Stanford University
campus recently by Bruce Seymour, an under-gra-
duate student, and Professor Bailey Willis, geologist,
immediately started an investigation as to the
scientific significance of the find.
If brief preliminary examinations are justified
by later exhaustive inspection of the skull and study
of the soil in which it Avas found, it Avill signify,
according to Professor Willis, that California had a
race of men only a jump or tAvo beyond the monkey,
co-incident with the cave man civilization of niid-
While, the Stanford skull may not be that of a
man of the Neanderthal race, Professor Willis states
that it bears a close resemblance to the type and is
certainly the oldest skull ever found on the Pacific
According to Professor Willis a Neanderthal
man lived in one of the periods covered by the transition of the human race from the primitive to the
present stage. The skull suggests the powerful
neck and shoulders and the thick bony cheek ridges
of the primitive man.
Dr. Willis is of the opinion that the skull belonged to one of a tribe of wanderers who came from
Asia while it Avas connected by land with Alaska
and possibly the region further south.
The discovery was made by Seymour in a bank
of the San Francisquito creek near the old Stanford
ri sidence. It was imbedded in a cliff, eight feet be-
Ioav the surface of the ground where it had lain
untouched through centuries until a bit of erosion
brought a fragment of it to Seymour's sight, when
he promptly dug it up.
Indications point to the theory that the skull is
of the same age as that of the Neanderthal, Germany, skull found in the last century and made the
basis of current theories of the earliest civilization.
The soil which held the bones at Stanford indicate
that It Avas covered by earth not less than 20,000
years ago, and possibly twelve times as long. Perfectly preserved, it lay in natural cement and gravel
AA'hich formed the channel of the creek centuries ago
and Avhich was afterwards filled up and later cut
across by the present stream.
Twenty centuries are required for the gravel
casing about the skull to become cemented and to
undergo the changes which are evident upon study,
declares Professor Willis. No grave Avas dug and
the pebbles lying about thc skull have been undisturbed since the Avater lay upon them. Close scrutiny shoAved it is filled on the inside with the same
materials that surround it, which precludes the possibility that it might have been washed up into its
place by some recent floods.
Detailed examination will be made at the Smith-
sonia Institution in Washington Avhere the discovery Avill be sent shortly, to confirm the opinion of
Professor Willis, one of' the foremost geologists
Avith an experience in government and foreign work
and a former member of the faculties of John Hopkins and the University of Chicago, and chief of thc
Latin-American division of Colonel E. M. House's
peace conference inquiry in 1918.
Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
JULY 2nd and 9th.
Subject: "After Two Wars—1815 and 1918."
The first lecture will deal with the 1815 period,
the second with 1918.   The importance history
hears for the working class movement, with
special reference to the periods indicated, will
he dealt with.
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion.
Analyzed and contrasted from the Marxian and
Darwinian points of view. By Bishop William Montgomery Brown. D.D. Its bold recommendation*):
Banish the Gods from the Skies and Capitalists from
the Earth and make the World safe for Industrial
Seventy-fifth thousand now ready. Pp. 224.
Cloth edition, De Luxe, $1.00.   This whole edition of
2,000 copies is a Christmas gift to the sufferers by
famine in Russia.   Every copy sold means a whole
dollar to them and much education to the buyer.
New paper edition, 25,000  copies,  artistic design,
Publishers, 102 South Union Street, Gallon, Ohio.
Or from
P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. 0.
very beautiful, one copy 25 cents, six, $1.00.
"It will do a wonderful work in this the greatest
crlslB in all history."—Truth. PAGE SIX
Economics for Workers
BEFORE we attempt an examination of the
subject "Price," we cannot do better than try
to understand something of the history and
function of money, its use, the changes that have
taken place in its form and substance and, generally speaking, why we use money at all.
The articles used as money differ with the stages
of man's development. In the pastoral stage cattle
was used as money. In comparatively recent times
guns and knives served as money in the relationships of the Hudson Bay Company with the Indians,
while fishing hooks were used as a medium of exchange among the tribes of British Columbia. The
beaver skin also has been commonly used as a medium of exchange in Canadian pioneer days, and Professor Shortt of Ottawa, addressing the "Canadian
Club recently, said he had seen an old metal coin
with the outline of a beaver stamped on it.
