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Western Clarion Nov 16, 1920

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 *etir 8ub
Western Clarion
A Journal of
Official Organ of
Number 831    Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. <*., NOVEMBER 10, 1920	
«~      FIVE CENTS
On Copying the Bolsheviki
\'l- the time ol the 1917 revolution in Bussis
,  approved of the action of the Bolshevik
During the many  vicissitudes e!
t!   have taken place since, We ha\e leCQ
., „ ;   to slter. this position.   We understood,
lerstsnd, that Bolshevism ia noi Social-
gg,   ,»    knowledge of Russian conditions, though
.p^  rneagre,   waa   sufficient  lo   acquaint   as
fad that this country was not yet read)
im    Bconomic and social  development
■ reached that stage where social ownership
11 of production was possible.
■   was  eeeontpiished  in  Russia should
rit thi  approval of all members of the revolu-
rking class.   A great change has ts
\  nil i tan t, Marxian minority to k occasion
• ! end established proletarian dictator-
Were the conditions noi favorable for s
dictatorship could scared) have weath-
■mis of the past three yean    That the
w have succeeded, nol  alone in holding
power hut, in materially strei gthening
i should, in itself, be pros   ac     lent
• warranted the effort,
•.;.!«   tnm,io4»mry held control of pel.t-
tongei than c -       Bin >
• litiona   of   the  country   made   poss
it ite o    ■'' ■■■ ra.   Hut the time i a*u   wh<
trgeoisie was eeofu ly tmpo tw
land political rights,   ^uch demand*
• sivcl) combattcd by the ruling class. At
the opportunity foi hour reois suc< ess
■ war was in progress.   The menu-
ition seised eontrol,   They were poorlj
and in no condition to make secure their
Were the old landed aristocrats all they
■Nud with, no doubt their efforts wonld
rowned with si ess.   But'such wss uol
' resonrecful Socialist minoritj hsd I n it work
pars.   Among the industrial prol tat
i.-ive educational policy   had been carried
The w irks of Marx. Bngels, and other Social
v       '   icra were disseminated and studied.      The
of the revisionist, and reformist elcmeuta
Germany, Prance and England was fully under-
■ ■.   before   l1"" Revolution.     The)   were
"• of the Marxian school,   Their objc ' v as
abolition of '-lass society, and act  the advo-
•   palliatives and nostruma
rt week ruling claaa, lacking the meana of re
11 found in highly organised capita 1st ceti
"v • ;i peasantry uneducated ami consequently de-
that respect for maater class teaching in
'"»Mr'1'''-1' from well developed industrial roramun
•  '■'■   date  of  war   in   existence,   which   spelled
"Nation, bloodshed, audi discontenl for tho muss
'• al  these circumstances made possible the sue-
Rjnl attempt of the Bolsheviki to capture political
m*r<   This they did,
,,n"!   What   procedure   our  self classified.   Simon-
'""'' intcllectuala would have followed in such r
jJMingcnoy   we  are  not   aware,    ln  all   likelihood
i ffOUJd have chosen to remain in wage slavery
' ,,l('>' WCl| absolutely certain that  a majority
, ' e '" I'avor of the change.    Once they were able
0.V0te a paaaage from each of the Socialist classics
Pr0VQ that the tune was ripo. perhaps they would
- '' the proposition their earnest consideration.
.    ° "i«>se who are in the proletariat, yet  not  of
i Who secure B livelihood by less arduous toil than
masses who sieve in mills, minds, and factories,
this poliey of "watchful waiting" tnay well suffice.
The system does not yet hear heavily enough on
their shoulders to cause an effort for relief. Capit-
. lism still has attractions that prevent their participation in any venture that is not certain of success. Show us that the attempt will involve n<>
aserifice on our part, as well as a quotation from
Mars sanctioning the step, and we may try it. Anything less than this is anathema to us. Away with
To the scientific Socialist, the works of Marx and
Engels are valued <>n account of the knowledge they
impart The principles of the Socialist philosophy
-the Materialist Conception of History, the Class
Struggle, snd (he theory of Surplus Value— have
rat expressed by these greal teachers. Their
contribution to social Bcience has been invaluable.
Their analysis of capitaliat society has been clear,
Lorough, and accurate. We prize them for what
have accomplished. Xo one else has done so
in this field.
But ther*  ia considerable difference between be-
*:    sian  students  and   Marxian  worshippers.
i.lios a critical study, and the. other blind
The}   are two distinct modes of approach.
The analysis of capitalist production  made by
Mars and Eng< Is. over seventy years sgo, still holds
ssn i  social system prevails.    But many
- have taken place in the development of this
system.   Tbe old form of trades unionism, of which
Mars     - written, is rapidly making way for indue-
il unionisnij which letter enables the sellers of
■   •■ to resist the encroachments of capital.
Were Marx reviewing the situation today he would
ibtlesx take the same attitude towards the new
form thai he did to the old.   Yet* we find some of
is  followers  who  still  adhere to  the  craft  union
idea, and oppose industrial unionism because Marx-
did not mention it.
Such a situation as thai of the British coal miners
strike would be utterly unthinkable in Marx's day.
\,,t onh because they are a party to a 'triple
. Iliancc" of other trades, but because of the new
methods resorted to by the ruling class. Armored
tanks, automobiles, aeroplanes, etc, were all unknown fifty years ago, and today they are regarded
as the most efficient methods of coercing workers.
and making possible the transportation of commodities while the mines are closed.
With new developments in the machinery ot production it necesssrily follows that tactical changes
an> made imperative. In a general sense the tactics of the Socialist movement arc contained in
the works of Mara and bngels. Bu1 methods of.
attack arc not absolute or rigid. They arc not sot
t<> the system, regardless of time or place, as "perfect music unto noble words."   Even if we take the
term "dictatorship of the proletariat" it was not
spoken of bj Mars till he had seen the effects of
the l'atis Commune, It matters not, for the sake
of illustration, whether we accept the term in the
Kautskian or Leninian sense. The point is that
Marx did not employ it in his earlier writings, and
found occasion to do 80 only when a new situation
had arrived. -
So with us of today. We must mould our tactics
in accordance with the conditions at hand. This
the Bolsheviki did. They took control at the opportune moment. They did not stop to enquire what
sages  and  seers had   proscribed.    Whether or not
their action will lead to Socialism, hy the safest
aud shortest route, time a'one will tell. The question cannot he settled by quotations from Marx.
That the methods pursued in Russia are not
adaptable everywhere else we know full well. In
fact, perhaps in that one country alone could such
tactics suffice. The circumstances of the case will
determine what must be done. Too manv enthus-
iasts rush to the conclusion that "What's good
enough in Russia is good enough here." Tbey fail
to understand the situation. In this connexion it
might be correct to state that while the Revolution
was a good thing for the Russian workers, as many
impartial persons and delegations have testified, it
has had a detrimental effect, in many ways, on the
working class movement in other countries.
That optimism, and impulsiveness, that is sure
to follow in the aftermath of victory is likely* to
retard s philosophical study of human society. Iu-.
stead of explaining theories and laws of value and
surplus value, and probing into the economic base
to reveal the nature of the political and social structure, there is now a tendency to get busy atid do
something. Many of our students develop into
Vm^cl iU"i^gis^ik^;tae^ian^ They; not only,
understand every move th' .ITenfecvrki made, and
the reasons for making them, but persist in laying
out plans of action, and carving the political framework of the structure that must be built. In short
thCy have liolsheviki on the brain.
Enthusiasm is fine. It is one of the necessary
sttributA of a militant class. But not enthusiasm
a'one. There was enthusiasm aplenty in the Reign
of Terror, and the Paris Commune. Rut it was
mob enthusiasm.    We must guard against this.
The Russian Revolution is an inspiration to the
i workers of every land in the fight for freedom.
Even though it should end in a 'colossal massacre," Or "blood bath." as some of our quasi intellectuals gleefully predict, the effort has been well
worth while. But we must not forget tbat we can
learn from their defects as well as from their victories. Indeed, we can learn more. If all we had
to do was to emulate the fame and follow the example of Spartan and Bolshevist, we would have an
exciting time while it lasted. But soon we might
rue it. We are not strong enough. We must await
a favorable condition. How are we going to get it I
By making Socialists. By teaching our fellow
workers the nature of the system we want to abo!-
ish. When a sufficient number understand this
the vest will be easy.
They have Revolution in Russia, but at what 8
cost .' Thousands wiped ont of existence through
the ignorance of their fellow men. Were the majority of Russian workers solid for Socialist principles no nation, nor group of nations, could thwart
i heir ef foils. They would not be compelled to accept as allies the factions opposed to them. They.
would not have to accept "Tilsit peaces," or shake
the Moody band o&capitalist Europe. These are the
defeats that we can learn from. These are the obstacles that we must shun.
Instead of hollering ourselves hoarse about the
virtues of mass action thar'can do something spectacular, and not understand why we do it, let us
work in the sphere in which we find ourselves and
teach Socialism to others of our class. We do not
contend that a majority of the workers must understand   every   chapter   of   Marx's "Capital."'   Re
(Continued on pace 4.1
*• * »
Economic Causes of War
Article No. 15.
(Continued from last  issue).
TI1IS steel and irou age of capitalism is not
confined to railways; it is also very much interested in armaments. French and German
ambassadors at Constantinople engaged in incessant
conflict over the right to serve Turkey with armaments, from the forges of Creuaot in France or
Essen in Germany. The banks take their share in
this competition and the procedure is to offer a loan,
on the condition tbat the proceeds he expended to
purchase guns from either side as the case may he.
A British firm built tbe forts at Dardanelles in 1914.
Austria has been known to make it a condition of
a tariff treaty with Serbia, tha; she should buy her
guns from the Austrian works at Skoda. Britain s
treaty in defence of Spanish interests in Morocco
resulted in the rebuilding of the Spanish navy by
British firms. When a loan and railway concession
in 1909 went to Germany, the British Ambassador
objected and China was going to the dogs, but when
Lever and Company combined to found a vast soap
factory in China it was good business.
