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Western Clarion Aug 2, 1920

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Array f V
A Journal of
Official Organ of
Number 824
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, AUGUST 2nd, 1920.
Mr. Churchill and Colonel Golovin
ON Saturday the "Manchester Guardian,"
"Daily News" and "Herald" printed a very
remarkable document, brought from Russia by
members of the Labor delegation. It is a memorandum written by Colonel Golovin while Russian representative in London, and consists of a report,
written for the benefit of the White military chiefs,
of the attitude and activities of Mr. Winston
Churchill as disclosed in confidential interviews
with Colonel Golovin. The memorandum, drawn
up some time in the summer of 1919, was apparently circulated to the leaders of the various Russian
counter-revolutionary fronts by way of encouraging them, as it was well calculated to do.
Whether accurate or no in all its minor details,
the memorandum gives a picture of Mr. Churchill's
activities as Minister for War. There is nothing
in it to surprise those who have follewed Mr.
Churchill's policy and career since the war.
Let us remind ourselves first of the general situation. At the beginning of May, 1919, the Government's Russian policy had been_^ stated by Mr.
Lloyd George in the House of Commons as one of
| neither peace nor war. He had repudiated Mr.
Bullitt, but declared that Russia's internal Gov
eminent was no concern of ours. At the same time
we were admittedly supplying and munitioning Kolchak and Denikin. The Peace Treaty was about
to be presented to the Germans. The occupation
of Hungary and the overthrow of the Bela Kun regime had just taken place.
Colonel Golovin begins by saying that difficulties in connection "with the formation of the Yud-
enitch front by Colonel Steele, who is greatly valued at the British Foreign Office," made him anx
ious to get into direct touch with Mr. Churchill.
As a medium of approach he addressed himself to
Sir Samuel Hoare, whom he found at first dubious
as to whether Churchill "would so far violate his
outward cautiousness towards us" as to meet Golovin. But by May 4th Churchill had not only read
Golovin's memoranda but expressed a desire to
desire to meet Golovin at the War Office. He
there, on May 5th or 6th, 1919, saw first General
Radcliffe, Head of the Operative Department, by
whom he was most cordially received, and with
whom he had a most instructive conversation. General Radcliffe apparently did not repudiate the
idea that the collection of detachments in the North
could be done "under cover of the Red Cross,"
and agreed that any recognition of Estonian independence was impossible. The War Office had decided to send an important military mission to
Judenitch, similar to the Briggs Mission with Kolchak.
At 5.30 on the same day Golovin was received
by Mr. Churchill. The conversation lasted about
an hour. Mr. ChurcMU explained that owing to
the policical conditions of the moment, and in the
interest of. the ".common cause' 'secrecy must be
maintained. The most important part of the conversation was on the question of armed suspport.
Colonel Golovin reported as follows:—
"The question of giving armed support was, for
him, the most difficult one. The reasons for this
were—the opposition of the British working class
to armed intervention. But even in this matter,
without promising anything, he would try to help.
He had declared in the House of Commons that
fresh forces were necessary for the purpose of
evacuating the north; He would send under this
pretext up to 10,000 volunteers, who would replace
the   worn-out   parts,   especially   the demoralized
American and French troops; he will also postpone
the actual evacuation for an indefinite period (but
will not speak about it); and he agrees upon the
help of the newly-arrived British troops being actively manifested. That in case of further advance by Admiral Kolchak he would be willing to
give active support to the left flank; he does not
reject the possibility of help to Yudenitch on the
right flank. In short, he will do all he can, but
again added that the success of our common cause
demanded great secrecy. It was very difficult for
him to send military forces to the aid of General
Denekin because, as far as the North was concerned, he had a pretext—that of supporting the British
troops already there. But 'the idea of supporting Denekin, were it even by Volunteers, would be
carried out by him; he would send up to 2,500 Volunteers under cover of instructors and technical
troops, and if these will fight side by side against
the Bolsheviks—this will, of course, be natural."
Golovin's general impression was: ''In Churchill
we have not only a man who sympathizes with us,
but also an energetic and active friend .... He
told me that in all Russian questions he recognizes
only Admiral Kolchak .... and said: " I am myself carying out Kolchak's orders' "
Questions in the House of Commons failed to extract from Mr. Churchill anything more than a suggestion that the report contains inaccuracies. But
a Blue Book on the North Russian affair is promised. The really wonderful thing is that Mr.
Churchill survives his costly failures. All his war
gambles, all his expeditions, come to grief, his
friends perish, and every movement that he patronises seems doomed to collapse.
—'Common Sense," (London).
Conference Doldrums
SINCE the armistice, the Entente Allies have
been amusing themselves — and us — with
economic juggling. One conference has followed
another—each one frittering along the outermost
edge of the  issue involved,—each one  dissolving
[i ineptly away—and each one a failure, signal and
complete ,to amend the world condition, as obtaining under capitalist civilization—the very objective for which they were called into being.
The reason for the failures is not far to,seek.
The so-called Allies are, in reality, allies no longer.
The object which held them in temporary union ha&
been accomplished, and now each ally is individually intent on acquiring the commercial supremacy so lately wrested from their vanquished rivals.
Jealousies, aggressions, recriminations rampant in
the camp of the Allies are not merely dividing the
Allies, but shattering/tfie wall of their Empire
threatening the very ejjitence of the civilization
they are fain to perpetuatie. Each individual ally
seeks to remodel war ruined Europe in the formula
| of democracy most agreeable to their respective
capitalist interests, unable, because of well founded suspicion, to reach any mutual solution; and all
of them striving, by ways devious and dark to reconstruct the prostrate Europe of today, in the
terms of the vitality of yesterday to continue a
social tradition that is gone, as irrevocably as the
Sauria of the Peruvian. That is why failure and
bitterness rest on the efforts of allied statesmen,
grovelling in the filth of hypocrisy and deceit, to
serve the behests of their capitalist overlords .
The imperialist necessities of post-war capitalism are altogether different from the national necessities of pre-war times. Then nations were in
process of making, now they are completely developed ; then capital was reaching to fuller growth;
now it has attained maturity. No single nation
is, today, an.isolated self-sufficiency. Capital has
bound them all together in the ties of commercial
intercourse, and a blow, vital to one, spreads along
the nerves of trade to the uttermost ends of the
earth, carrying injury or destruction to all, in ratio
to their places in the schemes of imperialism.
Great empires have arisen, with their congeries of
"free" states and the maintenance and continuance of those empires, demand chemeleon policies,
conforming to the ever changing alignments of developing interests.
The ambitions of imperialism must conflict
The natural resources of the world are the prizes
in the game of empire ,and as all cannot monopolise those resources, the conflict between the rivals
ensues, putting its inevitable pressure on the exploited peoples of the world. Hence, big and bigger business is the order of the day, for only mighty
accumulations of capital can successfully handle
the plant and resources of industrial enterprise
Those are the conditions, today, confronting capitalist councils, and they imperatively demand immediate answer. The expansion of greater industry forces imperialist capital to act.     A rival im
perialism checks, or overreaches its design, while
the social forces of production, void of normal
satisfaction, dispossessed and enslaved, in misery
and degradation, seeth and riot and rumble, like
a gathering volcano, under the throne of privilege.
The triumph of revolutionary Russia and the
subjugation of Germany, have entailed the ruin
of France. The quarrel over the spoils of Asia,
have weakened the bonds of empire, while the recent defeat of Poland has thrown down the last
barrier of the ''cordon sahitaire," and brought all
Europe well under the ascendant star of the new
"social contract."
While capital continues ,the conferences of capitalist states must devise and decree for capitalist
interests*, and while capital controls, so long must
the orgy of wealth accumulation endure ,and the
natural sequences of its developed economics poison the well-spring of all social being.
But every conference that is called and melts
idly away, not only fails to achieve its object, but
advances the progress of the world, to the inevitable point where society must take issue on its own
destiny, and build anew on the ground plan of social activity and ownership in the means of satisfaction of life and its desires. The climax is surely
fast approaching, and while the heel of the White
Terror is rude upon our necks, the certainty that
his kingdom is passed away is like strong wine to
our hearts. R, ■ ::i
The Sinn Fein Situation
PPOSITION to the capitalist form of society
is the chief characteristic of the Socialist programme. Understanding our class position within
this system, and the impossibility of removing the
social antagonisms that prevail without effecting
a change from class to social control of the means
of wealth production, our attack is necessarily directed against the system of society known as capitalism.
