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Western Clarion Apr 1, 1921

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r  x t*t
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
The Unemployed Problem
11KKEVER the capitalist system of pro-
duetion prevails, in America or the industrialized regions of Europe, the community
prom band to mouth in such  a way that its
j-ood depends on the effectual working of its
trial system from day to day.   In such a case
loos disturbance and derangement of the pro-
Lf production always brings immediate hard-
It-* large sections of thc community.   Such a
liii.n we have with us in thc present world-
lindustnal depression.   Thc hardships of <uch
iliti.m fall with greatest force upon the wage
in- class.    Partial and complete stoppage of
y    ■. means a stoppage of income for the un-
and a reduction for those who are part
[aiui even fully employed, due in thc latter case
reneral decline in thc rate of wages because of
i mpctition of surplus laborers on thc labor
So that, for  thc worker*-, there is an in-
ked pteea*ftOUSnces of livelihood, and a rcduc-
in its -tandards, which at Inst are never  far
le the MibM-tencc line.
DOStrial crises were first BOtad and commented
IS ol |>er iodic occurrence, in 1H2.;    Tbe per-
between the crises decreased as time went on
sotni  twenty years ago. when a chronic de-
rion -ei in, which was only interrupted by tbe
Iml*. of the late war market.    During that per
nc depression did not keep at one level, but bad
ccasional lapses to lower ones.   On the other
there were occasional spurt-* of brisk business
Ity, though at no time was industry as a whole
Iting  at capacity  or anyway  near  thtorhing
rhole working (xipulation.    Always there WIS
ier increasing industrial reserve army, and un
oymem and want haunted the working class
spectre.   This condition of depression in thc
Brill world is due to "over-production," which
because the productive capacity of modem
Bry constantly; and progressively as its mcth-
nprove, over-reaches the purchasing capacity
wai market ,which stimulated production to
|pri edented extent, is finished, and capitalism
p i" normal again. After the hell of war the
h oi peace. We are "re-established." and un
f" sacred banner of "business as usual." 'be
Ration of human lives goes on in the system
Ire ind fire." Tools to be picked up or laid
as needed, or thrown aside on the human scrap
"i the slums as "unemployable." vast masses
Workers drift restlessly over the country
flown to town, from one seasonal occupation
I'tlur. Such a life constitutes a high luppres-
|l the normal instincts of man. For immense
£•**■ the fundamental sex, parental, and ora
|"stiiuts have not normal expression, and it
no psychology to tell us that the result is, to
[broadly, unhappiness. The following phrases
Js the environmental conditions which baulk
llVrs "Monotonous work," "Dirty work."
lifted w0rk," "Mechanical work," thc 'Ser-
|*c« of labor," "Insecure tenure of the ;ob,"
>nd tire." "winter unemployment." the ever-
lun,nn of the poor district with thc crime dis-
1,1,1 the "restricted district of prostitution,"
>er, si,,,,,- t|)c „,ahor turnovcr>» -*sour bunk
poverty,' thc "bread lines," the   "scrap
"destitution," etc., etc.
Yon o( the 'comfortable classes," super-skdled
aristocrats of labor, professional and business elements who are hostile or indifferent to the problems of the undiscriminate masses, ever this social
abyss yawns for you or yours and daily from your
ranks they come hurtling down like fallen angels. A
New York department store employing 3,000 "re-
spectables," reports a yearly labor turnover of 13,000.
There is a moral for you in the great lexiographer's
saying, upon bis witnessing Tyburn Jack hauled to
the gibbet, •There, but for the grace of God, goes
Samuel Johnson." Should the humanism of Johnson be beyond your capacity of feeling and understanding, on thc lower grounds, then, of selfish
interest, the abolishing of the abyss might engage
your energies 1
Tin- question of unemployment is only a seconder) and derived problem of the greater problem presented by the nature of the social economy of thc
capitalist system of production, out of which unemployment issues as effect from its cause. Therefore it is necessary to look into this social economy.
1..Hiked at in a certain way, there are two factors
in the process of production, essential and common
to all states of productivity in all ages; these are,
on the one band, the material equipment and on tbe
oilier, the immaterial equipment or knowledge of
ways and means of procuring a livelihood. In
modern times, the material equipment is such as,
natural resources, mills, mines, factories, railroads.
etc, and the immaterial equipment, is a vast, complex body Of knowledge incapable of being possessed as a whole by a single individual or a group,
but is in the possession of society as a whole. This
productive knowledge is a social product and is the
outcome of tbe accumulated experiences of thc
human race in the arts of production through all
thc ages. Kor tbis knowledge to become effective
in the production of those things necessary to sat-
iafy human neeoa and desires, it must have access
to thc material equipment, or means of wealth production.
Tbe satisfying of human needs is largely a question of so much food, clothing, shelter, education.
recreation, etc, and th* problem of supply is to give
the working population, scientists, production engineers and managers, producers and laborers of all
kinds, who possess knowledge of the arts of production, access to the material equipment of production.
Stated so. the problem appears as a problem in engineering, a problem of accounting and organization, a scientifically "matter of fact" proposition.
And it would be so were it not that in the capitalist svstem of production today this knowledge of the
productive arts lias become separated from, or at
best .only on sufferance of the capitalist owners has
it functional connection with the material equipment.
This factor of ownership is the crux of the social
problem. Tbe material equipment or means of
production are tbe property of a class who do not
toil, nor is it necessary that they have knowledge
of tbe arts of production; on the other hand, that
knowledge is in the possession of a class who toil
but do not own the material equipment. Because
the material equipment of production is privately
owned, monopolized by the capitalist class, it can
not be had access to and put to use except on terms
of a profit being realized through thc sale of the
products. In other words, into that engineering
problem of bringing the essential factors of production together, is injected, like a Munkay wrench into
the cogs of a machine, the "rights" of private ownership in society's means of life.
What is the "right" of ownership that plays such
havoc with our engineering proposition? Consideration of it shows that it can not be stated in mechanical terms, in terms of stresses and strains or
quantities with which an engineer could deal. The
"right" of ownership to a thing is a matter of imputation, a "right' 'given by custom, old use and
want, traditional habits of thought, in other words
it is a right conferred by social sanction which, in
modern times, is enacted in law enforced by the
power of the State. Presumably, should the general concensus of opinion change to that effect, then
the law conferring a "right" could bc nullified. The
statement that the law of "property rights" rests on
the general concensus of opinion is a broad one
however, and has an important reservation. For we
arc informed by a present day sociologist, Professor
John R. Commons, that in actual practice, "Law is
not thc expression of the whole of society, but of
its sovereign element or social class." Karl Marx
also stated long before, that the bourgeois State
is but the executive committee of the bourgeois
property interests. And so, underneath the skin
of civilized man with his theory of law, we behold
the barbarian who takes hold by matter of fact
physical prowess.
Private ownership of the material equipment of
production conceivably might bc in accordance with
social well-being where that equipment is small-
scale in character, as in handicraft production, and
widely distributed, thus conferring economic independence upon large masses of the people. The
small-scale character of such industrial equipment,
moreover, determines that work for a livelihood is
the basis of industry and profit.
We are now. however, as a result of economic
development, in the age of large-scale machine production, and ownership has become limited to and
centralized in the capitalist class. Industry is now
operated primarily for profit. The masses of the
people, being divorced from ownership of industrial
equipment and so without economic independence,
are now wage workers existing by the sale of their
labor-powerxm the terms of a commodity market.
Tbe products which the workers produce are the
property of thc capitalist owners of the material
equipment. Out of the entire mass of produce created by the working class, it receives back but a
small share. With each advance in the productive
arts, with every new invention and discovery, the
mass of surplus products, over and above those obtained by labor as means of subsistance, grows
larger, glutting the markets and necessitating curtailment of production in the interest of profit. In
truth, society suffocates from its own superabundance even while, and because of it, the majority of
its members are in the verge of destitution, and
many absolutely destitute.
Concisely formulated, the functional factors essential for supplying community needs'are:
Material equipment of production, i.e., natural
resources, mills, mines, factories, railroads, etc.
Immaterial equipment of production, i.e., know-
(Continued on page 3.)
I \m
Harrington Reviews "The Communist Bulletin."
Published by the Canadian Section of the Communist Party of the U. S.
ALIGHT has risen in the East—the East
which, after a feeble struggle surrendered
to the general apathy prevalent almost universally during the latter years of the war.
Thc workers either contracted patriotism or professed it; their leaders secured fat salaries to preserve so desirable a State. The capitalists and
their jackals, professional and business people, were
by no means inactive; wherever a slave sought to
voice the aims of his class he was. everywhere in
the English speaking part of this continent at least,
promptly silenced.
Now we may bc wrong, but we have not heard
of anything startling occurring east of Port Arthur
and, making all allowance for bias in thc part of
our correspondents, we conclude that the workers
have not given their masters much to worry about
for a year or so at anyrate.
But progress though temporarily stayed, will
burst with power proportionate to the time she is
halted, and overturn all barriers. This truth is
made manifest by the appearance of "The Communist Bulletin," Vol. 1, Xo. 1. undated and without
place of abode. To the latter conditions we have
no objections on general principles, but oh! it's
mightily   inconvenient.
However, the Bulletin is here, and as it devotes
some attention to us, and particularly to me, it
seems proper that we should, as old timers, meet it
at the camp gate saying. "Welcome little stranger,
you are tardy, but .'*
There are many familiar airs about this little
stranger however, which cause us to reflect that we
have met before, and we would advise him if he is
solicitous of his incognito as his grimaces imply,
to be more careful; writers have habits, and so
have printers.
It would appear from our new recruit in the revolutionary struggle, that the workers  of Canada
have an additional burden added to their already
too burdensome task, to wit, the removal of Harrington  from their capacious backs.   I here crave
the indulgence of the "Clarion" readers while some
personal matters arc dealt with.   There have been
zealous comrades before who have undertaken to
wipe the floor with me, and some have done it to
the queen's taste and their own.   I have no right to
object to this as a matter of course, but I feel compelled to protest against the methods.   Surely, being human, I have made enough blunders to require
chastisement, without it being necessary to indulge
in inaccuracies and then assume an injured innocence expression   when such arc pointed out. Thc
same reflection is also offered on behalf of thc S.
