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Western Clarion Mar 1, 1921

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\l Journal of
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
Left Wing Communism
Infantile Disorder."
k  at notmng -o
Wil act proni[tUj .
y titouyn ii  K,—
net, who com
t ■ - ■ •.
<t jr
By  N. Lenin.
ill. latest work to hand by Nicolai Lenin, the
Russian  Premier,   is the already  much discussed pamphlet "Left  Wing" Communism,
Infantile  Disorder."*      It   it  particularly  ad-
..•-! to the German and British proletarian inovc-
:. hut i* scarcely ol lent interett to that move-
t   in other countries, even  when their special
Hitiorte differ considerably from that of the Gcr-
atvl British.    Lenin's effort is   intended as a
ttctivc in tbc**e circle-, where a   retigiout faith
.ai!-   ui   the   universal   applicability   of  certain
and   principles,   or   where   revoUitiotiar>
It ion tako the place of objective reasoning bat*
,n the obtcrvable facts of ajny concrete social
■1 thc table of contents of the pamphlet a*
\g a more satisfactory indication of the questions
aed un  than this review will furnish.    My in
Hon la mainly to attempt to depict what  I con
:c lo be Lenin I philosophical attitude and mcth-
v approach to thc problems of the rcvoluttonar)
[ement,  \- well as I can I shall set up Lenin's
|ud« and method as a standardto which readers
compare or contraat their own. which compari-
peradventurc, may be the shortest waj   round
some of ns i-» see the error oi our way-,    ror
If al!  the standard of judgment or point of view
hold is of decisive influence on the nature of the
nons we form ujion any matter, and is also mam-
(sponsible for the   disagreements amongst ns
a* with primitive man who impufed to all ob
■ in nature animate and   inanimate,   life   and
|i'* and passions like his own. so human beings
v tre pcrforct bound to approach any subject
mental prepossessions.    AH of which mean*
ii you wish to understand how  Lenin arrives
u- conclusions   you must sec through Lenin s
• i e„ you must understand his mental attitude
method of approach   to thc questions he dis-
ts    An understanding of Lenin in that respect
|elativHy easy when reading his work, if not so
for an indifferent scribe to set down on paper.
-tain wears his heart on his sleeve in respect ot
[science and philosophy   Lenin is preeminently
•ilosopher. a student  of history and of science
command which he has not. So far as his objective
logic is concerned, as be understands the facts of the
situation, it is masterly.
Lenin t< unsparing with his rod of iron on those
who permit emotion, or the "'purely" intellectual
subjective processes of the mind to Mork out "fixed" universal formulas of action, idols of their own
making, t.. be rigidly followed no matter what thc
fluid, and changing conditions of distinctly different
concrete social situations may bc. The attractions
and dangers of fixed formulas are that they tend to
acl a* substitutes for observation and thought; on
the other hand, thc objective method entails constant
observation  and  thought  and  possi] le change in
In thc active political life of mass movements and
the disposition of parties this leads to -"daring"
tactics and to walking on thc thin ice of opportunism Lenin distinguishes between the compromise
t>i thr patriotic Socialists with the bourgeoisie during the war. which was treachery to thc working
class, and compromise such as the Bolsheviks made
in  signing the treaty with the Germans at Brest
history is reckoned by decades. Ten or twenty years
sooner or later .... from tlie point of,pew of world
history it is a trifle. But this is just why it is a
crying theoretical mistake to refer, in questions of
practical politics, to the world-historical scale. . ) ,
How is k p^cTible to say the parliament is worn
out,' when millions of proletarians not only stand
up for parliamentarism generally, but arc directly
counter-revolutionary? .... It is evident that tbe
'Left in Germany have rrtdstaken their desire, their
ideo-political attitude, for objective reality. Tbis is
the most dangerous error whicii can be made by
revolutionaries." Elsewhere, he says: "They (the
Left' in general- " . . . . naively mistake the subjective denial* of a reactionary institution for its destruction in reality by the,.u-nited forces of a whole
series of objective factor* \ . Participation in parliamentary elections anc\ Struggle on the parliamentary platform is obiigit*dhrj"for thc party of the
revolutionary proletariat, just forHhe purpose of
educating the backward masses of its own class, just
in  ordcV to awake and enlighten the undeveloped,
ill   signing   the  treaty   wun   me  ucnuaua  a-   ui-..-*.
Litovsk in order to preserve the gains of the Rus- down-trodden, ignorant   masses.   Just so long as
•dan revolution.    He also gives many other instanc- you are unable to disperse the bourgeois parliament
■* when, he says, tbe Bolsheviks compromised with and other reactionary institutions, you are bound
advantage b> fomtUg temporary alliances with op- to work inside them, and for the very reason that
posing parties, both before and after the October there ar% still  workmen within them being made
revolution.    Whether the political developments in fools of . . ."   "Tactics." he says, "should be con-
othcr countries, and thc strength in numbers and structcd on  a sober and strictly objective consid-
undci standing   oi   the   Communist   movement  in oration of the forces of a given country (and of the
tbcm, warrant   the Communist    parties    adopting countries surrounding it, and of all countries,*on a
those tactic*, as is urged upon them by Lenin, is a world scale), as well as on an evaluation of the ex-
mattet so gravel} in question that the Communist perience of other revolutionary movements
movement* in Germany and Britain arc split over He points   to Rosa  Luxemburg   and Karl   Lieb-
the matter,    In an) event, whatever of significance knecht in Germany, and Z  Hoglund in Sweden, as
the hrston of thc Russian movemenfholds for them, examples of a truly revolutionary utilization of re-
thc primary deciding factors should be the condi- stationary parliaments ,and sees no reason, with the
tion*. special to their own countries.
Lenin attacks the "Left' 'Communists of Germany mamMMmmmmmmMmmmiBMmmmaaaam^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
for  then  tactics  in  leaving  the. old  conservative ment to carry on a stubborn struggle to expose, dis-
irade union*, their advocacy of "non-participation in pose and overcome the bourgeois-democratic illu-
parliamentarv activities," and of "no compromise,' sions held by. the backward masses of the workers
also for making a distinction between "leaders and and peasantry.    In this chapter he gives a short but
Lenin, trades unions,  parliaments, graphic history of Bolshevik parliamentary activity
leaders arc instruments to be made to illustrate his argument  for parliamentary activ-
in the interests of the ity : as indeed he does on any phase of Bolshevik ac-
growth of the revolutionary masses, why a communist faction could not be hammered  out in parlia-
tivity as it bears on the subject of each chapter, so
that the book is valuable for its historical contents
and dissertations on the revolutionary struggles in
In regard to the "Left" slogan of "down with
the leaders." Lenin gives several pages of serious
consideration to it, including with it an explanation
why be thinks it is necessary, even after the rcvolu-
masses.       I o
compromise an*
use I as occasion requiret^^^^^^^^^^^
the scientific method.   He is a philosopher, not .evolution. * •
h bad old sense of thc "fixity" of things of      Quoting statistics as ^I^.^J
lical  philosophv. but   in  the  modem  scientific bership in trade unions, be "P*™*^
* tha, sees that the   values of lift consist  in the organisations where the MP9^
J* and development.    In thc work I am review- and to fear their conserva rs      and tr,  to^,
h»3 facts and his arguments, pro and con. are to jump over  t      .   met ca e   a
W along, lifted up in the full tide of his phil- in thc role of   he -^0t™    ^  __	
r*y of life, and his scientific objective method is educate and enlighten, to arthfltttW new nte^ ^    ^ ^ ^ q{ ^ determined by the disap.
>s apparent, even violcntlv so. and to hand. His most backward groups and masses ot t£ wcr pig    ^^ ^ ^ corrupting influence of petit-bour-
1 objtctrat practical mind, conscious of itself as class and the r*etsttttry. . - -. convince the    geois  ideas, for a Communist party to act as the
• and. while valuing the subjective power of the Communist problem ia to ~ *™* t0 ~™     a    political vanguard of thc proletarian masses. This
• far making useful abstractions and generaliz- backward, to work ,n their m d.t *^ »££^    partv leadership question, however, is I think with
Wmulas out of thc many concrete things  he barrier between ^*^™^ ~      '      '" ' ~ "
^ dogmatic faith in the necessity of getting the cluldis   >   L      » .Jof nPon.participation to
»< «very concrete social situation, as they ap-       Dealing with tne ^ •       L the "Lefts."
^ time and place, for an understanding of the parliaments, and the re.%jto&^.«,* :
- of the problems of the re^lutionary strug-, that ^^^^
« the tactical policies to be adopted.   Those -       ^»;« thr epoch of
ftttfrat with  Lenin's strictures against  the a ^orld-h.storcal sen e. . end: tht
f Communiats » Germ-any and Britain, after bourgcos ^^^^^^f   This
"J «» book, can. I think, only do so on the epoch of J^g^S^aS of The world's
•»«* that they htn knowhT*d*re and facta .t their is incontestable true.   But
us in Canada, a remote one. In one passage he
makes fun of the slogan as it relates to individual
leaders as follows: "It is especially comical that instead of old leaders who have a common-sense viewpoint on ordinary matters, new leaders are put
forth (concealed under the slogan of 'down with
leaders') who prattle supernatural nonsense and
spread confusion."
(Continued on page 4.) 'Ji    i ■ tataaaaa  ' M*tt*m**k*m ■
''■•'■> ■-.iSfe-*^-'
The S. P. of C. and the Third International
p. ,*•,. „... ~*P*> at i***^r
.A^J-daJlJATlON ***&h the Third International
Tht Present Beee**etaf*e*<Pens in a new and improved
Bonger).   Single eopiea d'd and much discussed question
Capitaliat Produetio °nus is upon those desiring atfil-
Chapters, "Capital," tin the Parties tactics to produce
(cloth bound), $1.00 j jirtK    (•>) *n telling us how affilia-
Soeialiem, Utopian, •*"' Socialist Party of Canada or
15c,-* 25 eopiea, $3 25. * *» Canada;   (2) increase our
Slave of the Farm akc us morc revolutionary, and
01.50. ^ t.s* present conditions warrant   a
Manifetto, S. P.   ic$
Copfea v^c position of Local Winnipeg No. 3
Red Eur*-     - cC*-«c$tion, it is necessary to correct false
it&tis, (i-) of those within our ranks remind
thenfi   that there is room within the Socialist
■pvemc*mj» tor analysis and criticism or parties and
JdividualJh without the assumption that he who
Fares to tx-t-c*86 ■•* * traitor to the movement. Re-
linding them also that there is a vital difference
between the critic and the individual who uses his
cnowledge for personal gain.   Thc charge of moral
A*pwardice is another feature that can bc avoided;
J2J) the false impressions that are being circulated
by the "kept press" regarding our decision of non-
affiliation (as they are also using thc decisions that
i.ave been reached by the many political working-
class organizations in Europe) namely, as propaganda against the Bolsheviki, against whom much
mk has been used in fabricating stories and misre-
presentating facts.     The Socialist movement can
solve its own differences without the advice of thc
capitalist press and without the need of its assistance, either in "explaining* 'our philosophy, or distorting the differences arising from tactics.