This concerted attack on the system itself does
not, however, entail a cessation of interest in connection with the various modifications proposed by
rival cliques and groups within the ranks of the
ru'ing class. Wherever such proposals are pressed forward as being "steps in the direction of socialism," "certain means of freedom," "phases of the
age-long struggle for liberty," etc., we make it our
business to throw aside the veil of hypocrisy that
enshrouds the issue, and reveal the true significance
of the question at stake. We oppose capitalism.
This also involves an opposition to all that capitalism stands for, and all that stands for capitalism.
The issue we intend to deal with in this article is
one of comparatively recent origin—the Sinn Fein
movement. The advocates of self-determination
for Ireland have done some extensive advertising in
the past few years. When it comes to making
known the virtues of what they have to offer, the
makers of Beecham's Pills, Wrigley's Spearmint,
and Post's Grape-nuts, have nothing on the Irish
republicans. Scarcely a day passes without recording some new encounter between the forces of im-
perialist England and republican Ireland.
So consistently and well managed has this advertising campaign been carried on in the United States
that political parties, newspaper syndicates, religious and fraternal organizations, and other centres
of public opinion are vehemently protesting against
, the wrongs inflicted on struggling* Ireland by their
ruthless oppressors. Only a short time ago this
truculent attitude was confined to organizations of
Irish origin, emphasized occasionally by the intrusion of eloquent propagandists from the old land,
M'ho were seeking finances for Erin's cause .
In those days there was not the same incentive""
to arouse the emotions of our moralists and statesmen as we find at present. England and America
were not such keen competitors in the field of commerce. The presence of other rapacious market
hounds had a decided tendency to force a closer relationship between the ruling classes of the two
But, now, the scene has changed. The. onslaught
of commercial Germany has been stopped for the
moment, and face to face for the first time in history stand-Britain and America, as the leading contestants for the lion's share in a greatly contracted
world market. Every weak spot in the financial,
legislative, administrative, moral and ethical policy of Britain is magnified a thousand fold, and
dilated upon with vigor and alacrity, by those whose
interests are enhanced by crushing the aspirations
" of British capitalists. India, Egypt, and especially
Ireland, loom on the horizon as dark malignant
clouds of oppression that must be dispersed. The
" moral nature of the proposition never assumed sufficient proportions to warrant an Expression. of
opinion until the economic problem demanded a
solution. »
But this campaign for "Irish freedom' 'is not confined to the organizations representing the interests of American capitalists. Working class parties
and papers have caught the tune, and flagrantly
display their ignorance of the social malady by
ioinine in'the chorus for more freedom for the
struggling capitalists of Irelana.
\ In no single instance have they presented evid
ence to prove the Sein Fein to be a revolutionary
working class movement. Nothing has been placed
on exhibit outside a sickly, sentimental humanit-
ai'ia'nism that manifests itself through weeping
and wailing over the gruesome effect, without any
understanding concerning the cause. Even though
their knowledge of the Sinn Fein movement was
confined to a perusal of the speeches and literature
disseminated by its devotees in the United States
they could find, even here ,suffi^ient material to
exclude them from the category of revolutionary
During the days when the Peace Conference was
in session at Paris, and delegations of Irishmen,
with Gaelic names, were attempting to have Ire-
b.i .1 represented in peace negotiations, the "Irish
World," in New York, was publishing thrilling
narratives of how England sought to prevent their
representatives from having a voice or a vote iu
the settlement of the war. Even the Bolsheviki of
Russia ,their hands reeking with the blood of in-
iio^nit citzens, and waving the red flag of anarchy
in the'face of a Christian people .denying the existence of any power.above themselves, were looked upon kindly by England who made overtures
on their behalf while suppressing the aspirations
of Christian Ireland.
This same paper realizing the futility of gaining
England's consent made a fervent appeal to France
for assistance. They had good reason to expect
aid from this quarter. When the anarchistic mobs
of Paris took possession of the city in 1871, and
threatened the existence of responsible government ,was it not Ireland that contributed Genera! MeMahon, who was, in a large measure ,re-
sponsible for restoring law and order?
The Sinn Fein propagandists who have toured
this side of the Atlantic have repeatedly assured
their audience that nothing resembling the state
of affairs in Russia would ever be countenanced
by themselves. Their ideal of republican government was to be found in the United States. That
liberty of speech and assemblage, so charmingly
exemplified in every penitentiary throughout the
.'and; that freedom from autocracy is well illustrated in the annals of Wall Street; these are the
goal of Irish ambition, and not social control of
the means of wealth production.
A glance at the recent history of Ireland will
suffice to corroborate the assertions pf their doctrinaires in America. It is not possible in a short
essay to go deeply into the causes of estrange-
ment. between England and Ireland. For several
centuries the conflict has raged. England, seeking the domianti .position in industry and com-
mercce, was compelled to curtail the manufacture
of goods in Ireland, just as she found it necessary
to pursue the same policy in regard to America.
These countries must be made to function as the
base for supplying food and raw materials to the
manufacturing population of England. Whatever
attempts were made to establish industries on the
outside were crushedf with a ruthless hand. Shipbuilding, sail making, cotton, woollen 'and silk
manufacturers, were alternatively attempted, but
all to no avail, as the political powers in the
hands of the English rulers was quite adequate
to legalize their dictates.
Suppression, however*, did not signify surrender. If legal means of redress were prohibited,
then, illegal means must be resorted to. Secret
societies became fashionable. The Peep-o'-Day
Hoys, the Defenders, the Right Boys, Steel Boy,
Threshers, Ribbon-men, Terry Alts, Molly Ma-
guires, Rockites, and many others sprang into existence, in most cases for the purpose of defending the farmers from the landlords. But the powers at Westminster could not see the necessity of
decentralization in government, and a well equipped force was continually on hand to hunt down
and disperse these secret societies.
A story of the different agitations, and the orators who advocate them, would fill a book.     Suf
fice it to notice that out of centuries of strife
and bloodshed evolved the Home Rule for Ireland
movement, with Parnell, Redmond, O'Connor,
Dillon, and Devlin as its eloquent champions. The
main object of this movement was to secure for
the landed and manufacturing class of Ireland, the
privilege of condut_.nfe their internaF affairs to
suit themselves, without being subject to the whims
and caprices of English law-makers. It was never
their intention to sever relationship with the Empire, nor to extend their sovereignity over the department of foreign affairs. The methods proposed for attaining this object were political, and
Home Rule for Ireland soon became one of the important issues in British politics .
Sane, safe, and respectable as the Home Rulers'
programme was designed to be, it never developed
to that stage where the privilege sought became
the law of the land. The different British political
parties, in several election campaigns, made use of
the Irish question to enhance their own interests,
but never seriously attempted to solve the problem to the satisfaction of its spokesmen. E/cn
the chauvinistic utterances of Parnell and Redmond proved inadequate to stir the legislators of
Westminster to grant the moderate demands of
industrial Ireland.
This failure to attain their ends by peaceful
means, while retaining their position as part of
the Empire, stimulated the handicapped Irish nan-
ufacturers to adopt a more drastic programme and
turn their desires into legaL enactment' by more
foucible methods. To perform this function the
Sinn Fein movement had its origin in the early
part of the present century. Complete separation
from England, and the fullest measure of self-
determination for Ireland was demanded. The
national resources must be released from foreign
control, and Irish industry given an opportunity
to develop and take its place side by side with the
other natiens of the world,
Religious and moral phases of the question were
shoved in the background, and the economic basis
was clearly revealed. With the breaking of English fetters manufacturing would flourish, and
soon the population would increase at a terrific
rate. Twenty* ^nillions of people could easily be
accommodated under the new regime. To +he
capitalists in Ireland, whose efforts were thwarted by their fellow capitalists in England, this extension of industry, and consequent increase in
the number of those who must be exploited, would
no doubt be a matter of considerable import. But,
so far as the Irish workers' position is concerned
they'need only loqk at the condition of their fellow slaves in England, where industrial development is freely assisted, and a large population exists, to see what is in store for themselves when
that glorious stage of self-determination is ushered
In the parliamentary election of 1918 the Sinn
Fein Party was accorded a notable support at the
polls. Seventy candidates were elected to promote the cause. Out of this large delegation there '
is not a single member of the revolutiinary working class. Not one who is in any way connected
or concerned with the abolition of class society.
The landed, manufacturing, and professional classes
are all represented, and all are determined to^eep
in existence the present form of society. All that
interests them in regard to the Irish workers is how
they can best continue their exploitation, and maintain them in a state of apathy and indifference to
their class position. '
The Provisional Government formed during the
Easter Rebellion of 1916, in its declaration to the
people of Ireland, clearly portrays the character of
the movement. Not a line in that declaration to
lead one to believe that classes exist in Irish society.
