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Western Clarion Jan 2, 1923

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 A Journal of
CURRENT
EVENTS
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
HISTORY
BOO-fOMIOB
PHILOBOPHY
No. 882.
NINETEENTH YEAR.     Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, JANUARY 2, 1923.
FIVE CENT!
A Rough Review of British Politics
DAVID. L. George has apparently been suddenly fired; and Bonar Law politely asked to
take his place, and form a "new cabinet" out
of old stuff. This upheaval in a tea-cup necessitated
an untimely election. There were no startling platform phrases to catch the voter* but there was a
phrase used by every brand and shade of parties
which appealed to the "sober minded" voter The
phrase is "stability.' The Coalition was an ideal management in war time, but for peace (?) time they
need an executive with minds governed by the
"Prince of peace." That is, in reality, a mind governed by interests needing peace and stability in order
to develop the trade peculiar to the "after the war"
period. D. L. George & Crew, Bonar Law & Co. and
Labour Ltd., all seek stability in order to put capital,
and incidently, labor, on^its feet. To place capital
and labor on its feet it is absolutely necessary to
check, and if possible, throttle the Bolsheviki movement. Mr. MeKenna does not fear labor. No statesman of brains fears labor, but it is the Socialist element within the rank and file which bothers D. L.
George, Bonar Tjaw, AsquithrChurchill, Birkenhead
and many others too numerous to mention.
The .election aims of all parties, besides the
socialist party are very similar. This admittance
has appeared in the public press. It is questionable,
however, whether the mass of Avorkers will observe
and digest so important an admission. If they do,
it is all up with capitalism. The Marxist has known
this for 70 years or more. But the great mass do
not study economies relative to the basis of society
and the aims arising therefrom. Whether the executive of the capitalist class is called Conservative,
Liberal, Unionist, Labor or Coalition, make no difference so long as the executive efficiently carries on
the business of their masters. To accomplish this,
any executive has to declare upon oath in favour cf
private ownership of property. That property is
sacred. That they will protect it at all costs to the
advantage of the private owners. That property
held as a means of exploitation is within the law.
Seeing that most statesmen have come to realise
that Labor as well as capital is necessary to produce
commodities, these same gentlemen have become
piously interested in a scheme of co-operation of
masters and slave. As if the co-operation has not
existed before. It has existed in all slave societies,
but the tendency to separate shows itself, and an
anxiety arises from that condition which forces the
master's mouthpiece to propagate this apparently
new aoctrine. The relationship, however, must ever
widen,-even though the workers consciously cooperate with the owners and produce for them
more efficiently. In fact, the more efficiently the
producers work, the quicker the severance of the relationship between them and the owners will occur.
The more staple or peaceful the capitalist world becomes, the greater will the crises be.
Seeing that all the British political parties, excepting the Socialist party, are out for one objective :stability in order to develop trade equal to exploitation and profit, or the maintenance of a society
consisting of masters and slaves, seeingJthis, why an
election? Is there any danger of the fall of capitalism?   Is the danger within the British Isles?   Or,
BY WILL BAYLISS.
is it an international danger?   If so, what kind of
danger is it?
To stabilise trade is to save society; so Bonar
Law and his supporters say. In order to accomplish
this it is necessary to remove Lloyd George and his
gang of war lords. Peace, profit, and prosperity require parliamentarians of a different temperament
than times of war, waste and wrangling; even
though profit and prosperity follow the bellowing
of guns and the groans of dying slave soldiers.
The stability referred to requires both a national
and an international character. Contented slaves at
home and a stabilised market abroad are the two essential characteristics necessary to peace and profit commonly called stability. The Coalition has
made blunders in diplomatic circles. It has made
enemies where friends should be made. It has widened the breaches where they should be cemented
So great has the bungle become that the greatest
treaty ever conceived of has failed. The League of
Nations has become a farce during the reign of Coalition. The seekers for power today blame the Coalition, but Lloyd George rightly blames eonditions.
A Conservative government cannot mend matters, try as they will. Present day society, because
of its basis, cannot again satisfy its human needs.
Whatever is done will react adversely. Steady employment will soon result in unemployment.