The working-class nf" ment thc world over is
undoubtedly stimulate^I*, the measure of success
that has been aH-'ja^jfl^ne Russian workers, and
differences that *"*->: with icgard to tactics in gaining control, arc far from being in opposition to the
Bolsheviki, or antagonistic to the Third International, but arise out of the differences in the class-consciousness of the workers in other lands, in relation
to the power of their capitalist masters.
The first clause in the conditions for affiliation
says: "The dictatorship of the preletariat must not
be spoken of simply as a well learnt formula, etc.r
What does this mean? The dictatorship of the proletariat must be propagated as an object to bc obtained, notwithstanding that in thc highly organized
and industrialized countries, when the workers gain
control, the period necessary in the elimination of
the capitalist class may be of a short duration! A
passing phase, and not a long drawn out struggle
compared to the common ownership and thc democratic control of thc means of wealth production and
distribution. If this is so, then how illogical it is,
to teach the dictatorship of thc proletariat, or speak
of it, not merely as a well learnt formula.
The dictatorship of the proletariat is a phrase
that is used in two ways: first, as a dictatorship of
tbe workers as a vast majority, and, secondly, a
dictatorship of a small minority who belong to a
small party controlling in the interests of thc workers. As used by some "Reds" it implies that by direct action on the part of a small but class-conscious
minority it is possible to gain control in a highly
developed capitalist state, with its army and navy
and its perfected instruments of coercion. This
shows the need for a clear understanding of thc
meaning of words and constantly repeating the
meaning implied.
That thc tactics of the Third International are
highly colored by prc-revolutionary Russian conditions is clearly shown, whether as applied to thc agrarian programme or the advocacy of militant demonstrations of the masses in the cities. Thc success of the movement in Russia has produced the
idea that similar methods are inevitable to the emancipation of the workers in different parts of the
world, irrespective of the conditions that may prevail. This is to be regretted, for it thereby predicts
that every country must go through identically the
same phases in every detail. This of course can be
denied when wc remember the case of Hungary and
the establishment of Soviet rule there, even although
it was overthrown later by force of thc allied powers.
While the Third International urges thc use oi
parliamentary action, yet it is considered of secondary importance to the development of mass-action
in the form of insurrections, strikes, and open civil
war. The position of the S. P. of C. being a political part), educational m character, is that it uses
the parliamentary institutions existing, for educa
tional.purposes, development of class-consciousness,
etc. This position has been maintained by the rcal-
iation that the means that will be adopted by thc
workers in their emancipation will depend upon the
measure of class-consciousness combined with th«*
intensity of their conditions There is yet much
spade work to be done by a Socialist organization, in
the making of Socialists, in the spreading of knowledge, as the best means of protecting the Russian
revolution, and in changing the system under which
we live.
While the Third International has laid down the
ruling oi rupture with reformism, ccntrisin. social
pacificism, etc., and the need of such a clause presupposes advances to organiationa of doubtful revolutionary character, yet the ExtCUtrte Committee of thc Third International have allowed non-revolutionary bodies to affiliate The late John Reed
in an article printed by the 'Workers Dreadnought"
January 1st, tells us that thc last convention of the
Third International had delegates from al! parts
of the world.    It reads as follows:—
"Germa*n Spartadsts, Spanish Syndkaltsts,
\merican 1  W. W . Hungarian Soviet and Red
Army   Leaders.   British   Shop-Stew ards,   and
Clyde Workers Committees. Dutch Transport
Workers. Hindu. Korean. Chinese and Persian
Insurrectionists,   Irishmen.  Sinn   Keiners  and
Communist.—Argentinian Dockers. Australian
WObblics.    All these people were not clear on
Communism, they bad violently divergent ideas
about the dictatorship of thc proletariat, parliamentarism,  ihe near] for a political party, but
they were welcomed as brothers in revolution
as the best fighters of thc working-class, as
comrades tbat were willing to die for the overthrow of capitalism."
What a mixture of idea*     And thr   problem is,
having strict rules and regulations, how is it possible to bind  such a conglomeration of ideas into a
cohesive force   The mixture of ideas presupposes
breadth and latitude in rules and regulations, which,
if not allowed, a condition will arise to further splits
and confusion, or another Second International
To fully elaborate ufwn all the objections to affliction would take both time and space. So, for the
present Wc will condense same into the form of resolutions that have been passed bv Winnipeg Local
N*o. 8:
(1) The Dictatorship of the Proletariat should not
be advocated as an object, when in highly developed capitalist countries its duration may be shortlived.
, (2) That the Third International Executive
Committee have allowed non-revolutionary bodies
to affiliate.
f3> That the tactics laid down as a whole arc
largely Russian in character, drawn up for thc specific purpose of dealing with countries that are in
open civil war. This condition does not apply to
either the l\ S. A. or Canada.
(4) That to support all liberation movements in
thc colonies, is a policy of bourgeois nationalism.
and ,s not the business of Revolutionary Socialism.
(5) To adopt  tactics, advocating rupture  with
reformism, centrism, social pacicism, etc., are unnecessary to a party based on thc fundamental know-
edge of the Revolutionary Class Struggle, which
the Socialist Party of Canada has been engaged in
propagating since its inception. The adoption of
this feature in tactics presupposes the Third Inter-
national has appealed to organizations of doubtful
revolutionary character ,and thereby have acted in
contradiction to their own clause.
(o) That the struggle for political power in Can*
an*a centres around the education of the ma**,, i-,
which parliamentary action should b» use(J
\7) That   any minority action would bt ilwJ
necessarily  resulting in an underground    "^
'<• use oi
tum, in   which avenues such as *}
mentary action, in elections. „-,..,, r^
nw of the mails, would be denied i-s ther.f^!^
ing our educational lacihties m reachina the -*.
(Hi That world tactics to overthrow workuS
pcruljsm in which latitude would be -,jVfn '   *
varying poUtkal  and economic conditions pr-r!
ing in each country, could onh result from 721
organised cohesive   body, representative oi kW
gate- elected from the revolutioi arv oreaim*,!
ol the  different countries, with a thorough kaa
ledge of the conditions prevailil .
(9) That thc agrarian programme isitteaaJ
jble   with highly   developed   countries   v.hertta*I
Socialization of the land may be ac   ".r.^hdss.
ultaneouaty with the socialization of indtstn
Comrade Editor:
In 1917, when from tortured Russia tbesesjea]
that the working clatt there had accomplishedm\
overthrow of their maetcrs, w< • the .** P «£
were thrilled. We drank deep I <■ «noe ,---
Russian comrades' achievement and sine*, jioq
successive assault of enrage-! •.-.':--- :.vdt&
shake the wall of proletarian 1.:■ Ige i^Avtt-
age. WC have gloried tn that failure
That was thc psychological « ol Uk Ra«a
revottttioaa. and the* \aluc to the struggling works
..j the world cannot he overestimated
Nevertheless, we must n<>t a a rr'huviv.5*
outstrip reason, and in tlm ; *.» tojoalk
Third International. Comrade Kditor. we are il
ing into the error against *.-.? ide Leeaaal
warned us. namely, copying ' ; *'"•'"■ ' *
anyratc, the ipcaieort ol thia proposal vr***:>ut
w (rented a dictum which reads II ' >* j-eod etae^
for the Bcdthevild, i? must I •   . r i**
S   IV of C
Comrade Kaplan, in In*- letter ppcoitgthlUt|
Iton, places before your p v •'-« mwaW
t.on*. to -inning, and then proceeds to sweep"
ainly aside, thus "Sooner or la«< r it will be tenaj
sar\ to proclaim the interna: - iarity of the■»
national movement "
Now. I might ask. since when have thr ^
men or press of the S- P. of <*' «^t0g2
an identity of interests and ideal with the Ma-
of the world? JM
Further, there are groups affiliated with t**J
International whose ideas and    e-ts are
ncall> opposed tothc Interests • i ,heW°r* »j
From the article entitled "Thr  AorldCcefnu
- "  i ..   *i*r   U" .
the   Communist   Internationa      t>\ _
Reed, we find the congress was composed °'  , ,y
Sparteciete, Spanish Syndicalist*. Amer-f    ^
W . Hungarian Soviet and Red  \rnty le**™,
itb Shop Stewards.    Clyde Worker*   *^w
Dutch Transport Workers. Hindu  Korea ^
and   Persian insurrectionists.   Argentine
Australian I. W- W. C^rnm^m
All these people were not dear on 0
They had violently divergent ideas aboo ^
torsh.p of the Proletariat. P«-,'ianicnUr,t|^arfH
for a political parte, but thev ivere ^^^
brothers in revolution, as tha best h^ljjn?w|i
working class, as comrades who ^rr
for the overthrow of capitalism 0'the^
BvtO the Communist balks al sonic ^
as comrades. Thr Oltagow Comrnuni ^j,
its platform suspends its siipp^- ^ • ^,-ts
ternational until such time as that ho ^^
its "wobbling" on thc question ol ^^
Action, Workers' Committers. Indust ^^K
and other reformist or reactionary
which thc group will not stami ^--n*^
The logical result therefore, once we ^(al
lated with the Third International. U •„#
with the verv element* «•• -;
past.   This "is a step in a retrogr
one whieh would give comf<»rf t-
/f*-rf,a;f,„avH on tm\de
%) ***MM&2i^r?r-
.!   01
HI-" Council of Reparation is tardily follow-    tst society ia to continue its existence.   It is the en- cracy on earth."   To save thcm*4a>es thc American
lowing tne world along the lightlctt path oi    deavor to lay thc foundation for repayments to re- capitalists will act.   They Will stiik at notning 10
,s-r- ,.     It <ias, at long last, discovered th •    lain and control the promised—or visioned—wealth, preserve their "rights"—and they wil. act prompn^.
the trite tut homely axiom: that  "all tbat    for which the war was fought; that is the cause ot Their one way of escape—temporary vhougn it be,—
the psychical acrobatics of the Economic Council, is war.   How that challenge wiil bc aiet, who ca*i
11 hi ^^^^^^^
,f% is ihe  now
yellow t»n't gold."   The index of that db-
historic ' *♦-.    year      instalim-  ;
e"   Time w.is when we entertained the opin
,at the |*-rtly   and gifted   gentlemen   of the
,j  w0uld   have \arivcd" sooner.    Well, per
,,-••■ wear) years is none too long for the con
,,„,,) of Mich a tank—-from their point of view,
now that the crusted nut is froken. we fear.
in due time—the elderly ones will make an
.  discovers : 'bat the kernel will not be so rasas u.i* anticipated.    Indeed,   one might al-
I imagine <»ur Solons are faintly apprehensive ol
, -,„ ,\-munition.    So nearly are they approach-
r, alit*.     And", in spituvaii many disappointments.