It was the great steel interests of the United
States that dictated her entrance into the Great
War. The exports of the States, which in 1!>L>
were 2.46b" billions, increased to 5,481 billions in
1916. the large>t share of which went to tbe war industries. Out of the sudden falling off of their exports through the submarine warfare arose the demand for the freedom of the seas, or in other words
a market for their products.
So we find that government today is in reaity the
executive committee of the trusts and affiliated
banks who use diplomacy and armaments if not
actually to annex seini-civilized countries, at least
to secure markets, excluding competition from the
building of railways and th* exploiting of mines
in their self-allotted spheres of interests. The
Great War ha> ended with th-- Imperialist strengthened in the saddle of governments. The recent
merging of the Canadian stee1. iron and eoal industries in the British Empire Steel Corporation is an
inevitable outcome of the intensive development of
the iron stage of eapitatiS— Imperialism aims st
the autocratic control of all the small nations to exploit them for its own benefit. Production of profit* merely considers wants that ean be paid for,
and the worker only gets a small share or s'ave's
portion of the wealth he produces. The Socialist
wants to socialize tbe means of production and produce tear use. eliminating the exploitation of one by
WhiTc the contradictions iu the capitalist system
have become greater. Mich a- production, which is
a social act. yet the appropriation of the wealth is
undertaken by the capitalist class because of their
ownership of the means of production. Capitalism
ha* severed the worker from tne tools and made him
a wage slave. There exists, as Engels point* out.
s: "Contradiction between socialized organization
in the individual factory and serial anarchy as a
whole." Through the perfecting of machinery being made compulsory for each manufacturer by competition there arises the grtat industrial reserve
army, the great contradiction of want in tbe midst
of plenty. Excess of the means of subsistence on
the one hand and ou the other, excess of workers
without the means of subsistence. As soon as a capitalist country is over-stocked with wealth, poverty
stalks abroad. Th" most remarkab'e contradiction
under capitalism is the fact that while the exploitation of the worker becomes greater the rate of profit has a tendency to sink. As Marx points out,
profit is mystified surplus value because profit Is
the percentage calculated on the total capital invested. We are told to save for tbe dull times, but
if all the people of Canada were to save a dollar a
head per week they would hasten the industrial
crisis by leaving between seven and eight million
dollars worth of products ou the market. Some say
invest that money, but how can that be done when
the demand for commodities has been cut down al
ready? Capitalist* recognize the social character
of production which forced 00 them the joint stock
companies and later the trusts with their concentration Of wealth, making the capitalist class superfluous as all their social functions are being per
formed by salaried employees.
It is this overproduction that brings OU a struggle
for foreign markets. Listen to S capitalist view
Hon. Leslie ML Shaw, while secretary of the Cnited
States Treasury under President Roosevelt, delivered a lecture to the students and faculty of Chicago
University, March 1st. l'.*<>7, just previous to the
tluancial panic of that year. He was speaking to a
critical audience and knew his speech would be
given a wide circulation. He said: '"The time is
coming when the manufactories will outgrow the
country, and men by the hundred of thousands will
be turned out of the factory. The factories are
multiplying faster than our trade, and WC will shortly have a surplus, with no one abroad to buy and
no one at home to sbeofb it because the laborer has
not been paid enough to buy back what he has ere
ated. The last century was the worst in the world'a
history for wars I look to see this century bring out
the greatest conflict en r waged in the world. It will
be a war for markets and all the nations of the
world vvdl be in the tight as they are all after the
sarn* markets to dispose of the surplus of their fae
toriea." Why this surplus* It ta, a.s Mr. Shaw says,
because the laborer has u<»r been paid enough to buy
back what he has produced. Then the workers are
used as pawns in the tight and die for their country
to obtain a market to dispose of the surplus wealth
they themselves produced and that Shaw tells us we
cannot buy back because sre are not paid enough
The worker is recompensed for hi*, ssrviasa in the
war   with   miserable   pensions,   street   organs,   and
Socialism is nothing bal a reflex in thought of
the conflicts  in   fa.-t  which  exist  under capitalist!:
Tile fad exist* outside of us. independent of the will
or actions of even the capitalists who have brought
it on.   These conflicts are the contradictions I have
mentioned and are the cause of the antagonisms lw-
tween what are called Capital and I .abor. Some
people would have us believe that war is an aeon
omie necessity. In its origin when primitive tribes
spread over tbe earth in search of pastures new,
because of famine or inadequate fertility of the soil,
war may be termed an economic necessity, but today, while it may tw an economic necessity for the
capitalist class, to the Socialist it results from the
instability of capitalism. The breakdown of the capitalist system, leading to tbe social revolution, is be
ing brought about by the inherent contradictions of
the capitalist  system of production  itaelf
Meanwhile the discontent of the workers is growing, and the sens. .,»" the injustice of the present
social svstem ha* developed a ijpw e<„ie of ethiev
Having BO property of their own. and the means of
wealth prodnetiOfl l»eing owned by companies and
corporations, having no body to be kicked or soul
to !*> damned, the workers fail to see the need of
private property in production and ahout for gov
eminent ownership and control. But we must point
out to the worker that tbat is not the remedy
Andrew Carnegie advocated Government ownership
of railways, and if the capitalists sell out to the
government and bold bonds, their unearned wealth
would flow smoother than today because the government would ase the military to squash labor with
a stdl firmer hand.
Then again, a new phase has arisen which E. D.
Morel in a speech in England has pointed out. and
which we as workers cannot ignore, as a result of
the Great War: tbat is that black troops arc being
used by France in the occupied territory of Germany. Tbese troops, converted into ssaehUMS of
slaughter to save the world for democracy snd for
the glory of God. have brought about terrible conditions amongst the womenfolk of tbe occupied ter
ritory.    France is militarising her African eol0
to such an extent that by 1922 she will have "u.V,
African, mostly negro. ». without counting the
i   i.
una aad
scripts of French North Africa—Algeria T
Morocco.    Two of the three, years of their i
LS to be spent in 1- ranee.    There is M n„. m {{
ing the fact, these troope will be used iU jw?
and Jean Longuet realises that it, a letter ae tn
E. D. Word   This policy of Prance sill he fa -
upon Greal Britain if she hopes to i -, >...-..
of Afriea. which has only a force ol 2 0
keep interna! order with and which u neztdcert
the French territory that is being auiitsristd   If
the policy of using these black troops q Prti
keep the workers down is carried wit, dot)    • -,.
they will be used elsewhere.
To  talk   of peace  through sindi  a   :. . i.,;;.   ,. .,,
League of Nations, or say other method uadereta
:talisui.   is   preposterous.     We.   ss   >.,    .   ,.,   .
earrv  on the class war-by educating thi ••,
the fallacy of the imperialists* policy       •
workers of one country against U	
The class war i» sot against the
against the social svstem and the -
the economically dominant elan   -   I      . •• •   np
plant the capitalist class but to she [j..
not a tight against an inferior elssa
the class struggle u understood s b it ••    —
ascribed to ever* elaas    The ''•■ srtoi
capitalist dass has Uen accomplish* i
itself   has   outlived   its   usefulness,
sitieal consumers of the wealth product      is l
capitalist elaas represented a higher plai
i/atiou than the Feudal lords it docs BOt
the Feudal system was of b-s> an pen tarn is tat
general development of human program    Eogi - •
vary clear on this development  in his ' I ■ • a
of (Soemtiavs BoeasJissa.*' m srhish he *»»»* uWt
must not forget that our entire ecoaom political
and intellectual development has its fottadstiss h
i state of aoetet) in which ^n\rn «,iv regarded
ttniversallj as naeosamy.   In tins sense <• •• • ... s».
that without ancient slavery there woe
M   modern   socialism.        It   is   very   i ,-
preachments sboitl slavery and to express
indignation at such a scandalous inst I it
fortnnatetj the whole significance of thia  i last
merely says that those old instttttti ■'■ -   '
respond wtth our present conditions and ••
engendered by these conditions And aeeaet
enter thin matter we art* obliged to m
all contradutioiis and accusation* of !^s; '"'
introduction of slavery under the eeodit '°%i
time was a great *tep forward."
All previous class struggle* have  ;
the interest of a niinoritv class with tl■-■
I   1
. workers.    Today  the .-lass  which  rtpi        - '
prOgTOSS  are  the  workers,  which  em!
is essentia! in the industrial JWOC Si
;ng   in  the  overwhelming  majority,   1
pond on another c'as* like all pfOvi
is the duty of the Socialist ta make the
tory  known tO his fellow   workers.     ! h*x<
dcavorod tO dO in these articles     Let    -
to our felb.vv workers that m capital^' I
labor si but the mfains lo inereasa
labor, or capital, for the owners.     S
accumulated labor is but a means to s
and promote the ex\*\et\r+ of th*  laoon
ehamcal development of tbe productive       ■
today requires production on i large scalt
are to eliminate wars, waged to obtain
tbe SOn>faa  wealth  the  workers prod
.. ... . , •  ins  r
realize tbat our position in society is
the private ownership of the meat I of 1
and  distribution   'which  is used 00-Op*
the workers to<
subsistence for
■ -s'iV
dav producing socially  ' '
the profit of a few   tub
ship, producing for use instead of for |■'
funetuv. of the Socialist Party of Osi
"ate the workers to this end
Materialist Conception of History
\i;l.YI.K has said:   'Man is a tool-using animal   without tools he is nothing, with tools
^iic ia all."
Ivlc is not correct in bis analysis of the dif-
man and  tbe animal.    Some ani-
i)N Use the branches of trees, and stones as tools,
. *e Socialists point OUt, that it is not the pro-
' , ,,,, (l! the articles of consumption nor the use
. ... .  ,llM  distinguishes man from the anima's
'u j, ,)lt. production of tools, which serv. as means of
,.,,,,   !utuecu
production and defence.
, ,,. ha, been divided into three periods.
■\.    |he  (Jeologieal,  or   Inorganic   Period.