The first Greek coins had the head of an ox stamped on them, indicating that oxen had served as money
in earlier days. The first money coined in Ancient
Rome was in the Temple of Juno. The Goddess
was called Moneta, the coin being called moneta,
from which our term money is derived. Salt is a
medium of exchange in the interior of Liberia, Africa, today. The Vampire American Indians used
beads colored white and black. The black variety
was valued up to 50 dollars. The good Christian
colonists fraudulently dyed the white beads black,
the black beads being double in value, but the practice waa soon discredited. The beaver skin was
found impossible to counterfeit and always found
preference as against, beads as a common medium.
The early American colonists had such a meagre
supply of the metal currency of the old land that
they adopted the customs of exchange of the more
primitive people. The Virginians paid for their
importations from England with tobacco. In 1642
i-n act was passed prohibiting contracts payable in
metal money. This was repealed in 1656, but nearly
all trading in thc province was done with tobacco
money. The clergy of New Virginia were paid in
tobacco. There exists this payment in kind in some
parts of Quebec Province today. Some of the clergy
in Britain were paid in kind upl to 1830, and are in
some cases today paid according to the price of
wheat or corn as if they were still paid in kind.
Some of the colonists conducted the exchange of
goods using bullets as a medium. Adam Smith tells
us that in Fifeshire nails were once in common use
as a medium of exchange.
Money, then, in whatever shape or form, simply
enables people to effect an exchange of goods with
greater facility than the conditions of direct barter
would allow, and serves as a medium through which
values in exchange are expressed.
David Hume away back in 1741 had a clearer conception of money than most people have today. In
his essay on "Money" he begins: "Money is not,
properly speaking, one of the subjects of commerce,
but only the instrument which men have agreed on
to facilitate the exchange of one commodity for another. U is none of the wheels of trade, it is the
oil which renders the motions of the wheels more
smooth and easy."
Hume showed, when dealing with paper "money,"
that a large supply made the shortsighted think
they were richer if they had double the quantity,
i'ailing to consider that it would raise the price of
every commodity proportionately
The views entertained about money had taken
form sufficiently to be called a system in Lord
Liverpool's "Coin of the Realm," 1805, yet as far
hack as 1691 John Locke had a clearer conception
of the true nature of money than Lord Liverpool,
because Liverpool was possessed with the belief that
the current value of the coin was fixed by the monarch, while Locke held that it was the quantity of
precious metal which gave the value and purchasing
power. Lord Liverpool states that it was by the
advice of Locke that the English government refrained from forcing the circulation of the guinea
at the Mint's indenture of 20 chilJings. This coin
was in vogue from the time of Charles II. to George
III., and it never passed for less than 21 shillings
and sometimes as high as 30 shillings, not because the
value of gold had risen, but. because the silver by
which the value of gold was measured had been reduced in weight by the clipping of coins and by
The rough edges on coins are to prevent thel clipping fraud. When silver depreciated the guinea
rose from 20c. to 2is., in George I.'s time, 1717, at
a rate of 15 l-5th silver to 1 of gold. As this ratio
was overstated it became the tendency to export
silver bullion, and in 50 years the only silver coins
left in circulation were short weight and clipped
coins. The evil became so intolerable that silver
Mas not legal tender above £25 except by weight at
5s 2d per ounce. This restriction was for two years,
but was extended from time to time until 1798,
when no more silver was coined at the mint for private individuals. The experience of a quarter of a
century convinced the parliament of England that
silver coin deficient of ratio served the purpose of
small change, and by 1816 silver was coined with
fi per cent, less silver than formerly, and made legal
tender up to £2 instead of £25.
After the discovery of gold in 1849, in California,
the yellow metal was forced on the market in large
amounts. Gold coinage increased while tlie value
of the metal fell and silver practically disappeared
from circulation in America. This led to the Act
of 1853 ,which created subsidiary coins. Half dollar, quarter dollar and dimes were coined of such
short weight in fine silver that no one was tempted
to melt them for commercial purposes. The subsidiary coins were not freely coined and therefore did
not drive gold out of circulation. The government
alone bought the silver bullion on the market and
arranged for its coinage. To guard against possible abuse silver coin has been made legal tender! up
to 10 dollars.