Mill have hopes—even of thc capitalists. (I sigh
j    .  what unkindly remarks this may occasion.)
vcrihcless, this 42 years scheme i* the best de
ihe circumstances will allow.   For, if it were
,  for the capitalist class -to act together, to
individual and international differences for yd    furtl
To pay, every nation must secure a vaster market.
ptoduc*Jon must be speeded up, output per unit
inerca < d. mass value lessened, to the end that moe
commodities bc sent out than are taken in.
I'.ut restriction placed  on German entrepreneurs
boomerang on the allies; they react on allied busi
m-ss.    |*or the market of the world is the nations of
(Continued from page 2)       n**v,
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Again, Comrade Kaplan says: "The m->cr- i vU '
the aoiM themselves, and  if expansion to the ut-    of such an  avowal at. this crisis, would rv l*1t-' **•*?
rn.*i limit is required, the utmost limit of individual    compensate £?- possible, though by no m5*-     o:Ur>*i
capacity  is implied.    In totality, eventually, thev    tain, repression.'    What crisis, in so iai* S uo "
can Onls   send  abroad to each other exactly what    working class are concerned!   The only crisi-:! " as \
* discuss*
the) import from each other. They cannot all cx-
pott more, and import less. They may redistrib-
ute the market of the world. Sut they cannot increase ;he market of the world. And in proportion
;;* c••-petition cheapens production, increases pro-
understand  at present is the scarcity of jobs.
same error appears in clause 3 of   tht '*TbeSi!" am
w here it states that the class : Trugg.e is entering c-eyed
phase of civil war. child -
 The facts are well known.   The workers boir-
duetivc cTiacity. and reduces wages, in just that    here and in America are voting for capitalism, su*tu*"
proportion •* tbe effective market diminished. And    porting capitalist  institutions and accepting wttsc    **
further -lure, in thc same maunei as the competition    reductions with scarcely a murmur. he
l r lunger, it might play Fa-staff to bounteous
•    < lh, fateful "if."    In this verdancy of "or-
how hardly can we esca|H* the law.
reparations are  to be paid at all. clearly the)
•• paid iu gold. ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
imoditics.    And with a ' 0 per cent  tor more) de-
German exchange, what a mighty volume
Wimnoditiet is connoted in the new bill of re
Hioii*    r.ut Dommodttieti unlike parliamentary
tory, an   not of   tht fabric ol"   the summer at-
Thcf   require the solid substitution oi
ira     sources.   And if world resources in such
•   are  to pass   into the  ''Fatherland.'
ir!\  '.he "hunniah Hun,*' in defeat | ':> will place
heavs  yoke of dominion upon our  democratic
itution    Furthermore, if ^German sausage" "
finer the world market in volume.
>i  indi ddual capitalist groups eliminates thc l<*ss        Finaly, in clause 3 of tfte "Theses" we are tola
effective and smaller rapitilists, so the :< .npeti; on    that we must "create everywhere a parallel illegal
X. Lenin is very emphatfV regarding this illegal
apparatus,    ln section 12 of the "Theses" (Note*;
it says:  "For all countries, even for the most free,
legal' and 'peaceful' ones in the sense of a lesser
acuteness in the class strt*   fie, the period has ai
of giant imperialisms, for world dominion, complete-
Ij  dissolves the political individuality of ibc- small
Payment then, must be in    nations  transforming them into hand-maidens, and
servitors o» imperial profit.
The scheme of reparation \w olves the vassalage
ol Ce nra! Kuro; .; Bitt to hi id Certtrai Europe to
the chariot   wheels of allied high  finance is an im-
■-.. bibilitv,  tecause it delim*"« the proh • by whicii    rived when it has become.   J-?olutely necessary f0»
alone capital exists And the further ad valorem
on German exports would act as the F. P. D. did
m Britain—put a brake on production. To restore
Central Europe means the restoration of its commerce, thc par evaluation of its exchange.    In turn
 ^ Ibis  implies  freedom of   world resources   and the
as indicated    cancellation Of war spoils and obligations.    But to
every Communist Party
ally both legal and i!£c$j*4
organization."   Quite au
undertake systematk-
-.1 and iilegiu^
a banket on
■I *w; I
[reparations, surely must allied industry perish,
■ ownership IK*?-*-*-**    How then!
hy, dilution.    That is the new Christ ot capit
salvation.    Let such and such amount be care
filtered into German domain, and let it return
he market,—manufactured  with  thc  <\>eed  of
pness,  beloved of capital,  -in accordance with
formulae of absorption.   Then, presto, is   the
turned     Tbe juicy fruits of exploitation, that
accrued to the "unspeakable" Prussian, are now
tied into channels of allied (principally British
rvolence; home industries are not disrupted by
;iiiR  over-supply; the "free" workers are kepi
la" class) just on thc bread  line, yet above the
|icious influence of "red agitation." labor mis
ntatoh may   indulge in the gymnastics   ol
am;  and   democracy,   childlike,   may   sweetie
►er under thc shadow of the Jack and the soar
eagle,    But  alack,   the forementioned. original
is the misfortune of capital that it cannot move,
F in it* (,\vn defence, except on a percentage.
Shylock and Holy Willie, it puts tbe first quo*
"■ "n the shekel-invariably. And it is now
|ng that if "money talks," accumulated per cent
renounce those things, the objective of the world
war-—is to denounce capital.
The plain tact is, that just as industrial capital displaced the old trading merchant, so now Imperial
finance is supplanting the industrial capitalist. But
that is the closing act of  capitalist society.     For
the activities of tht S. P. of jfc>.
As Comradf^;|^^;^^ t^ a|f ole-hearte* £-
support of tlj^^beviti,*!^ *
and to say -^flper, the only support we are in a position to give them is thc making of Socialists wit' |i
our sphere of influence, and in my opinion, joining
tbe Third International is one way of delaying thai.
So let us cease basking in  the sunshine of our
society can dispense with finance .but not with in-    Russian Comrades victory and get on with the bus
dustry. It can live without gold, but not without
goods, and if tbe production of necessities is thus
strangled in thc grip of finance, society, out of its
dire necessity will find a means, swift and effective,
of loosening that grip. So far as the ruling class is
concerned, history is written in vain. Like thc Bourbons u learns nothing. It thinks it is a law unto
Nevertheless, its end is in sight.   Thc ccon-
--»d- .a, ..,-,„ w,-h mi viola.-.,   ftr m* £   ^«*««Uj- ^^tSa-
[ation of profit, thc warring I ations were forced    er capitals. ae    n     	
omiC ..i the machine moves steadily on to,its
ax dispassionately irresistible as thc flowing tide in    the Third International
the wake of its necessity. 	
It is this direct contradiction between thc neccs-
M,v oi world capital for greater production, and the
nccessit) oi individual capital for less production.
that „(,w involves the world in crisis and stagnation.
|, h-Mhis contradiction that compels Imperialism to
sacrifice immtdiate gain for future interest. But
the sacrifice of the present for the   future carries
iness of educating our class to an understanding of
Marxian Socialism. •
♦Editors Note: This is a quotation, not from the
"Theses" outlining the conditions of affiliation to
the Third International, but from section 12 of "The
Fundamental Tasks of the Communist International." by X. Lenin, adopted by the Second Congress o.
r interests, thc smal-
Moscow. Jan. 16th (Rosta Vienna).—The funeral
of the well-known Russian chemist Karpov  may
have caused the counter-revolutionaries to believ
that Lenin was dead, because about 10 years ag<
It means thc    Lenin used thc pseudonym of Karpov.
,   centralizing of capital-of the means of production-
|.c quicksands of unlimited credit: in reaction,   J™;^^^^-^ combines, the reduction of
bl the virility of real wealth.   It is a draft on    1
credit is now forcing capital to the su-    „  •* ------ ■ ,  {hc les8ening 0f thc num-
p sacrifice of profit.   For credit is not liquid : It   the social m< ^^  ^ at thc same time the
1 °          tu     a   sitical hangers on.   And gener-        Mowing $1 each~Wm.  J.   Harper,  J. Patto-
crease ol the  parasiucai   ... B  -*  T.o,.,cf^  T«m PrW;n   n  T-u/Jc  Q  P.riffit',
prow, a mortgage on future production, and in-   increase oi ll,v r^'^io proletariat   in the very near 1 larry Johnston, Tom Erwin, D. Lewis, S. Griffith,
P  ^c continuance of slaves in their slavery,   ally, ■< means   ^^^ with thc alternative of O. Frickson, Joe Naylor, D. and S. Smith, F. K.
'     H C master class—or, the taking 11 orris, X l>ooth, R.  F. Mackenzie, Dr. Curry, D.
socjety. G.  S. Thomson, J. V. Hull, A. Baig, P T. Leckie,
—a broken, bankrupt and Jim  i.ott, Geo. Wallack, J. E. Belhumeur,   A. J.
         the throes of un- lloicka, G. Gerard, J. Bone.