Markets of fifty years ago are today themselves
seeking markets. The new markets are situated in a
dangerous zone, and found in a dangerous time. International eapital is complicatedly interested. The
Allies in War are enemies in the peaceful pursuits
of producing oil. Oil is a commodity of great
value when applied to the machinery used in producing other commodities. Some of the British
Allies have common interests Avith war-time
enemies. So there is a general mix-up over the
oil fields of the Near East. To alloAv Turkey even
the success she has gained, Avas, in the eyes of British capitalists, a big mistake. It has, in reality made
France, by reason of its relations to Turkey, an enemy. In the meantime Prance is pacified; but the
burst Avill come sooner or later, and a Avar betAveen
tAvo sides must take place over oil. It may not be a
military war; but it will bc a war of some sort. It
seems to me that England and Germany will join
hands in this commercial struggle. The Conservatives think they can steer the international canoe
safely through the rapids of "after the Avar" Avaters
and find a peaceful Mediterranean.
Assuming the oil controversy were settled peacefully and oil Avas being produced in ever increasing
volumes; that Mesopotamia Avas booming; that the
Near East had become an Eldorado to capitalists
and that the country had become dotted with towns.
What effect would this have upon England? They
would suffer in the coal industry because oil displaces it as a fuel. Coaling vessels would be no
more, and thousands at British ports would be idle.
British farm produce would not be Avanted in the
East because it can be produced there. Oil would
revolutionise productiohfancf* cause greater instability than did steam. To adjust the social change
would also be a greater problem than when steam
took the place of Avater and hand.   Oil Avill ruo io
where it is required, and few hands are required to
attend to it. Instead of stability, the future stores
up stability. That is, if the future is controlled by
the present mode of production. Stability can come,
only by changing the mode from production for
profit to production for use.
Is the danger within the British Isles? It is
partly, but not wholly. The working class are becoming educated and restless. The educated element composes the Labor Party and officials of labor
movements. There is no danger to Capitalism from
these, in fact, they are somewhat like the early Liberals Avere, but the restless ones are the rank and
file. Few there be who are educated in the bourgeois sense. Here lies the danger. These, along
with the class conscious European workers, are forcing the hand of "dignified labor." Respectable
labor must gain parliamentary power. They must,
like their fore-runners the Liberals, etc, fail to satisfy those they are supposed to represent, i.e., chiefly
the working class. The final lesson will be learned
by the Avorkers during the reign of Labor. Emancipation cannot be passed by an executive representing the interests of capitalism. That is, a capitalist
institution is too partial to its own interests to destroy the very foundation upon which it rests.
The Co-operative candidates in the British
squabble for power say they approve of the Versailles Treaty, limited reparations and the League
of Nations. At the same time they say they want
a "neAv social order." This institution is not only
Utopian but reactionary as Avell. The Versailles
Treaty is nothing else than an agreement between
international capitalists for extracting swag by the
modern method of exploitation. It is an international guarantee to national capitalists. In short it is
the highest expression yet of the identical interests
of capitalists world wide in relation to the peaceful
exploitation of the slaves living by their permission.
In conjunction Avith this treaty Ave must consider the
League of Nations and reparations. They are inseparable.
The machinery of production calls for social
effort; not only social in a national sense, but international. Capital is social. Labor is social. The
product is social. Everything is socialised excepting the idea of OAvnership. OAvnership in the broad
sense is partly socialized and partly individual. Individual OAvncrs are not very powerful. The only
part of capitalism which retains its individualistic
character is the sharing of the swag, i.e., profit.
Now, seeing production is socialised, and boundary
lines in reality are wiped out, why is it that capitalism demands the protection of small nations?
That definite boundaries be draAvn here and there?
That some countries be split and new countries
made? These are the contradictions of the Versailles Treaty which the League of Nations is supposed to carry out. The economic reason is clear
and plain. Small nations must keep the peace.
S'ome must act as buffer states between more powerful competitors. Strong countries, such as the
German Empire must be broken up, its grinding
teeth extracted if possible. Capital, being social and
international, places the small countries under ob-
(Continued on page 7) PAGE TWO
WESTERN   CLARION
Book Review
The Iron Man of Industry.   By Arthur Pound. The
Atlantic Monthly Press.
THE author of this book considers that as a
rule writers on industrial problems or such
as he is acquainted with are either "coldl)
analytical or hotly polemical," and he undertakes
"a calm synthesis." We can say without reserve
he has succeeded. It is calm, and in the strict dictionary meanr*g of the word a synthesis—putting
together.
Everything that has cropped up in the past half
century is "put together"—materialist conception,
great man theory, religious interpretation of history, instincts, complexes—superior and inferior,—
morons, defectives, effectives, blonds and brunettes,
profit-sharing, paternal and joint management,
searching out God, the entire bag of tricks, as Burns
has it:
In formless jumble right and wrang,
Wild wandered through his bedm.