P. of C.      With a definite knowledge ot all  my
shortcomings,  and a  keen desire to hide them, I
am now confounded and utterly crushed by being
chronicled as "the purest of all pure 'Marxists.' "
as "this great 'Marxian scholar.' "   My sins have
found  me out.      It's coming to  mc  for leaving
Let us now proceed to examine thc <*Jarges:
"..... not once has the party in a leaflet
or article pointed out the necessity of a working class assault upon the capitalist state as
the method for the overthrow of capitalism."
Granted.   We would have lied had we done so.
JJut we have pointed out that such a course was A
method for such purpose. (See our "Manifesto,"
page 42, and Preface to Fourth Edition).
Then wc are accused of not having "dreamt of
trying to mobilize the workers against the Imperialist War. Guilty as charged! Dreams are not our
strong point. However, there follows a quotation
from Trotsky to which I may return at a later date.
Meanwhile, availing myself of the same authority:
"Had the Socialists limited themselves to
• expressing condemnation of the present war,
had they declined all responsibility for it, and
refused thV role of confidence in their governments as well as the vote for the war credits, they would have done their duty at thc
time." ("Bolsheviki and World Peace," page
Anyone who cares to enrich his mind with something more substantial than dreams should read tbis
entire chapter, pages 172-1SJ.
Now wc did much more than the limited task
here assigned to Socialists; we held anti-war meetings and maintained ourselves against every assault, and we were the only ones who did so through'
out tbe war.
We were able to do tbis because of our pre-war propaganda, and because we did not dilute that propaganda during thc-war. Our little stranger speaks
from exj-erienec when be says: 'It is easy to remain pure by doing nothing."
In his quotation from "tbe thesis on Parliamentarism." the slip-shod mental laziness of our little
stranger allows him to indicate parapraph 6 of "The
Communist Party and Parliamentarism" as the
source, whereas it is reproduced exactly from paragraph 7 of "The Communist Parties and the Question of Parliamentarism." a document contained in
thc ••Theses" presented to tbe Second World Congress of the Communist International. Tbis Theses" here referred to which our friend quotes from
is precisely thc same document from which were
reprinted the derided "obsolete Eighteen conditions." Thc quotation from paragraph 6 above referred to is:
"Consequently. Communism  repudiates par
liamentarism as the forrri of the future: it renounces it as a form of the clas- dictatorship
of the proletariat: it repudiates the j-ossibility
of Winning over parliament: its aim is to destroy  parliamentarism.    Therefore, it  is only
possible to speak  of utilizing   the  bourgeois
State organizations with the object of destroy
ing them.    The question can only and exclusively bc discussed on this plane." (Paragraph
6. page 4. "P. T. I*. and the   C  I ." These*
adopted by the Second Congress. August. 1°J0,
Emphasis ours).
So   much   for  the  quotation:   now  our   friend's
"Did   the   Socialist   Party   of  Canada   ever
formulate the question of participation in elections in that way?    So; not even theoretically.
And their election manifestos only dealt with
the. evolution of capitalism, the horrible condition of the worker under capitalism, and tbe
solution is always vote for the Socialist Party
of Canada."
Of course the inconvenience which we noted regarding the forced furtivencss of our friend is here
apparent, in   thc great    circumambient    darkness
wdiich encompasses him; he must fail to see the
things which are, and have, also, recourse to dreams.
Wc can assure  him tbat our   election manifestos
never have even sugested tbat a  vote for us would
solve the workers' problems.    Ear from it'     Wc
have even  been  accused  out here   of telling  tbe
workers that we did not want their votes, what we
wanted was their attention.    And if we  were sure
that  such  action   would  not  reveal  their  whereabouts wc would send them some which would demonstrate the truth of tbis accusation.    In thll respect we would like to see a meeting between the
Western adherents of  the "Thes< s" under discussion and our bashful friend, on this point; the discussion would be funny.   Eor the rest, wc again
refer our friend  to our "Manifesto," pages 42-47.
After this deliberate lie,--but no, let us delete tbe
adjective—"hole  in  thc    corner    conspirators" of
whom Marx was so scornful cannot be expected to
read correctly, albeit they did watch thc "Clarion"
for mention of the Third International, after this
lie I am trounced unmercifully for suggesting tbat
we would have to "indulge in all manner of tactics
which heretofore wc have looked up as, to say the
least, futile."   Thus:
"It is refreshing to hear this purest of all
pure 'Marxists' using exactly thc same argument agaiyist the Communist International as
is being used by thc defenders of the Second
International. This theoretician considers
*" the tactics of thc Third International futile
after the lessons received in thc Finnish, Russian, Hungarian, and German revolutions; only
one living in a land of dreams could come to
such a conclusion."
All right.   Turn to section 1, par. 4, of the Thesis
(»n 'Trade Unionism and the Communist hit-
tional." adopted at the Second Congress-
"Tbe luke-warmness of the working mats
their theoretical indecision, their tendener^
yield to the arguments of Opportunist leader
can be overcome only during the process id
the ever-growing struggle, by degrees asth'
wider masses of thc proletariat learn'to nn
derstand, by experience, by their vict*mw*S
defeats, tbat. in fact, it  is alread*- impcesibk
to obtain human conditions of life on the hai
of capitalist methods of managemem  andbr
degrees as the advance'' Communist .\ork--icn
learn  through  their economic  struggle *,','})(.
not only preachers of the ideas «.i Communism
but  also tbe most determined ], -*dcrs  of thr
economic struggle of the Labor unions Only
in this way will n be possible to remove iron
the unions their opportunist leaders, onh in
this vva>  will the Communists |,<- able to take
tbe  lead   in   the  trade  union  movement and
make of it an organ of the revolutionary struggle for Communism."
Compare) tbat. and indeed the entire thcsii with
clause 2 of the  conditions of aifsli.it on, and ther.
rave some more
Then we read :      N
"Tbe Mac Donald*. Snowdcns and Rarri
ten's are  opposed to the Third fnlernatj nil
because it d«x-s lay down the tactics to be I
lowed and refuses to allow any affiliated plrti
to 'indulge iu all manner of tactics' "
\\ ell. tbe other precious pair can ipeak for them-
•nlves, being   in  receipt  ol eats   bv  \i!":>-    :
position m thc labor movement    Doubtless cliase
2 worries them, but it holds no terrors of <-     seeing
I am engaged tbe best part of every <••    r ndenoj
medical aid lo a bunch ol unhealthy flat wheel-
box cars      However,   'he   Third  Intern I loo
just permit all  manner of tactics, uq \ cann
doing so. when they accept those who ' i
engaged these many weary inoons.    Tiv term C
munist has no magic virtues, and the Third Into
"national   has  no alchemv   wh«-r-h\   -,■  ...    train
the reformist into a revolutionist.   Foi       rt fro
attempting t«> d<- what i*4 not possible bngi
tbe   Tluses quoted a!*ovc. their aberrations *
all tbe way from resolutions passed in Com
conventions, pledging Communists to
abolition of alcohol, and to jom the Lai  -
—to Madeline's "The Heal Lidy Again   •   hi   /
'Tlie Communist," published by the    i
munist Party.    Small wonder the "Workers' Dreadnought*'   reviewer  suggests    tb.it   "then
therefore, in tbe movement, for a pa;
to tl-ms,* who like light fare, are no? extravaginl
their   intellectual   diet,   and    desire    to keep • •'■'■
Communism respev table and away from militancy
'Jan   29,  1921.)    Our friend should knov-. oi -
of these, as we shall see later.
Let us return to the Finnish, Russian, Hungania
and German revolutions.   It is partiv because I
tbese  that   I   consider   clause  2  ftttih       Ans***
friend, was it the Centrists, tin- Right* or ihe Mac*
! will'
Donald*a or Snowdcns, or anv of thai tn
marched into Finland singing revolutionary songs.
under Yon der Gnltl  < see bis diary -!    VNTlO SUp
pressed  the revolution iu any of the three conn-
tries?   Who ■oppressed the Paris Communel Even
one "living in the land of dreams" could find SH-P1
evidence that the mot which marches and fights
its master, does s«, and will always do SO. '" 5P
leaders. Right, Left or Centre. BO long •'   ,!l('v'
through their masters' eyes.
\nd while we are on this lubjecl Id UI t*ke '
the question of denunciation.    There are :*"!I
dent rebels who can satisfy their rcvolution«0
* lam* At*4
dor. and soothe their Communist conscien <'•   .
trr class
nunciation of all and sundry except the maiw
Being the "purest of all pure "Marxists'    1(';in c '
miseratc with these poor souls who. lacking t
** 1 11 \' C   \ ■
it of revolt, but consumed with its fire, "•
firing line, beat   it back tr the home  town,
some "pacifist" walkin„ down a dark lane, and
a secure distance bttwl out   various nani'-
one of the   most humane methods oi fig»lunS WESTERN     CLARION
t,...,|   it satisfies the attacking party and leaves
. .  attackcd  uninjured.      Hut  alas, it   will never
c effective  for  working-class   purposes.   Too
rjjere is real  need "Mast   of   Port Arthur"  for
.,,,.,,-w* to seiiouslv undertake  the much  needed
j. (,j enlightening the slave, and our friends, at
,,   ,  expense and energy expended devote almost
Ita entire issue of a four page paper bawling at
Kautsky,  MacPonald,  Harrington, etc, lying out
.„(,,,,.  in respect  to the   S.   P. of C. and distorting even the  words of their supposed friends   be-
.i,» swinine wholesale, without acknowledgment,
the -.une source.   And doing it all in sublime
, Come into the daylight, friend, um at least
nothing to tear from the police!