In new countries, before their mint is able to sup-,
ply the demand for money, foreign coins are generally accepted. In the United States, Congress by
Act of February 9th, 1793, made the gold coins of
Great Britain, France, Spain and Portugal, and the
silver coins of France and Spain legal tender at the
equivalent value upon the basis of their coinage law
of 1792. Although the Act limited its provisions
for three years, it was revived in 1798, 1806, 1819,
1821, 1823, 1S34, 1843. The Act of February 21st,
1857, finally repealed all laws making foreign coins
legal tender in the States.
In St. Helena, owing to it being in the route of all
vessels passing around the Cape of Good Hope, all
kinds of money were permitted to pass as currency.
In 1880, however, British coins were made the sole
legal tender.
The cutting of coins was common in many countries and practiced to obtain small change. In
Madagascar, West Africa, and the gold coast, this
was continued until the introduction of small coins.
The first application for banking in Canada was
from a Quebec auctioneer who petitioned for a monopoly to print promissory notes to use as small
change. During the war with the U. S. A. in 1812,
army notes were published in Canada because of
the danger of importing specie in war time. The
French were suspicious of the new paper currency,
recalling the unhappy experience with the notes issued by the French government, 1759. The army
notes, however, familiarized the Canadians with
paper "money," and paved the way for the launch
ing of several banks later.
Britain attempted to introduce her sterling standard in Canada in 1825, and decreed thati British sil-
ver and copper should be used for all moderate payments, while larger payments should be made by
Bills of Exchange. A result was an Order in Council sent to Canada virtually making British silver
legal tender unlimited. James Stephen (later Sir
James) gave it as his opinion that His Majesty had
no power by Order in Council to change the rating
of coins, fixed by the Legislature of the Colonies.
His opinion was over-ruled by the Attorney-General,
but the legislature of Lower Canada was absolutely
opposed to it, and shelved the whole matter when it
was referred to them. The Treasury sent out
£30,000 sterling and a considerable sum of copper
coins. Instructions were sent to Canada that supplies for the Imperial officers were to be stated in
terms of sterling money, payment for supplies and
payment of troops to be on the same basis. Payment of large sums might be paid in specie, or bills
of exchange drawn on the Treasury in London.
Owing to the constant demand of the Canadian
merchants for bills of exehange, and because of the
declaration of the government that these bills would
b? issued for British silver at three per cent, premium, the British coins were constantly withdrawn
from circulation to buy bills of exchange. As a result, thc very machinery which the British government used to ensure the circulation of British coins
in Canada drove them out of use. It was also found
that the premium of three per cent, was too high on
British bills, and it was cheaper to export the British
silver direct, which was done. As a result the military authorities were forced to pay the troops with
Spanish and American dollars, or fractions thereof.
In consequence, the treasury reduced the premium
from 3 per cent to l?/£ per cent, on bills of exchange,
and they once more resumed their place in squaring
accounts in Britain. We will see how the economic
law has always been supreme when legislation conflicts with it as we proceed with the history of
money. The increased pi*oduction of wealth, which
necessitates a. faster ch<culaltion, has die,terni|ined
that the commodity used as a medium of exchange
should be the most advantageous to perform this
function. Gold has secured this supremacy over
all the others and, while we have gone off the gold
basis nationally it is still the basis of international
trade, to square the balance of imports or exports
that may arise. The advantages of gold' over former mediums of exchange we will continue next issue.
Money: To be continued
— ofthe —
(Fifth Edition)
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132 PAGSS.
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THE climax of any penny thriller is the vil-
lian's confession. Such a climax to the recent
"Mystery of the Paper Peace" seems to have
been inadvertently supplied by Lord Wester-Wem-
yss, G.C.B., Admiral of the British Fleet, and by William S. Sims, Rear Admiral of the U. S. Navy in a
debate in the May issue of '' Current History.''