Happily, the materialist conception of history
comes first, and as the Babbitts rarely read far into
a work of this character we venture to hope that
this point of view will find entrance, through the
medium of this book, into minds which otherwise
would be forever closed against it.
The first chapter sketches the development of
mankind in terms of the tool: "First, the man and
the beast; then, the man and the hand tool; now,
the man and the machine-tool;" and, "This is the
century of the automatic machine." With such a
start we presumed this book well worth reading.
The automatic machine broke up labor unions which
had become a power in the land. It caused the cities
to expand by first driving the men from the land,
and then furnishing jobs for them in thc cities. It
reduced skill to mere automatic or, a better term,
.acrobatic stunt. So, where before its advent a term
of apprenticeship was essential, now a few hours'
instruction at most is necessary, and a few day's
practice completes the "mechanic." Thus the boy
or girl fresh from the country can be readily absorbed by the Iron Man. Our author traces many
manners generally ascribed to chivalry or perversity
to the Iron Fellow. When the farmer's boy left the
country in such numbers as Avould tend to elevate
the wage of those remaining, the farmer's girl donned overalls and worked the crops. "Not chivalry
but economics had dictated their previous immunity
from field labor; our prejudices against such work
did not stand the economic test.'' This machine also
tends to that abhorrent condition charged against
socialism, equalization of reward. Wages tend to a
common level. "A city engineering department
can hire draughtsmen about as cheaply as common
labor" (p. 25), so "the Socialist dream—equality
of income" results from the automatic machinery
owned by Capitalists, (p. 33).
Another task reserved for Socialism since time
was,—the breaking up of the home,—has been accomplished by the machine. "The army of homeless, Avifeless men and foot-loose women is growing,
the automatic tool has cut marriage knots as Avell
as steel bars," (p. 34)
Chapter III on Mind and the Machine is a characteristic piece of pedlar's logic. We are told that
the machine needs hands and feet to tend it, with
an eye and ear once in a while, but unhappily the
only creature possessing .these appendages has an
aggregation of other organs, heart, brain, kidneys,
liver, rights, to mention a feAV. These be bad enough
but he also has "endocrinal glands," terrible things
which somehow make tedious work torture. Now
the machine has no use for this plethora of offal
but is required to take it with the hand, foot, and
occasional eye, hence complications ^arise. Aside
from the exaggerated value given by the la-de-da
investigators of labor troubles to what Ave may term
the liver and lights complexion of industry, it is most
disconcerting to find at the end of the chapter another explanation, entirely at.variance with this
physiological stuff. We read (p. 52) that the fellow
who mans the machine and even the superintendent
is a moron, sixteen years old intellectually by test.
The man who owns the machine is, of course, fully
developed intellectually. The common man is a
moron, yet the machine has no ill effects on the
moron^ (p. 53); the evils which the average man
suffers while operating it are disquieting (p. 45).
Whatever else might be said of the "commonman,"
he could not by Benit test, or any other, betray a
lighter regard for common sense than is shoAvn here.
As to the man who owns the machine being intellectually above the man Avho uses it, that is just
plain ordinary nonsense. "
No Benit test is required to appraise the mentality of the average owner, as evidenced by the speeches whicii he pays for, and pays for well, and listens
to at his weekly dinners. What is more, the methods whereby such agencies as the Pinkerton and
Burns blackmailed them for years, is complete proof
not only of their intellectual bankruptcy but that
so far as "guts" are concerned they have not developed beyond the intertidal scum, (which our
author supposes is a theory of Wells and is opposed
to Darwinism (see p. 39).
Inconsistency hoAvever does not wgrry Mr.
Pound. While asserting "ability heads toAvard
poAver" (p. 63) a few pages further on we are told
that the decisions of the mighty are commonly made'
through their emotions, reason being used after
success comes to justify their action. Hill was a
dreamer of dreams. "Colt clung to his idea of a revolving pistol after other men gave theirs up, because he was more obstinate than they, not because
he had better reasoning faculties" (p. 69). As a
matter of fact both were guilty of bribing the law
dreamer of dreams. "Colt clung to his idea of a re-
dreams. The poetic nonsense our author indulges
in about this old rascal is quite up to the hero-worship he ascribes to the common man. Hill's nearest
friends, those Avho helped him complete the Avreck
of railroads Russel Sage had partially looted, considered him the meanest scoundrel alive, and a
liar to boot; and the thousands he ruined, and his
low paid and non-union railroads will long remember his corruption of legislators, and truckling to
Roman Catholic priests. All this is recorded in the
court records of Federal and State trials.