(Continued on page 3.) *  WESTERN     CLARION
Economic Causes of War.
Article No. 9.
»HE United States entered the war to save
the world for democracy. Priesident Wilson was re-elected because he had kept his eo.in-
try out of the war, and when he did allow the United States to fight, it must have been for a very
worthy and righteous cause.   ,
America had never entered world politics to the
same extent as the European Powers, because she
has room for expansion within her own boundaries. She had, however, taken a part in opening
up world markets as far back as 1858. In Thorpe's
"History of Japan," pages 173 and 193, I find
this: "In July, 1858, not only American but His-
sian men-of-war arrived at Yokohama, to be speedily followed by the English and French, all intent
on forcing the proud Japanese to concede treaties
of commerce; and if these treaties could not be
obtained peaceably, they should be extorted by
force of arms." .... "Not satisfied with their
work of destruction, the envoys of the four belligerent nations demanded of the puzzled and distressed Jananese an indemnity of three million dollars, of which amount America took seven hundr h!
and eighty-fi^e thousand, although the cost of their
war demonstration was only twenty-five thousand
The United States made a great display of neutrality when the war was in its first stages. It
was to her economic interests to do so. She was
supplying a vast trade to both sides of the fight,
and mostly to the Allies after the Central Powers
were blockaded. When trade with the Allies was
endangered by the German submarine chmpaign
and the Atlantic ports were stocked full with commodities as a consequence, then the United States
discovered that it was a war for the freedom of
small nations and for democracy. As a matter ui':
fact, it was a| spiritual interpretation to the economic factor, that if the commercial interests could
not deliver the goods because of the submarine
warfare, the easiest Avay to dispose of the surplus
was 'to enter the-war themselves on the side of the
Roland G. Usher, in his "Pan Germanism," 1913,
page, 139,  says:  "An understanding was  reached
that in case of a war begun by Germany or Austria for the purpose of executing Pan-Germanism,
the United States would promptly declare in favor of England and France, and would do her utmost to assist them.   The mere fact that no oven
acknowledgment of this agreement was then made
need   not  'essen  its  importance   and  significance.
The alliance,  for it was nothing less, was based
upon infinitely firmer ground than written words
and sheets of parchment it found its efficient cause as well as its efficient reason for its
continuance in the situation, geographical, economic
and political, of the contracting nations with such
an agreement mutually advantageous to them all."
On page 144, after giving a detail of conflicting interests of the Powers in Europe, he says: "In all
this the United States has unquestionably no part.
Not    her   strategic   position,    not   her   military
strength, but her economic position makes her an
ally   particularly   indispensable   to   England   and
France."   Page 145: "Allied with her (U. S. A.)
they could   not be   starved   into   submission nor
bankrupted by lack of materials to .keep  their
looms running." Page 147: "Fortunately for England and France the United States, whose economic
assistance is positively imperative for them, finds
their assistance equally imperative. In the first place
the United States depends upon the English merchant marine to carry her huge volume of exports,
and should she not be able to use it would suffer
seriously. ..... Again, a market as certain and as
large as that of England and France for raw material and foodstuffs is absolutely essential to her,
and the outbreak of the war which might close
those markets to her, would precipitate unquestionably a financial, crisis Furthermore, she
needs a market in England and France for. her own
manufactured goods She cannot afford to take
any chances of losing her markets in those two
countries, nor has she ceased to hope for privileges
of some sort in English and French dependencies
which other nations do not have and which, if
worse should come to the worst, she could undoubtedly obtain from them as the price of her continued assistance."
When Usher deals with the States taking Cuba,
lie points out that that island possessed not only a
commercial but a strategic importance. The Pbil-
lipines, owned by a weak nation like Spain, were
ideally suitable for a German base of operations in
the Far East, and the Allies could not allow such
p1nces to fall into the hands of Germany. The general European situation and the position of Spain
in the Mediterranean made it impossible for England or France to undertake a war with Spain, and
Usher says: "The colonial aspirations of tha United States, her anxiety to share in the opening of
China lo European enterprise, her traditional hope
of securing Cuba, all pointed to her as the natural
guardian of the interests of the coalition in the
Gulf of Mexico and the Far East." All this manoeuvring and concentration resulted in the withdrawal by France and England of their objection
to the States building the Panama Canal. The United States built a naval base in the Phillipines oi
sufficient size and importance to permit the maintenance of a fleet large enough to be a factor in the
Pacific. England and France could not spare the
ships and Japan would not tolerate a Russian fleet
in those waters, so the United States was the only
power which could represent the coalition there
consistent with her own safety.
The United States strengthened her position by
annexing the islands between her shores and Asia
for coaling stations. The war with Spain over Cuba
was placarded as of a liberating nature, but Frederick Emory, chief of the U. S. Bureau of Foreign
Commerce, says in "World's Work." January,
1902: '' Cuba was in fact a stumbling block, a constant menace to the southern movement of our
trade. To free her from the Spanish incubus was
therefore a commercial necessity to us, and as we
became more clearly alive to the importance of extending our commerce, the impatience of our business interests at such obstruction was waxing sj
strong, that even had there been no justifying
cause of an emotional kind, such as the alleged
enormities of the Spanish rule or the destruction
of the-Maine, we would doubtless have taken steps
in the end to abate with a strong hand what was
seen to be an economic nuisance."
When the Senate discussed the Phillipines question, some said they could not admit semi-civilized ' people into citizenship,' and that permanent
military rule would be violating the spirit of the
American Republic and also a' serious danger of
getting into war with European powers over questions arising about the islands. But the majority
held that the Phillipines would be safer if they
became a part of the United States, "as the war
(Spanish-American War) has made us a world
power, and our trade interests in China aud the
Far East demand that we should own the whole
Phillipine group."
The Japs are blaming the Americans for the
anti-Japanese agitations in Korea and China, and
their newspapers say the object is to offset their
rivals in trade and get control of Chinese markets
and construct the Hai Lan railway. America is
also largely interested in the exploitation of Outer
President Wilson's fourteen points were not well
received in Paris.   He said the day of secret cov
enants was past, yet he accepted quite a few of
them. He said: "Victory would force a peace that
would leave a sting, "«also "that equal right of freedom and security and self-government and to the
participation upon fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German people of course
included if they will accept equality and not seek
domination." These quotations are from a reply
to Ihe Pope, August 27th, 1917. This is the same
Wilson who, while making such public utterances,
was secretly negotiating the transfer of the Danish West Indies behind the backs of the people of
Denmark and the United States, and also without
giving the people of the Danish c6lonies the opportunity to express whether they desired to be
brought under a new sovereignity. He was snowed
under in Paris by adepts in the game of diplomacy who kept company with Winston Churchill,
who, a speaker in Glasgow said, was the most persistent, insistent and consistent liar in the British
Cabinet. I suggest that President Wilson read
that part of his election address of 1912 wherein
he says: "The masters of the government of the
United States are the combined capitalists and
manufacturers of the United States. It is writ-
en over every intimate page of the records of Congress; it is written all through the history of the
conferences at the White House."
( Continued from page 2.)
merely  a mass of meaningless,  nebulous phrases,
asking the support of Divine Providence and guaranteeing religious and civil rights, and other piffle of a similar kind.
To the Socialist, then, there  is nothing in the
Sinn Fein programme to warrant our support. We
are not concerned at this date with the factional
squabbles  of the  ruling class.   The  Socialists of
the world have today but one platform upon which'
they stand; but one programme they wish to complete; and this means nothing less .than the overthrow of class society in every section of the globe.
Where workers of any nation decide to pit their
strength  against  that of their  masters,  our sympathy and support are with them; our interests
are identical wherever we are.
Social ownership is our goal. J. A. McD.
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Western Clarion
A  Journal   of   History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published twice a  month  by tht* Socialist Party of
Canada, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
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Editor     Ewen MacLeod
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VANCOUVER, B. C, AUGUST 2nd, 1920.
THE appeal for hearing of Comrade R. B. Russell
has been dismissed by the Privy Council, and
it would seem that labor as a body have had their
ultimate lesson in the law, and are now left to readjust their notions as to justice itself. We shall
not be surprised to find that many workers still consider the scales as being a little rusted, but the time
is here for labor bodies to set themselves to the understanding of the principles underlying a system
of profit production, whereby they may learn that
the justice of the law must needs bear down as heavily upon them in its application as the maintenance,
through them, of capitalism, produces the misery
and unhappiness of their daily labor.
There is no doubt that the next step of the government, now that its action has received the inevitable approval of London, will be to find a suitable
excuse to release the prisoners, an excuse, that is,
that will enable the government to maintain its cast
iron dignity and yield at the same time to the menace of the popular will.