2od   Tbe Bto.Og.on] Period.
3rd   The Sociological  or  Economic  Period.
hl .},,   Geological Period, we have the develop
,.,,., from the nebulous whirl to the earth, changes
cased by the elements struggling together, estun
,ted by Lyell, the father of geology, at 200 millions
of yi srs.
The Biological Parted is from the amoeba to man,
, struggle not only between different species but
jv, he?ween individuals of the same species.
The fittest  to survive was determined by  the
physiological   difference*   of   the   animals       When
a ose, then  land animals would  triumph  be-
■ !,.. , had the necessary limbs, if the land sank
.   u  the lea level then the water animal would
ive     If the change was slow and the organism
t too complex, gradual adaptation to environment
.   possible.     The   huge   fossils   to  DC  seen   in   our
* ire the remains of those which  failed to
U     si develops its organs to the n- w  envir-
ent, but man has reached tbe stage of developing
- tools, srhieh has strengthened and lengthened
• i Datura] organa, enabling man to spread over the
This has given him a larger correspondence
•   nature, enlarged his environment, extended his
triedge, snd   enlarged his mentality   over the
- thos entering into the sociological and econ-
Period.    This development  of the  tools  used
■> man has rendered invalid all the analysis and
■ Ills the opponents of Socialists are  loud oi
ng against Socialism from the Biological viewpoint.
Haeckel st Munich Congress, defended Darwinism, snd attempted to overthrow Yirchow. who said
Darwinism led to Socialism. Haeckel took Bee
Societj   as an   illustration   to  defend  classes in
lOciety     He pointed out  that  the Queen bee could
perform no other function than reproduction Drones
existed as fertilisers of the Queen, and the workers
'" Bather the flower dust to make the homy. Here
We have a biological illustration. Before this argument  Sgainst  class abolition of society  is valid.
Hseckcl would have to prove that i Queen could
'"' Wash clothes for a living with starvation SS an
•Jternetive, or i workingman'i daughter could not
*eat a coronet if her father became s Duke Haeckel
ignored this vital distinction. Society cannot be
Considered a* an organism in the biological sense.
Ote difference between mankind is not S physio
0s*ical, but an economic one.
M«m ia a tool making animal, and such difference
;,s there may be betweeu a navvy and a clerk is not
"ae that between tWO different animals, but exists
;'s a   result   of  the  difference  of  the   tools  used.
,n' sre animal societies that have no biological
divisions, therefor no classes. The crow and the
peuean recognise only three grounds as a justifies-
1(1,1 °l idleness: infancy, old age, or accident. Pre
"M"11'' man lived in tbat period before man had
Written records,
" knowledge of pre-hiatorlc man has been
'" "'•"I from the implements he used which they
"'"'l,''i With their dead, also partly by the study of
'',."''''" WvagC races ami by words found in some
, e elated languages. This knowledge has been
p ,IV l'"' discovery of various implements dis-
"1,>,i °n "H continents.    There is no definite re
corded period of time of the prehistoric age, but we
are able to classify stages as the stone, copper.
bronze, and now the iron age.
-Man, depending on the fertility of the soil, his
food was so precarious that war wa* a result of the
uncertainty of his food supply.
'lh»' discovery Of fire enabling men to dry the
loots and fruits was a great advance in man's progress, snd brought about a division of lahor. Hunting snd fighting fell to the men, and the women's
duties became cooking the fish and game. This remaining behind of the women folk resulted in the
discovery of the cultivation of the soil. The war
spirit was weakened with this discovery and the
domesfieation of animals began. The possession of
tribal property began a new cause for war. Side
by side in fruitful and unfruitful regions war became robbery, and defence against robbery, and it
has remained robbery in its essence until today.
When food-getting was precarious and depended on hunting, the ,old people were killed and
eaten, but with cultivation and domestication enabling them to feed tbe old people, they became
the medium through which tlie knowledge of the
tribe was handed down to the next generation, before man could write. Man therefore has developed or evolved from the primitive State to civilization, as a result of the development of the tools
which enable man to obtain food easier and more
pi- n...'.illy.
Man has changed from using caves as dwellings
to huts and better constructed houses, from the
clothing made from skins to the woven cloth, from
food of wihl roots and fruits to the cultivated fruits
and grains.
Language has proven a parent race, but tbe increasing population, pressing on the limited food
supply, caused the younper to emigrate by families
banding together.
Lewis Morgan, iu his "Ancient Society/' gives
illustrations of various savage tribes in different
stages of development in our own time, which eoin-
cidc with the conclusions arrived at regarding our
own ancestors when they were in the same status of
development. That they passed through these
stapes has been learned from the various implements
discovered in advanced countries during excavations.
Morgan ssys primitive people had no fixed abodes,
but wandered about, so long as they had to depend on nature's fertility for their means of subsistence. Time was no object to primitive people.
Thej stayed in one place so long as they obtained
subsistence, nnd when there was no lack of food.
the men and women lounged about, while the children played.
The great epochs of human progress have been
identified, more or less directly, with tbe enlargement of the source of subsistence.
The women folk carrying the burdens of the
tribe on their hacks was an economic necessity during their wanderings. The man could not do it and
hunt nr the same time.
When the tirst white men went to Australia, the
natives took the oxen to be the white men's wives
because they carried the burdens.
Mini's tirst stapes of social development must have
been by far the most difficult, as hunger and sex
passion must have been the tirst. motive power, aud
not until man developed speech could be be said to
have risen shove the animals. Although we cannot
trace every piece of history of a given race we can.
by studying the various developments of savage
people whom civilisation has not yet exterminated,
build up ;i fairly well defined history of tbe development of the human race from savagery to civilisation,
Morgan   divides   the  period  of  history   in   this
fashion :■
1st   bower status of Savagery.
2nd-   Middle Status of Savagery.
::,d    Upper Status of Savagery.
4th —Lower Status of Barbarism,
5th—Middle Status of Barbarism.
6th—Upper Status of Barbarism.
7th—Status of Civilization.
These we will deal with in our next lesson, giving
a clearer vision of the materialistic conception of
history, which ascribes the driving power of all
social change -to the/ economic development of society, with its creation of classes and the class
struggle. P. T. L.
P. T. L.
(Continued from last issue).
Finally, the continual increase in the use of giant
machinery, aud the inevitable displacement of labor,
through the perfection of productive methods, immensely increases the productive capacity of labor
actually in production, and by this increase in volume of production lessens individual cost, while, at
the same time, magnifying total value. On the
other hand, and also at the same time, the operation
of the same causes on the workers by lessening the
cost of production of labor power, lessens its price
on the open market, and by intenifying competition
for jobs, p*uts an ever sharpening edge on the struggle for bare existence.
There is therefore an ever-increasing surplus accruing to the master class from the ownership of industry ; a proportionately increasing lowering ofthe
life condition of the workers, from the operation of
that same industry. There is therefore a continually widening gulf between the value of tbe pro-
duet of labor and the value of the power that creates the product, and as a necessary consequence of
its own productivity the purchasing capacity of
labor is progressively lessened.
As tin- total volume of the world's annual product!, n is annually consumed, and as all wealth is,
puaged iu mduey tokens, this accumulated;wealth
of capita] is but paper, and has no real existence.
Yet. for the same reason, because it is paper, the
purchasing power of the workers' share of that
paper is steadily declining. By right of property,
the master class owns all that its property produces; by the self same right, the working class
owns the price of its labor power. Or, put in another form, for the privilege of working on the property of the owning class, the working class is allowed the price of its subsistence, and because of
the perfection of industrial machinery and methods.
the value of the creative capacity of social labor,
is far in excess of tbe value of its labor power. That
is where the II. C. L. comes in.
Hence it is that no scheme, or device, or reform,
however ably conceived, or nobly inspired, can alter
the economic relationship of master and slave in
the industrial productive system of capital. The
II. C. of I j. will yield only to one remedy—the abolition of wages and the transference of ownership of
social necessities from individual or corporation to
tbe collective community. To the owners of those
necessities must accrue the benefits and privileges
of ownership; and hope and its desires, art and its
attainments, science and its plentitude, life and its
fulness, man and his regeneration, can find their
realization and satisfaction only in tbe terms of
economic freedom. R.
— of the •—
(Fifth Edition)
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A Journal of History. Economics, Philosophy,
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VANCOUVER, Ii. t\. NOVEMBER 16, 192a
THE S. P. of G. enters the campaign in two
districts only in this election, namely, Vancouver and Prince Rupert Iu Vancouver,
where there are six seats, we have nominated Comrades Dennis. Earp, Harrington, KaQneid, Smith.
and Stephenson, and iu Prince Rupert, J. II. Bur-
rough, nominated at a convention of various labor
groups, made this declaration:
"It never entered my head until last night
that 1 might be called upon to stand, but if I
am chosen I shall stand ou the platform of the
Socialist Party of Canada.      1   auf not   concerned with the opening of closed towns or the
reform of   conditions for  wage slaves, but   I
would abolish the wage slave system entirely.
I would go to Victoria to spread the propa-
** ganda of revolutionary Socialism, for that  is
the only remedy to present day conditions. If
that stand is not endorsed by this meetiug i
would decline to become a candidate."
We  quote  the above from  'The  Daily  News'
(Prince Rupert), in order to correct the reports current that Comrade Burrough is running under the
banner of the F. L. P.    ln the matter of campaign
manifestos, that of Comrade Burrough appears iu
another column.    Vancouver has issued as its tirst
manifesto the sarue proclamation of party principles as was used in Winnipeg in the election there.
Further literature will be issued as the campaigu
develops.    Polling day is December 1st.    It is evident that the workers throughout the Province are
alive io the opportunities offered for Socialist pro
pagauda in such a campaign as this.    We have had
repeated demands made upon us for candidates to
contest outlying electoral districts.   We have  not
yet recovered from the effects the war has had upon
us one way and another, and in the meantime we
shall proceed steadily with our educational work
in every field.    While there is evidence all around
of the good work our propaganda has done, it is
necessary for us to see to it that our educational
growth finds its expression through  the  workers
developing their own spokesmen in their own fields.