There's a lot of slush about Iron Dukes and nature's sons which helps to fill the book and might
convince the Babbitts Avho gather at th-ur weekly
dinners to hear just that kind of sentimental moonshine, but our author sees these men rapidly disappearing, and instead of your old school-fellow for
a boss you have "them JeAvs of Wall Street."
("Them JeAvs" forsooth).
Too bad! Little Billy Avith Avhom Ave Avere won't
to frequent the old SAvimraing hole, both sucking
the same lollypop, is no longer our boss; Wall Street
pirates grabbed his plant; Billy was too generous
with the boys, called them by their first name, paid
top Avages. The neAv boss cuts wages and calls them
by a number, so, Tom, Dick and Harry are full of
mental poison "Them JeAvs" noAv control and the
contentment of StilltoAvn is departed forever, or
until the boys are ready to folloAV the new boss. Our
author thinks this is nonsense,—we concur—it
barely skims the surface and is purely a business
man's vieAv of 1ioav labor feels. His foot of twine
will never fathom the Avorker's mind.
Yes indeed, "Life and human nature are primary; civilization and industry are secondary to them
and cannot be maintained unamended much longer
than the masses find Avorth Avhile. He who forgets
this elemental fact builds his theories upon the
sand; the state Avhich does not reckon Avith it at
every turn is preparing for revolution" (p. 89).
Apart from the metaphors this is fundamental, but
erelong Ave find our mentor completely forgets his
own teaching. Ere Ave proceed to that, however, lot
us take up one more example of ill-digested knowledge. '''Political history reveals a neverendinc
conflict betAveen mass and class for the control of tho
state's political machinery. In a democracy the
conflict may be considtrtXlS^resolved in favor of the
ma*s, in theory, if not always in practice." So far
so good; mark Avhat follows: "The very existence
of,the state is, indeed, a triumph for the common
man; the institution is his champion against ob
jective and effective alike; the state is his and he
made it." But Avhat can we expect from a defective, a moron, an intellectual diminutive, who can
seriously praise the Canadian Industrial DisputesAct
and the Kansas Industrial Court and account them
of value "in continuous corporate functioning."
Neither Act has ever prevented a strike where either
party had the economic advantage1 and an adverse
legal award,    i
HoAvever, it is not our intention to follow Mr.
Pound through his entire mass of contradictions.
He mentions Butler's machinate mammal, and has
no doubt read Erewhon, that masterly satire on the
human animal; but if Butler had considered it proper to give us a translation from the works of one of
the Professors of Inconsistency from the College of Unreason in Erewhon, he could hardly have
improved upon Mr. Pound.
Truth is stranger than fiction.
Let us then turn to the last chapter, headed God
and Man, and pass over even half of that. On page
225 wc read: '' The most durable bond that man has
yet succeeded in discovering is belief in God. The
fact that one can write indefinitely long of industry
and make no mention of God may be at the Voot of
more of our industrial and social trouble than we
imagine." After rejecting all the known gods, even
that of II. G. Wells, he says that at one time he believed man made god in his own image—"For all
J know to the contrary," he adds, "this may be
the case; but if man did invent god, I hold that invention to be the masterpiece of human wisdom, far-
out-stripping in usefulness any and all subsequent
innovations of the brave little biped. That, if so,
was the first slip in progress from beasthood toward
manhood, the essential Avithout which self restraint
and social order are impossible." We cannot quote
further, though the temptation is great. God and
back in the minds of the workers will accomplish
Avonders, the "endoctrinal gland" notwithstanding.
We can understand Mr. Pound when he introduces his god, even, as he says, if* invented as a
measure of "self restraint and social order." A
sort of big policeman, beyond the reach of political
or partizan influence. But in the closing passage
<if his book he forgets that he invented this monster
for disciplinary purposes and appeals to it for guidance. It is almost unbelievable that anyone could
get into such a ridiculous position, and we are inclined to regard these closing words as pure propaganda and absolve Mr. Pound from actual belief in
them: "In escaping from one sort of travail man
runs straightAvay into another. Consequently whatever the trend or pace of evolution, man needs Divine assistance toAvard Avisdom and patience in order to emerge strong and serene from the struggle
Avith the iron man."
What a lame and impotent conclusion to such..
an auspicious beginning! Not, as he said then, in an
understanding of social laws, but in communion with
an invented deity lies our salvation.
But Mr. Pound gives his case away Avhen he says
that any solution short of the abolition of the wage
system Avould have his Avholehearted support. There
are many like him. But it cannot be done. Whenever Divine assistance has been invoked the result
has been even more pitiful~than Mr. Pound's absurd
effort, and that is saying a great deal.