But   enough  of  ibis  particular  article.    Let   us
ulrn to the others.      The opening   words of  the
•Theses" are:   "The daily propaganda must bear a
truly Communist character"    I said we   were not
informed what   ibis required.    I say so again after
reading   The Communist Bulletin*' and am inclined to add,  unfortunately!   But perhaps the daily
propaganda  does   not   include  the   weekly  or   the
The filler under the article we hav*->4>cen discuss
this caption: "The Committee of the Third
International  Still   Functions  in  France.**'* Under
.   item culled from "L'Humanite," telling
lagandists1 School proposes to instruct
iu students in the following: '"How to Become a
g »ker,"    Practical Course   oi  Public  Speaking,"
-    .   • < trgairixatton," "Syndicalism," etc. Also
'Theory and Economic System.** Here.
ior the possible inaccuracies due to trans
lation was a ray of hope; our friends at bast conceive education to be a pan ol Communist effort
\    dsl ill the Stupid raving against education, ben
revolutionary friends see fit to caption an
,«i..nal notice as the functioning of the Third
rnational.    Hut, alas, it   was too much happiness.    Il  .-■■- all  the result of a printers pie. This
i-. how  it  happened, and our  friend can herewith
further evidence of Harrington's cunning. There
• •     fillers" on the "Bulletin*1 press when thc
Clarion     with Comrade  kavanagh s article in it.
arm- .     I 're of these fillers was polled out. and a
inserted that K.'s article suggested all was not
• ui ihe West    Then the caption for the article
removed   was  placed  over  the  one  remaining.    A
matter truly, but    the  wording was twisted
In   The Communist." Jan  27, 1921, a paper pob-
lished in London by the K. C. of tbe Communist
Party, and bearing a "truly Commtnunist character
in its daily propaganda." are two news items.    One
■'-lis with the matter regarding educational class
es; the other refers to a statement by the   "Com-
mittee for  the Third International." advising that
'hey  will remain and do business until the Coin
munis! Party was organised.   Thii was the item
aluch should have had the caption already quoted,
but note,  that "of" is inserted instead oi "for" A
printers error is excusable, but such deliberate ami
constant twisting is. let us hope, not truly Com-
nuniai m character.
There is tn article on "The 0. B. U. i" Ki"
Imspect," which for pure unadulterated folly has
not been duplicated since the New York "Commun-
»t*s" raving! at the time of the Winnipeg strike.
"R«d, not to contradict, but to weigh and con
*'"•"." as Bacon has it:
"The Winnipeg strike tied up the city for
several weeks .... Troops were quartered
in the city and intimidated several demonstra-
I it'lis oi workers. From a strike to raise wag
M the strike had developed so that the next
logical step would have been a political strike
against the capitalist state. Hut the Strike
Committee refused to take that Step, urged the
workers to be peaceful, and indignantly denied
tying to supplant "constituted authority" with
;l Workers' Council. The step towards a pol-
•tfcal strike was not taken because of the 'con-
s-itutionar prejudices of thc Strike Commit-
fee, the absence of a revolutionary party willing to take the leadership of the workers into
II s own hands, thc absence of illegal organs ol
Propaganda which could have explained the
situation to the workers and dispelled the dead-
Y effects of the 'constitutional' appeals of
their leaders; in a word, the absence of revol-
,   »'ionary proletarians."
lJj quote at this length is necessary, and at that
Will leave it.   Comment would he superfluous.
, 7ct Us pass on to an  article 00 "The Soviets."
hls article is taken front n Thesis by the Third
International, "When and under what conditions
Soviets of   Workers' Deputies should be formed."
There was plenty of room   for the entire Theses,
there being two fillers, and all the paragraphs are
heavily leaded, particularly the last page.    But that
would not do for our Communist friends, who have
evidently taken a vow to abjure facts.   Instead, the
Thesis is boiled  down somewhat, and to give it a
local habitation, Canada   is used in place of German), etc    At this point, however, I wish to refer
our friends to the "Communist'' (Jan. 27,1921) mentioned above, and which they have laid under tribute: they might well have taken the first item in
the paper to heart—speaking of certain tenets of the
Fourth International which have been taken almost
word for word from the Third, we find these golden words: "Imitation is flattery; but excess of zeal
in this direction, one must remember, goes by the
name of forgery."   Of course it is not forgery, it
is robbery. Forgery suggests a close imitation, but
this   travesty on the   Moscow Thesis is more like
the act of an idiot who, realizing the possibility of
discovery, partially destroys the stolen goods, in the
hope of being able to parade them securely in public.
The article might well be   characterized by the
words of   Macbeth when apostrophysing life, "A
talc told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,   signifying nothing."    Our friends are good enough to
give Moscow credit for a small portion of the arti-
clc, but even at that they must make a hash of it.
The Moscow document discusses the rise and  fall
of the  Soviets of  Workmen's   Deputies and their
transformation into Soviets of Workmens' and Soldiers'  Deputies.   The historical  process is regarded and emphasized, and then wc are told that these
historical facts prove that certain definite premises
are necessary for   the    organizing   of    Soviets of
Workers'  Deputies and the transforming of them
intoSovictS  of   Workers'  and  Soldiers'   Deputies.
Mark how our friends put  this historical  process.
"When,  then,  and  under  what  conditions  should
the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' representatives be formed ':"    The entire force of the matter is
lost, by the absence of the concept contained in organizing one body and    transforming it    into another.
The concluding paragraph of tbis Thesis reads
Comm,. Party <»t.   B. edition):
'"Soviets without a revolution are impossible. Soviets without a proletarian revolution
inevitably become a parody of Soviets. Tin-
authentic Soviets of thc masses are the historically elaborated forms of the dictatorship of
the proletariat."
(>ur friends say, without however giving Moscow
the credit:
"Soviets without a revolution are impossible.
Soviets without a   proletarian revolution become a parody of Soviets.    The Soviets are
the Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
I suppose by using capitals where Moscow uses
small type, we are compensated for the absence of
words which would lend coherence to their stolen
thoughts.    Bui  enough of this is enough.
However, 1 cannot close without mildly enquiring what OUT friends mean when at thc beginning
of the article on "The S. P. of C. and Communism,"
they refer to the obsolete eighteen conditions for
affiliation, and towards the end wax indignant at
the bate suggestion by me. of these eighteen points
being changed.
But I swear to cease right here; if I look at that
"truly Communist' 'propaganda again 1 will never
The heavy type throughout this article originates with me, ' J- HARRINGTON.
 — to:	
Following $1 each—D. Pyne, J. A. Coodspeed.
Wm. Van Vliot. J. A. I hitmen, N. Booth, Wr. Hoare,
A. llallberg. 1. Tisher, W. J. Kennedy, S. Johnson.
W. B. Nicholson, 0. Teiil'jord, M. C.oudie. J. E. Palo.
T. Dorrill, I. Perry, K, E. Shaw, J G. Brown. J.
Navlor, S. T Mi*chell, J. Peacock, H. Willcocks,
p. Doyon, W. Morrison, il. Labti, C Neil, A. Miller.
'.Robinson, W. 11. Cupples, P. T, Leckie, Geo. Silk.
'j Coxon, Co W. Lohr, l'\ J. Nee
' Following, $2 each -A. Shepherd. W. S. Mat-
thcw8| il. C. Mitchell. S. Karp, W. M. Brown.
15. F„ Polinkos, $4; W. Clarkson, $3; M. E. Will,
$5. \. II.  Tallentire, $3.50.
Total Clarion subscriptions from 11th to 28th
March, inclusive-total. $59.50.
(Continued from page 1)
ledge of the arts of production—a social product in
the possession of the productive workers.
Intervening between the above factors and their
functioning primarily in the interests of the community as a whole is—the private ownership of the
material equipment. In the interest of the owners, production is carried on primarily for profit, and
community needs are only incidentally supplied
and. for the individuals of the community, only in
such fashion as their purchasing capacity affords
A short time ago the editors were shouting from
the headlines "produce, produce!!" And whenever
a group of workers went on strike we were told how
much labor time was lost and how much wealth;
but they are silent now on this matter when millions
in every country are unemployed, when the labor
time lost, and the wealth which might have been
produced, are beyond computation.
To what*extent does private ownership of the
material equipment interfere with the functioning
of industry to its full capacity? There are eminent
authorities in such matters who hold that through
curtailment of production in the interest of profits,
and through competitive waste, etc., production is
carried on at something less than one-fourth of the
industrial community's productive capacity. i^See
Veblen's "The Vested Interests," p. 81.)
Fellow-workers, it is necessary that we get the
point of vieyv of regarding the social organization
for production, and in fact the whole social organization itself, or any of its institutions, as a production engineer regards his plant, that is, from the
instrumental or functional point of view of its output ; so in the case of society's form of economic
organization or the social organization as a whole,
we should regard them from the point of view as to
their efficiency in furthering human welfare. W hat-
ever is tried and found wanting in that functional
respect must be discarded even though it be the
legal "rights' of the capitalist class to property in
society's means of life.
(Hhervvise, there is the alternative that capitalism
presents, of social anarchy, of drifting down through
long years of decaying social life, devastating wars,
starvation and misery to final collapse of the social
organization in utter chaos. 9
Tbat outcome might seem unbelievable were it
not that history shows so many examples of social
orders as strongly and even more strongly entrenched in old customs, deep-rooted habits of life and
thought as is the present order, and as strongly
edged about by coersive force, but which did, nevertheless, perish of an institutional situation such as
now confronts society.
1 )nly in the discarding of old traditional habits
oi thought and the acquiring of new conceptions
conforming to the realities of today is there hope
of laying broad and firm the foundations of a better
social economy, and thus escaping the fate of other
civilizations. Accordingly, this is written as a call
to the working people who read it to observe, enquire and think. The S. P. of C. proclaims to all
that it is the historic mission of the working class
to free the productive forces of society from the
bonds imposed on them by the needs of parasitic
capitalism, and to establish, in the place of private
ownership, the common ownership of the material
means of wealth production. Only then, when free
from the control of private interests, will the factors essential to production come together freely
and function primarily in the interest of society as
a whole; instead of for the profit of the capitalist
class. Only then will be solved the twin problems
of "overproduction" and unemployment, superabundance and dire need and distress. C. S.
The joyful extra dancing hour (per J. Donavan),
$1.15; S. Arrowsmith, $1; H. C. Mitchell, $3; W.
11. Nicholson, $4; R. Dickenson, $2; A. C. Roga, $1;
Commune Celebration (per G. Sangster), $30; C.
Neil, $9; Geo. Silk, $1.
Total from 11th to 28th March, inclusive, $52.15.