We have been all along insisting upon systematic
study.   We should  insist too upou systematic effort towards the development of class consciousness
among the workers.
A misplaced line in the article of F. Clark. **Is
It a Democracy*" in laRt issue rendered a sentence
unreadable. It should have read: ''The history of
the past five years proves that the mass of the people don't give a hang about their political privileges
so long a:i their economic privileges are fairly
secure. In other words, if jobs are plentiful, and
hay and oats are coming regularly to the masses,
they are not interested in their political privileges.
Conscription iu Great Britain and Canada, United
States espionage acts, government by order-in-
council or court injunction. "Dora," jailings, de-
poraions, expulsion of regularly-elected representatives, etc., were of less importance in the eyes of
the masses than the price of sugar, or the latest baseball scores." •   •   • 0i
Wc are requested by the Literature Secretary of
Local Winnipeg to draw attention to the fact that
our Literature Price List applies in all respects to
their department, and that orders may be filled by
application to J. Sanderson, Box 1762. Winnipeg.
Bundles of "Clarion'' back numbers, may be had
from the same address, free for distribution. •
•   •   •
The latest class to be organized is reported from
Kamloops. Comrade Orchard reports the formation
of a class to study "Socialism, Utopian and Scientific." A class on economics has been organized
around Sechelt logging district by Comrades Don
ovan and McKeuzic Comrade McKenzie iu tlie
meantime, has met with a serious accident. Comrade Donovan is therefore directing the argument
on 'Value. Price aud Profit," in the time honored
•• • •
Comrades at outlying points, news dealers, local
secretaries and others interested should write to:
The Educational Press Association, 18'J St. Catherines Street East .Montreal, for a literature list.
They advertize "The State and Revolution," by
Lenin, and we have ordered a supply. Their stock
of this work is exhausted but they report a further
shipment due. Local secretaries should see their
literature list at  once end order their supplies BO
that they may be able to estimate the demand.
•   •   •
. We are constantly iu receipt of communications
regarding medical relief fof Soviet Russia. During
the past few months we have lent our earnest aid to
this worthy endeavor, and have from tune to time
forwarded collections and donations received to the
Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee, MS De
Kalb Avenue, Brooklyn, N V. Dr. Wm. Mendelson.
secretary-treasurer). This committee, winch has
the approval of L C, A. K. Martens. &Ovic| representative at New York, is now located at 80 Bt
Marks Place, New York City, and its treasurer is
now Dr. John Gunman. We ha\e Crom tune to
time published their financial statements m these
columns, and we expect to present in next issue a
statement in detail of Supplies already sent to Revai
and received there. In the meantime there has been
organised in Winnipeg, M;m.. s Medical Belief Com
mitten for Soviet Russia and Soviet Ukraine, M
Pupovich. secretary, Box 3591, Postal Station B.
Winnipeg.'' We arc advised by the Committee ol
Brooklyn now New York , that the Winnipeg Com
niittee has their endorsement. We now learn of
the formation of the Soviet Russia Mcdna! Relief
Fund. Chicago, 111., Chas. L, Drake, Director This
"Fund" issues some literature in furtherance oi
its "drive" for relief moneys, literature which is
hardly distinguishable from ordinary liberal claptrap. Now, we have no desire to prejudice in an)
way the euuSC of medical  relict   for  the suffering
people of Russia, but would point ont that if these
committees would expect maximum results th«y had
better srork cohesively and assign territories to one
another.   As it is, each secretary is writing appeals
and letters to the Same individuals "all over the
country, and each is duplicating the work of the
other. For instance, in August, the Brooklyn Com
mittec sent out letters to arrange a lecturing tour
for Isaac liefiride. The Chicago people are now
sending similar letters, and we are informed that the
Winnipeg Committee tfK» are%ow vrorking to the
same end. Curiously enough however, not one of
theM? committees seems to know anything of the
existence of the other, and the unfortunate correspondent is required to make arrangements with all
three on one affair. We are informed that ('has. L.
Drake, who is Director of the Chicago Fund, is the
same director who toured Sir Oliver Ixulge over thi«
continent scans time ago. He addresses us as
"Dear Comrade." and he says that the meetings held
by Isaac MeBride will be "tion political, but radte
ally Socialist" in character. Local Vancouver, of
the S. P. of C. have already declined *t twice) to
arrange a meeting in Vancouver for Isaae MeBride,
mainly on the grounds that the Russian situation
does not warrant the employment of highly paid
lecturers touring the country, iu view of the fact
that publicity is consfautly given to the need for
contributions towards Soviet medical relief, and
that the Russian Revolution is a constant feature
here in regular Socialist propaganda We mean
no disrespect to Mr. MeBride, and we will continue
our endeavor towards medical relief, but we seem
to see a danger of a regular industry springing up.
bttilt upon the miseries of the Russian people. We
have before us now two appeals requesting funds,
and each is supposed to be inserted in the name
issue. If we are earnest in attending to working-
class matters, let us be sensible in our arrangements.
These committees have been overlapping one another's efforts constantly. It may be the result of
worthy zealousness, but this is not efficiency. If
they are overlapping at this eut\f who knows but
they are overlapping at the point of despatch* This
, is not intended otherwise than as a note of encouragement. •    •    •
The following is from the "Evening Standard.*'
March 22nd, 1920:
"The first Levee since 1914 was held today at St.
James's Palace, and was u brilliant function, the
glorious Hunshine enhancing the pageantry and
color of the proceedings. There were some 400
presentations to the King1.
"Dr. Von Sthamer, the Gormen Charge d'Affaires,
attended the ceremony, and was presented to the
King by Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Secretary for
Foreign Affairs. Dr. Von Sthamer, in turn, presented the members of his staff,
"A feature of the presentations was the number
Of representatives of new States who  were intro
duced, among them  being repre.senTatives of i<
land. Poland, and tin? New Balkan Steles *
•    •    •
And the following ia by II. (j. Weill co hu
"Aud this ipecticle of misery and cbhiagql^"
is. you will say, the result id" Bolshevist rok ?5
1 Qs,
not believe it is.    This desolate Etastig ii aot a
tem that has been attacked and destroyed u
thing   Vigorous  uuu   malignant.    It   ta e.u L
system that  \\*o> worked itself out sad tStdendn*!
• it was not communism which built up the*
impossible cities, but capitalism.    U was sot P
munism that  plunged this huge, crcsking bair_
empire into six years of European Imperial**! 5
is it Communism that has pestered thai   ',.-.■"*
aud perhaps dying Russia with a -    .
i/.ed raids, invasions and insurrections.. .UJll iU^ *
upou  it  the atrocious blockade.     The '..!.-',
French creditor and the journalist;.- |:n: ,{,  ^'^
tar   more  responsible   for   these  destl ^
than any Communist."
The capitalist pfCSB editors don't ,,».. W,ii,«
Russia at all. They have already gives side mL
licity to hi* story of Russian conditions. It a
terrible story of disease, cold, destitution sod Slat
The capitalist press editors, however, have beej
forced to include his interpretation ol esoaaj v
the verv   simple reason that  Weils ■ too attest I
figure in RngUah journalism for them to ■ :
tort   his  despatches.    So   they   report   bin "fiia-
fully" mid then quarrel with bis real    -    Weill
story ss a Stor)  ot the result of st\ yean        %%%
trarfan  and three years1 blockade.   B) bo
mg miser] was the inheritance ol Coma    a en
trol. not the outcome of it.
• •    •
This is the composition oi the British Eton
Commons:—IjuhIow ners,  ll.'i.  insures e din
«>l. coal directors, IT; shipping direct   -
manufacturers,   !§;   general   manufsetarera, IH
(■auk directors, 'js j oQ  directors, 4. brfSren I
law -vers.  102; army o'/ners, .'»0; DSVS
doctors,  10j labour members. 67.
Tins is the House of Lords: *>Insars
'♦t; other mercantile interests, M •■••■ a,
B&) shipping directors, 33; eosl director! -v.\ u»-
wos, 2*; op directors, 11; brewers, 11; textile
facturers, 10; railway directors, 62.
• •   •
Comrade .lack Kevanagh has gone •   i     • i!
pert at the urgent request ot the Dominion Bl*e»
tive Committee, to help Comrade BurnrafS id U*
electors! campaign m that district    Th<  |
oj working el.iss education m <md
em district that has been going on
lata, and the nomination of Comrade B       -'   ■•
Striking evidence of its influence      With tbe aJTtfll
of Comrade Kavanagh, tne eumpstgn srill • * • ;
m proportiott, beeau*e outside points an i be rtee>
ed and people from outside points v» ill
centre.     Winter claaSSS   were   in  proei H
turn when the . J,<tiou date was aunoanei I <ui<l'&
linens will now *tart off with enthunasn, st*
ever the election result  may !*•     ( Kat*»
agh may go over the ij. T  P. a* far as Stsithan W
comrades there are advised  to eommunietta ■
him ejo .1. H. Burrough. Box 888, Prince Rapert
(Continued from page 1
volution   might   take   jdaee   without   an)   M
students.   Put  what would it  be1   <     ~
■ton, bloodshed, anarchy.   This we <    ' '  •'•'•.
The greater the number of those wbo nnderit
the nature of the struggle, the grestCi I'■■" P»*
tulity of a  bloodless  tight     Let  sdttl ^
November 15th,    I ^g
November 17th -   r *,mt)
November 22nd Ash Hall (Frajst jJJJ
November 30th Pendcr
Meetings at 8 p.m.
Poffowhtg One Dousr esch   Ms|of Hj   v- *       , M
k.crm. <.. H. Ktmbsll, K. l» Mitehellf * ,\{ .; 'M.,,!,::
Brown, E A Evans, S I. Kosc. A-Shepbrfd, vj. » r,^,.hi.