Some talk there has been of a "pardon" and release. There can be no consideration given by labor
to any suggestion of pardon for offences that, however the law may view them, must arise again and
again, or as long as working men and women are
forced into organized co-operation for mutual support against the crushing weight of capitalism.
All workers who took part in the strike of last
year will cheerfully proclaim themselves as being
equally responsible in their actions as the men in
gaol. And there can be no reason in any pardon
issued to men who have been compelled to action
that is independent of their individual will. By this
we mean that men act as circumstances dictate. And
that these circumstances change from time to time
in detail, presupposes that action must change in
accordance. The alignment of the classes in society must undergo change as the foundation, the
economic structure, moves. The workers writhe in
pain as the fetters close in upon them. Their suffering under their thraldom finds ever new expression which, happily, as the days go on betokens a
clearer understanding of the conditions of their
everyday life. Those conditions call for a clear understanding on the part of labor, and that understanding will correspond to the material circumstances of the process of production and the factors
of life that rest upon it.
The explanation for the actions of labor lies in
the developing forces of production. To understand the workings of one is to estimate the qualities of consciousness of the other.
their welfare, but we like to note that convenient
excuses substitute sometimes for capable handling
of awkward situations.
The Soviets have travelled a long way since they
made their peace proposals to the Allied governments, through Mr. Bullitt, on the 14th March of
last year. Then, and before that date, they were
willing to conclude peace upon the bandit terms dictated by the Allies, and to that willingness, then as
before that time, they could not even secure publicity, let alone consent.
Last March Russia proposed an armistice, which
Poland rejected under pressure of an offensive. Today Poland seems ready to accept anything, and, in
Russia's dealings with the Allied governments she
has compelled attention and she continues to be the
attractive news feature, if for no other purpose
than to lie about.
As the days go on the strength of the Soviets
increases, and their position is rendered more secure.
And this is the real dark shadow that meant concessions for the German bourgeoisie at the recent Spa
conference. The Allies are plainly worried. They
have every reason. Their premiers are sick—sick
of Russia.
SOME time ago, Karl Radek said that the time
was approaching when news items would announce the mental fatigue and breakdown of prominent allied statesmen. We have seen that Mr. Wilson has suffered somewhat since he came back from
Europe, while several premiers have fallen back
upon the rest cure to escape the insistence of postwar problems. Even an office boy functionary like
the Canadian premier has had his worries, and now
Mr. Lloyd George is "a very sick man."
Now we are not taking the temperature of these
gentlemen because we are especially interested in
The following is part of an article published in the
"Abendpost," Rochester, N. Y., which appears in that paper
on the 12th July, 1920, under the title "Declaration of the
People." The paper is printed in the German language and
the translation has been kindly made for us by Comrade O.
J. Mengel.
The article is not presented in full because its appreciation is offered from a nationalist viewpoint, although it is
not altogether confined to that. ■ As to the matter of republishing the series in pamphlet form, we have already announced our intention to do so. Perhaps, by the time the
last article is printed the still smouldering embers of nationalism may have died out.—Ed.
IN as much as English propaganda is carried on
in this country at present, just as actively as
during the war, and much more actively than before the war, which is very significent, as it had
already been attended to by the English for the
last 20 years, to utilize the press of this country,
and as, according to an article in the "Irish
World" (New York) of last Saturday's edition,
not less than 300 British or Canadian editors of
so-called American journals, it is of the greatest
importance that the inhabitants of this country,
who are not greatly enamoured with England,
should understand the world-wide intriguing carried on by England during the last 20 years.
A good opportunity to do this is available. The
"Western Clarion," a semi-monthly paper, issued
in Vancouver, B. ft, publishes since March, a series of articles entitled, "The Economic Causes of
War," that will open the eyes of all who read them.
The paper is a Socialist paper, but the articles deal
mainly with historical events, and the writer con
stantly gives his authorities for his statements.
The paper has also subscribers here, and I got
a copy by chance, and in consequence I obtained the
copies containing the rest of the articles; generally copies of a journal published weeks previously are unobtainable. The journal can be obtained here (Rochester, N. Y.) at No. 580 St. Paul St.
I consider the series of articles so important that
I sent a request that the articles be re-publihed in
pamphlet form and sold throughout the States. My
object in mentioning this matter is to induce the
subscribers here to back up my request to the
journal by a similar request.
long been prepared and willing to establish credits
in favor of American manufacturers in Esthonia.
The Federal Reserve Board, however, some tune ago,
issued a warning to all American banks advising
them against honoring any drafts drawn upon Esth-
oian banks. In this manner all plans for the pay
ment of American goods by drafts on Esthonian
banks were effectively checked. We cannot estab
!ish credits by the deposit of Russian gold in American banks so long as there is danger that these deposits may be molested. The statement published
this morning gives no assurance that any practical
credit arrangements may be effected. It is further
stated that postal communication and travelling facilities are not to be restored. It is plain enough
that trade cannot be resumed if there is to be nq
opportunity for the establishment of the essential
means and facilities for international commerce.
Trade is dependent upon an intricate machinery
for transfer of funds with proper guarantees and
securities on both sides, and commerce cannot be
successfully carried on without postal and cable
communication and the ordinary .facilities for
travel and international intercourse. The announcement of the State Department, while ostensibly setting aside restrictions, appears actually .
to announce a policy of continued restriction.
Although the question of diplomatic recognition
in all its formalities and niceties may be indefinitely postponed, the effective resumption of trade
relations must depend upon the establishment of a
certain minimum of political relations. The English and Canadian Governments in their commercial
negotiations with Russia have already recognized
this fact. Mr. Krassin has returned from London
to Moscow for the very purpose of perfecting the
political arrangements essential to the resumption
of trade. The Canadian Government has sanctioned the establishment of a Commercial Bureau of
the Soviet Government in Canada and has officially
approved the commercial arrangements already entered into between Canadian business interests and
the Russian Government
This morning's announcement of course has excited much interest and we have been overwhelmed
by inquiries from American business men who desire to know just how this statement affects their
opportunities for trade with Soviet Russia. We
can only refer them to the American Government
for a further explanation of its policy. The Soviet
Government is ready, as it has been ready for over
a year, to establish trade relations with America.
We will gladly go more than half way to meet any
practical arrangements. All we ask is the right
to buy goods in the American market, to have them
shipped to Russisa and to pay for them. If the
statement is composed, with its many reservations
are heartily glad. But the spirit in which the
statement is composed, with its many reservations
and ambiguities, compels us to await developments
before deciding upon its practical outcome. —
"Soviet Russia."
Socialist Party of
Representative in the United States of the Russian
Socialist Federal Soviet Republic.
July 8, 1920.
I welcome the announcement by the State Department that the restrictions which have
hitherto stood in the way of trade between Soviet
Russia and the United States have been removed.
I must say frankly, however, that the statement
published this morning, as it stands, does not at all
dispose of the problem of establishing trade between Russia and the United States. There is no
indication in the statement as to how or whether
Russia is to be permitted to pay American business
men for goods purchased in this country.   We have
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm onr allegiance to, and
Btipport of, the principles and programme of the revolutionary
working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The
present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of th*
means of production, consequently, all the products of labor be-
long to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master;
the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect
and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production
and its control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker, sn ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from
capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under
which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To
accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled
economic forces.
The irrespressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and
he worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy.   This is the Class Struggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to organise under the banner of
the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering tha
political powers, for the purpose of setting np and enforcing tha
economic programme of the working class, aa follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in the means of wealth production (natural
resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production.
2. The organization and management of Industry by tha
working class.
8. The establishment, as speedily as possible,, of production for use instead of production for profit. WESTERN     CLARION
Want and Plenty
IN order that the working class may understand
Society as we find it today, is founded on the class
necessary for them to acquire a general knowledge
of the interrelations and contradictions that are inherent in the conditions upon which this system is
Society as we find it today, is founded on the class
ownership of the means of wealth production in the
hands of a small unproductive minority. The great
majority—the working class—own nothing excepting their energy, or labor-power. Between these
two classes, the producers and non-producers, a continuous struggle goes on over the divisions of the
product of labor. This inevitably results in the
non-producing, i.e., the master class, securing an
ever-increasing share of the world's wealth, while
the share that finds its way to the producers is, accordingly, ever diminishing, relatively to their successful operations, as producers, of the machinery
of wealth production.