In their eagerness to show that the respective
State each represents has been favored least by the
Naval Limitation Treaty, they let slip an occasional
candid remark capable of shattering the faith of
the most gullible in the ideals of the "last" war, in
the effectiveness and intent of the Washington Conference.
Surely Wemyss hauls away Mr. Lloyd George's
election rope from the neck of the Kaiser when he
writes: " To Germany, without natural frontiers and
therefore always open to invasion from east and
west, a strong army is a primary condition of national existence; and her so-called militarism is not due,
as is so often advanced, to the Hohenzollerns, but
rather are the Hohenzollerns the product of her
military needs."
But Wemyss is not allowed to walk off with the
laurel wreath for materialsim, for Sims throws this
bomb into the camp of the " blood-is-thicker-than-
water" foolosophers: "How is admiral Wemyss going to explain this: that three generations ago, in
the heyday of the good old ' anglo-Saxon blood,' the
American people were pretty generally strongly
anti-British, while today the more the good old
'Anglo-Saxon blood' gets watered and the thinner it
becomes, the more strongly does the idea of a closer
co-operation with the British Commonwealth of
Nations take hold of us. The answer is, of course,
that race has little or nothing to do with the matter .. . "Identity of interest," says Thucydides,
'is the surest of bonds, whether between States or
individuals.' "
This identity of interest he finds in our "Anglo-
Saxon liberties and institutions and ideals. Presumably he refers to the liberty of exploitation, the
game of spreading the buncombe.
If admirals persist in holding such a flagrantly
materialistic attitude toward the ideals of universal
slaughter and the alignments of the plunderbund,
how are the doctors of delusion going to enlist tlie
masses in support of their masters?
The two prattling admirals are just as cynical in
their discussion of the effectiveness of the Treaty.
Wemyss writes thus: "The submarine, naturally
enough, has incurred the odium! which the introduction of any new weapon has ever evoked. The
vehemence with which it is now being denounced
was equalled, if not surpassed, by the severity of the
condemnation of firearms by the clergy and laity
alike on their first advent; while, to go further
back still, the cross-bow was banned as being murderous and barbaric by the Council of the Lateran iu
the year 1139, on whicii occasion it was France that
bowed to the decision and England who steadily
refused to abandon its use. It is not without signification that the cross-bow was eventually reintroduced into France by Richard Coeur de Lion and
continued to be, used by all the European armies
until superseded by the firearm. Thus does history
ever repeat itself, the international conferences of
today taking the place of the Church councils of
yore, and the attitude of countries being at times
inverted.'' Surely the feeble clause in the Washing-
ton Treaty forbidding the use of poison gases is but
a faint echo of the futile damnations of the medieval church.
The great American people in their religious observance of the Almighty Dollar have so far neglected to furnish their murder caste with sufficient
of the magic shekels that Sims gets peeved and lets
the cat out of the bag. He says: "Since there is
no specific limitation upon anything but battleships
—craft of over 10,000 tons and over eight inch
* Think, fellow slaves of the white race, how
much you and I have coming from the exploitation
of Asia.—F. W. T.
guns—it follows that the nation that, has the greatest number of other eraft, or which plans to build
them, is, or will be, superior to us, because our
people will not hear of a building program. . .
This program of retrenchment, coupled with a complete apathy towards the navy . . is the true explanation of our alacrity in accepting the new order.
Our present policy makes us a bad third. Britannia
not only still rules the waves but rules them more
economically now." So Mars is still hungry and
weak about the knees, with 93 per cent, of the budget ! No wonder cheaper warfare was needed. But
the new policy does not seem to be designed for
peace, for Sims concludes with a favorite aphorism:
"You should if possible allow no one to have a fleet
but yourselves, or if this is impossible, whoever is
strongest at sea, makei him your friend."
If the purpose, aside from the bargains in murder of the Washington Conference, was not peace,
what was it. The two admirals let us in on that.
But it surely demolishes the scrap of paper that
speaks about "respecting the integrity of China."
Admiral Sims makes a delicate forecast in this way:
"Regarding the woefully misunderstood Monroe
Doctrine, just how that policy prohibits American
interference if another power intervenes in China
it is hard to see." Perhaps it is with an idea of the
Phillipines as a naval base that he proceeds to this
gem of humor: "China is a famous example of the
superiority of moral over material forces."