^suppressed   and bound by       Folowing $2 each—Sid Earp, F. J. Connett, J R.
B^B^B^bIb^B^H L^B^B^B^B^B^H . Mrt T -» B^B^H
from 10th
**-..v.u.-,,v„ v, niv Kiv«v "~-. • ji»u«- -ireeleratcd by local reactions, whence
1 a burden intolerable, a debt of unheard-of   the ^^^£2 over thc "greatest demo-
Fludt.   But it must pay that debt,—if capital-   another flag can
■ WWAMI << '     ■-"  '       '*—>
Western Clarion
A Journal or Hilton, loonoinica, Pfallooophy,
and Currant Bvonts.
Publiahod twice t month by tho Socialiat Party of
Canada 401 PtMmt Stmt East, Vtaoeoovor, B. C.
Phono Hitalaml 8581
Editor  : : Ewcn MacLeod
Subscription: ~~
Canada, 20 uwutt ..... $100
Foreign, /1C isauea  H-00
If ttis aombtr ia oa your oddroaa label your
»uv4«rip*ioa  oxpiroo  with   aoxt  iaano.   Boaow
OUVER, B. C, MARCH 1, 1921.
question of Third International affiliation
s discussion among our members brings to us
. enquiries, much comment, and general evid*
of widespread interest. In some of the Party
ds the discussion is stdl proceeding, in some the
cussion has reached the conclusion of the cigh-
en points, while in other* it appears to have hard-
v emerged from the initial stages. Local Van
couver members have exhaustively examined thc
terms of affiliation clause by clause, reaching the
end of th** "Theses' 'at their last meeting. Local
Winnipeg No. 3 appear tjpi have concluded their argument as their contribution, published in another
column in this issue will show. We hope to be
ableTto nublish thc views of the minority section of
xral Winnipeg on this question, and shall do so
will send their p-* t of view on the question
f which they havt*f >t yet done.   We do not
n has proceeded in Vic-
Calgary appear to be
tion on tbeta that some
. and we
e able to
ice to the
liSP«tir contrib-
m       i
Catgarv. Alta.,
February 10th. V'2\
Editor, Clarion:
Would like information on following points,
cither editorially or through your contributors
(1) The number of conditions for affiliation
with t^ie Third International as submitted to
French, German and Latvian parties was 21.
The "Clarion" published 18. What are the
others ?
(2) What provision is there for the enforce
ment of conditions other than the submission
of programmes to congress?   Or are they on
the other hand a series of recommendations to
.be carried out as our inclinations suggest and
circumstances permit!
(3) What need for or advantage is there it
affiliation with any European party?    In what
way as a matter of organization does it enable
us to work more eficiently?
1.4) ls it possible to affiliate accepting some
conditions under protest until next congress
permits further discussion of them 7
(5) What is the Fourth International? Has
it issued any statement on principles and tactics i What parties so far have combined to
form its nucleus
' (6) Re condition 8.   What is an "opppresscd
(7) In what way can conditions 4 and 5 renting to propaganda in army and rural districts be realized or treated as other then recommendations?
(8) How arc we to discuss the acceptance of
'•illegal work" in thc columns of the "Clarton.'
I ask because 1 want to know.
In answer to question No. 1, we quote the following from "Statutes and Conditions of Affiliation of
the Communist International," as adopted at the
Second Congress of the Third International. This
is published by thc Communist Party of Great Brit-
obliged, as rapidly as possible, and in DO case
later than four months after the Second Congress of the COmmuniSt International, to convene a Special congress in order to disCusi
these conditions, iii addition to this, the Executive Committee of these parties should take
eare to acquaint all the local organizations with
the regulations of the Second CongTCS*
20.—AH those parties which at thc present
time are willing to join the Third International,
but have so far not changed their tactics in any
radical manner, should, prior to joining tin-
Third International, take care that not !es*
than two-thirds of their committee member-*
and of all their central institutions consist -it
comrades who have made tn open and definite
declaration, prior to the convening of the Set-
ond Congress. a> to their desire that the part)
.should affiliate* to the Third International
Exceptions are permitted only with the approval of the Executive Committee of the
Third International. The Executive Commit*
tee has the right to make an exception also tor
the representatives of the "centre." as mentioned in paragraph 7.
21 —Those members of the party who reject
thc conditions and the theses of the Third In
ternationa! are liable to be excluded from the
party.     This applies particularly to delegates
at the Special Congress of the Party,
These extra conditions are addressed   to parties
like the Independents of Germany and the French
Socialist Party, lately weaned from the Second International.
Queation 2.—We cannot here place any interpretation upon the clauses in the "Theses." However,
v.e hope to be able to publish m the next 'Clarion*
issue the "Statutes of the Communist International.''
which outline the basis of representation of parties
affiliated with the Third Internationa!
Questions 3 and 7 wc leave to our contributors.
. mi concerning question 4, wc mutt refer Comrade
Thompson tO the    Theses "
Queation 5.—The 'Fourth'' International timpl)
comprises  thc effort  t«» revive  the Second.      The
Congress of the Second International held in Geneva.
last July, requested tbe British Labor Party to ap
proach other Socialist parties*' with a view to reestablishing the Second Internati-mal.   The British
J abor Partv  is now Tullilling that function.    They
ere sending out documents  signed by Arthur lien
defson 'Labor Party1, J. 11. Thomas (Trades  In
mil Congress.. H. Gosling (Trades Lnion Congress*
..nd J. Ramsey  MacDonald   (British International
Secretary i     We understand that the mam support -
ing  parties are  the  British   Labor  Party  and thc
»,-crman Social Democratic Part>.    Their statements
on principles and tactics are tinctured with a little
post-War grief and professions of good intention*
Generally speaking they  but confirm our often repeated opinion of the Second International, which
wc hardly need to re-affirm now.
Question 6—An    oppressed nationality" is instanced by (',. Xinoviev in "Pressing Questions of
the International Labor Movement" as Ireland, In
dia. Kfrypt.
'.hiestion 8.    We leave this question to the sagac-
iiv of Comrade Thompson.
19.—All those parties which nave joined the
Coniunist International, as well as those
which iiavc expressed a desire to do to, arc
< )u the night of thc 11th February (and thc moaning of the 12th) the male members of Local Vancouver suspended for a night thc serious analysis
Of events and world pfobltms, and devoted them
selves to bright enjoyment of cheerful long and
story, and they incidentally, in thc process. con-
suiMed a magnificent quantity of beer- -72 gallons to
be precise- -the   'nearest' 'they could  get.
Many strange faces were seen in the hall, and
while this was the first "smoker" held since thc dull
dog days of a few years ago, all hands voted it an
enjoyable evening, and accordingly a successful
Songs, recitations and instrumental items were
heartily appreciated, and the perfect arrangements
f Comrade Earp and hia committee brought forth
warm approval from all. The Clarion Mainten
ence Fund was not forgotten, the surplus over expenditure being $26.65, which has been received
for the  maintenance of the "family-journal."
t Continued from page |
Table of Contenti.
I.    In what sense can we ipeak oi thH
nonal significance of tht Russian it,- i     "*
.-Oncol the principal conditicasoftTJ
ol Ihe BoUheviki tht ia«4
.1    The chief stages,,, ihe history of BrO^
•1     Who were the enemies -*.„•„„ ,hf     *
class mov-mrnt in the Hraggle Ijaio,, ^
shevism  grew, gained Strength, and »*-*,--,,J
Leu Communism m German- !-.,<■,..
• '     ' jatt
t Ussr*,.   masses
'•   -Should   revolutionary   *,,rk ■„  f,
trade union*-.f
."-Should are participate • be*-**-*-J
menis -
$    So Compromisef
,f     Left Communism m r,-rj! iintatn
10    Some  conclusions
1 The split ol German Comn  - v, ;<-.-*•
2 Communists and independent! ia Genan
,^     Turaii and company in ttel)
-t   Incorrect   conclttttoas   drawn  baa am
p T'!l!*.<  *
;    Letter from VYijniroop
PS. Header -The Honorable F-htor. he *nj*e
is pugiltsticaJly tone Tim ss not a rerthi ofli
in'* book"'" And on second  th ughts taoaja]
-•eiih-.-r it iv v-ramoro ' So mtach tr**1*?-.♦**
'•♦.-ok of disputable matter not h-il ua-ir t-n»
ment *n tb*» Party, 'ha? to n\r :t. I cmiM hut)
escape *he charge of partisan abuse of trrraai
then!    I'-uy. beg, borrow or stn\ thot *h*bo:iai
a,   •
thytell review it. *«
*\"«»tc —' Left-W-iig Cbraataaitm, Aa laiat*
ihsnfder"' By N»c«dai Lenm 117 pt|* M
..o-r Published b\ Marxian I-Iducatioai! >«*
;'-il |oa Campan Avenue. Dttroit, Uki,U.tt
Price fAmerlcanl $0 Centt
Socialist Party of
rtnf .f c... *.. nana m t**
,  -*t.a*-*-l.«   a»4  fr^»»»"* ■ m
Wa, tk« tW*»nai
aa* aaa-a-art at.  it*
l-aaarr  »»»aiaf  tlaaa
t.aaor.   *ppn*4   u   aalaral   I•••■»• II    I ^ ^ ^
Taa prt*»at otoaoml* a-.»»»» M ***** u""n '*''     „, *t
•tit a» **••  •**•..  ot t-ra-Jartlaa.  mm^ltmffZ ***»
tart* at tamar motoaa: to lfc» »at*'tah-i tarn*
ft, taetatlta  naaiar.  Ika worhar a •!»»•
Sa >..< a. U. .a*IUl»al ttmM tm**mt \t^JjViaJ
r.iaa ot «-.»#«»•»*, all tha ******* a   <*• * ^0 *
la  prrwra   W  ttafata4  IM  t*r«-r*or   "lk",(rt ,f it**.