To explain this condition of affairs—this everlasting gap between the two classes, producers and
non-producers, we must examine that method of
wealth production prevailing some centuries ago,
and make a comparison with that of today. About
the seventeenth century, the production of food,
clothing and shelter, and the needful things of life
generally, was not the highly complex process known
to and experienced by us in mill, mine, factory or
workshop, or on the farm today. Then, a large and
important part of the work was done either right in
the worker's home, or the product was completely
made in small shops. The organized armies of disciplined industrial workers operating steam and
electrical machinery, each group of worker! interlocking with and being dependent upon each other
in the process were then unknown. Attended by
man, the machinery of wealth production was then
driven by power obtained directly from nature,
through waterwheels, windmills, or by simple horse
power. The Worker's laboring time was then taken
up in the greater part in providing for his own i_
mediate needs ,leaving a very small proportion of
the working day as a producer for his master's use.
Today the workers operate a colossal mass of
machinery in the process of production, which,
while it lightens the burden of social labor, widens the gap between the classes and renders the
process of production ever more apparent as primarily a process of exploitation. The problem in
production is no longer handicapped by the limitations of primitive processes. Today the problem
is to dispose of the products. And while there is
the ability to produce a superabundance of foodstuffs and the general essentials of life on the one
hand, the system of private ownership demands
that the disposal take place on a profit basis. Consequently we see wealth in abundance around us,
and at the same time human want and distress.
The workers are studying the problem for themselves nowadays. They do not require to have it
stated to them that they can produce enough. Their
only problem is to acquire ownership over it once
it is produced. F. A. E.
Class Conflict
Within Society
PROFESSOR JENKS in his book, "A Short History of Politics," gives the following definition,
"A society is a certain group or mass of people
bound together by a certain common principle or
This definition might be good enough for professors or college students, but it is just a little
too tainted with professorial ambiguity for a thinking class conscious proletarian to accept.
Human beings are not the only ones possessing
a society. Many animals and birds are bound together by a "certain common object" into societies, and, furthermore, they have "certain principles" which have arisen from the ''common object," and which are rigidly observed .
In speaking of human society, we usually mean
the political form of that society, and in dealing
with it from this aspect we divide it from the purely animal one which has been forced upon man
and several speceis of beast alike in their struggle
for existence. Jenks says: "By politics, we mean
the business of government," so that if we deal
with political society, we see that there must be
classes within that society or there would be no
need for a governing and a governed class—a subjective mass and a subjecting group.
Since the advent of Marx and Engels and their
discovery of the historic formula as embodied in
the ''Communist Manifesto," published in 1848, we
proletarians who have given study to their works
look upon society from a far different viewpoint
than do our worthy professors. We become very
critical, and just as a chemist analyses matter by
separating it into its different elements in order to
understand the law of their combination and action, one upon the other, so does the Marxist subject society to the same scientific scrutiny.
After studying the past history of mankind, we
find that it has been anything but a happy family
"bound by a certain common principle or object."
This statement might perhaps have fitted a description of primitive communism, but since the dissolution of that form of organization we find that
there have been embodied several groups within
societies, bound together by a common object or
material interest, which sooner or later led them
into conflict with other groups within that same
society with a view to gaining political control in
order that these material interests could be safeguarded.
These internal and external struggles have been
going on continually in the process of man's development, eliminating first this and then that
group, first one nation and then another, until we
have at last reached a stage in the institutions of
mankind, known as capitalistic society
"The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from th* ruins of feudal society has not done
away with class antagonisms, it possesses, however,
this distinctive feature; it has simplified the class
antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more
splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two
great classes directly facing each other: bourgeoisie and proletariat."
In other words, exploiters and exploited are rapidly reaching a stage where an open conflict for
supremacy is sure to take place.
Industrial Unrest
AT no time in the world's history has industrial
unrest assumed such l'arge proportions as is
prevalent today.. Although the problem of production has been solved and human wants can be
produced in greater quantities than ever before,
we witness greater poverty in the world than was
ever known.
Experience is rapidly compelling the workers
to enquire into the cause of these sad conditions.
Slowly but surely an ever-increasing number of
the wealth producers are being forced to acknowledge the fact that their status under the present
system is that of a mere piece of merchandise and
that the wages they receive .are governed by the
same economic laws that determine the value of all
other commodities .
The cause of unrest amongst those who produce
is not due to agitation, or agitators, but to the capitalist industrial system. It is impossible to conceal this truth that the ruling capitalist class, who
control all avenues of wealth production and distribution, represent an oligarchy more despotic
and powerful than did any Kaiser or Czar. True
liberty and freedom cannot exist under a system
wherein a few own and control all these instruments that man must have access to in order to
Capitalism has developed within society castes;
it is no longer possible for a child of the working
class to become anything but a member of the
economic dependent mass. The force of competition has now brought into being a few who have
it within their power to determine the lives of the
many. Owing to the fact that all wealth producing agencies are now in the hands of monopolists,
these owning and non-producig few can live a life
of ease and luxury, and like the drones fatten upon
those who toil. This system has nothing further
to offer those who produce but an existence of
uncertainty, of poverty, misery and slavery. This
competitive system can no longer guarantee unto
the slaves its means of sustenance.
In spite of all the improvements and inventions
which have made labor so productive, the social
status of the wage earner remains that of a slave.
Instead of these up-to-date appliances lightening
labor's burden they have only intensified the struggle. It is now possible to create a greater quantity of commodities with fewer hands and with less
effort. The result is that women are replacing
men, and an ever fiercer competition reigns amongst
the workers for the fewer remaining jobs.
Even at the best of times, prosperous so-called,
there exists capital's reserve army, the unemployed, who at all times are a menace to those who
have a loan on a job insofar as they act as a bulwark against the workers who are allowed the
privilege of working, from raising their standard
of living.
Wages, the price paid "to the worker at all times,
fluctuate around the cost of subsistence. Under
this system, society presents the aspect of a battle
in progress, the producing and non-owning class
on one side and the non-producing but owning class
on the other. Between these contending forces a
conflict rages, the principles to be decided being
capitalist supremacy and slavery versus socialism,
co-operation and freedom. To that side which
exercises the greatest amount of intelligent organizing abilities belongs the victory, for the rank
and file of such an army will be least mauled by
its own forces.
The class war we are now engaged in will not
abate until the causes are removed. No man can
be true to his class interests and remain nerftral.
Material conditions will eventually compel every
worker to class conscious action. To talk of an
identity of interest between capital and labor is as
foolish as to say there is a brotherly bond of friendship existing between a vampire and its victim.
The interests of the two classes are so diametrically opposed that peace under capitalism is an impossibility. Material conditions will eventually
compel the working class to action; they alone can
bring the struggle to an end; it is your duty at
this hour to play your part in the class war.
If only the working class would consider over
-:hese facts they would be better equipped for the
struggle; knowledge of your class position in society is necessary to all those who desire to acquire
their emancipation from slavery. Class conscious
knowledge alone will prevent you from falling a
victim to bourgeois parties who refuse to acknowledge the existence of the Class Struggle.
Following, One Dollar each—P. T. Leckie, U. L.
T. Local, A. Moseley, Church of the Univ. Fellowship (Los. Gatos, Calif.), C. Macdonald, J. R. Linn,
J. C. Budge, J. Mather, K. Dengg, R. W. Wilgress,
F. Medhurst, 0. Erickson, J. Schultheis, Joe Watson, A. Harris, R. Sinclair.
Alex. Shepherd, $2; F. Neale, $2; L. R. Larson,
$2; E. Moberg, $2; A. Tree, $4; J. J. Egge, $13; H.
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C. M. F. contributions received from 14th to
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Traditional Philosophy
THIS article is in large part based upon a
reading of an essay on philosophy, religion
and art, by Horace M. Kallen, entitled "Value and
Existence.'' Those , who care to read the essay
will find it in a collection in book form of eight
essays on the "Pragmatic Attitude' 'in modern
philosophy, published by Henry Holt and Co., New
York, under the title "Creative Intelligence."
Each essay is written by a specialist from the
point of view of his particular department of
thought, the leading essay being by Professor John
Dewey, chief spokesmpi in America for the so-
called new Pragmatism. This school, whatever its
worth, at least appears to have rejected the idealist illusions of Bergson in favor of a materialist
basis as a starting point in their philosophy. So
far so good.
Traditional philosophy is a difficult, and, to
many workers, an unfamiliar subject, and one
which, in addition, they may consider as havng no
bearing on the. revolutionary struggle. -In truth,
the study of philosophy has never been popular
with so-called practical? minds because, on the surface it appeared to drag a long and lengthening
chain after the practical affairs of a work-a-day
life. And other readers, regretful of what they
regard as mis-spent time, may with old Omn.r
"Myself when young did eagerly frequent
Doctor  and  Saint,  and  heard  great  argument
About it and about:  but evermore
Came out by the same door wherein I went."