This book is but one more example of the stark
stupidity whieh poses as and passes for Avisdom.
It is hardly incumbent on us to point out that if
human testimony has any value, the belief in God
has restrained mankind from little, and that little of
trifling moral value, but on the other hand has urged
him to the foulest practices known. So much so
that a very substantial basis is given to the theory
held in some places that it is responsible for all the
evils we suffer from. We need but mention the
S'alem Witches to go no further back. J. H.
WINNIPEG, MAN.
Local Winnipeg, Manitoba. Secretary J. M. Sanderson,
P. O. Box 2354, Winnipeg, Man.
Business meeting ever yWednesday at 8 p.m. Economics Class every Monday at 8 p.m. Correspondence invited.
When visiting Winnipeg visit the Local Headquarters at
530 Main Street. WESTERN   CLARION
PAGE THRU
Students'
oint
A
S one who has been a student for some time
at the Local Vancouver History Class, I am
trying to put into writing the knowledge I
have acquired by attending these classes, that it
may bring to the notice of advanced scholars in
Socialism the impressions that have been made on
my mind, and permit them to have an opportunity
to correct me and, if possible put me on the right
track if my viewpoint is not in accordance with the
scientific method in interpreting history.
The text-book used in the class (Socialism Utopian and Scientific) has given me the idea that society from its first inception has been a process of
evolutionary changes, that these changes have taken
place on account of economic influences and other
causes, the main factor being, of cQiirse the human
need for food, clothing and shelter.
When men began to make and use tools they
were able to provide for a leisure class of people
who, not having to worry about when they would
eat, were able to devote their minds to other things.
These fellows'in the course of time produced the
great philosophers, astronomers and inventors of
ancient Greece and other countries. As the minds
and intellectual ability of these men could be no
more than a reflex of the advancement of the society in which they lived, with here and there a feAV
evolutionary abnormals, their viewpoint was kept
within tbe bounds of the knoAvledge of the time in
Avhich they lived. Nevertheless, the laAv of change
which never changeth still performed its work. So
we find that when the duties of the feudal barons
and lords had become unnecessary they had to-disappear.
The discovery of the passage to the Indies by
rounding the Cape of Good Hope and that of America which date from the end of the 15th century was
the prime factor which brought to a close the reign
of feudalism, and ushered in the beginnings of thu
present form of society in which we find ourselves
today.
The change brought new ideas, new customs and
laws] and also new champions who proclaimed the
individual right of all to the pursuits of freedom
and happiness. No doubt many of these people were
sincere, but, (to quote from our own Harrington),
this animal man is a very inquisitive being, and the
(contradictions which) this new form of freedom
brought forth caused some of the more inquisitive
minds to undertake the task of directing and analysing this form of society knoAvn since the time
of Marx as capitalism. This of necessity Avas done
by consulting all of the knoAvn history of the past,
but for the unscientific method of past historians
who viewed all things as static find unchangeable
Marx and Engels laid down the scientific method of
viewing all things in motion, in a constant state of
change, as Engels puts it—cause and effect constantly changing place.
From the laborious work and study of such men
as Marx and Engels, and many others, Avell known
to students of socialism, thousands of working men
and women who have been willing to read and think
have been intelligently able to see why they are the
victims of a vicious system; they know how they are
afflicted and why, and when understood it reveals
to the workers one of the most colossal forms of appropriation this world has ever produced. Now, we
as workers want to put an end to this form of appropriation, for Ave suffer want in sight of an abundance of things that we have produced. We realize
it is a job that must be done by us; Ave also can see
that the system has outlived its usefulness to society, whatever use it may have, had in the past,
that contradictions within it have reached the point
where they cannot be reconciled and that sooner or
later from its OAvn superfluous weight it must fall.
The lack of knowledge of the working class Avho
suffer under its oppression is the only thing that
stands in the Avay of ushering in the new form of
society which will emancipate the whole human
family, having for its main object the production of
things for use instead of for profit. In my opinion,
the blankest idiot, if.it were possible for him to have
this knowledge, Avould Avork with us. We regret
that a large majority of the Avorking class have not
yet seen the light.
In conclusion, I will say that I loolt upon the
S. P. of C. as the educational body of the Avorkers
of this country. Their function is to take advantage of every opportunity that is available to instil into the minds of the workers the knoAvledge
that they have received by work and study.
-I meet many Avorkers who, through lack of
knowledge, seem to have become intolerant of our
methods and think it is their special duty to hurl
epithets with the object of obstructing our work.