•raltfc faaartiaa aad IU r««U--l »' «»• r» tHt0m
Tha tat-ltall-il ayattt* ai*'* «• *' ^"T ,-ri**1^
lag •«r*'*w» at |*»-**Ha,  aa4 lo **•• »•"•"   ■ '
m.t.ar*   «f   »t»rrr   a«4   4afra4a»ion |t(-f (r*
Tlia laUfaal ol ta* warkln* '*»•« ,i,, " " ^ ,„ 0
fraa ttpttth*\ t*r*.Halla-, by ••>• •*•**" „,.« »- *
•t»um, aotlar wkirh Ikla aiplaiuo-"-- •' rtW!wW m
aaoloa.   la   rlaafcad.    Ta   tttompH*   'M' ,, *a»
ira»afar*aiail«« at «*pU«IU» rr<*l>«r»r '" Jf
prataeHam  lata torlaU,  eoairalM •••■•**      (k# *?**
Taa Irrapraallbla aatiflUl of la****** »'"""    ||rt|l» R
tat tka ».flr*rf «*#aaatrlly a»pra««* '«*''' *
ralHIral   aaptmar,     TSta  !•  **• <lM'  P'r TJJ lW tat*
Tkarafara. wa tall all »ark*>™ «• or'*nt"'!!', ,t t***
of th, S-kLIibI I'artr af 9mm*U. •"•» lh'     '.if**
Ut taa po\\i\<*\ fatfora. tar th* p--"**** of JJJJ m+ *
fc-wlaf   taa   aaa-aoatla   praa?*mm*  of   «b*
foltawa: »«-tlH*. jj 2
1.    Tha iraaaformalloo, aa r*pW ••JJJ j****
•lain pr«p.or M »»• ■••" "     ftOtar* »
(matmrai M*>«ir«t-«, faalorlaa, »'
lata tanaatlva aiaana of -****«*•        £*** I
I,    Tha  o-MBl-allon  aad  -.aaai—"' *
tha w.rtlat tlaaa -aH**-^
I.    TSa a«*A*MtBh»a*t. M ^^T^t af#
d.Ml.. tar a** »«•*«« •■ ***** ■HHaWaaiaFp
Farmer's Forum
CAPITALISM is still active, ever changing
the general outlook, and continually dm
ing certain factors to the fotc, forcing de-
[i,ils upon soviet) that command tb»* attention ol
ruai* thought iii order to find a solution.'
[11,c tumble in grain prices has cast a gloom over
msaOds of farm homes. Farmers claim title to
• most progressive force in Canada today, yet Wt
,1 tli-iii -till inarching to the same old tune of en-
■voring to eradicate thc disease by leaving the
he craft) politicians connected with the humeri
ivementi are weaving a web to trap the hay seeds
i,,i  drop  through  the   sieves of  discontent     Lift
embargo oa cattle; abolish the tariff, and pool
mr wheat, stye the elected manipulator, and tave
iarmers from ruin.    Look back upon  tht good
jil -lavs  when  Cobdcn  and   Blight  brought  pro*
Lit* to the British people by adopting free trade
Res but whom were the people!'     The COTtl law*
(Jobden's time protected the landlords   by  art)
uni extracted from tenants owing in i measure
ihe high price received for com.   British woolen
anufacturera were competing on the world's mar
|t*i with blemish woollen factory operators. Labor
iwef bad   to be bought, and the  \alue of labor
wei i* determined by thc food, clothing ami shcl-
|r required to reproduce the laborers energy. Until employers bad to pay sufficient in wages to bu>
k!i priced com. ln order to conquer the woollen
prket tht Britiah capitalists must have t tyttem
free trade.    Imported corn free would l>c cheap-
than the home product, hence the reason lor the
ritation  to   abolish* the  corn  laws.   The profit-
mgers got but) and dangled breed before the
-age workers, like the carrot before the donkey,
flung them to vote for the big loaf    Voting fot
•• \>\\z loaf carried, and wages were reduced, low-
ntg the \alue of the factory product when thc
jrilish capitalists were enabled to oust their Klem-
|l! competitors   from the world's market   Greal
osperity ior the manufacturers, ami more miser)
»r the fooled worker. The tanif question is a
litter between various capitaliat groups, and has
p bearing whatever on the average fanner or wage
United Farmers are much perplexed at the state-
l^r.tin prices, and are bent  on the proposal ol t
ical pool.   Capitalism is baaed upon the ownership
the means of production aud distribution, and by
IMue of this ownership thev control the govern
lent ami state institutions.   Farmers will  find it
lb-cult to solve anything, so long as capitalism is
tbt saddle.
Supposing farmers exclusively agree to take the
'possibility of the disposal of 1921 crop    What
re the obstacles*
1 mr   banking   institutions   arc   capitalistic,   irom
hich farmtrt must draw credit in order to do bua-
« sv Tht nation will not be behind tht farmer-, un
something can be gamed politically   for thc
ii sent rulers.    Nations that wdl be most likely to
i1    from tho farmers' pool will be Oermany, Aus
*- Italy, Poland and perhaps Greece,   Thote na
i""   are all practically bankrupt.    Canada gave t
Nil of *sJO,tXX).(XX) to Roumania and Canada  has
|*i  nen able to collect thc interest, never mind tbe
fincipal.   The "North West Farmer,"   Feb. 5th,
"-'•• gives the following** tchedule of the value of
turopcan money in Canada in cents.
Present      Normal
['<•■*h  franc . &-32 19.3
lelgian franc        ...        H.7.> W-i
fVSl^s franc  18.05 19-3
a'-an lira ...     4.28 19.3
ireck drachma     *>.4(), 19.3
Fwegian crown  22.58 27.0
phtsh crown  23.05 27.0
jWediah crown      25.00 26.8
"strian crown 40 20.o
k"man  mark    2.08 23.8
B*mth peseta  15.70 19.5
f»ch  gilder  '      38.00 400
When we coi-td.r the above list and note thc
[•change rate of thc money of our prespective
justonurs, to whom can the farmers look for the
price of their wheat. Our Canadian capitalist can
say we will pay you for the wheat sold in Canada to
meet tlu- requirements of the nation, but the wheat
you s.ll to l-.urope is your business, not ours
Farmers will be responsible for their own coftrac*
and capitalists will stand off in the evct of the
failure of the wheat buying nations to pa -
What about England? We could sell th** major
portion of the 1921 wheat crop to the mother coun-
"> \ rs. that may he so, but our mother country'
has hatched <<ut more thickens than she is able to
cover, and we ha\e no guarantee of her solvency
The l'.ank of Kngland is paying her obligations
practically in paper, am the tuthorityaof the Britiah
C M Norman, in an article written on th • liid-
d< n Causes oi tat Phtancial Crisis." says that the
l'.ank oi England reserve fell from a ratio of 52.4 per
cent, to ii* liabilities, to a ratio of 9.6 per cent in
December 15th, 1920. Britiah Govern, en *-eur-
nii-s have also depreciated to $1,750.00^0 Figures to hand show that our dear old mother country,
in order to protect her chickens, must spend at tbe
present rate annually a sum equal to $1*50,000,000 in
Mesopotamia, $45XX)0.aX) ia Palest *, $4f.COOjOOO
in Egypt, $30$00j000 in Constantinople, $250,000,-
000 on the Rhine, and |UOj0nO,€GQ in Ireland. The
British national debt is S-H -,XX>.000,OGU ller annual expenditure, according to British reports, $4.-
50)t€tX)#X>; population 47,000.000. Five per cent,
war loans have dropped from 92% tc 81*-C during
the year 1920. It looks as if our -...-the country
<- m the jackpot.
Now. Mr. Farmer, I don't like to be oo pessimistic, but when the financial map is oosidered, do
not then be surprised if you only receiv tbe initial
instalment oo the salt- of your pooled w!,eat and
have to fiddle ior the balance.
Socialism is present day society'- solution, and
farmers should study the Sociali. philosophy,
whiclrreveals the secret of modern si. eery and protect* farmers ami other workers fron. >eing in the
position of the donkey and the carrot, v-r the wage
worker and the big loaf.
Physical Force
HKKK are those who consider that force.
aud force alone, will solve the many and various problems that arc gen* ral'y lumped together under the heading of he Unemployment
problem. Aad they are to be found among the bourse i*e '.«i a greater extent than among the proletariat
These innocents are apparently quite unaware o'
die fact that economy is the social dynamo, tnd
torce -imply the lever by means of which new eccn
oinies clear old ones from the path of progress. They
also tail to realize that force is only truly efficient
..Inn seed in harmony with economic progress.
When used against progressive movements force
does but expott the fact that the prevailing ordi r
i* not a "natural*' order in the sense that it is an
ruder which naturally commends itself as Dcir. hi
ban H'iiv with the prevailing mode of production
and the general well-being of society as a whole.
\n order which must use force may only be considered •natural" (ambiguoMs term) from the viewpoint thai it is. on account of the temporary weakness of the progressives, thc only possible order for
the time being.
'1 liis assertion, that force is only truly efficient
when used in harmony with social progress, may
be disputed by many on tho grounds that force has
been and is being used effectively by those whose
interests were and are of an anti-social nature. This
is true. Hut it must not be forgotten that this tactic,
while temporarily bringing the desired results, also
points as clearly as only object lessons can point to
the antisocial nature of thc order which demands
it. Its ultimate deficiency, therefore, must be considered as being greater than its immediate efficacy.
This, however, by no means impies that the use
of force against progress, in the shape for example
of the Proletarian Revolution, is simply a result of
bourgeois stupidity. With many of the bourgeoisie
it is. But others there may be who realize the ultimate futility of such methods, and still use them. A
proletarian p-raphraser of Omar Khyyam's 'Rub-
aiyat," expla, ting the quandary of the bourgeois
charity mongei*,, turnmed up the matter very neatly
in the following lines.     i
'Ya-iil. !;Ol lb«-v KOa *>*--a< ..   to give i* jckxI,
Thay   jiv,   u*<.au*»a Uiay m--M: What can they do'.'"