C Crook, \< Hatlcy, C Docrticr, \ H.in>v ':'. M,i -.1.A
I Pack, (.- Walkack, P. I. Enma»: H. BtacSL ' ,,rA:,.
Tree, \   E  Cotton, k. SincUlr, H. I    M<"!ll,l>
p,.Nf„tt. J
lake Klein. Wm  llscIntoah<
Following  Two   Dollar*  each    I N- ^^
Sand.rson. F   J.  McN'ev. D. Cainl. D   Stej   rb ,,    ■
Prank Cattldy, f19: C E logrsm. *>•     ' . ., y; ) v
Mrl), W; Elate Thorhurn. *V» ,  . ,0 \\\\\^v
Total Mibscriptioni received freui Zoth Oct
ember, inchisivr. PH) ,.m r,,v'n . .
Major Hvslop. $1; K. Dickson. $1; )  ) '    ,   Y ci; f '
•1: C  D.s„„fr. *J«5; I   A   Untlneti  |4: 1       „ y.,W
alaclmoah, H ,   t      ^u October *°u
Total donadoni for C   M. I- . from WUl
No\cml>cr. iiuhisive. $J4 8>. WESTERN     CLARION
The Soviets and the Woodpile
RgCBNT news despatches from  Russia sound
.n! extremely melancholy note, as, for instance,
tins one: "In Petrograd all the children be-
.„ jo and nil the adults above 60 have been con-
Lripted to $o into the damp and unwholesome for-
[. ■, of northern Russia, to ctfl wood for the inhale
, nts of tli" said city for the coming winter.'' Tins
. , stated, Is a horrible condition of affairs In a*
,li an the rigor Of the northern winter and the
p atmosphere of the dense forests is bound t..
kvork a jrest bsrdship on the weaklings.
ich is the despatch in all its bareness.    One can
,   ,. ,» or not, as he is disposed     The writer does
.... to comment on its veracity    But evidently
Ih puhlishcd to discredit the "conscription of
;•     ,i   practice   winch   on   its   face   is   ln-!d   in
i .   ,;ii avor ui capitalist countries, because condi-
•    . for cspitalist prodnotion require that labor be
,. md in i> state of aimless flux, so to speak.
](,,1   the conscription  of labor seems to  have
capitalism a blow which makes it quite gar
b    i*.
i riticisQ] of the workings and doings of the Sorts of Russia has been forthcoming regularly ever
Ljuce their establishment, but none of this body of
-     08 to be SI full Of prejudice and bitter
and aa far from hitting the mark, as the critic
i which has been levelled at the so-called "eon-
.   labor."    Many recent critics lav mucfa
blame foj the conditions existing in Russia
ostftution of conscripting labor.   How aer-
s these conditions are is reall) s matter of eon-
for ttlOSt of us, since there arc so many eon-
fing   reports   abroad.      However,   the   writer
■ ires the opinion, based upon considerable read
these 'p<Mts. that th<- average every day .on
ions in Ruasis are probably not  much worse, if
if, than th-  every day conditions in United States.
r'n   • oi England.
R  i! trend of the criticism levelled at the
s liets,   and   through    them    at    the    Botfhivists,
:.t> to an accusation of having committed  a
-"       < sgainsl the Russisn people    Nos what
•  the Bolshevists done that the)  should merit
b an  indictment ?     In  the  tirst   place,  they  bsve
i '.j' the capitalist system of production from all
ingles, SUd as ,i r< suit thereof, they eaniC Jo the con
UM0I1 tha! the capitalists, as a class, were wholly
; absolutely incapable of managing the huge and
mplieated   machine  that   the  system   really  is.
iround for this conclusion was found in the condi-
'00a thai existed both in the spheres of production.
M of distribution, in the ravag' s wrought by wars
; m the unspeakable contrast  existing between
" Social conditions of the workers and the idlers.
in the second place they saw. as so many people
mrcughout the world see. that this machine, be
■•■-' ol Us luighncss aud complexity, must be man
; •" ' wnli a high degree of skill and care, if iis oper
" w to bestow  upon those who operate it the
1 '''est  amount   of  comfort   and  advantage.    Di*>
•-'•' Only awaits the people which leaves to chance.
>&n  ill working  economic   frictions,   the  CO-ordiiui-
j''",' n,l<1 regulation of tlu» working parts of the ma
pine.   Social control had to be placed over it. More
p'r M ts only the working class that is able to de-
'"'"I' the necessary care and skill to wield this social
hit social  control   implies  two  things.    Produc-
'"" "»«l distribution must be carried on according
." ;| definite and well organized plan, that is accord-
'8 <<> the needs of the community, and there must
"' *ome central authority to direct this organise-
"'"■   Thia authority need not  be autocratic, as
'"'"iH.sitiou   of   the   Soviets   and    Industrial
ouncila show.    ()n the contrary it  is, by its very
l"11"' democratic.    On the other hand, this body
wortty must have under its control the forces
Pr°duotion at its disposal    In no other way can
'"l,v '!» the prosecution of the work of a commun-
y he maintained.    This unity  is essential  if the
" "'>' "t social eontrol is to be an improvement on
6 am"'«'liy   which   prevails   under   the   capitalist
yiteni Of production.      Moreover, as prut of the
work connected with supplying tho necessities of
lite t.. a community is of a seasonable nature, such
M agriculture ami lumbering, a part of the laboring force must he marshalled so that this work may
be prosecuted and finished in season. As the Soviets followed this plan of concentrating ou the
most important work of the season, a large force of
men were, at one time, cutting wood in the Urals;
at another time a large force was tilling the fields?
snd still ;it soother time the laboring force was con-
e. nt rated on repairing the transport. By this
method of social organisation and control of the
forces and machinery of production, the Supply of
goods can be made to approximate to the social demand for them. There is no doubt that the adoption of this plan is responsible for the great showing that Sovi.-t Russia has made, in spite of the fact
that it hs§ not worked as smoothly as one could
w ish, because 6f the fact that the Soviets have had to
expend a good deal of their energy in fighting the
enemy on four fronts, at the same time as they were
organising this system.
Rut the system of social control has now been
assailed from the four corners of the earth because
forsooth, it has meant the "conscription of labor."
Say the labor leaders and sycophantic bourgeois:
''The Soviets may have accomplished all that they
claim Rut look, at what a price! The conscription
of labor has robbed the Russian people of all liberty. They have no longer any freedom of action.
Thev are bouurt like slaves to the authority of the
Soviets." One capitalist editor deprecates this loss
of liberty because the Russian workingmen cannot
now go ou atrike to better their conditions. I wonder can ii capitalist editor advocate a strike on the
grounds of personal liberty without Inwardly hating himself fur his blatant hypocrisy.
The defenders of capitalism hurl their thunder-
holts of denunciation at the so-called conscription of
labor as if it were not only a travesty on human liberty, but also a new idea invented by Lenin or
Trotsky. The truth is that there is nothing new
Shout it except the words. Conscription of labor is
as intimately hound up with the machine process as
profits are with the capitalist industry. For what
does this term mean but the control of the laboring
forces.   In capitalist establishments this control is
certainly exercised. Directly, as regards the application of lahor. and indirectly as regards compelling
men to work Railroad men. for instance, cannot
work when they please, how they please ami where
:he> please. They arc always at the command of the
officials. They are ordered about not only within
the confines of an individual shop, but they are also
moved from one locality to another. And iu any
faetory the workers are transferred from one department to another as the needs of the process demands.
In cases wher. one company owns more than oue factory tin- workmen arc shifted from one to the other
as one needs more laborers than the other. Moreover, the more • Stensive the machine process in any
plant, the stricter is the control placed over the disposition of the labor of the workers, A modern plant
cannot be operated successfully unless a precise
sup- rv ision is maintained over the working force employed iu it.
Of course it is true that a worker may resist such
control A machinist iu the employ of the C, P. R.
may refuse to go from the Winnipeg shops to the Calgary shops if ordered, and a factory worker may
refuse to be transferred from one department of the
factory to the other. They may quit their job. and
some very often do quit under such circumstances.
And a great deal is made out of the show of liberty
ami freedom manifested by such action. Rut now.
however, the wolf of hunger makes his appearance.
and with his leering laugh bids these workmen find
another job. Whereupon they seek a job in sonic
other establishment only to be put under the same
control as tiny were under in the jobs they quit.
Accordingly, capitalists control labor by both
direct and indirect means. They do not conscript
labor in the sense of compelling mcn to work. They
do not have to    Laborers flock to the factories, and
it has happened that the superfluous numbers have
had to be driven away. This run on the factories
is not solnuch an indication of an eagerness to work
as is is of a necessity of having to work. In Russia
the recalcitrant workmen have at least this advantage, that their supposedly autocratic masters try to
persuade them to work.
The state of dependence of workmen in capitalist
countries does, naturally enough, not seem either
horrible or intolerable to the bourgeois critics of the
"conscription of labor." They were brought up
amidst this state of affairs. It is for them a part of
nature, and therefore not to be questioned. It could
not occur to their cclf-eomplacent brains to question
the right of capitalist owners to maintain control and
discipline over the workers in individual plants.
On the contrary it is a dogma with them that the
workers in individual plants must be directed,
must be controlled, must be disciplined. Otherwise the business could not be maintained on a
paying basis, which is, of course, only another way
of saying that otherwise profits could not be obtained.
If now. the attitude of the bourgeois toward the
proposition of the control of labor is compared to
the attitude of the Bolshevists this likeness aud
difference is observed—both agree on the principle of control, but the former want control of the
laboring force applied to individual plants only,
while the latter want it applied to all social aud
necessary industries, and exercised by the workers
themselves. Thus the single plant marks the limit
of the capacity of the capitalist class to manage
modern industry. ,
As for the realm beyond the single plant, the
sphere of the inter-relation between the different
industries, that is to the capitalist an unknown
world: it is a chaos, a bedlam of confusion, a sphere
of the action and reaction of uncontrollable forces.