I don't" think we can gain anything by descending
to such tactics; rather let us ansAver them like
Nehemiaof old to Sanballat and say, "lam doing a
great Avork, so that I cannot, come down."
It is our earnest desire that all industrial organizations will find it to their interest to make use
of the S. P. of C. to help them understand their
problems. For, as we all knoAv, the neAv order of
humanity is coming into the world. Long and hard
has been the struggle of its coming. The life of
man beginning in savagery has risen by ages of toil
and sorroAvful evolution, but through the mists we
can see glintings of the better days. Then let us
work together for that day.
[ B. D. HUNTLY.
MAN is the product of his environment; any
change in it will leave its mark on him in
some form or other. When a European goes
to a tropical country he takes on a dark complexion
in a very short time. The continued excessive use
of alcohol will bring about changes in the human
body. The change from tool production to machine
production brought in its wake a considerable physical deterioration of the human race.
, The poAver applied to the tool was furnished by
th'e body of the user; the poAver that drives the machine is steam or electricity. Any limb that is not
sufficiently used Aveakens through atrophy. The
skeleton of medieval man shows that it supported
stronger muscles than those of a modern machine
Avorker. Before the ..introduction of the street car
and the flivver, children Avalked to and from school,
groAvn-up people toJ:heir place of Avork and back
again. I have knoAvn old people who walked ten
.miles each Avay to and from Avork and it is needless
to say that the muscles of their legs were stronger
developed, much,better, at any rate, than those of
the straphangers of the B. C. E. Ry. Co.
In machine production the eye has to concentrate on a given point, m e so at least than in farm
work, with the result that the eye gets strained and
you have a lot of people wearing glasses to correct
the effect of this strain. I admit, however, that excessive reading, for instance, and bad lighting in
schools are to an even greater extent responsible
for this affliction.
The vibration of the machine is also responsible
for many modern ailments. The use of the "air-
gun" has produced a sort of rheumatism in the arms,
commonly experienced by shipyard workers. The
spine and kidneys of street car conductors and railroad engineers become irritated and diseased
through the vibration of those vehicles.
Dust is an umvanted by-product of machine production. There have been quite a number of accidents through dust explosions, but the damage done
by this enemy of mankind in other ways is considerably larger. Very few Avorkers in cement factories
can live longer than ten years at this kind of work.
The dust irritates the mucous membrane of the
nose, eats down into the throat and lungs, and kills
people ultimately through hardening of the lungs.
Stone cutters and miners acquire, or rather are predisposed to phthysis through their occupations.
Cotton mill workers show also a big percentage of
tuberculosis.
It was impossible before the advent of the modern machine process to produce the intense light of
moving picture machines. The flickering glare of
the screen has caused blindness of screen stare and
operators, lt has a harmful effect on the vision of
school ehildrea looking toward the screen, and for
that matter, it has a like effect on the vision of
groAvn ups.
Nobody Will deny the Avreck of nerves through
noise. Noise seems unavoidable in machine shops,
especially shipyards and nail factories. The army
of the insane grows from day to day. Irritation of
the nerves, sleeplessness, drugs, insanity,—follow
in each other's footsteps.
The production of the modern white flour was
impossible with old fashioned grinding methods. It
"•has been held a contributory factor in dental decay
and appendicitis.
The question arises: Is the machine process a
blessing? One thing is certain at anyrate: Unless
the worker acquires possession and controkover the
machine his health is doomed. He must regulate
the hours and intensity of the machine work himself for, as long as there is a profit in sight the ruling class will not do it to his advantage.
KURSON.
EMPLOYERS in the United States are worried
over the continued falling off of immigration
from Europe, and the steady outgo of alien-
born Avorkers from this country to their home lands.
Both factors cut in heavily upon the labor surplus
on which the big industrial captains have depended
as a means of controlling wages.
So a systematic and persistent propaganda is in
progress to bring about a revision of the immigration restriction law. There is much editorial talk
about letting in "quality rather than quantity."
This is the main alibi of the propagandists for backtracking on the anti-alien preachments with which
the press was filled for months before the 3 per
cent, amendment was tacked onto the immigration
act.
At least one government in Europe has agreed
to co-operate Avith this altruistic motive of importing "quality immigrants" into the United States.
The new Mussolini regime in Italy proposes to join
in sifting out the bad from the good at the ports of
departure. Emigration Commissioner Guiseppe de
Michelis says Italy can send six or seven million
persons if America wants them. He surveyed all
countries last summer and found there was unemployment everywhere.