— :o:	 PAG* fOUft
Western Clarion
▲ Jourtul of History, Bconomlct, Pklloeephy,
PnblUhed twie« a month by the Socialist Party of
Canada 401 Pander Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland S58S
Editor ....
Ewen MacLeod
Canada, 20 issues	
Foreign, 16 issues 	
If this number is on year address label your
subscription expires with asst issue. Beaew
DURING the past week-end demonstrations of
working-class fellowship, parades, meetings and reception* have welcomed Comrade
W A. Pritchard back from a Manitoba jail to the
ranks of working class educational activity from
which he has been personally separated for a year.
The surging throng that shouted a welcome to him
on his first appearance in Vancouver since his jail
sentence indicates first, that W. A. P. is held high
in working class esteem, and secondly, that his imprisonment along with that of his fellow "conspirators'' has been the means of awakening an interest
in their own affairs among the wage workers of
Press comments on local events are always a sure
guide to their reliability on world affairs, in so far
as they affect working-class matters. Now and
then there protrudes a show of decency or indiscretion, particularly in the early editions of the
daily press, but when we actually see a true statement of local happenings of working-class interest
glaring at us in front page headlines, we are astonished at the inexperience of the news-vendor *hat
allows him to be truthful, even for once. 'The
World" (Vancouver) actually had it that a bigger
crowd met Pritchard an arrival than had met the
Prince of Wales. Even "The Province," though
it tried to hide its knowledge of thc event, was
compelled to print on an inside page a two inch
item noting^ W. A. P.'s arrival, with special gratuitous mention of his sartorial equipment. "The
Province' 'did not see fit to contrast Bill's reception with that accorded the Prince of Wales, to be
sun. but its grudgingly snail notice of an event
that it could not afford to completely ignore, seives
as a guide to its work ing-cl-><■<- ---''»-<■ hereabouts
of its estimate of what is good to withhold from
their attention.
Pritchard's address to the jury in his own defence
against the indictments seditious conspiracy and
common nuisance provides an invaluable handbook
of information covering the details of the trial and
the events leading up to it. This book should be
read by everyone; it covers a vast field of literature
and Socialist propaganda matter, and as a Socialist
propaganda pamphlet it is worthy of a place in the
literature stock of any body of workers bent on the
education of their fellows.
W. A. P.'s health has suffered through his imprisonment. Comrades throughout the country
will join with us in wishing him a speedy recovery
to his usual robust righting form.
 :o:     •
the testimony. These are obviously intended to
exert some personal influence in t\ S. politics and
their presence lends an unworthy aspect to an
otherwise very interesting document."
Wm. C. Bullitt went to Paris with Mr. Wilson.
He was a member of the American Commission at
the Peace Conference. He went in February, 191°.
accompanied by Lincoln Steffens and Capt. Pcttit
to Russia to study political and economic conditions,
and to report back to the Commission, llis mission
was undertaken with the knowledge of Lloyd George
and Balfour, but was a secret mission so far as the
general knowledge of the Peace Commission was
concerned.His report was in favor of jieace with
Russia, whose peace terms, banded to him in Moscow 14th March. l<kl(\ he conveyed to Mr. Wilson.
Mr. Wilson prevented the publication of his report
and it was not made public until Mr. Bullitt tCSU
tied before the l\ S. Senate Committee of emjuirv
into foreign relations. This is the report which
Mr. Lloyd George professed not to have seen, but
which Mr. Bullitt charges him with having r*ad in
company with his secretary. Philip Kerr, General
Smuts and Sir Maurice Hankey. No doubt Mr.
Lloyd George's silence was observed under agicement with Mr. Wilson. The rcjxirt contained an
outline of Mr. Bullitt's experiences and observations in Russia, and these were so favorable to that
country and so contrary to the prevailing press, lies
that their publication could not be sanctioned by
the Entente.
Seemingly, if we are to be guided by "The Province." WC are to discredit Mr. Bullitt's testimony
because il has a little political color shewn to them
by Mr. Lansing. But we discovered the political
coloring for ourselves something over a vcar ayo.
and tbat testimony, in spite of it-- drawbacks con*
t -ins the official text of the peace proposals made
by tbe Soviets in 1919. Tiny have travelled a fang
way since then. Perhaps Mr Lloyd George feels
a little irritable when he looks at the Soviet's peace
proposals of that date and the trade agreement
ROBERT Lansing, former U. S. Secretary of
State, has written a book called "The Peace
Negotiations."   We have not read the book
which, we are informed by "The Province" (Vancouver), concerns the Paris Peace Conference, but
we arc interested in the discovery by "The Province," through Mr. Lansing, that the   testimony
of Wm. C. Bullitt before thc Senate Committee of
thc U. S-, September, 1919, was colored by a little
political bias.   Looking over the "Clarion" review
(February 2, 1920) of "The Bullitt Mission to Russia," we find our comment on this particular point
as follows: "Some notes made from various conversations with and about people prominent in the
political life of the United States are included in
News of the death of John Houston on the 11th
March reached us too late for inclusion in our last
issue. Old John was for several years an orgaui/er
for the S. P. of C, and his educational efforts were
fruitful in many places from coast to coast. His
friendship and admiration for the late D. G. McKenzie. whom he called "the great Mac." lasted
over the years, and had an influence on his outlook
on affairs and in some measure tempered his judgment, The workers of Canada have lost a willing
and earnest co-worker We are asked to publish
the follow ing:
International Association of Machinists.
Victoria Lodge No. Ill
Montreal. March   IK, l'>21.
To the Editor "Western Clarion."
Dear Sir.- Kindly publish the following resolution of Lodge 111, I. Ass. M., and oblige,
H. A. Spence, Rce. Sec.
Whereas, in the passing away of ourex-Bro. John
Houston, the working class loses a fearless defender;  and
Whereas this lodge and the organization with
which the ex-Bro. was connected at the time of his
decease, differed in policy with him at times;
Resolved, that Old One Eleven never questioned
thc sincerity or devotion of the late John Houston
to the cause of the worker, and we will always recognize our ex-Bro. as having been an indefatigua-
ble fighter in Ihe class struggle;
Resolved, that Lodge 111 Int. Ass Mach. tenders
this testimony to all and sundry.
Rec. Secretary.
 :o •	
In our last issue, in Comrade Harrington's article, page two. col. 3 (quoting Comrade Kavanagh)
". . . . Marxism, theoretical and practical, iu the
period we are not entering upon," should read
"now entering upon." Also page three, col 1,
"African" colonics should read "American" colonies.
Comrade \\. S. Matthews, secretary I -»,, v
tona, writes us to say that Local Victorias* iT
tour or five meetings in discussion 0f Thirl i W
national affiliation. They are ready f,,r tl. ■
endum any time. By the same mail \ fi -S*J
Alta. P. E. C secretary, writes to say that i1
Edmonton comrades are greatly interested u'
written discussion, and expresses the hope tluiZ
referendum will not be taken until th, m,-? f
fully discussed.    H. H. Hanson, writ,,, . f       < ?
0   '•■Il   ^\*J[
Ita.. expresses his satisfaction with the disct
so far as --  has progressed, and hopes the m,n
will be fully thrashed out.    Hii article .ȣ I-
this issue.   Comrade Kavanagh promises anothl
contribution for next issue, commenting upon cZ
rade Harringtons m our last.     Sn. too, Cot
Stephenson.    We have been  promised a contnV
tion from him for our next issue. '°
*    •    •
Comrade Cassidy, last heard from vrai in Q*\
gary. He has been round the Alberta farm nei?h-
b-orhoods, and indicates that he is likely to taker?"
foge »n Edmonton for ihe summer. \\ the sam
time be promises an article on the Third International for our next.
We are hunting up prices for binding and mail.
ing charges for bound volumes of thc "v larion' fa
I' J".    We expect the total cost with pre-paid auS-
mg charges will bc around $4.   Rrerj i.      *J
harbor a bound volume.     Sec announcement
next issue.
Local No. 1 celebrated the 50th anniversan
of the Paris Commune in the usual enthusiastic id
robust manner. A surplus in cash ol :sv ! (perC
Sangster) has been handed to the V;,. ■-■. Maintenance  Fund.
:o :—
ONE approaches ihe task of writinj a out The
Communist   Manifesto"  with some   Ut|   I
tion.       For  the "'Manifesto,'  -.mall in Lnft
though il b<\ stands m a dasj bv Hat I    n So :a';-:
literature     Not  an idea   of value il fermenting il
the revolutionary movement today but can be traced
in its lew pages, if only tn the germ     Mo in lictrooH
Of   a Social Ofdef ever penned can  rival    '
largeness ol its conception, its profound phi! •
and its sure grasp of history, its aphorism* a:.!:"
satire, all these make it a classic of literature;
the note ol passionate revolt  which pulses thn ...
it. no less than its critical appraisemt:n\ ol the s I
Ol revolt, make it for all  rebels an ins| ration IM
a weapon.     Well might even a hostile critk  * B]
of it   -Though a man devote mar.    years to I
social theory', he  will continue to fill new, u:;ev
pectcd  and   striking   truths  in   "The   Comi
To attempt in a few paragraphs to summaris
contents would   be foolish.    It can be obtained *
easily, and is *w> eminentlv readable, that to do v
WOttld  in  truth be "carrying coals tc Newcastle
What we may profitably do is to consider the "Ml**
ifesto" in the light of events which have trans;:'
since it was written, and so form an estimate Oi its
present worth.
Written in the year 1847, by Mai\ and *■<•-:
al the request of the Internation i! CommowJ
League, many parts of it are of necessity anti(justed
as. indeed, thc authors point out in the preface &
a later edition. In particular, sections iii. and '
dealing with contemporary Socialist literature •'**
the relation of the Communists to opposition pat*
ies. are now only of historical interest The mart"
of time has also rendered obsolete the tactical'!**'
posals at the end of section ii.
But the first portion, treating of the development of ihe modern capitalist class and its counterpart the proletariat, is still the best and most convincing exposition of the Marxian point of view.an
well repays thc time spent on reading and rc-readW
it. Here for thc first time thc world learned ol tl*
conception of history by which the study of socut
development matured into a definite science
Materialist Conception of History runs through tw
historical  part of thc "Manifesto" like a g0'de
thread.   Thc transient nature of capitalist BOCicJ
is emphasized, and in contradistinction to 1 t°P'
Socialism—the rights of thc workers are shown
be in accord with their social responsibilities
To those who suffer under any social sys
allotted the task of changing it, for they. an<
alone, are stung to revolt by its injustices.