With religious awe he contemplates these forces as
they hurl disaster and destruction on the human
race. Still, with the obstinacy of senile old age,
he assails whoever tries to bring order out of chaos.
Such meddling is an infringemejit on his liberty;
it brings about the conscription of labor.
The bourgeois imbed, aud for that matter all
those who are obsessed with bourgeois ideology,
have strangely fantastic notions of liberty. The
concept of liberty belongs to the realm of the sentimental and in this realm the human brain seems
to lose its ordinary power to reason, and its capacity to make logical distinctions. Hence, most people look upon authority, no matter what its source
may be. as an infringement on personal liberty,
and as sneh, is always to be condemned, though it
may be tolerated, in so far as it preserves the
prosaic law and order. Consequently most people
either do not stop to, or else they are not capable
of, distinguishing between the authority which is
imposed by political agents in the interests of a
special class, and the authority imposed by industrial overseers, who are acting under a maudate
approved by the comniuuity, iu the interests of
greater productive efficiency and for the sake of
lifting the burden of enervating toil. Rut these two
classes of authority must be distinguished from each
other'if one is to view the matter logically. The
former class of authority is exercised so that a certain privileged class may gain thereby, the latter so
tnat the community may gain. Accordingly, whatever restriction is placed upon the actions of the individual by the democratically elected authorities
of ;i community, acting as the representatives of the
economic organization of the community, is. in reality, not an infringement on personal liberty, since
the individual, and therefore his liberty, is inextricably bound up with the economic organization
of the society in which he lives. It follows that iu
ii society where the machine process is the mode.
par excellence, of producing the necessities of life.
the actions of the individual must be determined
by the demands made upon him by that process.
(Continued on page 8.)
Concerning Value
Article No. 4.—Value and Price.
IT will have been observed by the careful reader
of these articles, that nothing has so far been
said regarding the price of commodities. This
despite the fact that "price" is regarded by most
people as the synonym of "value."
The fact of the matter is that there is an important difference between value and price, a difference which must be recognized if we are to gain any
clear concept of exchange-value.
'The truth in relation to the theory of value
is disguised from ordinary observers to-day by
the phenomeua of price.' —llyudmans "Economies of Socialism." p. 54.
We are so accustomed to regard the current market price of a commodity, to study the value of that
which we desire to sell or to buy in relation to the
vicissitudes of this market-price, that we are apt to
lo*se sight  of the  fundamentals of true exchange
What do we mean by price? What relation has
the price of a given commodity to its value*
The relations of exchange of all commodities arc
expressed in some one commodity—gold, for example. Cowries, hides, iron, copper, salt, bullocks,
tobacco, silver, gold, and a variety of other articles
have all performed, and some still perform the
functions of a common medium of exchange and
standard of value. The majority of these medii of
exchange have been discarded, being much too cumbersome for the needs of modern commerce,    i.)
(iold has become the common measure of value
and of currency in the existing social order. The
advantage of this system iu preference to the old
system of barter and exchange can best be appreciated when we remember the tremendous drawbacks
to the tatter*/ The** nrv ?r*errbed by .T*»vnns to
three factors:—
1 | Want of confidence;
2] Need of a measure of value;
J'-i   Lack of means of subdivision. I ii/
Or. to quote the famous passage of Mill:
"If a tailor had only coats aud wanted to
buy bread or a horse, it would be very troublesome to ascertain how'much bread he ought to
obtain for a coat or how many coats he ought
to obtain for a horse."—"Principles of Political Economy, bk. 3,: ch. 7.
Thus arises the employment of gold as the money
standard of value.
Regarding money Prof. F. A. Walker tells us
"Money is that whicdi passes frqgly from
hand to hand throughout the community in
final discharge of debt and full payment for
commodities being accepted equally without
reference to th" character or credit of the person who offers it, and without the intention of
the person who receives it to consume it or
enjoy it or apply it to any other use than in
turn to tender it to others in discharge of
debts or payment of commodities."—"Money,
Trade and Industry," p. 4.
In the alrfive quotation the reader should note
the passage which the present writer has emphasized. Oold, the common money-standard of the
existing social order is the common medium of exehange, the common standard of value by which
"full payment for commodities" is made.
It is essential that we examine this common medium of exchange before we can arrive at an accurate conception of the relation of price and'value.
Money, as we have hinted above, facilitates the
processes of exchange. Hut it does more than this.
Prof. A. S. Nicholson, writing in the 'Encyclopaedia Britannica," says:
"It is better to regard the functions of money
as being only three in number, viz., (1) the
common medium by which exchanges are made
possible; (2) the common measure by which
the comparative values of the exchanged are
estimated, and. (3) the standard by which
future obligations are determined."— Sect.
We sec, then, that money makes possible the exchange of commodities of different character, that
By H. M. Bartholomew.
it  enables the  contracting parties to  measure  the
values of those commodities relatively to each other.
It is especially important to remember that money
is the common measure of value  Says Adam Smith:
"At the same time and place money is the
exact measure of the real exchangeable value
of all  commodities."—"Wealth  of  Nations,"
bk. 1. ch. 5.
Prof.   Stanley  Jevons,   speaking  of  gold  as   tin-
medium  of exchange  says:
"The chosen commodity becomes « common
denominator or common measure of value  m
terms of which we estimate the values of all
other goods."-—"Money," p. 5.
Mill tells us that:
"The value of a thing is its general power
of  purchasing,   the   command   which   its  pos
session gives over purvhaseable commodities in
generad.—"Principles of Political Economv."
bk. 8, ch. 7.
Money enables us to estimate the relative values
of widely different commodities.    It is, in short, the
money  equivalent  and expression of two or more
different use-values.
Thus far our analysis has been more or less of an
easy character. Hut it is at this point that we arrive at the difficult portion o| our analysis, ami find
the inadequate results of the investigations «»f the
members of the classical school of political economy.
lt will have been noted by those* of my readers
versed in economic science that no mention has been
made of the most important phase of gold as a common medium of exchange 1 refer, of course, to the
important fact that gold, or any form of money, can
only become a common medium of exchange and
measure of value by virtue of the fact that it is, in
itself, a use-value.
Primarily eold ■ a ti«wft»l commodity, and a* such,
social human labor power on the average has ben
embodied therein in just the same way as in other
commodities Moreover, the value of gold vane-
according to the ease or difficulty with which it can
be procured. Scarcity simply means difficulty of
attainment, a greater quantum of social hitman labor
power necessary for its production, and a consequent
rise in its exchange value iu relation to all other
commodities. In other words, the value of gold, as
money, is determined, like the value of all other
commodities, by the quantum of social human labor
power which ia essential to its production.
Qold is the common measure of value in exchange
simply because it is the embodiment of humsn labor
power, and can be conveniently employed as th- com
men expression and measure of its fellow commodities.
Marx states tbat:
"The first chb f function of money is to Hiip-
ply commodities with the material for the ex
pression of their values, or to represent their
values as values of the same denomination,
qualitatively equal, and quantitatively comparable. It thus serves as the universal measure of value."    "Capital," vol    1. p.  106.
Then he tells us:
"Hut only in so far as it is itself a produet
of labor, and therefore, potentially variable in
value, can gold serve ta a measure of value."
—Jbid., p. 110.
Whilst later he states: %
•lust as when we estimate the value of any
commodity by a definite quantity of the use
value of some other commodity, so, in esfirti
Sting the value of the former in gold, we assume nothing more than that  the production
of a given quantity of gold, costs, at the given
period, a given quantity of labor. "Ibid., p.
This money expression of the va'ue of any given
Commodity is its market price, is the "general
power of purchasing" over other commodities which
its possession givei to the possessor.   The quantity
ot social lahor power embodied in d< finite quantities
ot tin- whole series of commodities on the world
market is expressed in a certain weight of fold, and
this certain weight of gold, represents the monev-
equivalent of those commodities, or their market
But   we have seen, previously, Uiet the rah*
this  inotiey-equixaJent.   gold   raries icecnhaf J
the greater or less coat of obtaining it, ,,r J
the same thing   m economic   terms, the  exd ***
value of gold vanes in proportion i„ •;,, ,.;,,.'"'
social  labor power of which it u th   i
Hut if the value of gold varies ,„ rclal ,,, ,,
commodities, then it follow,, thst price* nn i
If the cost of production of gold ii- .  •
value of gold mere sacs in relation to other cm
modules, and there is a general rift      prion
round     But   if.  as  happened  in   1M •   ■-,'
production of gold decreases, thea it follows tie
there is a fall in prices all round.
Hut this dO€M not mean that User- ;• ... |. ...
relative values of commodities to one another ii
round. That is an impossibility A n&era U
m prices is a matter of oommoD experience
(from this viewpoint a general fall m values b§-
body ever saw or will ever be able to see
We have arrived at the point m cur aaalna
when we can gam a bird's eye -view, m tC RDeakal
<»ur subject
In this ami the previous srticlea we have
at  the following conclusions:—
That   human  labor power ts th   -   •
various eomodith i
That  a commodity  possesses  rs  ■ ■
is the material embodiment of labor-powei   .
socially useful.
That   the exchange value ol enj   CO
be oniv  expressed in relation to Ol
That the endue ot an article is determined aad
measured   by   the  quantity  of  social   hu
power  in   the   abstract   of  whrh   ;*    -  tl
The gold   ui     « employed a* I
mm   of  exehange  and   measure  of   rs
value of gold i* determined in the ias
of all  other commodities;
That price is th- gold cat ie, or mo
And   that   all  prices  may   fall     r •
possibly fall.
Having examined, with absolute    ■
theory  of value which  forms a basia       tl    PrB-;
pics  of Socialism,  let  u*.  in  the  I -    '      '
analyse, with equal impartiality, th
ics which have sprung into exktei
time regarding Va'ue
.  v-    CMHa*S   Mai'N -It  «       SkwMM
i.i m   at   OtSkfaf
(H     Th.a  ..  matM «uh.   i»  a  Mtf]   aammt■'•■        ~":'' *
J^inna'    '   Mnh«\*   »n<l   Ih.   Mchar. <•   of   I"i  *»'•" ^        j
IH ) I ka»» 4.«lt wild t»l<* •« Ik. •«*•• ""^"m ft " ""^ .,
i»ramr»  oi »»l»r   in   *r4rt  lo   UmpUtf   Ik*   I M'  'mTl j
aaai  apr-'r.  »ah  .<jwal  lotr;  «« »il»»f "* »r?