Admiral Wemyss is even more open. He contributes this evidence: "Much has been heard of the
bogey of the yellowr peril, but it is not likely that
all that has been written and said about the union of
the Anglo-Saxon races and of the solidarity of the
English speaking peoples may raise the bogey of a
white peril in Asia, a fear of the desire to exploit
Asia for the benefit of the white races?" * "The
War has stirred up national and racial feeling to
such a pitch everywhere as to make not unlikely thc
raising of the cry, 'Asia for the Asiatics.' And if
that should happen, it would be to Japan that the
nations of the East would naturally turn in their
search for a leader, as did the German States to
Prussia before 1870. Those smaller German States
had no love for their big neighbor, nor have other
Asiatic nations for Japan, but they recognise in her,
as did the German States in Prussia, the only possible power that could lead them to their goal. The
Four Power Pact would be valueless in such an
Eastern nations may find in Soviet Russia a more
suitable leader against imperialism than in Japan,
but Admiral Wemyss' statement that the value of
the Four Power Pact would be annihilated by a successful resistance to Western aggression on China is
proof that the purpose of that Pact is to provide for
the exploitation of China by the four great powers.
Wherefore I conclude my sermon with a text
from Job: "I would that mine enemy would write a
TATE age, experience and wages (or salary) expected." The foregoing, of course,
is the Holy Trinity of a situations vacant
advi, thrown on to a competitive labor market. No
ripened experience of age is desired, but an experience combined with the prime and flower of early
maturity, at the lowest possible cost to the buyer.
Speed, that is, quantity, productiveness, is the object, for that means Profits. Hence the application
of machinery of increasing speedincss to industry,
and of thc various "Systems" to remove unnecessary motions by the worker.
Even in cases where the workers can influence
the wage rate by means of some trade or industrial union, the subject of the pay per hour is
none too clearly understood; for illusion clings thick
and fast to the whole wages question. The worker
holds out an empty hand on pay day, and then withdraws it, grasping a money envelope or a pay check,
and he thinks he has received—a gift! The feudal
serf had not nor could have, any such idea. Score*
of workers who know they always produce profits,
are still unaware that, in relation to profits and
prices, their wages may be regarded from the nominal, the real or the relative standpoint. It is they
who "fall," every time, for the various shop "bonus" schemes.
To such innocents "a fair day's (or hour's) wage
for a fair day' (or hours') work" covers the whole
ground. They do not know that, side by side in the
same shop, one worker may be getting less than, another worker move than, and a third all, the value
of their labor-power; at a time when all three of
them were getting exactly the same pay per hour to
a fraction of a cent.
The solution of this mystery lies in Marx's statement that "an increase in the productiveness of
labor causes a fall in the value of labor-power, and
a rise in surplus value; a decrease in the productiveness causes a rise in the value of labor-power, and a
fall in surplus value."
A worker who is fortunate enough to demand and
get $44 for a 44 hour week,, will, by doing a simple
division sum, tell you he gets a dollar an hour. He
may or he may not. If his boss has a job on hand
that usually takes ten hours, and if an hour's labor
is worked up into two dollars, then that job will be
worth $20 plus the extra time values of raw materials, etc. The worker who took ten hours to do it
got $10, this sum divided by the ten hours give $1
an hour, all right.
A new man is taken on at the shop, a regular
"Babe Ruth" for speed and vitality. He gets a
similar job to do. at a nominal $1 an hour wage, but
he finishes it in eight hours, and therefore got $8
in that time. But the normal time for the job being
ten hours, divide his $8 by the time taken (10 hours)
and Ave find this phenomenal speed artist only got
eighty cents, and not a dollar an hour. A returned
soldier is tlie next guest at our industrial paradise,
but, having been a fighter for "liberty" (whose!)
and got rather badly battered and bent in the process, when he got "another of the same," he took
fifteen hours to complete it. Tn that time he would
draw $15 pay, which, being divided by the normal
ten hours the job takes, works at, neither $1 nor 80c.
an hour, but $1.50. As the job can only sell at its
market price on a competitive market, this heroic
quality of labor-power cuts too deeply into the capitalist's profits, and so, our Great War Veteran is
invited to keep working at this rate of speed—We
Quess Not!!