During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1922, immigration to the United States from all European
countries totalled only 68.3 per cent of the number
admissible. Present restrictions limit the number
of aliens of any nationality admitted in any fiscal
year to 3 per cent of the number of persons of that
nationality resident in the United States in 1910.
So 356,995 could have entered, but only 243,953
came.
Pushing the balance doAvn still loAver on the
side away from this country Avas the emigration
from the United States in that year of 198,712 aliens,
returning mostly to their home lands. And an added cause for alarm, according to the Wall Street
Journal, is the fact that in the same period the
United States actually lost 10,000 men, the surplus
of immigration over emigration being only in
Avomen and children.—Defence NeAvs Service.
MANIFESTO
— of tho —
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
(Fifth Edition)
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WESTERN   CLARION
i- ii-r ii-n -  ■«   -iTiiil
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Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Boonomics, Philosoplhy,
and Current Events.
Published twice a month by the Socialist Party of
Canada, P. 0. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor.  „ Ewen  MacLeod
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VANCOUVER, B. C, JANUARY 2, 1923.
THE LAW OF THE PROFITS.
In joining the plaint of our brother editors of
this city, we do so, more in sorrow than in anger.
We have been adjudged drunkards, blind-piggers,
boot-leggers; and our beautiful city has been described as a sink-hole of inquity. A minister of the
gospel, the Rev. A. E. Cooke, has been abroad in
Naishapur, telling of the wickedness of Babylon.
Anger, indignation and horror arise from all sorts
and conditions of our outraged community. Mr.
Cooke is called a poor citizen and invited to go
north, south, east, west, to the Crows Nest, or somewhere hotter, and entirely hypothetical. Some of us
are loath to admit the charge; some plea1 guilty but
positively resent the advertising of our g_ilt.* We
should be lacking in public spirit were we in this
crisis, to remain neutral.
We wish then, primarily, to defer to the superior
advantages a minister of Christ has in matters of
this character over a common car-toad.. It has long
been admitted that English and Scotch ministers of
Christ are the premier authorities on the vice dens
of Paris, their particular vice, their exact location
and the price. And travellers have recorded that
in the "far flung" places of our Empire the missionary wots well of the abiding place of the prostitute and the rum bottle. So when Mr. Cooke tells
the city council that he knows certain society girls
by name, who carry a bottle on their hip, or in their
stocking or next their heart, or wherever these dear
delightful darlings secret their micky, we need not
the dreadful incriminating silence which gives consent, to assist our credulity.
In the seclusion to which a life of toil has condemned us, these things are hidden from our view.
Radiating to all points of the compass around our
humble dwelling, exist thousands of our citizens,
who, judging from the sober aspect of their homes
on the few occasions we are able to stay out until
the very late hour of ten p.m., (once in a while we
see a light in all the sombre darkness, but the peevish
cry of a sick child, or a doctor's auto, attest the
fact that no festive orgy occasioned the untimely illumination) we say judging from this aspect of sobriety, we are more versed in the price of milk than
the furtive ways of the micky; and the battalions
of vice so forcibly described by Mr. Cooke have not
passed our way.
Lest we be deemed unsophisticated, avc freely
confess, malt and spirituous liquors are consumed
to our personal knowledge in Vancouver. To our
personal knowledge also, wherever mankind has
manifested any degree of comfort, the first surplus
of foodstuffs which -would ferment, was turned to
that, which    .   .   with logic absolute:
The three and seventy jarring sects confute
The sovereign alchemy that in a trice
Life'8 leaden metal into gold transmut
David, a man after God's own heart, when he
danced before the Ark of the Covenant did not get
his jag in Vancouver.   Nor did Lot and his daughters, under more distressful circumstances, (according to our mode).
The idea occurs to us that mankind fermented
at least as early as he worshipped, and that gods and
wine jointly entered the stage of human-events.
For the same obvious reason they lend a lustre to
life, not subject to sober judgment.
As the old fish wife said to Old Buck: "Ay, ay.
It's easy for your honor and the like o' you gentle
folk to say sae, that ha'e stouthand routh, and fire
and fending, and meat and claith, and sit dry and
canny by the fireside; but an ye wanted fire and
meat, and dry claise, and Avere deeing o' cauld, and
had a sair heart whilk is warst ava, wi' just tippence
in your pouch, wadna ye be glad to buy a dram
Avi't to be eilding and claise, and a supper and
heart's ease into the bargain, till the morn's morning?"