(Continued on page 8.)
tern '■
The S. P. of C. and the Third International
.   ;,,i;-tm is international.    One  and the  same
, n and company owns capital and enterprises in
^rioUS different countries. Also wage slaves, the
_tors of all the wealth, are international. One
ho toda) slaves and creates riches for the lords of
prance and England, after a few weeks may be
,.,'-, bending bis back for the benefit of the American parasites.
!„ the 'lavs of the Paris Commune the Bismark
,.,„,.,. i.e., the German troops, stood in readiness
ht. cattlc in order to crush the Paris Commune and
,iraw   into   a  sea    of hfood  thc    revolution of
..,-,. ;| the Versailles* alone were unable to COpC
uiih the situation.
phc proletariat of Russia, single handed, crush'
,,» Czarism, knocked to the ground its bourgeoisie,
.: began lo realize their future plans.    Then the
international bourgeoisie from   all lands stretched
out their hands and began to throw a loop around
the neck of new Russia. They would have succeeded in choking her had it not been for the interna-
',-riat, who raised their strong bands of
md challenged "Enough. Hands off Kussi3."
owing the alxjvc, though brief reasoning, we
. that tbe class struggle can only be inter
national and therefore it is necessary to have strong
ational labor ofganination.     Such  a form of
organization is the Third, or Communist Interna-
rial    There is no heavier crime than to ignore it
be affiliated with it.
sing our legality and feeling reaction, we
SI some time anyhow     Our legality and
.-■ •   ••..•■. e .mv meaning only so long as wc slumber ai    an harmless to capitalism     As soon a> we
■ ...e   Si. be active the   police smashed our headquarters with all its charters and put our .sj>cakers
aid i or active comrades behind the bara   Do you
ber the sad happenings during the Winnipeg
live the Third International
Lei       Canadians, be a part of it.
Local Lac du Bonnet,
(per I. Beckman).
Comrade    Editor, — In discussing the affiliation
the Third international, one can   not fail to
KC that this question is touching UPOU all human
KUvit) in every land and chme   And to confine
:< s thoughts on this question to our own national
; • ••'• or continent" would hardly be doing jus-
'•« to thc question under discussion. All things
within our objective—bearing on this question—
mM' bc considered, weighed justly. The credit-
we record we have made in the past shall continue
!" the future.
Stating the case in favor of affiliation, consider*
won for its growth, and   its usefulness, must be
taken into account, which to a great extent is con
hnj*enl upon ita future development.
the object of the Third International is to har-
"ionize and supervise through a centralised agency,
; >m<I of representatives from all affiliated organizations, to better protect and facilitate the work
1,1 tnc world proletariat. Seeking to divert the
"Jfcngth of the whole to bear upon any given situa-
j""1 'll1 "iid warrantable by thc executive as in the
Hst interest of the proletariat. When the prole-
anat of any country rebel against oppression they
re ■•"' confronted With capitalism of their own
country alone, but with world capitalism. So it is
°bligatory with them, in order to wage the struggle
"r(' intelligently and   with greater effectiveness.
0cr«atc an International Union that will function
0n l«e Rams basis as world capitalism, in the intcr-
*8t°l the proletariat.    The vulnerable point in tbe
Proletarian defence has been lack or co-ordination.
s fragmentary makeup renders them an easy prey
to 1
lu''i' master.-
some comrades seem to think that if we
*rc affiliated  with   thc Third   International   we
Md have to indulge in tactics that are futile. This
,n,1< |s unsound, unless these comrades can point
where such terms have been imposed on any
y affiliated with the Third International, or a
'M*,n P«>int where no deviation from a course found
untenable has been held inviolable, or show cause
for doubting the professed object of the Third International, or the intelligence of its makeup. For
clause 16 in the "Theses" states specifically "that a
programme in conformity with special condition of
their own country" must be drawn up. Otherwise
the interpretation of the clause in question is a
supposition derived from straight-jaketing that
clause, without considering its relative position to
other points in tin- "Theses." made to meet world
conditions, which must necessarily contain a certain
amount of flexibility. If our propaganda is founded
on the class struggle, and applied intelligently and
directly to conditions arising from time to time,
we may safely assume the other phases of this propaganda to be free to adapt itself to local needs.
< Ejection to clause 2 is taken on thc grounds that
"it would immediately involve us in a series of bitter struggles." Is not the class struggle a series of
bitter struggles in all its phases? And unless We
elect to become non-combatants by committing suicide, we have to put up with it till it is ended. And
while educational work is of the utmost importance,
it will not relieve us from having to change the system of production and distribution from private into collective ownership, which involves getting administrative powers, if our educational work shall
bear us fruit in the way it is intended. Thc bitterness of thc struggle will be accelerated as we approach the final downfall of capitalism. And if the
observance of clause 2 (removing from responsible
posts in the labor movement—reformist and partisans of the centrei, would as stated "involve us in
a scries of bitter struggles." tbat presupposes the
shady makeup of the party as at present constituted.
which i- doubtful unless a very narrow construction, as to the fitness of its intellectual makeup, is
to be considered.
But if such be the case, the rupture would eventually have to come, if wc are to carry the class
struggle to its logical conclusion. The extension
oi tune to better prepare for it is neither augmented nor diminished by joining with thc Third International For surely we hold no power up our
sleeve that is capable of promoting thc cause of the
proletariat that we do not weild.
Criticism on formulas for building up the Third
International is not. I think, well founded, for nowhere is n proposed to "amalgamate all freak organizations, and affiliate them with the Third International " When signing "articles of faith" as
laid down in the "Theses," they will have to comply with these articles, by practically living up to
them to the extent demanded by the "Theses." before admittance to the Third International can be
obtained (having here regards to conditions indigenous to any country, and as such applied). The
eliminating and replacement process whicii most organizations will have to subject themselves to in
order to qualify will prove a Strong guarantee
against being swamped by freak organizations wishing to affiliate.
Notwithstanding the fact that heterogeneous elements were represented at the last congress of the
Third International, that congress should be considered largely as being of a defensive character,
obtaining support from as many sources as they
were varied in devergent views, in order to better
safeguard the revolution in Russia. Therefore the
makeup of the last congress cannot be considered
an infraction of principles, but the inclusion was
made to serve a tense and trying situation. The uncompromising tone in the terms of affiliation cannot be doubted, and though it may be said that we
have "freaks and faddists" in the S. P. of C. the
Stringent terms imposed upon them in the constitution excludes the possibility of them becoming a
menace to the party. If the qualities of the terms
imposed are scientifically correct, they command
the respect and obedience of its members. The conditions for affiliation with the Third International
can at least be compared favorably with the conditions for affiliation with the S. P. of C. when aim
of objective ami means whereby this is to be attained are considered.
When one of the comrades contends that "Herd
ing them (the proletariat) into a freak organization
and giving them revolutionary names will not unite
them'.' we agree with him. But the inference cannot escape us, that reference is here made to the
the Third International as a freak organization,
which is, 1 think, a far-fetched assumption. If all
workers must be in possession of a scientific Socialist education before they can affiliate with each
other, when will we have Socialism upon this basis?
Or to what extent should we co-operate and affiliate with our felow workers meantime? An augmented aggressiveness in carrying forward our work as
proletarians (which the conditions for affiliation
demands) cannot be interpreted as a departure from
scientific Socialism.
The comrades of Local Winnipeg No. 3 in their
reasons for non-affiliation state that "The proletarian dictatorship should not be advocated on account
of its probable short duration." Comrades, the
advocacy of the proletarian dictatorship, determines
to :i large extent the mettle of the comrades within
• •ur ranks.' Upon the proletarian dictatorship is contingent the success or failure, when at the juncture
of setting up a proletarian state, and thc proletarian
dictatorship is our only logical weapon of defence
against those forces and elements seeking to frustrate and destroy us. It therefore should be advo-
. ated in the sense that its power be invoked at the
point of necessity. Regardless of the temporary
opposition we will meet with, its ultimate usefulness is indispensable to the revolutionary proletariat.
There is plenty of breadth and latitude in the
terms of affiliation to meet all varying conditions,
providing that we earnestly seek to carry on the
class struggle intellignetly and in the most effective
way, as peculiarly adaptable to any country.
Tne overthrow of capitalism, whether by the majority or the minority, by peaceful means or by
force, cannot be determined and worked out according to prescribed rule. But as varying conditions
arise from time to time, these will have to be met
with a corresponding change in tactics, such as the
situation demands. Our propaganda must be directed to that end. Therefore an educational policy capal le of intellectual attainment only, is fallac-
i. us
The rapidly moving events exclude the probability of workers studying the class struggle out of
looks. They rather will attain to that understand-
'r»i* through contact with practical class conscious
forces operating in their midst. From this position
springs the obvious reason for clauses one to seven.
Hence the necessity for the rigid weeding out process embodied in the "Theses." "Freakes and faddists'' will not be an asset, but a liability which
must be eliminated from our organization, and must
not be allowed to hold responsible position in our
movement. Their mischievous and insidious propaganda and tactics will have enough influence from
without, to say nothing about giving official sanction to it within our movement.
In conclusion I wish to say that to admire ourselves for the wisdom we have exhibited in the
past may be allowed its deserved recognition. But
that is hardly sufficient to base the decision on
whether to join with the Third International or
not. If we are the metal we profess to be, we will
step in and help to build up—both physically and
morally—what our comrades in Russia made possible: A  genuine proletarian international.
Undoubtedly the recognition by the Party of thc
pressing needs of the day is reflected in its proposed
referendum, and naturally the consequent discussions will be of immense value as a means for measuring the revolutionary value of its teachings and
propaganda in the past.