Next Article: "Supply snd Demsnd "
■ .   ,   N
- :0 .
GALOARY,  alta    Hess a sat  Hews  Bua4
Avenue   Wc»t
UbOf  tfftWj   HUn.t,  *>«»   4*4  *****   Beet ,
WONTRRAL-4  rstjaasas,  Ctl  Bt,  Uwresee Be
Prismas  and   lian.noir.ik>,  II OsUrlo BtXtmi
NKW   WKSTMINSTKR -News Sun-1,  B, I    !•• ■*■
SBATTIil   Baya.tt'a <'M Bod Store, IW   n
PORT ABTHUB   viking Rook Btors, W Bsj •lrc'
TORONTO   l>. OoMsuo, t'-hn.i News a.
and   Chestnut   Streets   ■ HutiJl'
VANcotVKH  — Odsmbts  Ktws Btsod,
nrnt   ColunitiiM   Htrirtn.
.I.ihn  Circtfti,  (..'ftrrnll  Street
w hove, itHftii.tf* Btrsst Bast, ^ p|
wiwii'Ku Raforaara1 n««.k Ageaay,
BUFTALO, n.y Onward Bosk ttom,
CniOAOO   Hi(.li«:,l hook ghop, W7  N'   Ctsi
STaless  Hook  siw.p, no:  Plymosta (V  ' r u! g^i
tti   -     raw ■ •
ROCHKHTKU, N V.    frolclarlan Tiiriv, „
TAOOJCi   Reysacr'i 014 Bos* ^,,rr- !;l .,
Adslslda Bt, Bsst, i>«tr<<it, Mi«'*>- WESTERN      CLARION
On Progress.
KN'KV  FORD told an interviewer recently
tint  fsrmers have never been properly
paid for what they produce, and they
.-.„. ,„„ much time producing it. "With the
P ! in crops 15 to 20 days a year is all that is
I . agar) il the workers atv equipped with the nee
f y,,v implements, We have proved that to our
[refaction on mir own farm of 10,000 seres here
I1m. interviewer was impressed but not convinced.
[Ugaya he look the scheme to a level headed farm- r
UHnoia    The man sustained the proposition.
igresi deal of the farm work can be done in B
I.   r rjjya," be said.    "We are renting I farm thai
v.' do not spend more than 20 or :U) days a year on."
».—    -.11. L.I.I     I   —
,, ^ tnighl seem like a dream to all who have
.... ,-,| farming close up.
RU1 we must  remember that  the average farmer
;■!,  antiquated   person     He   uses   old   fashioned
md toils along as his father did. consequent-
.,,j ideM are a reflex of the past
[|,. ii nol to blame that he doesn't do things the
v.iv Henrj  lord outlines. With little or no capital.
U do chance to be modern.    In fact, the farmer
[,. : -vise different to the bygone haudieraftmen.
!!-• has  lingered  on  the stage  longer  f><r several
ions    < hesp or free land     The ability to grow
os] of whsl  he <ats,  to raise a  IsrgC  family and
ij oil   them   for  long   hours,   breaking   down   the
•   of bis children prematurely as a result.
And ibe contrast between the dependent position
ihe  wage-slave and   his own   apparently free
itos, makes him tod fiercely to preserve his "in-
I have read the story of a wage slave who went
i; the land,  having saved  a   few   hundred dollars
tnd being desirous of escaping the uncertainties of
ipioyment in the city.
11< mid Ii-  succeeded.    Hut the story of the sue
was heartbreaking.     It was purchased at »
►rice, that fen  intelligent men would pay. and re
lired constant and unremitting toil to keep it    It
bi ed yean of wretched slavery for all the family,
ken to hauling stumps by moonlight ; and he was
compelled tn stick by the lamentations (1f his
wife, when  lie  despaired  of  standing  more  of  it.
fi"-\ be won.    He himself said it.    His picture and
lis fellow slave of sorrow  adorned  the  page of a
blown farm magazine, and the poor nut  was
eonrsgtng others to escape wage slavery  hy that
lbs number i-. legion.    And the dismal swamp of
l*aa generated in such environment would sicken a
"teaman, snd they too can work.    Hut here comes
Jlodern Machinery, ami let us slaves who have been
help    to Farmer John hail with joy our median-
il Ssviour.    Here is Henry Ford's Idea:
A big factory is to be set down in a farm r<-
eioti li,. wo,,|,| operate all the farms within
leveral miles' radius as a unit with a resident
manager, and over all tbese managers a highly
VMahficd superintendent. This superintend-
''''' would do the farm planning. Then most
"' ,!,,> yesr tl e workers would work in the fee-
'"n. Km when the time came to plow, cultivate
"r 'eap. he would put them on the farms with
hlghl) efficient machines and do the farm
*ork thoroughly and effectively. The -JO
"*>"> or 80, according to the Illinois man
Wonh] hardly be missed from the factory work.
I"1'1 having enough skilled labor and machin*
'''v would do great things for the production
of food."
1,11 W wlint the world needs; to be put in charge
'PJieers, ,nen of science, so that wealth may he
'   ""'"' «' "'icntly, Without   vaste or ,i lirbv Mh u
\'[thfl benefli of the whole world.
'"w   '""pitalism   such   a   thing   Is   impossible:
c«auing plethora of products would glut the
continually, resulting in unemployment, aud
I        u''d poverty, misery, suicides, crime, prostb
',"1' U!l1'. nud lo on, link on links the fatal effects
''iW th
"' Original cause—the production of wealth
N?llT*ta Iu,),it-        But this thing can be solved.
" ' "' way of being solved, though under most
'V(,,'!,,'1«' elTvumstancos,
In the midst of 8 dreary swamp of small peasant
proprietors, who wish to compete for the pleasure of
being big proprietors, the new idea is endeavoring to
take root.
Below, follow some remarks of a Washington
Stste officio-, a mechanical engineer, who served two
yesrs in Siberia with the American forces. lie was
captured by the Reds, and in his ignorance, expected
every morning to be shot. Insicad. he was allowed
comparative freedom.
Bui p sd what he says ■
Withdraw From Siberia.
"When Miij. Buchanan was released practically all of the American soldiers had been
withdrawn from Siberia. After waiting at
Vladivosuk for some time for a transport to
take him hack to the United States, he finally
obtained passage on an army transport being
one of the last American soldiers to leave
"Siberia is a wonderful country and the Russian peasant is a bard working, industrious per-
son Who may some day put his land in its proper place among the nations of the world. Maj.
Buchanan believes. The workings of the soviet
regime are good snd bad; some of the things
it has accomplished are working out admirably, while others are theoretical impossibilities, the major said.
14Nationalisation of industries has not been
such a terrible failure as some would have the
. world believe, according to Maj. Buchanan.
They have plenty of well trained men, men
whose training in technical schools has been
augmented by long experience.' said the army
officer 'It is this type of man that is placed
in charge of the larger enterprises; not the
ignorant workman who can only handle the job
somebody else maps out for him.
"Many of the, directors or superintendents
held similar positions before Bolshevism captured Russia. In most instances they have
been transplanted from the city where they originally worked to some far distant place. They
are being paid more than ever before and the
same is true of the workmen. Even though
their pay still is comparatively small, yet their
wants are so simple that they do not want the
amounts required by American labor.
"Business was more or less at a standstill
when 1 left the interior of'Russia where sovietism is iu control.    As fast as the military government  moves out  of captured territory, the
civil government moves in and assumes charge
of all affairs and regulates al! industry aud business.      This   is   an   immense   task   of   course,
hence actual accomplishment is still  more or
less ha/y. especially so to a foreigner."
If economically backward Russia, in the midst
of the must heart-breaking circumstances, and appalling difficulties, is far seeing enough to place
men in their proper spheres, according to ideas outlined in Bucharin's "Programme of World Revolution"   (a   masterly  exposition  of OUT  position  in
timple language), bow much could not be
accomplished   over   here   with  the   equipment  at
band! Bui doubtless, we shall see capitalism exhaust all possibilities of exploitation first. And the
working class complain, grumble, try this way. that,
way. rebel; do anything in fad but reason, till the
limit of their endurance is reached; and absolutely
nothing remains hut revolution.
This may he a fatalistic view, but it should not
preclude Socialists from giving most generously of
their time, energy and money to push the work of
enlightenment along.
Our day will come.
tnd may i< be a speedy coining.
F. S   F.
— :0 : ■
Canadian Workers' Defense League
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An additional class is now being formed on elementary economics. This class is especially intended for those who are commencing the study of
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I \
S3 5
TO THE WORKING-CLASS ELECTORS OF THE Such  is the position in  Europe,  and the black
PRINCE RUPERT ELECTORAL DISTRICT shadow of the approaching panic is making its ad
  vent felt in Canadian industry.    The conditions that
FOREWORD. now face the wealth producers of Europe anil short -
JH BURROUGH was nominated to contest this ly face those of this continent.
riding in the interests of Labor by a Labor i                   th- -       -   '
•Convention held in the 0. B. U. Hall. Me- reforms that will leave untouched and unchallenged
i itvre Block. Prince Rupert, on Friday. October 20, the control and ownership of industry by a small
192Q class iu the community is obvious.    Buttressed and
In allowing his name to be voted on. be made it entrenched by the forces of the State, the owning
plainly understood that  he was  standing on the class will see to it that no reforms will be enacted
platform of the Socialist Party of Canada, with ho that need cause it any anxiety,
reservations or subtractions therefrom, and i'  ii The issue is a class issue, an issue between tho class
on the principles therein set forth that the campaign that owns and does not work, snd the class that
so far as he is concerned, will be fought. works and does not own.