The speed, that is, quantity and production, demand is one of capitalism's greatest curses. It
murders quality and artistic finish, because, as these
'.necessitate ;'extra time, therefore, extra expense,
which the depleted and harassed pockets of the people cannot afford, the embellishments and ornaments
of a "quality" civilization must be cast aside. The
speed call is a burden to the weak, the maimed and
the elderly, and is itself a powerful factor in prematurely creating in the young and strong, the very
conditions it) abhors. But "the more haste, the less
speed" and contradictory capitalism, when it is not
compelled, that is, when it doesn't "have to," will
preserve the most backward and outfof-date industrial appliances if it can achieve its end—profit
minus them.
And so. as Voltaire said in another connection,
"Ecrasez l'lnfamo"—Destroy the Rotten Thing—
and substitute Socialism.
"It's takin' the breeks off a Hielanman," answered Comrade Macmanus in Moscow to some proposal or other. Whereupon next day, Pravda solemnly reported: "With regard to this question, said
Comrade Macmanus, the matter was similar to removing, as it was said, the trousers from a man of
the Highlands of Scotland, a part of England, this
being impossible, as these garments were not worn
in those regions." PAGE EIGHT
Children's  Corner
A CROW I) of monkeys were onee1 (•aught by a
flood and compelled to exist upon an area
of land comprising about ten acres.
The food supply was limited and, to make matters
worse, one big fat baboon squatted at the foot of the
largest cocoanut tree on the temporary island and
said emphatically and threateningly, this is mine.
The cocoanut tree contained enough to satisfy tho
needs of the small community for a considerable
period, and there was weeping and wailing and
gnashing of teeth in the ranks of the little monkeys,
when the pangs of hunger began to make themselves
felt. The baboon was too fat and clumsy to climb
the tree himself, and eventually he made a proposition to his hungry associates. He suggested that
each monkey should climb up the tree once a day
and fetch one cocoanut for himself and at the same
time bring another for the author of the proposition,
the self-appointed owner of the means of life. This
was gladly accepted by the hungry little monkeys,
and they set to work with a will.
It so happened, however, that it took a nut a day
to keep a monkey alive a day, and so they just kept
on going up the free to get a nut, to keep alive and
obtain the strength to go up the tree to fetch a nut,
and so on indefinitely; and don't forget they had always to bring a nut a day to give to the big monkey
for the privilege of being allowed to do this.
The fat baboon consumed from ten to a dozen nuts
a day, but althouarh he did his best to keep the
wheels of industry turning the nuts began to accumulate around him in such vast quantities that he had
to shut down operations.
The result was that they had an unemployed
problem on the island, and the little monkeys formed a procession and marched around the tree demanding the right to work.
Thiners began to be desperate, and one little monkey with a reddish hide and an intelligent face
jumped on a tree stump and made a speech to the
effect that the little monkeys should combine together, knock the block off thc baboon, and take
the tret- for themselves. The baboon said this was
treason and sedition and contrary to the ethics of
civilization; they would go back to monkey barbarism if they carried on like that. He further stated
that law and order would be maintained no matter
at what cost, and he proceeded to pick out a few of
the strongest of the little monkeys and told them
that he would give them a cocoanut a day each if
they would severely maul and, if necessary, kill any
of the others who came too near the tree or who
were guilty of seditious utterances No matter what
he did, however, he could not allay the discontent
because all his arrangements failed to satisfy the
pangs of hunger. The little red monkey dodged the
police and, as a result of incessant teaching, began
to get a following. A dangerous situation arose
and monkey civilization was tottering.
The baboon then picked out a couple of small
monkeys with long and dismal faces, with degenerate expressions, and said to them, "Go and tell the
people of monkeyland that there exists above the
sky a big monkey who gave me this tree and made
us all in his own image, and he has decreed that this
tree is mine. Furthermore, he has said that if any
monkey tries to take it from me, its rightful owner,
he shall be punished by being burnt in a lake of
fiery brimstone for ever and ever. The spirit lives
after death in a monkey heaven if ye are good and
touch not that whieh is mine, but if ye take the tree
away from me, ye shall all be cast into perdition.