Nevertheless, my plea must be that the winds of
old doctrines still circulate among us, to the prejudice of a sane and scientific approach to the
solution of social problems. To the Tentmaker's
disciples of today, and to others who may decry the
discission of philosophy and like abstract subjects, I will quote Joseph Dietzgen. from the opening paragraph of his essay on "Scientific Socialism."
Says he, " yet I beg (you) to consider
whether it i Snot as valuable to engage the more
advanced minds and to gain qualified thoroughgoing comrades as to strive for great numbers by
publishing popular articles. Both these aims, I
think, should be kept in view. If the party is
really of opinion that the emancipation from misery cannot be accomplished by mending particular evils but by a fundamental revolution of society, it necessarily follows that an agitation on the
surface is inadequate and that it is moreover our
duty to undertake an enquiry into the very basis
of social life."
In his essay Professor Kallen only discusses the
initial and fundamental impulses of philosophy, religion and art in relation to the general social situation out of which they arise. The subsequent
history of the adventures of philosophic and relg-
ious thought, the forms which they take on, the
various systems into which they have been erected
under the influence of the industrial and institutional character of society, do not enter into that
phase for discussion. We are thus taken to tbe
heart of the problem and provided with a criteria;
a point of approach for reviewing traditional philosophy in general ,or any of its particular systems.
Philosophy, as is religion, is a social fact, and
like the latter receives its impulse from complete
social situations. It is this fact that gives to the
phi'osophers of various periods their social significance, and also, that they in turn, reacting back,
influence the course of events. They have thus
served as among the causes which determined the
subsequent history of philosophy.
In this world man finds himself in an environment, social and organic, of which change, the
arch-enemy of a life which struggles for self-preservation, is the one unchanging law. A part of
this environment constantly menaces him and frustrates and obstructs the realization and expression
of his propensities, while another part is utterly
indifferent, though potentially hostile, to him.
Bound to earth by the chains of necessity, positive
as well as negative evils encompass him; repression, hunger, pain, disease and death wait on him
to the end of his day. In repugnance to this material . environment, winged imagination takes
flight; repressed instincts, propensities, emotions,
feelings and desires find expression in compensatory
ideals (which Profesor Kallen terms value forms).
These ideals are expressed concretely in religion,
philosophy and art.
In religion we find man's compensatory ideal in
the promise of another world after death where
all the things of his heart's desire, of which he has
been cheated in this world, are to be realized.
Religion's handmaiden, traditional philosophy,
evolved the eonception that the things of the world
were only "appearances" behind which was the
real "reality," spirit, God, vital spark, or the absolute, of. which, experienced phenomena were only
the material manifestations. Thus the mind, confronted by the perplexing menace of the variation
of experience which complicates existence, reconstructed the environment and came to rest in the
conception of unity of the world; or, in other
words, behind the changing, alien materiality, was
conceived a spiritual unchanging world where the
soul of man would feel at home through all eternity. Such a Avorld is a better world when it is
conceived as of the same stuff as the spirit of
man, for the mind is more at home with mind than
with things. Religion, which has fought aga:nst
the elimination of the devil and his works from
the cosmic scheme, wa^ giving expression to this
trait of the mind, for no horror can be greater
than utter aliency of nature^ The humanization
of Evil into Devil mitagates Evil and improves the
world. Unity, spirituality and eternity are the
"value-forms" which the philosophic tradition
gave to man.
But philosophy also promised more. Out of
these forms evolved other compensatory ideal values. In order to gratify deep instinctive desires,
philosophy enunciated the preservation of individuality by the means of "immortality" and ''freedom." Fear, which made the gods, made also the
immortality of man. Professor Kallen considers it
most probable that the fear of death, at least
among civilized peoples, springs from unsatisfied
hunger of. the living rather than a condition of
the dead, who, alive would have satisfied this
hunger. The will for self-expression, obstructed in
the world, conceives the souls potentialities as actualized in immortality.
A few words on the "freedom of the will' by
Professor Kallen/ who thinks this last value-form
may be the inspirational basis of all the other
"The primal significance of the ideal "freedom
of the will," he says, "has been obscured by the
Christian controversy of its problem of "freewill" and the entanglement if this ideal with the
notion of "responsibility." For the Ancients
the free man and the "wise man" were identical,
and the wise man was one who all in all had so
mastered the secrets of the universe that there was
no desire of his that was not actually realized, no
wish the satisfaction of which was obstructed.
Now freedom and wisdom in this sense is never a
fact, and ever a value. . . . Freedom, then, u an
ideal that could have arisen only in the face of
obstruction to action directed toward the fulfill-
. ing and satisfying of interests. It is the assurance
of the smooth and uninterrupted flow of behavior;
the flow of desire and fulfillment, of thought into
deed, of act into fact. It is perhays the most pervasive and fundamental of all desiderates (compensatory ideals), and in a definite way the others
may be said to derive from it and to realize it. For
the soul's immortality, the world's unity and spirituality and eternity, are but conditions which facili
tate and assure the flow of lfe wthout obstruction. "
"Is any proof necessary that these value-forms
are not the contents of daily life? In fact,
experience as it comes from moment to moment
is not one, harmonious and orderly, but multifold,
discordant, and chaotic. Its /stuff is not spirit,
but stones and railway wrecks and volcanoes and
Mexico and submarines ,and trenches, and fright-
fulness, and disease, and waters, and trees, and
stars, and mud. It is not eternal, but changes
from instant to instant and from season to season.
Actually, men do not live forever; death is a fact,
.and immortality is literally as ,well as philosophic discourse not so much an aspiration for the
continuity of life as an aspiration for the elimination of 'death, purely immortality (noti death).
Actually the will is not free, each interest encounters obstruction, no interest is completely satisfied,
all are ultimately cut off by death.
''Such are the general features of all human
experience, by age unwithered, and with infiinte
variety forever installed. The (traditional philosophic treatment of them is to deny their reality,
and to call them ''appearance," and to satisfy
the generic human interest which they oppose and
repress, reconstruct an imaginative world of generalized value-forms and then to eulogise the reconstruction with the epithet "reality."
We live in an age of transition and "idealist"
philosophy; traditional or modern is in full career
towards^ disintegration because the social situation
out of which it arose is passing away. Only
among those to whom the fruits of labor come
bounteously without labor or knowledge of productive processes: only among them and their parasitic or servile following does it still linger on as
fit apologetics for the great game of "something,
out of nothing." Modern science, its method and
the result of its labors in all fields of knowledge,
pbrhaps most notably in biology, together Svith
the application of scientific knowledge for useful
ends known as technology, in the mechanistic processes of modern production since the industrial
revolution, are influences which are moving prosperously forward to complete control of the mind
of the coming age. The circle of those coming under these influences grows ever wider and wider,
and those affected by them possess a range of
principles and preconceptions utterly alien to the
metaphysical fundamentals of both religion and
"idealist" philosophy.
In a future issue, I may deal with the nature of
the principles and preconceptions induced by the
new social situation, and with the outlook on and
social phenomena held by those whose minds are
possessed by them. q  g
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and
Current Events.
Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada
Issued twice-a-month, at 401 Pender Street East,
Vancouver, B. C.   Phone: High. 25S3
Rate: 20 Issues for One Dollar.   Make all moneys
payable to E. MacLeod.
For  enclosed herewith,
send issues to :_
"""• "■"	 WESTERN     CLARION
The Gap
The Glorious Fourth
SOME speakers and writers often refer to the
great gap said to exist between civilized man
and our barbarian progenitors'. They point to our
great buildings, then to the hut of grass and boughs,
or the tent of skins used by savages and barbarians. They tell of the precarious existence and
violent life of early man, with his limited methods
of acquiring food, and his blood feuds; of his abject superstition and his narrow outlook, and then
point to the wonderful progress made in developing new sources of food supply, and the complicated machines used to day in the production of
wealth. They also elaborate in glowing terms on
our artistic outlook and the discoveries of science.
Tt seems a long stretch • between us and early,
man, but let us scratch away a little of the veneer
of civilization, and we will find how closely related
we are in our mental outlook.
While we may understand something of thunder,
of earthquakes, or the movements of the solar system, a large number still hold that even the movements of planets, and the operation of the elements, are under the control of a supreme being or
an all-powerful will,,while legal phraseology, I, believe, describes earthquakes and storms at sea as
"acts of God."