Our tender hearted Liberals would de well to consider those lines. The boiirn»o -% does not descend
to the use of lies, perjury, \m\ \onment. torture,
and bloody murder, because to d W> is good in itself, lt descends to these meth< V or rather -has
always lived on the moral plane 'such methods,
L-ecsuso, in order to uphold what it \r\ only consider the best of all possible systems, "it fttwi ust such
The wide-eyed astonishment with which the Lib
era'.s and Social Pacifists receive the news of the
serving out of machine guns to the police';oi the organization of citizens' revolver clubs by the Chambers of Commerce; or of the donation of money for
target practise expense.* by a. Rotary Club to a
police force—as happened recently in Seattle aa a
r» suit of a meeting called for the purpose of discuss-
ii g ways and means of 'dealing with" (more am-
b guity) Unemployment problems—this wide-eyed
.-astonishment is simply an indication of the Childlike simplicity and ignorance in poltical matters oi
thc Liberals and Social Pacifists, whose chief function at this juncture se->ns to be that of deluding
the backward section <\ the Proletariat with the
ridiculous idea of the Conciliation of the classes.
To the Marxist, howevvr, such news neither causes
astonishment or dismay. Rather does he. accept it
as merely one more proof of the soundness of his
theory, the theory of social progress through class
struggles lie knows thai the ever-increasing pr
ductivitv of labor h-,s resulted, and stilUfesuU*
". . r , **>   ,    S3
an  ever-increasing stream  of   surplus Valiu     ,       l
Hi s— for  he Master, for lu knows, none b-aa# , .;
, .llthiii,) r
the price of labor-powc^i* based, not on lta^gss   -a'
tivity. but on its bare
that the eci
to dominant*
•mr- ion
. ■ •■'•"
creased ;*•;
bridged, but destroyed^utterly and corapiJ
The Marxist, however, does not become brave
with '.he bravery of hysteria when he sees or hears
of thoe blue steel promises of the struggle to come
ii? knows tbat en intelligent minority can do much
il . ha*, tie masse behind it. He knows that
human foresight, will and courage, can work wonders, if the time is ripe. He is a canny warrior, is
this Marxist of ours. As far as it lies within his
i owcr to do so. he will chose his own time, condi-
• ion%, and methods. And he is not altogether help-
!-! ,.s in this respect, as a study of the revolutions of
the past   shows well.
So just at present he refuses to become excited
about Citizens' Revolver Clubs, preferring to use
thetn ;»s object lessons in the field of propaganda.
That they will prove more effective for that purpose
than for the purpose for which they are intended
by ,ihe law-abiding bourgeoisie is more than likely.
Tht Marxist, therefore, considers intensive propa-
\fi ■'.: and organization to be the order of the day.
! opaganda, to the end that an ever-increasing
army of rebellious slaves may clearly understand
the true nature of the task ahead. Organization,
to the end that the blind forces of social progress
ma) bc bent to the unconquerable will of the arous-
e(1 and cousciout masses. Realizing that these very
lores are themselves mutely prodding his fellows
forward in thc direction he wishes them to take, he
struggles on with considerable assurance toward
the position from which he will be able to say, as
l'.ugcls said:
"Kindly fire the first shot, gentlemen of the bOttT-
m >
D. B.
 :o:	 PAGE SIX
Materialist Conception of History
IN the civilize/"countries of the ancient world,
of which Rf ;itc was the greatest in extent and
power, the JLrkers, as a general rule.were chattel slaves- TlT?se slaves like those of recent times,
—e£., in South America, did not sell themselves for
the/ day or hour like the  modern wage-slave,  but
were sold for life.   The modern workman sells himself piecetbeal:   The chattel slave had a guarantee
of existence,/however miserable.   The master had
an interest in maintaining his property, just as the
owner takes care of-his horse, to feed and shelter
him.   The* modern worker aas no guarantee of ex-
[  istence.   He ha^ become the property not of an individual, but of the capitalist class.   In a later lesson we will compare thc conditions of the various
slaves, chattel, serf, and wage-slave.
"Adams' European History," dealing with the fall
of the Roman Empire, says:
'The decay of Rome wasmconomic, the universal
use of slaves, which is a verlwasteful means of production, and the scarcity of«#borers, with difficulty
of keeping the land cultivate*!, the right of the master to sell h,is slave, was forbidden, and the slaves
k were given access to little pieces of land, which they
-Vcre requif>d to cultivate, turning slaves into serfs.
'.-The state djfed not do thia order to improve the con-
*****-- of tJae slave, the sole object was to keep up
rigin   of    the
1 poverty, bee
ced by sheep and o;
forced them into
Family,"   points   out
c population had been
and the decay of the
tare   and serfdom.
d, because it did not pay
behindTts poisonous sting
uctivc halor of free
Xotiaa *
n the
wners had
and an army of slaves and field workers. After the
collapse of the Empire many of these had been
freed, yet still felt thc need of a master, remained
near the ancestral castle, in which a baron or a lord
lived as absolute ruler, knowing no authority but
his own, holding a high court of justice in his hall,
issuing laws and levying taxes on passing caravans,
or ransome for prisoners, sometimes obtained in
fair war, sometimes by falling on peaceful travelers.
The distinctive feature of feudalism was just this
unbridled rule of a military leader and landowner."
Another writer says: "The increased population
caused by the barbarians' invasions rendered Roman
and German slavery unprofitable and' necessitated
the substitution of a more productive system."
When the Roman Empire fell, the Empire of
Charlemagne rose, but it was not a united government that could be maintained, because of the difficulty of communication from one place to another.
The result was, that each locality was thrown upon
its own resources to supply, not only what it needed in the way of goods, but also what it needed in
the way of government. This economic condition
gave local independence to the Count or Baron, and
the establishment of feudalism with its form of political organization. The social chaos made central
government .impossible. When Charlemagne conquered the enemies of Rome after the fall of the Empire, he identified himself with Christianity and finally went to Rome, was crowned by Pope Leo III.;
he acknowledged the spiritual supremacy of the
church. This was the beginning of thc Holy Roman
Empire .which led to the contests in after yearj between Emperors and Popes for the sovereignity of
Europe- The linking with Charlemagne changed
the church from its anti-militarism to militarism,
which led to some of the bloodiest persecution ever
tecorded in history.
Thc papal indulgences stimulated the military
spirit, and for two centuries it proclaimed war with
the unbeliever and represented the battle field as
ihe -urc road to heaven.    I may point out that Emperor Constantine in the year 312, six years   after
1 is accession  to the  throne, realized the  Empire
was on the verge of collapse.    He turned Christian
to  Win  the   wealth)   and influential  priests to his
side, ami get cpntrol of the Christian organiza'ioc.
The church was turned from a revolutionary movement into a pillar of wealth and exploitation. "This
ambitious Emperor," the historian says, "a baffling
combination of good and evil qualities, who founded
Constantinople, the murderer of his own wife and
s-m.   vas keen enough to see thc decaying of Rome
and -he rising force of Christianity, turned  Christian, 'oaded the church with privileges.    He authorized the Christian bishops to constitute themselves
as arbiters in civil matters, he exempted the church
from taxation and yielded portions of the imperial
domain.    At first the church was a republic, there
was little or no distinction between clergy and laymen.    A committee of presbyters or elders with a
bishop for chairman, administered the affairs of the
t htistian community.   Thc Bishops began to monopolize the theological discussions and met together
at various councils to discuss discipline and dogu as
Rome became the headquarters of thc new organization.      Christianity  was   now  incorporated, and
gradually the ciders were turned into priests. The
church delegates decided by a free for all fight that
Jesus and God was one, at the Council of Nicaea in
the   year   325.     In   381,    the   council   of   Constantinople,     in     another     tight,    pounded     the
Holy Ghost into these   two to   make the trinity.
Thc church came into the possession of lands by the
congregations transferring their titles for protection
and   receiving these   lands back in trust for their
lifetime.     Gradually the people became the serfs of
the church.    In the year 475 Bishop Salvianus denounced this practice as robbery, but in the 8th century this robbery had become a universally established  custom in thc dealings between thc church
and the peasants.   Just as the German chiefs, after
the downfall of Rome had  stolen the land of their
folowers, so the church stole the land and wealth of
its unprotected members.   The church property had
been originally considered  the patrimony of   the
poor, but thc church appropriated the greater part
of  the fund.    Emperor Charlemagne attempted to
reintroduce  the portion for the poor, but after his
death the church came forth with forged documents
whicii pretended to   show that the wealth of thc
church was originally  intended for the clergy and
that by "poor" was meant only priests that had
taken the vow of poverty.
Engels also deals with this robbery in his "Origin of the Family." We will strike up against thc
church all through history, because it controlled a
good deal of the land upon which the serfs were
exploited.    •
Feudalism was inaugurated in England by William the Conqueror, who invaded thc country in
1066. The feudal era lasted from thc 10th to the
14th century. Feudalism had spread into all lands
conquered by the Teuton tribes, before it reached
England. William of Normandy introduced it into
England in its perfection. He as conqueror, claimed
the right to all thc land and gave to whomsoever
he pleased estates, on condition of receiving in return military service or money. The Normans'
first thought was building castles, which became thc
Barons' residences. The typical feudal castle was
an enormous building, either round or square, without ornaments or architectural style, and generally
built on a hill. It was pierced by a few loop holes
from whicii arrows could be shot, and had a single
gate opening on a moat which could only be crossed
by a draw-bridge. It was crowned with a battlement where pitch or melted lead could bc thrown on
the heads of attackers.
Kropotkin, in "Mutual Aid," says: "Thc chief of
a tribe was elected and only had authority in battles, but as progress in industry advanced in trades
and callings, these were handed down from father
to son, so those chosen as chiefs or judges evolved
in iamih descent. The Norman families oi Europe
held this position. The chiefs'* house became the
place of defence just like thc  Baron's cattle."
Herbert Spencer says: "Baron in the Roman Ian
guage means, a strong man, doughty warrior; this
indicates the military character of feudalism.'
The military duties in defence of tin- feudal com-
niuniiies interfered with the agricultural pursuits ol
the community, therefore they paid in kind, and in
tugurated a standing army. Previous to this settled state, William thc Conqueror raised an arnn by
the  soldiers receiving an equal share ui the spoils.
When Pope Innocent HI. wanted to raise is
army against the Albigensis in thc 12th ccntun it
was only necessary for them to be promised a division of the spoils.
William the Conqueror took a census of the coon-
try ami its economic condition, which i*. tabulated
in the Domesday Book, to ascertain the capabilities
of thc country in regard to military defence and foi
taxation, The Manor system that prevailed ..