Tell them, therefore, that all this is the will of the
God of Monkeyland, and if they are good and say,
"Thy will be done," after they are dead they and
their children shall have all the cocoanuts they
The monkey parsons got a nut a day for their
work, and so assiduous were they that they taught
a lot of little monkeys and their kiddies to sing,
"There's  a friend  for  little  monkeys  above the
bright blue sky."
ln spite of everything, however, the pangs of hunger began to cause other ideas to take shape in their
minds, and the active little red monkey finally
squashed the parsons arguments by pointing out
what was obvious: that the parsons simply talked
for a meal ticket. "Take away the cocoanut from
thc parson, he said, and although he is naturally a
fool he will line up with us."
The baboon sent his police force to arrest the
rebel, but the little monkeys were so hostile that the
police had to retire. The crisis arrived. The little
monkeys were driven to such frenzy by one of the
parsons saying: "You'll get nuts in the sky when
you die," that they seized him and tore him to
pieces. Their blood was now up and when the big
Baboon saw them coming he could see by the expression on their faces that it was all over; he tried
lo escape, but he was driven into the sea and drowned.
The remaining parson tried to make friends, but
nobody trusted him, and he committed suicide. The
police force offered no opposition after the death of
the baboon, and every monkey on the island went up
the tree and got what nuts he wanted for himself.
They lived happy and free. The waters then subsided and the monkeys were able to leave the island,
but they never forget their lesson. And wherever
you go in Monkeyland you will find that the monkeys in common own everything upon which they in
common depend. They have no police, parsons, politicians, or poverty.   They just live and enjoy life.
There is a rumour to the effect that human beings
are beginning to study seriously the habits of monkeys, and so one day we too may be happy. Some
day we may see human beings free, and all this suffering and misery pass away like a black cloud.
The children who read this may live in a world far
happier than the one in which we now toil and
Literature Price List
A printer's error appears in C. Lestor's article)
entitled "Exchange Rates," in last issue. The
weight of pure gold in a sovereign is stated as
1.32238 grammes, and should be read 7.32238
Socialist Party of
We, tht Socialist Party of Canada affirm our alleg-
lanoe to, and support of taa principles and p-rograaame
ef the revolutionary working olass.
Labor, applied to natural reeoui-oeo, produoas all
wealth. Tho present economic system la baaed vpoa
capitaliat ownership of tbe maana of production, oonee-
quently, all the produota of labor belong to the capital-
let olaaa. Tha capitaliat la therefore, maater; tha
worker a slave
So long ae the capitaliat olaaa remain* tn poaaeaalon
of tha relna of government ail the powers of -the State
will ba uaed to protect and'defend Ita property right* ta
tha maana of wealth production and Ha eon-trot of the
produot of labor.
The capitaliat syatem givea to the capitaliat as ever-
swelling atraam of proflta, and to the worker, mm mrter-
Inereaelng measure of mleery and degradation.
Tho interest of the working olaaa liaa tn setting Itaelf
free from captta.net exploitation by the abolition of tha
wage system, under which thla exploitation, at the point
of production, la cloaked. To aooompllah thto neaeaolt-
atea the transformation of capitalist property ia the
meana of wealth production into aoolally controlled eeonomie forces.
The Irrepressible conflict of interest between tarn amp-
Italiat and tha worker necessarily expresses Itself as s
struggle for political supremacy. Thla is th* Ctaaa
Therefore we eaa upon all workers to organise nnder
tha banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the
objeot of conquering the poUtloal powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the eoon-oml* programme of tha working olaaa, as follows i
1—The trameformatton, as rapidly as possible,
of capitaliat property la th* mean* ef
wealth production (natural resources, faetor-
torles, mill*, railroad*, eta)# into eolleotive
meana of production.
I—The organisation and management of industry
by the working olass.
t—Tbe establishment, aa speedily as passible, of
production for use Instead of production for
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