If we look with contempt at the savage's devotion to fetiches, or his practice of human sacrifice,
wVwould do well to remember that no Roman Catholic church is complete until it has beneath its
altar some fetich in the shape of the bones of a long
dead saint, and effigies of these persons abound
in the churches and temples, and pilgrimages are
made to shrines in various parts of the world for
the miraculous cure of sickness. Catholics regularly sacrifice their god, and then eat him in the
mass or eucharist. Puritans partake of communion to commemorate the sacrifice and to get close
.contact with their deity.
Those who want a fuller idea of the origin of
ceremonial cannibalism, will find the subject dealt
with in an interesting manner by Grant Allen in
the essays on "The Worship of Death," contained
in the collection of writings bearing the title "The
Hand of God."
As to the violent life of the barbarians, it is not
necessary to do more than point to the slaughter
during the war just completed. If we needed more
illustrations of violence in present day society, we
could find them aplenty by looking at the huge
numbers of workers continually being maimed and
killed in "peaceful" industry through the lack of
safety appliances. In passing, we might note that
we still owe all the honors and decorations to fighting-men, or at least to those who command the
fighting men, and let many inventors and artists
die in poverty and. obscurity.
Looking at the implements by which men procure their living, we might say that the gap between the savage and ourselves is wide indeed,
but it can be bridged by tracing the development
of the crooked digging stick used by the first hor-
ticulturalists, to the tractor of modern farms.-
Similarly the great plants with complex, machines turning out hundreds of autos per week, are
linked directly to the race of barbarians who learned to smelt iron ore, and these in turn are connected with much earlier savages who discovered the
art of making fire. •
The voyages of Columbus and other discoverers
could not have taken place, had not the despised
savage made a dug-out canoe, from which our
"floating palaces" have descended.
Almost every step of the march has been met by
bitter opposition and oppression from those in authority; doubtless the men who first learned to
make fire were accused of stirring up demons, while
many of us can remember that a few years ago
some people said that if God had intended us to
fly, he would have provided us with wings. When
in recent times the locomotive was first used   it
was described as the work of the devil, so to-day
the Socialist is charged with trying to overthrow
True enough, the life of early man was precarious ; he had to subsist largely on what nature provided, ready-made, but there are ominous signs that
the coming winter will find many face to face with
privation, and cases of death from starvation are
common enough. In periods of prosperity we are
slowly poisoned by heavily adulterated food, something totally unknown to primitive peoples.
Floods and droughts caused famines in past
ages. Today, so much has the machinery of wealth
production and the organization of industry been
improved, that we nre largely independent of climatic conditions.
A comparatively small percentage of society can,
in addition to providing—after a fashion—for their
own wants, produce a surplus to feed and clothe
an army of parasites, such as soldiers, policemen,
preachers, politicians, flunkies, etc., as well as keep
in luxury the small ruling class of capitalists.
With all this power of production the vast majority of us are not certain of our livelihiod from day
to day.
The gigantic and complicated machinery by
which modern society produces its sustenance cannot be owned by individuals as was the digging
stick or bow and arrow of our forefathers, or the
small hand tools of the medieval artisan
All history shows us that the products of labor
go to the owner of the instruments of labor. The
ownership of the means of production of today is
in the hands of a comparatively small group, and
to them therefore go the products of the labor of
the rest of society—hence the uncertainty of our
livelihood and the misery and poverty that is the
lot of most of us.
Here we will also find the basic cause for wars,
for repression in India and Ireland, and for the violence used against Socialists in well-nigh every
country but Soviet'Russia.
Our propaganda calls for the ownership of the
means of life by the whole of society, so that the
products of labor shall belong t© all.
This change accomplished, we shall be assured a
plentiful supply of life's necessities, and our mental
vision widened by the removal of obstacles to learn:
ing, we will at last be in a position immeasurably
superior to that of our primitive ancestors.
W. H. C.
Mobilization For The
Class Struggle
TT7HILST the war was on it was quite common
VV to be sagely told by casual acquaintances
that we were living in great times and that those
who emerged from the Great War would see great
changes. Most of these comments were the reflections, gravely repeated as opinions, that had
been culled from the magazines and newspapers.
Nationalizing of industries and greater freedom for
the common run of (mankind were assumed 01/the
basis that the war was for Democracy.
It was waged for Democracy, but what demov
cracy meant is only just now dawning on the g*eat
mass. Democracy is business, and business has to
be democratic in its own peculiar way, which
means freedom to buy and sell. The workers, being wares for purchase and sale must of necessity
be subject to the influence of business democracy -
and their freedom can permit them to seek the
most favorable market for the disposal of their
energies. To know that all such markets are controlled by others who are also champions of freedom should quite naturally appeal to those who
fought for this principle. Having triumphed for
(Continued on page 8.)
THE 4th of July was a beautiful day.
1 mean the weather.
The bourgeoisie turned to their golf, or went to
the mountains.
Like wise men, they fled from the rotten inferno called cities; from the noise, racket, and
glare, to cool green shades, inviting streams, with
none but the birds to bear them witness, and played or fished, or just rested from the grind of business. • '
Not so the proletaire.
They do not know how to rest, or they have
perverted ideas of the same.
They crowded every flat-wheeled street car,
and with the patience of their kind hung on to
straps, shifted the babies from one arm to the
other, sweated and waited—Job like—for the end.
They were going to see the parade.
In the city the streets were lined with them all
craining their necks, and straining their eyes to
get the first glimpse.
Presently it came into view.
A line of heavy footed policemen led, chewing
stolidly, and trying to make as military an appearance as possible.
Their presence was no doubt necessary too, as
some misguided patriot might try reading the historic declaration with its rolling periods: "All
men are created free and equal," and so forth.
There are individuals who have tried it, quite
ignoring the difference of time aTld place. But
the police knew how to handle them. Then came
a band, leading a company of serious faced militiamen, with their rifles at the shoulder, and their
gaze straying to the police quite often.
It should be noted that the blue-coats had threatened a strike a few days before.
More solemn faced men, flags galore, cheers
from the sweating proletaire.
Hats off occasionally as the great joss was car
ried by. Enthusiastic applause when the bearskin hats, and scarlet coated and kilted warriors
swept proudly along.
Something different.    An agreeable brain shock.
Two or three auto loads of innocent childhood;
sanctimonious slaves at the wheel; inscriptions on
the sides: "First Presbyterian Bible Class. We
stand for Christian Patriotism."
Poor victims—so young, and full of possibilities.
Then came the real thing.
Decorated cars, with pretty maidens, and samples of the advertised ware.
"Try Money Bags Macaroni."
"Have you used Grafter's Gum Drops?"
"Patronize Home Industry. Buy, Buy. Buy."
There was the outstanding fact of the celebration. All the idealism, patriotism, the loud shouting and parading of the Sacred Fourth, degraded
as al! other one-time noble sentiments have been,
to a mere boosting or booming of this or that
The slave still retains his sentiments; it furnishes a relief, a relaxation, from this daily grind.
But his master! 1
One motto will serve him: "What is there iu it
for me?"
The parade was gone. Tbe cars were again clanging and groaning along, packed to the steps with
the usual long suffering, good-natured freight,
bound to the park for the afternoon.
There to lie on the grass till the evening, drinking pop, chewing pop-corn, .peanuts, sandwiches,
pie and other solid edibles.
Then, afterwards, the same scrambling rush to
get a toehold for the ride home.
Sleepy tired men and women, crying children,
all sure they had spent a happy day.
Back for a fitful night's slumber, broken too
early by the alarm clock's dismal din.
Back to the factory, to produce more wealth for
the boss to appropriate and .advertise .
And proud, no doubt, of the "independence"
they so fiittingly celebrated. p. g, p# PAGE EIGHT
(Continued from page 7.)
this principle what has become of the great changes predicted?    Those who shouted the most about
them are the most anxious to hold back.    "Wait
and see" is now the cry of those who were b,efore
crying "Carry on."    It is obvious the basis of freedom has changed since those days.    Great changes
are in view but not in the way originally assumed.
As the standard of freedom falls from the hands
of the capitalist class in order that they may hold
aloft the true banner of their class interests, "Re
pression," the new standard ,is unfurled for freedom, and as the eyes of the people look upward to
see this flag that now challenges all the forces of
repression they see that it is Red.   The battle of
Democracy is on, and it is this struggle that is
ushering in the  great change.   Behind this Red
Flag is being mustered the Iron Battalions of Industrial Democracy and their cry is now "Carry
On."   The great recruiting expert, General Economic Conditions, has not his equal in any period of
of history, and his   mobilization   orders are being
carried out day and night.   The battle ground is
vast, but in every area the forces are preparing
and the drilling is so unconscious to many that
they do not realize that the Class War is on. No
sound of cannon is heard, except in the skirmish
on the Russian front, and occasional manoeuvres
arising over   the conditions   prevailing   amongst
various units of this  great army.      Trained experts in the Class Struggle are watching all movements ,and some of them are held captive in the
dungeon of the* enemy.   The spies of the enemy
are active in all quarters, but as all those forces
are coming into being openly in the sight of their
masters their services are useless.   No sensational
posters promise  the impossible.    The possible is
the objective—the  ownership and control of the
means of life.