William the Conqueror took control, had developed
to the stage where feudalism begin* \\ iliai putting his Norman barons in the place of the Maoot
Lords. Before going further WC might a* m pvi
a summary of the previous economic condition oi
The  Roman invasion, in Julius Caesars  reign
15. C 55, wa- for the  purpose of obtaining slave*
for the Roman market and ravaging the fertile plain-,
making the inhabitants pa\ tribute to Rome        :•
Roman rule trade prospered  through tin  develop
ment of the natural   resources.    'Roman  writtn
Dt Gibbon -ays, "apeak of the rich natural prodti
in minerals, especially tin. and it- numerous flocks
and herds oi cattle.    In the middle of the 3rd century thcr«* were 59 cities and lOyQOOjOOO <<i j po| ttla
tion, a figure which it did not again reach until d>p
19th century."
When the Romans left Britain m 410  \ !>. trade
and town*, decayed and England  became .- bait
ground of various continental tribes; the Jut--. 444
Saxons 447.    After this mixture of race bee:;    set
tied, thev were disturbed bv the invasions oi  the
s 0
Danes, who were forced through the barren ss ol
the cold north to improve their condition* ai d be
came pirates and sea rovers through economic necessity. Mthough Egbert became Lord of the Saxons
in 827 it was not until Edgar's reign, 958-975, ma;
England became united, but internal strife prevented any great growth of trade and commerce. I he
separate communities endeavored to tupply their
own wants. As salt was largely required lo sail
their meat for winter, and it could not b< universally procured, local markets arose on the boundarj
line, marked by a boundary stone, the origin ol the
market cross. There the various communities - "!
to barter with one another.
The population was mostly agricultural. .1
landless man was outside the pale of social life,
tribes which made up thc English nation .it
time held land in common. Each tribe cleared
and, separated by a fixed boundary mark, each member had a house and a common share in the Itad
The land was of three kirTds.
1st-—Thc forest or waste lands, for rough pasture,
and uncultivated.
2ndlPasture land, sometimes enclosed ami -":1""
times open, iu which each man looked after his own
hay and stacked it for winter; this was divided up
into allotments for each member.
3rd—Thc arable land was also divided into allot-
ments for each marktnan.
To settle any dispute relating to the division «>■
the land, they met in a common council.   Tins was
a democratic   institution based on the economic
methods of production. Then there arose the Manor
system, which is believed to have been gained b)
the lord of the manor giving protection agtinsl "i
vasions of other tribes.   Thc lord owning thc land,
the people carried on agriculture collectively.  In
instead of a democratic community of government
it became autocratic.   The land was divided up >"
■ ; .i
« -rivine the members a share of thc good and
parts, K1X" K
Thev pastured their cattle on the com-
< and employed a common swine herd or ihcp-
.   j (ur their pigs and sheep.     De Gibbon says:
Ihe manor system paved the way for feudalism,
•he lord of the manor taking thc artisans of the vil-
um around the manor under his protection from
■we invasions of the Danes, so when William the
Cmocrot armed he had little trouble in rcorgan-
,„ ■;-■• system into continental feudalism, giving
•he manor to the Norman lords who helped him to
conquer the country."
Therefore feudaliam was ushered into England
The people wee neither lordless nor landless; they
-forked so many days on their own land and so
■■ i:\\ days on 'be lord's land. There were how-
ever, free men, believed to have evolved from the
-weir, ol charging money rent instead of rent tn
liu-ri That i*. instead of the serf paying
--r! by laboring on the lord's land he paid it
tith »onc) The landlord did this because he rc-
ceJYcd the same amount in rent .although it was
perhaps a bad harvest; therefore some serfs became
The introduction oi money as a medium of exchange one historian has said was the first nail in
tne coffin of feudalism That medium became an
economii necessity when industry had developed to
r%< that barter of goods became a hindrance,
therefore the economic factor becomes dominant
•rhen wc bring the subject down to the last analysis.
Next Lesson: A Continuation of English History
Class Antagonisms
A       class antagonism  within society, having
its basis in thc social form of wealth production and class Control of thc factors in
lot protest oi producing ind distributing wealth
•-  machines, material, mind and muscle
Thr  workers' energy  of mind  and   muscle,  the
Kim ol all their efforts,  useful and necessary, cm
• • *    product things of need and demand
The raw materials would continue to be raw and
useless fog c\cr ami anon unless human effort was
expended to bring them within  the sphere and in
nuance of wraith production
tht mtchinea or tends are really a sum ed pa*'.
expended labor-powcr, stored up potentially, and
shich, released jn*0 activity, consume themselves
I'}- transforming their worth or values into the products which they assist in producing, conveying no
rther value than the sum of their worth spread over
iht total ot the prodttCtt produced In their lifetime
Tt i
"n --urn of the energy of the workers employed
- social  energy "-—produces  values  much  greater
*h»n the amount consumed by the  workers in the
Process ol production: as a few shovels of coal into
•he firebox of tn engine will release energy to pull
•tan) tons of material o\er a given distance: lien, e
■wrplus ot valuet which w broken up into many
wtotments, confusing tt* the workers as they go
,v [be names of "legitimate profit." "reasonable
rr"b or fair interest" (one might as well say a
round circle,11 a "dead corpse," or a "black negro"».
"' facts remain, thev are values wrung from the
**»■« of the workers!
he factors, machines and material, at first, con-
H ering the process historically, are simple and more
,,r ,rs* personal, but as society grows and the circle
i. j *     ***>
economic experience widens, the  inventive geu-
v "■ man becomes greater, these factors then be-
mc complex and impersonal, and thc process it
1 i involved and interdependent, and a** such (an
only h
iary and administrative forces which enact laws and
set customs.
The legal code, its constitution laid bare, is sim-
plv a series of definitions and regulations of property rights and relations. And the machinery of
the State is there to enforce and defend these definitions and regulations by the power of the sword;
prison and privation; thc fear of hell and the public power of coercion.
The realities are, the workers' energy of mind and
muscle; tho machines and materials, the process itself are parts of the complete system.
Labor energy assuaged its proper value, the pro-
portion will be found a necessity to socially control
and direct the social function of wealth production
and distribution to the well-being of all. And the
solution <>i tin* proposition is »hc task of our future Socialist legislators.
Capitalistic State control is necessarily static;
on the other hand thc function and nature of wealth
production is dynamic and in line with scientific
'bought, releasing new energies, stone, bronze, iron,
coal, oil ami radio-activity. Capitalistic productivity is for profit for the few at the expense of the
Why labor at a loss
For the profit of a boss?
Get ready to labor for your own."
Capitalistic productivity for profit, at this Stage
of social development, makes it a drag on further
progress, ii the truths of science and philosophy
arc  to become a benefit to human society.
Monarch! and Popes may have suppressed Rca-
soo and Truth in the past; now our so-called educa-
lional systems, constitution-, culture, axioms, and
maxims are hindering, if not suppressing, progress
today. It is painfully evident that the present class
• ontrol of wealth production and distribution with-
holds invention*, binders technological advance,
contradictory as it may seem.
Take, tor instance, powerful group control of na-
tional governments, financial institutions, and railroad interests- preventing the use of automatic
couplings4 in England because of the expense en-
Uilcd in scrapping the out-of-date hand coupling
and installing the new. automatic air appliances of
todaj Thereby causing tremendous loss of life
and   Und)  among   railroad  workers  .
powerful interests buying up patent rights and
withholding them from being exploited: withholding
for speculative reasons; and others, certain natural
;• sources.
Religious interests blocking the efforts of still
more from introduncing modern science and logic
into school curriculum-. All of which could be
multiplied indefinitely, because labor is cheaper and
more abundant, while the initial expense in thc installation oi the most scientific labor-saving de-
viccs is so great; the returns in profit too far distant    indeed can not bc expressed in terms of their
culture  at all.
Social lab«,r power driven by the struggle to live.
in operation products social values, but with the
breaking down of the class barriers, thc application
of all our social knowledge would produce social
value- estimtbly greater since the object would be
not the greatest good for the greatest number but
the greatest good for all. But capitalism can only
achieve this whenever it is profitable in terms of their
economic culture, which is the greatest barrier confronting mankind.
There is nothing so deep as Ignorance, and nothing so shalow as tbe tricks employed to keep us
Socialism in another sense, it is a movement for disseminating knowledge among the workers with a
view to educating them to their class position in
society so that they may act intelligently towards
thc abolition of private owr ^'¥uof the means oi
production and distributio -.*
Socialism founded upon;rounded\hings of Kail
Marx is scientific because class neeps to the requirements of all that go pect men \a science. In
i\ there are three fundame/ class biasJc materialist
conception of history, th , can we exrjPe, and the
class struggle, which are « \n accumu
lation of indisputable fact m is
so-called to distinguish it is boasts, a   reasoning    •
and the various pscudo-So*, and bend him, and
The term Marxian is ophies and his creeds.
Socialism because, owmg -s^iatioJpCWWeady-
Socialism is not common aji ought ev ^u* think
adherents who cab themsc
sts, jus-
S Da™ We
th nkers who accepted the ,,ted our
the term "Darwinism' in -*tire,  but w**^B tne*-k
orics.    When   Darwinism    should thle^ by •% y
ml became part of comr' mav {*avc nge, the i.
of .ne naturalist was no b\ NV;>- strjveaiiiy'assoc
ed. with'be science.   Mar   %('..;,   regJJ of its scit
tific nature and its empi1 ! xistence of
class snuggle, is a valua' oe sure but ^he hands o*
die workers. *"-,
There arc a number
j  \\ \Rj->T*lstenc.e who
  id propound
ne considered as a whole.
v -"f-nalists consider the "sphere of production"
iDf/i1 ' <0 h" morc or 'ess correct» because it »*
'«. associative .collective; it is in the plane of
.Wnbution that anarchy and chaos prevail. And
ls w»t straightening out of this contradiction be-
•«n collective or social effort in production and
,h" products produced, that will be our con-
"V|(lualistic ownership or control of the means
a"d "'«• product
Mnu',i- policy.
tro| .'|M,,me the taP'^,i«t M » cltto own and cm*
*hef' ^ flC,ors of ^Ctltll produciioi. by virtue of
the at that law 8ays l0 an(1 «u*torn tancioni; since
v *rf too in possession of the State, the judic
What Socialism Means
SOCIALISM may be divided into three general classes, Christian, Utopian, and Scientific. In order to successfully understand
one form of Socialism we must understand them all
and their relationship to one another.