An analysis of the points laid down for acceptance by parties applying for affiliation, usually
brings forth from the older comrades in the movement the cry that "this is precisely what the party
has been doing for years." This being so, it should
undoubtedly lead to affiliation, especially if thc reasons of the party for refusing to affiliate with the
Third International on the grounds "that this com*
■ i* w MGE SIX
mittee declines to consider any affiliation which entails the slightest suspicion of fusion or compromise." possess any real value at all. But we r.-ust
re-cognize that such claims on behalf oi the party
may be questioned, and a further examination oi
the terms for affiliation may reveal to us the fact
tbat we may occasional}" have fallen down in our
methods of application. Our educational policy has.
no doubt, been of value, but (luring these stirring
times should not our policy be to make rebels and
not philosophers?
Comrade Harrington points out that "Our understanding of tbis (the Marxian philosophy) has led
us to maintain a strictly educational programme.
We have assumed the position that the development
of capitalism would engender revolutions, and that
an understanding of society, economic and historic,
would secure the working-class against precipitate
and futile action." And what will be the inevitable outcome of a continued adherence to such a
policy * Are we not to learn any lessons from our
historic understanding of society and apply and
connect such lessons with the more modern phases
of the class struggle: Tbe horrible collapse of the
Second International in 1914, by reason of its adherence to such a policy, and the marked contrast of
tbe successful outcome of the policies of the Bolshevik party in Russia, proves beyond dispute the
necessity of a centralized, disciplined party whose
education shall not be confined alone to a knowlc Igc
of the historical and economic development of society, but will be extended to include a definite course
of study of the revolutionary movements of society
and their practical application, if our Marxism is to
be Marxism, and we are to profit by revolutionary
experiences of existing revolutionists.
Unless we possess the knowledge of revolutionary tactics, the revolutions that capitalism has engendered might well as not occur, for we should be
placed in precisely the same position as the Finnish
and Hungarian workers, and our actions then would
surely be precipitate and futile. Therefore, our
daily propaganda should be truly communistic, that
is. preaching the necessity of discipline within thc
Party, preparing ourselves and thc workers generally for conscious and deliberate action during the
inevitable period of collapse, so that we may be
able to crush thc power of the capitalist State and
to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat by
transforming thc proletariat into thc ruling class.
A realization of what such preparation means
will surely reveal the necessity for a more virile
working class party. If our interpretation of thc
trend of present day events will allow us to proclaim the inevitability of another Imperialist world
war, then surely we should prepare for such, not by
fooliifg ourselves into a belief that thc modicum of
freedom allowed us by tbe bourgeoisie will still exist
during a time of crisis, but by preparing a definite
plan of campaign so that we shall be able to reap
the harvest of such a field of discontent which a repetition of 1914 will present. This phase of the question is purely hypothetical, but surely we are all
prepared to admit that the lot of the proletariat will
not improve with the decay of capitalism, ind the
historical fact stands out that as the political stability of a governing class weakens, so does the true
function of the State as an instrument for suppression and oppression become more pronounced. And
by exercising its power the State will not allow us
to carry on a propaganda of such virility as would
tend to give the working class confidence in a party
whose avowed function is to usurp the power of
thc State, but whose methods of propagating their
ideas will not be able to raise above the repressive
powers of the capitalist State they are out to crush.
In anticipation of any criticism which may advocate
the postponement of any idea of a Communist
Party, while we arc yet free to carry on legal propaganda, on the grounds of the inevitable repression
which will follow the formation of a Communist
Party, I might mention the sad plight of the Second International when they were robbed of thc
holy freedom which left them unable to function,
While section 4 may not affect thc position of
the Party to any great extent (since I interpret this
section as being particularly framed for countries
where conscription is practised in times of peace, as
well as war), I will pass on to section 5, with a note
in passing that the value of judicious propaganda
among the troops is too apparent to need much comment, but which is so consistently neglected ?s to
call for much coment also.
The Party is peculiarly adapted for rural propaganda, and it lias no doubt carried on much useful
work'in rural districts. 1 feel that I am now treading on what is dangerous ground, for one whose experiences of the movement has been confined to thc
East, when 1 recall the stories often related of the
pioneers of the Party who iramped the prairie propagating Socialism under conditions which w mid
have broken the hearts of less determined workers.
But it seems as though with the widening of thc
field tor work, and the development of more easily
accessible fields, the Tarty is slackening in its endeavors. The growth of farmers* parties proves
that the farmer is beginning to realize that be is
not receiving all that is coming to him, and a disciplined Communist naudens in the various farmers
organizations would save our farmer friend main
a wasted effort in the direction of tbe reform movement.
The section referring to persistent Communist
work in the Trade Unions, when read in connection with Lenin's remarks concerning participation
in reactionary Trade Unions, should be an eye-
opener to the comrades of the Party who helped to
invent and form the pure, class organizations which
are to put the workers on their own feet. Tbe desertion of thc A. F. of I. by many Of the oldest ami
ablest members of the Tarty, at a time when their
work in the A. F. of U was most needed, was a mis
take in tactics which the movement cannot afford to
To attempt to deal with the remaining points
would be superfluous, for tlie natural benefits accruing from the centralized organization and the «-n-
forcement of a more determined discipline would
be apparent to all. Perhaps were we living in this
happy state even the master class would be made
aware Of the existence of a revolutionary party, and
by dint of bard work on the part of the comrades
we might poastbty reach the hearts land minds', of
the workers
Tbe recognition by the K. C. of the Communist
International of the existence of the variety of con
ditions under which the different parties would have
to work ami struggle, (roves tbat the E. C. recognize the peculiar conditions with which we are faced,
but they also recognize tbat these conditions are
concomitants of a system that presents the sum*
evils of wage-slavery and degradation universally.
Consequently the workers must be prepared for a
universal struggle and to wage such a struggle
effectively we must fall in line with other comrcdes
who are conscious of what is needed, and offer to
the enemy a united front, nof of philosophers, hut
of rebels.
Therefore. I am unhesitatingly in favor of affiliation, and 1 hope that the day is not far distant when
we shall have a Canadian section of the Third International, with former members of the S. P. of C,
foremost in its ranks, preaching a philosophy of action rather than a philosophy of erudition
Kditor,   Western   Clarion."
Dear Comrade,—The letters in favor of joining
tbe Third International fail to advance reasons why
Socialists must affiliate. 1 am not a member of
the S. T. oi C. or any other party, but if permissible
I wish to advance some reasons against affiliation.
The constitution, conditions of membership ami
Theses of the Third, are based upon the false notion that the workers are ready for revolution. The
"Manifesto of the Third International," signed by
Lenin. Zinovicv and others, states: "Socialist criticism has sufficiently stigmatized thc bourgeois
world order. The task of the International Communist Party is now to overthrow this order and
to erect in its place, the structure of the Socialist
world order."
The call for the Third International, signed by
I.enin, the Spartacans and others, laid down mass
action, and insurrection, etc., as the only methods
and ignored entirely the importance of education
in Socialist principles preceding action. This cry
fo; action ignores the fact that knowledge of tInroad to follow and the objects of thc struggle must
precede action, if results are to be useful. Thc I.
W. W. is thc best example of believers in action
and more action. The tragedy of their policy * f
ignoring education can be seen from the action oi
their boasted membership in Philadelphia of 3,000
marine transport workers. They loved to point to
the job control of these members whose high initia-
lion fees were a flat violation of I. \y a,
Vtion was seen when they loaded munitions £
VVrangel at Pidgeon Point, and aftci U-^J
had protested the .',<<*< were -*.i> I:.!, i)U| r\
taken in again, as the I. VV. W»couId nol afforTS
lose them. |
The Theses on  tbe ''Fundamental Tasks oftfe
Communist International," adopted ■• - .„a',-
gress   Ol   the   I bird   International   (August   | .v,
and  written by   I.enin states    "In pal J
necessary for thc Communist Tatty ,,;i.■ .
advanced proletariat to give the  most til
self-denying support to all thc ma    -  • ..   ...
I eneral strike movement which alone is able under
the yoke of capitalism, to awaken properly, a::  .
enlighten and organise the maw,
ihcm a full confidence in the leadii
. olutionary proletariat" (Emphasis mitu
This teaching is unsound and i. tl a .•.    .
 hy* of direct actionrevUed.   How .
i> rh< change in ideas due to atriki •
English engineers voting ior the leading*
wh»j locked them out, and thc results oi I
elections and recent z  »•■    elections in   i\
where tbe employers' agents were j
jonties by tbe workers  in a COUntT)  I -
Here in Winnipeg, after all the n
sedition shown b) the employ,!-.
Russell Pritchard and Johns re-
votes again-:  the many thousands ;
plovers and Other harmful can lidatc*
!? is not easi   to   gather inf<
parties affiliated or thc activities -    -
Ii lie  news  is  allowed   to filter '
many parties have not received invitations
• r any literature necessary.   M < <
of its information from delegates -
JVS, and in present state of diffi' ult
ication there is onlv a semblai  •
al.   Wm. Gallacher, of Commui
Scotland, has told us of hi
Many delegates there mav   havi   I
I ody, but  H   is'doubtful     Jtti'   l
signed the Internationa] Mate csi      r tl   5.1
of America, white that bod) was
documents he st&ncd, so man) other
iaekmg  or   mandates      j.  S.
-'.evik (of Workers' Committees) tel
never knew the British Communis! :    '
so str mg until he left Britain and ca
In    The Worker' '.Jan. 29,  1921    he I
L.nin the "British Communist  i
fokc.**     The editor of   thc  Mcs
Party paper   r-.i!c's magazine clai
Jan. 6, 1921 - that Roy, tbe Hindu Nal
been »n Mexico latelv. ami  is an ami
Ian,   using the movement for pet*S in
nol .. Socialist, on bis own confess
represented  India at Moscow, and a
it look as though colonies were linit;.