Therefore, the contest will be waged on a strict- The present election is one of the periodical op-
ly class issue, and our candidate is put forward as portunities accorded us of teeing the growth of
a class candidate, expecting and seeking support ''li,vs intelligence iu the mass <>f wsge-earners in
from uo other section of the electorate than th.u B. C.   Candidates represanting the different sec
which recognizes the futility of attempting to re tions of the population that derive their sustenance
form  the  present system of wealth production   iu from the exploitation of Labor arc iu the field np
such a manner as will benefit the actual wealth pro pealing to Labor to gran! a new lease of power ami
dueers ''?0 to fn<> *y*tem by which they profit and by which
THE CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. Lahor Buffers.   That is their real appeal, but, as
THE CANDIDATE'S ADDRESS. always, it will be camouflaged and disguised in a
The holocaust of death and destruction into whirii flood  of  fiambuov ant  oratory  ami  specious  BTgU
the capitalist imperialisms plunged the whole world ment, designed to conceal the real issue from view.
in their in<auc competition for domination in the The secret of the power possessed by the rilling
world's markets has nearly run its Course. class to exploit Labor lies in the possession of the
Where is the "New Wo-id" which they told us political, repressive force of the State, which it eaa
we would be living h when the war was mod? What bold and  retain as long as a sufficient number of
^s the position of the working class now as com it* victims SfC ignorant of the CSflseS of their con
pared to the days* before the war? dition.    That  power can only be wrested from the
The struggle for existence :s keener, the chances rulers by an intelligent working class, end the ob-
of procuring the prime necessities of existence dm*- .«'«•' of entering the fight in tins election, an in ..
development .and inasmuch as its conclusioni   •
tifically reached, pojnt to the ultimate owocS
aud operation by the producers, fo.- themm      '
the whole socially operated machinery of ,, 5
tion and distribution, it has bet ie tha ,i,
ment ot the producing class.     Hi,.? i   ,;,. ^
which the term "revolutionary" is eppUed i
Socialist movement, for the attainment     \\t*k\"'
the entails the capture of the political powerfe-.
the present owning and ruling ciai
pose of Inaugurating a system of prodoeuoii
which the producer and tbe means of production*!
no  longer   be  divorced.    This  will   be  I
' H  I
•'. H   Bl'RROL'i ;
loniiiun d from page 5
ing the coming winter are blacker—the whole outlook for the class that Bells it£ productive ability for
wages U more ominous snd  full of dirt   portci
than at any time within the memory of those now
others, is to spread the knowledge of Ihe true rela-
tions between the classes      With that knowledge
ss s guide, the workers will be quad Red ?" ei I in
• iid  with the:r ei«ss interests.    The workers
European countries sre forging las never
The so-called 'Tights" of free speech, free pre-, before. V.'h      I    nada \% but "a village       • tg the
free assembly have been proved to be but privileges, nations/1 we have a task to perform which, d< volv-
recognised by the ruling class as a matter of policy es upon us slone ,.s our job.    That M to prepare tht
in the "piping tunes of peace/' r0 he cancelled in winds of our fellow-work era tor the coming change
time of crisis by the stroke of a pen if exercised v~>
question its right to rule and exploit, or used to
contrast its professed love for "justice," ■democracy." •"self-determination." and all the rest of
the high-sounding clap-trap, with the exhibition of
by the dissemination of a knowledge of thi   |
> o   Marxian Roeialfsm    RducatJon ;>» onr task.
Allwiid talk of 'bloody revolution/' "str      Bghl
ing,n "picking up the gun,*' etc.. emanates from |
(thy brains of enthusiastic idiots or from treach-
sordid greed and eynical disregard of the elemental "     - provocateurs.   <h:r weapons are 'hose «]
decencies ao glaringly manifested in its acta.   Iu •PP**! t!» men's  interest, reason and intelligence,
dividuals of the working class that dare to exer- noi v> Th''ir '-•'>~;'*"--
eise such criticism hav.  been dragged out of their       Ownership and management of industry   hy the
beds in the dead of night and thrown into gaol, or v,"*ker*. srftfj its eoncomitanl of production fot use
their movements  have  been  dogged  and  reported ;n''' benefit "!  the producers- -or a continuation of
from point to point   Labor organizations that re- ,ne present syjt< ownership by the non-prod
fuse to be pliant ton's in the hands of the employ- ''rs- XVil" 'N ***** paniee, unemployment, .;      [«
ing class are permeated with hired Stool  pigeons, """ a,,,i ,,!i>' r-v 1,1r ,M,> workers: this is the Cho
spies and sgents—provacatenr of a secret  police wtt**tt *a ©nee again placet! before us.   The strength
system that bids fair to surpass in i»s brutal, dis- ut  ,}i'' wppon  giv-n to the candidates Standing
hom-st and corrupt methods the ''Black Hundred" v'!"a!''*lv on thia class i«siio will show us how  f.tr we
of Russia under the Tzars.
Reared.on a basis of human enslavement, the cap
italist system, following all previous slave ayatems,
is fast nearing the abyss towards which it is being
impelled by the force generated \iy and contained
within   itself.    It   is  no  longer  .able  to  justify   i<s
nave progressed »n clsss intelligence and ?■• rol  '  n
ary spirit since 1916.
* .»   «
I""'- the bei    • of those enquirers who wisji to
know in detail what  kind of ■ aocietj   it is that  the
Socialists wish to inaugurate, H must be pointed onr
existence, for it can no longer rneel the needs of   1,i,;it ,'1' Baalists ere not in the business of making
the society it has created. The wealth producers,
divorced from all title of ownership to the means
of wealth production, and thereby i'orc d to sell
their physical snd mental energies to the owners of
industry at a wage that hovera around the cost of
subsistence, are .starving in their millions--bcmiiv-
there is Do gain in sight foPthe owners of industry
in putting them to work. The inflation of the currency has intensified the distress by forcing the
prices of commodities to the point where the wage
received on a falling labor market is insufficient to
provide the bare necessities. The raw materials.
the machinery, the will and ability to operate and
direct industry are present in 'as great a measure SS
ever—and the need is greater than ever—but instead of revolving faster to meet ihe increased need
the wheels of industry are slowing down and stopping, increasing the distress by throwing multitudes
of unemployed on to a labor market already congested.
new societies,   All institutions, conceptions, morals,
and ethics that have a social validity are tin- product of the manner in which society produces and
distributes the wealth created. Under capitalism
the dominant Institutions and codes of though! aw
those of th- dominant* (capitalist) class, owners of
the meqpa of wealth production,    Cnnscqnonflv the
nisi it ii? ions and eodei reflect the wishes end uia'er
is! interests of the claaa that dominates.   The fact
that there exists a mighty volume of protest against
the capitalist system is. therefor, evidence that the
development of the process of capitalist production
has evolved new interests, a new psychology and
new points of view more in keeping with the developed mode of production than the interests and
moral concepts that arc accepted nnd imposed by
the dominant owning class.
The revolutionary Socialist movement is the scientific Interpretation of the factors thai have created
the movement of protest.    Its function is to investi
gate, analyse and explain the economics of social
The objections taken to the pi i
control of industry on the pies of persona      :-
have validity onl) mperncially.   Foi in net
advanced state of modem industrj
indication that  social control w   ,
erty of the individual in thai be wi
a leaser part of bis tune »-, s meri . .> •
machine than be does now.
st rat* vi mathematically by industrial engi
the other hnutf. the evd effects ol
jrioyment, starvation wages, over-prod
and periods of stagnation, resull h     a lacks!
social control over the industi •••'' aysi
These effe la can only arise bees tse
slaves to the machine, instead i I
•   smi compels Ihe worker to follow
ot the industrial cycle from the }■
t\ ei il  . during which, hi -
- • ea ol lid, to .thi
ag « hieh he '
Wi- sum again to the v
Thta v- ootlpiie - ,!   o >S .<-
Petrograd are not  goii g to n* i
■   ntcr.    Hoi • o\ pt it  .q pesra
Petrograd  i:>m' decided to gel  '
L"-,fin"K' waa good    If now tlw   '••
to got soi   ■ food, these sun..
1 might spend a real t le
fort a 1 '•    ■  intef*    At  el!  cv",      •
The meanbci i i ( this ex '
■    •  -. ood t-»r the v -   ■
ah*« labor raffl  Th*s arc
■ g ii to *; ■ pis     ahi e it is to
aii      a  rerj   i : •   tieal vv a •  ■
for.c of a community for the pa
lunity,   It \i the rerj - men n
a    i'- advantage will become I
it m compared to the bungling, •
ineompct4 nee thai •*' \mf. in
ing coal from the mine, ..• Di ■   *
ir.t ridden citj of < algary.
Capitalista condemn the prino |
d wi»h the Soi '^ and their s
they do s.i on the plea of p
.,! iv i> i, because tins ->vay ol d
society   leaves them   no  room  for tfn
profit  from the process      Tbej
oa n< rship of the means of pi • • ■
iition, social control of thec mean* sn
trol of the laboring forcei thai mn
them. SS ii new form of slavery.    In tl
aland  sqnarely opposed  to social
control, the capitalista OOl only slh
scihshne.s and an unholy greed t i |
• liHplay   an  aosointc  Hicapaeii)    •
social  forces which compel  men  to
innovations, mi Industrial organisatioi
unkind mav derive the greatesl
machine process.    It  is for this res."
proclaim a-s slavery  the system vwr> _    .
ingofen hail as their libertor from
•  ■ „,.,|   OP   '
fpotiam.   And so, capitaliat critic am
tion to the eontrarj notwithatanding, W0J'.. ^j
who base their ideas on the hard fset* ' h,
' t        r     I!
who do not  feed OH ideas which STC !"H-
waate Of the past, will go on to puali *
Adoption,   the   principle  of social   endesvo
• if "
underlies  the practice of the Soviets
ell i"H
gether their woodpile.
3, m. ('HKi<r,AVsK '*.


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