Scientific Socialism is a philosophy based upon a
knowledge of economic laws operating throughout
the social svstem. It is also a name given to express* future state of society as distinguished from
the present form of capitalist society.   Dealing wi>h
call themselves Cbristia
a doctrine derived fromiOU ^.j,^ ^ p\of Christ.
They tell us that the mettnot *„ *-anfmntfVY are tnc
children of God and all are equal in His sight. They
also assert that if th . world were ruled byr brotherly love, crime and misery, prevalent in human
society, would be at an end, but they entirely overlook the economic factors which bring such things
about. This brand of Socialism is not dangerous to
a master class. In fact it is quite helpful to such a
system of exploitation in so far as it confuses thc
minds of the workers, and leads them to look to
a supreme being for relief, instead of relying npon
their own strength.
During the days of the Roman empire, when thc
great mass of the people were reduced to thc condition of slaves, there was no bright outlook as to
a more equitable arrangement of society, and the
future looked hopeless. The Christian religion with
its bright hereafter in heaven for all sufferers on
earth, therefore became the accepted faith of thc
slave. This religion, for a long time, was a thorn
in tbe side of the master class, but was later won
over to the State by the action of Constantine, who,
in order to further his own ends, became converted.
Utopian Socialism is one of an idealistic nature
which endeavors to elevate the whole of society. It
is a school of thought which considers material conditions as being thc fruit of the human mind, and
seeks to remove social antagonisms by truth, justice
and understanding. Some Utopians do not think it
necessary to abolish capital or wage slavery. Others
form local communistic societies in en effort to
escape the ill effects of capitalism. In this class
may also bc listed those who have mapped out a detailed chart of the formation of a future state.
Two of the earliest writers of Utopian theories
were Morally and Mably. Morelly, in his book
"The Code de la Nature," was the first to systematically arrange the Utopian ideas in regard to Commun-
isism. as advanced by Plato. Sir Thos. More and
others. He stated that thc Creator intended" that
man should dwell in a communistic society becaus?
it was the one social form under which the happiness of mankind was secure.
Mably in his work. "Doubts on the Natural Order
of Society," says that the private ownership of land
was the source of all social evils. This was quite
natural at this period when agriculture was the chief
means of gaining a livelihood. He advocated the
abolition of this form of ownership, and of the institutions which had necessarily arisen therefrom.
The conditions prevailing in France some years
prior to the revolution, and thc want and misery
among thc masses, were the natural factors which
gave-rise to the Utopian doctrine. Francis Noel
Babeuf. who was born in the department of the
(Continued on page 8.)
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Puritanism (Meily), eloth, 90 cents.
Origin of Species (Darwin), cloth, $1.
Information Respecting the Russian Soviet System
and its alleged Propaganda in North America
(Martens), per copy, 10 cents .
The Protection of Labor in Soviet Russia (Ksplun),
per copy, 15 cents.
Savage Survivals (Moore), cloth, $1.
Law of Biogenesis (Moore), eloth, 90 eenta
Social Studies (Lafargue), 90 cents.
The State and Revolution (Lenin) 25e
Germs of Mind in Plants (R. H. France)  90c
Economic Causes of War (Leckie), single copies, 25c;
10 copies or more, 20c each.
Labor Laws of Soviet Russia.   Revised and enlarged -    30c
A. B. C. of Evolution (McCabc) ;  $1.15
Conditions of thc Working Class in England in
1844 (Engels) _ _ _.__ $1.75
Evolution of the Idea of God (Grant Allen 55c
Blake all moneys payable to E. MacLeod, 401
Pender Street East, Var eouver, B. C. Add discount
on cheques.
(All shove post free).
All above literature can be obtained at the sarat
prices, post psid, • from—J. Sanderson, Box 1782,
Winnipeg, Man.
— ; o: torn
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and
Current Events.
Official Organ of tha Socialist Party of Oasada.
Issued twice-a-month, at 401 Pender Street East,
Vancouver, B. C.   Phone: High. 2583.
late: 20 Issues for One Dollar (Foreign, 16 issues).
Make all moneys payable to E. MacLeod.
For enclosed herewith
send. ittuet to:—-
Preface by the author.
132 PAGES.
Par Copy, 25 OanU.
Ten eopiea up, 20 cent* each.
*    Poet Paid.
*    | Economic Causes of War.    By Peter T. Leckie
Published for the Socialist Party of Canada, 1920,
Vancouver, B. C)
The.Canadian Socialists are promoting a sound
knowledge of thc causes of tbe world war and of
the Socialist program to prevent a repetition of it
in publishing5 and circulating Leclrie's pamphlet on
Economic Causes of War.
Leckie starts out squarely: "Soctaltttt have always maintained that war was an effect of economic forces. As this is a general statement made
by Socialists. I think the present time is ripe to substantiate it. This I will endeavor to do from a study
of numerous books written on the war from the
capitalists" viewpoint, also other books in circulation.*'
He then takes up each great country in detail,
showing the economic foundation for thc rivalries
between Germany. Ru>*ia. Italy. Prance, England,
Japan and the United States as well as the economic causes that shaped the various shifting alliance**
Chapters follow on the exploited land-*, Egypt,
Persia. India and Morocco, with a final chapter on
imperialism and Socialism. Th? pamphlet is an ad
mirable handbook for Socialists in thr discussions
they are* constantly drawn into concerning the war
ami international policy—Milwaukee Leader.
Headquarters at 134a °th Avenue VVtai
Business Meetings every 2ml and 4tli Monday    I
each month.   8 p-m. ■ **
Economic Class every Thursday, 8 p.m.
History Class every Sunday, 8 p.m.
Speaker's Class every Tuesday. 8 p.m.
Text books used in studies are "Socialism. Uta
ian and Scientific" I History Class).  ''Value, !'-*£
and Profit." and first nine chapters "Capital' (JW
bmic Classi. ah worken arc welcomed to the hVv<
• piarters at any time.
Study Class (Marxism», every Sunday at 8 an
al the Labor  Temple, Finlayson Street   Fort Wi!.
ham.   Ontario.    This   class   is   developing, and is
likely  to evolve into the educational centre anon-
thc workers of this district.    ThotC Who arc inter
ested in the study of history and economics from,
Marxian*viewpoint, and those who are tcquaiotaj
with the subjects, and who appreciate the need •
the spread of knowledge among the workers, j*r
earnestly invited to step in and help
POLITICAL ECONOMY: Every Sunday aftenwe.
from 3 to 5
HISTORY: Every Thursday evening, fro* 8 to 10
Classes meet at 401 Pender Street Bast No fee*
sre asked and no collection is made All tbat :«
required is an earnest interest in the subject takes
up. All points raised and all questions asked an
fully discussed. Membership in tbe Socialist Partj
of Canada ia aot s condition of membership of thew
Tou sre earnestly invited tn sttend
-: o:
(Cotinued from page 7.)
Aisnc in 1/<»-'. was also prominent as «i propounder
of I'topian ideals. In conjunction with Lepellelier
and others, he formed a secret organiation known as
"The Equals," which had, by the beginning of thr
year 17%. seventeen thousand sup|>ortcrs. Tin-
cardinal principles of tHis organiation was the ami
of society is happiness, and happiness consists m
equality.' which proves conclusively its Utopian nature. Babcuf was followed by Saint Simon, Fourier, and Robert Owen, all of them I'louians. That
these men should succeed each other so closely n*ocs
to show, that even at ibis stage, the discrepancies
in society were -|iiitc obvious.
When we inquire into thc whys and wherefores »d
the existence and development of the 1 topian school
we §nd that it.was due to the lack of understanding
of thc relation of men's ideas and actions to their
environment, and also to an insufficiency of star
istical data. The plans for remedying the existing
evils failed accordingly. This defect was supplied
by the discovery made by Marx and Kngels, and
embodied in their Communist Manifesto, written in
1847, and is known as the materialist conception of
history. Also sufficient stati*-*'. had. by this time,
been compiled to form a working basis lor scientific
ECONOMIC CLAN: Every Friday at 8 p.m
SPEAKERS' CLAM   Every Sunday at 11 arc
HISTORY CLASS   Monday   Bvenhtf   * o'clock
Friday Afternoon. 3 o'clock.
These classes art already well tttended. and the
number of members is inereawiing The <*!iu»« atst
at 530 Main Street, Winnipeg, and sll workan in
requested to attend.
o .
Marry Johnston, $2;H. F. Mackenzie, $1; Wm.
R. Lewin. $3.25; T. Richardson, $1; W. H. Herrmann. $1; Proceeds from "Smoker" Vancouver,
February 11th (per Sid Earp), $26.65.
Above, contributiona to C. M. F. from February
10th to 23rd inclusive—total, $34.90:
— ofthe —
(Fifth Edition)
Per copy 10 centt
.   Per 26 copiet $2
Pott Paid
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Kighth Avenue   West.
Lain.r Newt Stand, 814a 2nd St  East
-MONTREAL -Frirrman and  BarsnOWtJo, \2V*
tarn* St. Kast. . .
Popular Ibyok and Stationer) Store. 10St W*
crines St West .   c
EDMONTON   Labor News Stand, 10228  ln-'tJ
566 Knit on Street. c ,,
\KW WESTMINSTER—News Stand, M * r
l>epot. .
SEATTLE    Raymer's Did Hook Store l-UP W K*
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TORONTO— I). Goodman. Blind Ntwi Aftat-c*
Queen and Chestnut Sts. .
The American News Agency. SI QttCW 5J-   y
Tb,- Theatrical Hook Store, cor. Bay & W*™',
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rlaatlngs and Columbia Sts
John Green, Carrall Street
W. Love. Hastings Street Last
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eev Street t]
CHICAOO-Walden  Hook   Shop,   307   PlyWO
The  Clarion. 204 N. Clark St. S(
ROCHESTER, N. Y.-Proletarian Party, w *
,,J,ul Slrrt,, -ii? Pacific
TACOMA^- Raymer's Old Rook Store. 1317 n
• '■ K. Haifer. 1151^ Hroadw^y ^
laJdctSt. East, Detroit, Mich
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