\part from the difficulty of kno
I he discussions in committee at th< '  ■■
imuoitant questions like the Labor ■'■
It!   -ed. WC have only  the evidence 1U
MteVkj and their sympathisers, ■ •
documents reprinted or obtained froi
'one of the conditions of affiliation
s the iti
UpO'i   dictatorship of Ihe proletaiiat    ■« •' : '■' ''',
ganda.    This   phrase,  used  SO often,
number of meanings nowadays, [f thai ni< '
we are to do like some of thfl spcakcra pro agat
seizure of power bv a few dominating '■' ' "|V'
will not assist us in our propaganda as T-
have suffered too much from the rule  ol I '
already, and won't trust to the goodwill ol atl> r
ticttlar group seizing the reins again0 ''
all ibis stress upon a phrase that has bec< mc !  i
1    I -   *- [\ *■
lar since the Russian revolution, if, as Kai   ,,',',,.
it   onlv  applies  to   backward  countries .
writing upon this question iu •'<->    •
Socialism from Science to Practice," BS* !' ...,
in his "Development o
racttcc, says.   »■ •
be fairly said   that every revolution is under
by the minority, that the majority onl\ ;!n"'
. i        'ti in""
course of the revolution and decides tne _
issue.    Were it otherwise, not only would a
torship in the country with a proletariat
like Russia be harmful as the followers ol  s^'.or.
maintain, but in a country with a proletarian
ity, for which Kautsky and hia achool are J|    g,
ly pleased to allow of a dictatorship, it wo1   .   ll;ii
tirely unnecessary.   In such a country, ,'" l'   ,
lie  would  be  •''■*   few  Iii  --1-----1 w-r thai   tli'
, jH. in a position to take arms against the pro-
'. , ,,,;„. Thus the Marxian conception of a pro
I .,., dictatorship as an unavoidable stage on thc
, .,, Socialism either is an antiquated conccp-
r!,„, or his dictatorship is as much justified in Rus-
. .,. ;.| any other country."   (Emphasis mine |
Mil *i     ' ,
ocrc wc have the dictatorship defined as unnec-
I r, ,,, the advanced countries, and by such a
„ron-jncni Bolshevik official of the Third Interna-
I. , as Radek. If they mean simply that the
I . class (as Marx puts it, in thc "Communist
hjanifesto") must win the battle of democracy, ac-
,,i supremacy and become thc ruling
I   ,. tjU| ug the transition, why don't  they say so?
1 as your object and insist upon propa-
[jno a    ndition which must in the very nature of
ttion, be a  brief transitional  stage?
W'hal th<   Third  International means   should be
understood before joining, and their reply
ration of the Socialist Party of America
jven * on several points (see "Common-
..     -   \  Dec, 15, 1920).
Kaplan and others sentimentaly appeal
*-     ilisls to join because Russia is "engaged in
against all force and fraud of the whole
. orld.*1    In their reply to R   P. of A   the
International executive ridicule this reason.
rsc   very gratifying to have the sym-
Imerican Socialist Party because thc
• International 'is threatened by the com-
• forces of the world.'   This is, i-(,w-
.i valid reason for a party's wishing to
untsl International, or for the Com
rnational to accept such a party "
irthcr  siate:  "Thc  Communist   Interna*
ii naive organization     it js an organ
m, the General Staff of ths World Kc-
: the forcible overthrow of thc capital-
n where, and tbe setting up of the dicta*
thi  proletariat."
say: "The Communist International
r in war  time; volunteers who join the
Iution  must adopt its principles and
lers, submit to its discipline     None but
Corrfmunist organisations arc accept-
Communiat   International.    They  must
i r program the program of the Com
misi        rnational —  open revolutionary mass
• Communism, through tin- Dictatorship
letariat, by meana of Workers Soviets
binding all resolutions of the Congress
utive Committee of the Communist In-
("Communist,**U.S. A,Dec. IS, 1920
Stence  upon   '"open  revolutionary  mass
--'      IS again   emphasized  in the "Theses on
rism, Trade Unionism and the Common-
•' •' tional," adopted at Second Congress last
This  states;
"The fundamental method of the struggle of
it against the rub- of the bourgeoisie
II, the method of mass action "
mass struggle means a whole system of
demonstrations growing ever more acute
mi and logically leading to an uprising against
ilisl order of  government."
iSS action'1 means to rely upon thc Ipon
ms instinctive uprising of bodies of people, and
activtt)  of informed organize.I workers   It
"' to tragedies recently in the T. S. r\.t and the
,:i\v suppression  of the  workers by  armed ion\--
*cl '"■ ol tbe affiliated Communist bodies in Can
;!l their official organ the "Communist Bullet-
"'    >ays of the Winnipeg strike nnfveiueut:
"front a (rtrike tO raise wages the strike bad de
■Sloped so that the next  logical step would have
1,a" 'l political strike against the capitalist State,
1'ut !l,r strike committee refused to take that step.
JrN the workers to be peaceful, and indignantly
••enisd trying to supplant "constituted authority"
ui'h a workers* council The step towards a pol-
IM,il! Strike was not taken because of the "consti-
^tionaT1  prejudices  of   the   strike  committee,  the
,  cncc "' a revolutionary party willing to take the
lcad«p8hip into its own hands, the absence of illegal
"ri;;,,1s Of propaganda which could have  explained
■^f-tuation to the workers "
h(v are putting the Theses into practice.    But
h*tway is surely the nemesis of propaganda, and
ain8 the workers on to the shambles.
1 lhc above reply to S. P. of V., thc Third insists
al acceptance of Workers Soviets is necessary as
thc means of dictatorship. In the Theses just quoted they say ■ "The only form of proletarian dictatorship is a republic Of Soviets." This is worth discussion, but their writings offer little information.
The whole question of the superiority of Soviets is
given small attention. The Bolsheviks themsel 'es
bad to set np higher bodies such as the Supreme
Council of Economy, etc The visitors from Russia
give little knowledge on the matter. Mensheviks
started the Soviets in VX)5, and Scheidcman captured the Soviets in 1919 in Germany, because there
is nothing in their form which makes them immune
'rum reaction any more than other organs.
Sometimes we are told that the phrase Dictatorship is used to denote the denial of franchisevto the
bourgeoisie. But I.enin tells us in his "Proletarian
Revolution," (p. 56), "the disfranchisement of the
lourgcoisie does not constitute a necessary element
oi the dictatorship of thc proletariat."
In reply to the S. T. of America, the Third International sjates: "The centrist parties, the German
Independents and the Trench Socialists are not yet
acceptable for entrance into thc Communist International. Yet they accept the program of mass action and dictatorship of the proletariat based on the
Soviets. Any party which still advocates political
democracy is a thousand times worse than these
parties, il is a counter-revolutionary, a Scheidcman
W hethcr or not the S. P, of C. position is opposed
to political democracy I leave to the general know-
dge of your members, but this statement is nof in
harmonj with Radek's quoted before.   Further, this
attitude of hostility to political democracj is backed
bj  reference to the failure of parliamentary ac-
• on, which ui» 'till now has not been Socialist parlia-
iltan actum, but the action of workers supporting
l! . ir enemies.
True to thc double attitudes adopted on vari >us
questions by thc Third International, tbis denun-
iation of political democracy is in contrast with
' eii support of the Labor Tarty. They now tell
working class to get control of parliament >y
mc.cis ui* the Labor Party. Thc "Theses on the
fundamental Tasks of the Third International,"
adopted at second Congress, states thc "Second Congress of the Third International must declare itself
in favor of the Communist Tarty, and the groups
and organiations, sympathising with Communism
in England, joining the Labor Party, notwithstanding thc circumstances that tbis party is a member of
the Second International." The purpose stated is "to
accelerate thc transfer of political power from the
direct representatives of the bourgeoisie to the
Labor lieutenants] of thc capitalist class,' so that
the masses mav bc more rapidly cured of alTillusions on this subject." Vet the Third International
has told us that during the war "affiliation with the
Labor Tart} then, meant an alliance with opportun-
is i and in nowis* a struggle against tt." (Reply
-,, 11.. p.) Curing workers of illusions by another
Is the opportunism any the less now! While
parties in Third are allowed to belong to the Labor
Tatties it obviously cannot be a sound Socialist
bod) to join.
The division amongsl parties today into "Communist1 'and other fractions has not been caused
b> a grasp of Socialist principle, but by thc activities of Moscow delegates, together with enthusiasm
for Russia. Up till yesterday the membership of
Trench and German parties were outside Third, but
alter a discussion on Soviets, dictatorship, etc.. the
delegates declared for it.
Sylvia Pankhurst told ns that there are reformers
in both Communist Parties in England. Scrrati.
the Italian delegate, who was highly praised as a
Bolshevik by the Third International, asks: '•How-
is it that the Russian Government, if it is so intolerant of opportunism- could offer some months ago
£75000 to the "Daily Herald." which upholds in
England the policy of opportunist Socialism?"
(London "Communist,"  Jan. 13, 1Q21.
He also objects to the agrarian theses as not revolutionary enough, and "does not share Lenin's
belief that objectively, conditions are ripe for revolution, and that only leaders are in the way." The
Communist Labor Tarty of Germany in their "Open
Letter to I.enin." say: "The Third International
believes that the revolution in Western Europe will
be able to follow a compromise and alliance  with
petty peasant, petty bourgeois, and even with bourgeois parties. The Communist Labor Party believes this to bc impossible." ("Workers Dreadnought," Jan. 29, 1921.
J. S. Clarke, the Bolshevik Workers' Committee's
editor, says, in "The Worker," Jan. 29, 1921) onr his
return from Russia: "We have the most cunning,
most powerful and most politically and economically wide-awake ruling class on earth to combat.
We have a proletariat as different to the Russian
proletariat as chalk differs from cheese. Our proletariat can read and write, they are doped and
have been doped for centuries; they are cursed with
traditional ideas of freedom and superiority; they
have to be uneducated. Our insularity, our dependence on other countries, and the relatively well
entrenched power of our Menshivik opponents and
trade union bureaucracy are other factors to consider."
Zinovicv at the Third International Congress in
August, "expressed the fear that it might be dissolved by tbe petit-bourgeois elements which thc
irresistible sweep of the working clas.; movement
was bringing in without ridding them of their prejudices." (Communist," London, report of Third
International i. That this is possible can be seen
by the reformers of yesterday "becoming*' the Bolshevists of today.
I hold tbat a real Third International must bc
based upon a recognition of thc class struggle,
thereby keeping out reformers, nationalist liberation movements and Labor Parties. L'pon a recognition of the necessity of educating the mass of
the workers, and political organiation for tbe conquest of political  power for Socialism.