Has  General  Economic Conditions  appealed to
you? H. W.
Anent the "Clarion."
Literature Price List
Communist Manifesto. Single copies, 10e; 25
copies, $2.00.
Wage-Labor and Capital. Single copies, 10c; 25
copies, $2.00.
The Present Economic System. (Prof. W. A.
Bonger).   Single copies, 10c; 25 copies, $1.50.
Capitalist Production. (First Nine and 32nd
Chapters, " Capital,"_ Vol. I. Marx). Paper, single
copies, 50c; cloth, single copies, $1.00; cHoth, 10
copies, 75c each.
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Single copies,
15c; 25 copies, $3.25.
Slave of the Farm. Single copies, 10c; 25 copies,
Manifesto, S. P. of C, single copy, 10 cents; 25
copies, $1.50.
Red Europe. (F. Anstey, M.P.). Single copies.
50c.   Ten copies or more 30c each.
The Story of the Evolution of Life. (T. F. Palmer).   Single copies, 10c.
Evolution of Man. (Prof. Bolsche). Single
copies, 20c; 25 copies, $3.75.
The Nature and Uses of Sabotage (Prof. T. Veblen).   Singles copies 5 cents, 25 copies $1.
Ten Days that Shook the World. (John Reed).
Per copy, $2.00.
The Criminal Court Judge, and The Odd Trick
(E. B. Bax).   Single copies, 5 cents; per 25 copies,
Evolution of the Idea of God (Grant Allen), 55c
per copy.
Ancient Society (Lewis H. Morgan).—$2.65.     »
Origin of the Family, Private Property and the
Siate (F. Engels)  80c
Value, Price and Profit (Marx)—Single copies, 15c:
25 copies, $3.25.
Feuerbach: Tht* Roots o* the Socialist Philosophy
(Engels)    80c
Make all moneys payable to E. MacLeod, 401
Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C. Add discount
on cheques.
Introduction   to   Sociology   (Arthur   M.   Lewis),
W. A. Pritchard's Address to Jury, 25 cents per
(All above post free).
THERE has been some little criticism, lately,
regarding the clarity of the matter appearing in these columns. Such criticism is quite in
order. With an open mind on all subjects, we are
perfectly satisfied to apply to all subjects the acid
test of logical reason.
We do not shun, or ignore, criticism—especially such criticism. For if, as is alleged,' the matter published in the CLARION, is beyond the comprehension of the worker, then to continue writing and issuing such, were the height of folly. We
do not appear in print (as has been mildly suggested) for show purposes. We have an entirely
different goal in view, and, as far as the light within us will permit, we steer for that goal, with an
earnestness of desire, and a doggedness of purpose,
which we would gladly see spread over a goodlier
company—critics included. That goal is the education of the workers in the fundamentals of
social organization.,
One objector has stated that it would be easier
and wiser to refer the student to the masters on
sociology. I agree that it would be easier—and
that is the course most of us follow. Whether it
is wiser is a question of relationship—the decision
of which does not rest with us. If the average
worker does not care to put forth an effort to understand the "Clarion"—which is simple and general, what reason is there to suppose he will wrestle with the masters who are abstruse and particular? If his intelligence collapses before a definition of a straight line, how will he fare when he
faces an equation of Marx?
Herein lies our main issue with the critics.
The CLARION is not an organ critical of this
or that phase or epoch of society and its development. Its purpose is not even primarily to show
the worker his class position in capitalist society.
Indeed the CLARION cannot do so. The aim
of the CLARION is to educate the workers correctly, and as diffusely as possible, on the essentials
of social organization; to point out the evolution
of society from age to age; to demonstrate the
causes productive of such vital changes, and reveal the laws through which those causes operate. The knowledge thus gained, becomes the key
to the mysteries of capitalism — to unravel its
complexities and discords; its inequalities of class
and wealth. When the understanding of the worker is clear on that evolution, and his interpretation of those causes correct, he will, at the same
time, clearly grasp the meaning and operation of
contemporary society, and abundantly realize his
slave status in its vaunted democracy. Then, but
not till then.
The idea that the worker is a slave in modern
society, is by no means a self-evident proposition.
It is, on the contrary, the conclusion of a long and
patient analysis, not merely of one society or epoch,
but of all known forms and times. And the study
of prior social forms was necessary, to give the clue
to the .secrets of social transition, just as only a
clear comprehension of the present can indicate
the trend of the future. It has been said—somewhat ineptly—that all the worker requires to know
to attain his freedom is, that he is a slave, and that
he is exploited at the point of production. Quite
true. But, under present day circumstances, with
capitalist dominancy in all fields of activity, in all
channels and sources of information, the matter
appears as a mere result of various efficient causes, and finally drifts off into the cloud mists of
idealist reform.
The understanding of the fundamental is, therefore, of first importance. For, just as phenomena,
in whatever branch of science, are correlated in
unbroken sequences of causation, and utterly unintelligible in isolation, so the phenomena of the
body politic can only be interpreted in terms of
its essential fundament, and comprehended, alone,
through the nexus of cause and effect ,
Always has man followed the vagary of detail:
always has he been baffled" by its illusion. Primi
tive man found many languages, and explained
them by the phantasy of Babel. Primitive man observed the sun circling across the heavens, and gave
us geocentric cosmogonies. By lake and plain,
primitive man marked his dodging shadow, and
conceived the principle of duality. He found himself adrift in the mysterious spirit land, and laid
the bounds for the ghastly tragedies of. religious
sacrifice. Man watched the wandering stars, and
said they were impelled by spirits. Man saw the
falling body and accounted its fall to its weight.
He stated the theory of air pressure by saying that
nature abhors a vacuum. He alleged that the universe was static, and men have rotted in dungeons
for doubting it. Wiseacres in the British parliament argued that a railroad train was an impossibility, and endeavored to impede the irresistible
march of social progress. And all of them were
wrong. Wrong, not because they were fools and
blind, but because they lacked knowledge on the
fundamentals that are essential to establish a true
It is because of this human peculiarity to chase
shadows ,to regard phenomena in isolation, that we
are compelled to go over the course of social evolution, in our endeavor to educate the proletariat
to social understanding. We must show that social
conditions change, not because of idealistic inspiration, but because of the social dialectic of product
tion, since it is impossible to convince society
through the aftermath of developed detail. We
must make the ground plan of the social fabric
clear or the superstructure cannot stand. Surely
the last five years have proven that beyond cavil.
The powers of state, the sagas of tradition; immemorial custom, and class desire; idealist schooling,,—even social sentiment, are all lined against us,
all deny us a hearing, all thrust aside the material
realities of determinism. Therefore must we wait
and explain, wait till the mills of the machine age
drive society to foredoomed revolution.
Not the CLARION and its scribes which will
bring revolution, but the social forces capitalistic-
ally developed to their fullest expansion. Not the
CLARION that can educate the proletariat as to
its degradation, but the utter destruction of class
sentiment, of inherited tradition and false philosophies, through the powerlessness of capital to
render to society even its necessities. But the
CLARION may soothe the sufferings of society in
travail. Its message may be as oil on the stormy
seas of transition, and the bread we are now casting on the waters may return to us again.
In conclusion, let us say, the columns of the
CLARION are open to all who care to expound the
philosophy of Socialism, to all who welcome the
advent of social society. Their co-operation is invited. They will be received with open arms, and
their exemplars will meet with an hospitality to be
found in no other publication.
All speed to their pens; all power to their efforts. &
The daily press announced on the 26th July,
that the 15 Russians held in Westminster under
the charge of belonging to an illegal organization
were to be deported to Vladivostok via the Pacific
route on the 29th. The following telegram has
been received in reply to ours:—
Ottawa, Ont., July 28.—E. MacLeod, Vancouver,
B. C. Replying your wire Minister Justice Department has been negotiating to seccre guarantee of
safe conduct of deportees to Eastern Russian territory. As matter not yet arranged to our satisfaction deportation has been delayed until we are
assured safe conduct arranged.        W. D. SCOTT.
The postal address of the Alberta Provincial Executive Committee has been changed from Box
785, to 10016—93rd Street. Address Comrade J.
F. Maguire, Secretary.


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