Serrati. whom Zinovicv refers to as "your glorious leader." interviewed by Brailsford ("Daily Herald." Jan. 25. lu21 <. "complained of the impenetrable ignorance which even th^ ablest Russians display in judging Western politics. One may admire
their driving force and their tremendous achievement but this ignorance seems to me to make affiliation under tbe 21 points too grave a risk." Space
prevents showing the character of some organizations in the Third International, but we have the
Unione Sindicale Italians, and parties like the Communist Tarty in England, whose secretary (White-
bead i writes that it stands for: "Shorter working
week for heavy and skilled labor." "Equal pay for
i en aud women." etc. ("Workers' Dreadnought/'
Sept.. 11th. T»20). The Communist Party in England have as their editor a well known Roman Catholic publicist, and we even have Rombacci of Italy
(the extremist Communist) demanding " an energetic revision of the membership of parties in the
Third" at the Second Congress. John Maclean,
M.A.. whom the Third called tbe leader of Bolshevists in England, has a street named after him
Hi Petrograd, but we find one of the planks in his
Scottish Communist Party is "Home Rule for
Obviously there is much in thc Third Internationa! of the material that ruined the Second.
I notice that these articles on Russia and also
on the Third International contain several "kind"
references to the S P. of G. H. Faulkner asks if
the Bolsheviki should have wired the S. P. of G. B..
and Fillmore jokes about their small numbers. A
writer signing himself F. Clark lumps them in with
the holy-rollers and Billy Sunday. I would suggest that if these writers object to thc S. P. of G. B.
they should attempt to deal with their position and
propaganda and not descend to sneering at them in
an ignorant manner.
The writer belonged to the S. P. of G. B. for over
12 years, and knows their struggle against the appalling mass of confusion in Britain. Working
against thc Second International when Lenin and
the mass of present Communists still believed in it,
and attacking Kautsky while Lenin still called him
a Marxist, thc S. P. of G. B. carried on an unpopular crusade against reformism and syndicalism of
every color, and with entirely voluntary work of its
nembers has an influence far beyond its small membership. It has never shirked discussion and stands
today for thc position it laid down in 1904 because
i; still holds that its Marxian attitude is unshaken.
As I close this letter, 1 sec by the organ of the
Canadian section of United Communist Tarty of
America ("The Communist Bulletin") that thc S.
T. of C is told that in order to join it must make
< U-:
:'. *•:
a m
 I . ai> changes  but any reader can sec that none of
  the changes promised is in the Interest of Socialist
LOCAL  (CALGARY)  EDUCATIONAL vducation  o~   working   class  interest.   They  say.
CLASSES. "the programme of the S. P. of C. does not conform
Headquarters at 134a 9th Avenue West u, the demands laid down by the  Communist H
Business Meetings every 2nd and 4th Monday in teinational, and is essentially the same as the pleach month.   8 p.m. grammes of thc parties of the Second Iiiternation-
Economic Class every Thursday, 8 p.m. *a ••   ->jerc weeping in the   party press over the
History Class every Sunday, 8 p.m. attacks upon Soviet Russia does not make the S  P,
Speaker's Class every Tuesday, 8 p.m. 0f £ anv more radical than the I. I.. P.. which docs
Text books used in studies are "Socialism, Utop- tj,0 sanu. an(* js at Xnc sanu, tjmc a purely rctorin-
ian and Scientific" (History Class),  "Value, Price -vt partv."   They further state: "The S. P.  of C
and Profit," and first nine chapters "Capital" (Econ- 0(.rta;n]v j)as  not  been social  patriotic, but   I hey
omic Class). All woikcrs are welcomed to thc head- -,avc -,ecn certainly social  pacifist—not once   has
quarters at any time. -}u. party in a leaflet or article pointed out the nec-
  cssity of a working class assault upon the capitalist
FORT WILLIAN AND  PORT ARTHUR stete as thc method for the overthrow of capital-
DISTRICT j.,,-"    They also argue that you should have tried
Study Class < Marxism), every Sunday at 8 p.m., tll   "niobilie  the   workers  against  the  ini{H*ri,i!ist
at the Labor Temple, Finlayson Street, Fort Wil- war."
Ham. Ontario. This class is developing, and is This is the stuff acceptance of Third Interne-
likely to evolve into the educational centre among tjonai policy leads to* assault the State with a
the workers of this district. Those who are inter- working class against you: mobilize the workers
ested in the study of history and economics from a during war time when they were intensely filled
Marxian viewpoint, and those who are acquainted with war fever. Assault thc State by resorting to
with the subjects, and who appreciate thc need for street fighting, is the brilliant policy of these "Com-
the spread of knowledge among the workers, are munists." A KOHY
earnestly invited to step in and help.                                                        :o:	
LOCAL (VANCOUVER) Ho. 1 tCnirrmed fror.   page 41
•■    * want and misery alone do not make for revolution
EDUCATIONAL CLASSES There must also be present either actual means of
POLITICAL ECONOMY: Every Sunday afternoon, amelioration, or potentialities of such sufficiently de-
from 3 to 5. ,      .     . ,    .,.,      •., ,   •
«w-mbv. -c< -m.     j ,        • A    ,A ve open to be recognized.    I he will to revolution is
HISTORY: Every Thursday evening, from 9 to 10. * s
  abortive without the means to give that will effect
Classes meet at 401 Pender Street East.   No fees Marx points out that the means to end capitalism
are asked and no collection is made.   All that is have been supplied by modem industrial dcvclop-
required is an earnest interest in the subject taken Im.nt tan,* that this development has been thc his-
np.   All points raised and all questions asked are loric of thc capita,-s- epoch
fully discuaaed.   Membership in the Socialist Party       ,, , , .
- ~      ,   . ,.A.       . .      ..      -  , Previous revolutions in human  h-storv were es-
of Canada is not a condition of membership of these
classes sentiaUy "minority" revolutions, because the revo;t-
_ ,    .    .    , . ing elements were not welded together by any j>er-
You are earnestly invited to attend. . .,    ..       , . ,      .     ... .,.  ...
* manent identitv of interests, but were allied solel »
—. * ' o
i -A ■-
* * by a common hostility to a dominant class; and a-
LOCAL  (WINNIPEG)  Ho. S—EDUCATIONAL MHM1 M thc latter was overthrown tin class distinc
UI-lnnES. tions within the revolting elements came to the sur-
«—-—— face, thrusting thc lowlier classes into what was re-
ECONOMIC CLASS: Every Friday at 8 p.m. Vealcd to be simply another form of economic scrv,-
SPEAKERS' CLASS: Every Sundsy at 11 a.m. *-,de.
HISTORY CLASS: Monday   Evening,   8  o'clock.       it could not bc ether wise.      Property was so
Friday Afternoon, 3 o'clock. widely and diversely distributed that a single align-
  ment of society into two opposing groups was irr.-
These elasses are already well attended, and the possible.   A successful revolution directed again-.
number of members is increasing.    The classes meet private property is only {-ossible where property is
at 530 Main Street, Winnipeg, and all workers are so centralized thai the subject class is able to sec in
requested to sttend. t|K. ruijng class simply a personification of private
:0: property.   The mechanism of capitalist production
nrmnrmTPTTOir vau-m Jias acco,,,.'••;,■•c•, tms hy destroying private pro-
SU LPTIOH FORM. {>ertv a*r(.a(jv for "nine-tenths   of the population '
WESTERN CLARION Consequently, the next revolution, the Social Revol-
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and ution, wil! have for its main object ihe destruction
Current Events. of "all private   property relations," ami with this,
Official Organ of tha Socialist Party of Canada, the "division of society into classes will come to an
Issued twice-a-month, at 401 Pender Street East, end." .
Vancouver, B. C.   Phone: High. 2583. The "Manifesto" affords thc best example in pol-
Rate: 20 Iasues for One Dollar (Foreign, 16 issues), itical literature of thc combination   of theoretical
Mske all moneys payable to E. MacLeod. principles with tactical needs; and because tactics
For. enclosed herewith mu*t5,Wf3r'^ iT^1 in thc con-illoM ■««««*€*
Iy at hand, the "Manifesto   is today tactically value-
lendL ~ iasues to:-— less, except in so far as persistent stress in first principles is of tactical importance.    Like all historic
  documents, it is at thc mercy of the march of time.
A dill ess  ~  Il '''^ "ot attcmf,t to take 'l» sta"d upon any "etcr-
■■al" principles, but based itself on the shifting scenes
 :o:  am- fleeting forms of thc society in which it had its
— birth.   The extent to which the theories outlined in
NOTICE TO MARITIME READERS the "Manifesto" are still true of society today is the
"TT.   tA*      «    . Pr°Per ni*asur« of the long-sighted penetration of
All "Clarion" readers in Maritime Provinces are its authors.   If thc value of    ^ dependg
asked to communicate with the undersigned at once. the time it endures, then one can sav thc "Mani-
Comrade Cnas. Lestor will soon arrive from Eng- festo*- is a permanent contribution to the science of
land, and will apeak at all points where arrange, society.
menu can be made.     We shall need funds, and       Nevertheless, wc should be misunderstanding the
eroups of workers in each place.   Get busy, coUtct sPirit of its authors if we attempted for one moment
funds arrange meetings, and communicate with ma to £* ,ts «»<«*-#• *• rigidity of a dogma or to
tunas, arrange- m*^* a make lt anytmng ,lkc a touc|„tone for all t}nie Its
re*rnrding data, etc. limitations, though they be the ones to which all
ROSCOE A. FILLMORE, science is subject, are very real ones.   It was cir-
R.R. 1, Oromocto, N. B. cumscribed not so much in what it s*?id as in what
Literature Price List
Communist Manifesto. Single eopiea ia, *
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35 cents.
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Labor Laws of Soviet  Russia.    Revised and enlarged           —**
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it was unable to say.    Wc shall be paying lts a*'
thors the highest  tribute possible if we recogn
this fact, and take up the task when- the) oet
laid it down.   And how better can we gain IMP
ation than by turning to the "Manifesto" the) P
ed three-quarters of a century ago, and cat ^
some of the fire  which still glows in its \>^'{)   .
ANHlTvIN l''\X;
--The piebs" '■;;;;<1;:,,;;l
'Werner 8<>-.ii«*rt. Seoialtom «r»«i ttir H<>cii-ii*<« m ^"i""


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