And of such is the kingdom of heaven, cheaper,
of course, than Maggie's dram and certainly lacking by that much in potency, but a drug nevertheless to drown out or at least dull the facts of life;
Avhich consideration will account for Mr. Cooke's
loud needle.
Ask a fishdealer Avhat he thinks of Xmas week, or
a poultry dealer what he thinks of Lent. So too, he
who would live by selling the cup that cheers and
inebriates manifestly suffers in a market where buyers batten on the blood of Christ. So those who sell
salvation find their wares go slowly where the wine
flows freely, and if in their extremity foolish things
are said—in the struggle of the slickest, let him
Avithout sin east the first stone.
Well, witnesses attest that Mr- Cooke's speech,
couched in Billy Sundayisms, the language of the
pot-house (fit cloak surely for the creed he professes), Avas set in eastern papers side by side with
advertisements of B. C. Big Red, Rosy Apples. Next
to matter is the modern principle of our ad. men.
But this is next to Avrong matter. Who would buy
a Big Red Rosy Apple grown in the Province where
march the "Booze battalions, the sink hole of the
continent." Who indeed! If one Big Red Rosy
Apple remains to blush unseen in an Eastern garbage can, then, Mr. Cooke, with bitterness shall we
eat our bread, and our children shall curse the mothers who bore them.
Nor is this the Avorst. Not 'alf! Mr. Farmer,
fresh from the elevator with his check, would fain
Avave a fond fareAvell to sixty mile zephyrs and
gloomy theremometers, whose mercury insists '.upon
crouching into the little bulb at the foot of the glass,
longs for B. C, the ocean and the mountains, picks
up the "Gopher-burg Gimlet," and behold: next to
our Board of Trade's rhapsody on fir and pine he
sees the booze battalions marching in the sink-hole
of the continent. He sees his daughter guzzling in
a back alley from a micky, and he says, "Mother,
moderation may be all right, but a hog-tight fence
AAron't hold no chicken; I guess we'll go to Qalay-
fornay." So south he goes to the land of the palm
and the sun-kissed, copper twist, grape juice, where
the wine is red, and dago, and plentiful and cheap,
and where the heaviest laden wine bibbler may stagger home in peace. 'Think Iioav many sardines and
crackers must languish and perhaps perish
on the shelves of our grocery stores because
of this. Think of the vacant apartments and
empty houses. These too are the winter visitors. The potential losses magnify exceedingly
when we realize that uo respectable farmer
avIio has amassed a competence nnd a cough
could ever think of settling in this sink hole; we
dare not dAvell upon the long list of sales denied to
our doctors, laAvyers, undertakers, nor where the
infernal circle would end.
That way madness lies!
S'ome among us are inclined to take the matter
personally, reasoning that we each incur the guilt
of all. A most selfish attitude. Particularly as it
comes from a class whom Mr. Cooke evidently meant
to succor. We understand he declared that our jobs
were endangered by the invasion of these "drouthty
cronies." Saving his reverence, we doubt it. The
facts are against this theory. Any one foolish enough to pay his fare here and lucky enough to get
our job at less wages than we get, would be reduced
to slacking his prodigious thirst in pure Capi'ano.
Besides, it would be so unnecessary. From the four
corners qf the earth toilers pass through our office
on the great quest for jobs, and one and all relate
the same experience; booze is the easiest thing on
earth to obtain. In fact, some have told us that
after you order a pair of socks in a dry goods store,
or a hair ribbon for little Mary in a millinery, you
must be careful not to cough, or sneeze, or wink, or
scuffle, your feet, for if youdo, the hair ribbon will
cost you a dollar and you arrive home with a micky.
We cannot vouch for these stories, but we were told
by one Avho is not an inveterate liar, that upon the
requirements of a maddening toothache, he in desperation stopped a citizen of a prohibition town and
besought information. The citizen, pointing across
the street to a building, asked our friend to take
notice of it; who in his anguish cried, "But that's
a church, you can't get it there.""-••I know," replied his saviour, "But it's the only place you can't
get it."
No! No! We fear no exodus, leviticus or numbers,
so long as the prevailing rate of wages and the cost
of living hold. The working class Avill not come
here merely to get a drink. But this attitude of Mr.
Cooke's might have been more regarded by those
who have no peanuts to sell.
Well, Mr. Cooke, called before the City Council,
came at the head of that other booze battalion, (the
mental) ministers of the Gospel of Christ, who, it is
recorded, had the finest recipe for home brew ever
known: hoav alas, like tempering copper, dyeing
Tyrian purple, scorning hypocrites and other priceless secrets of the old Roman world, lost for ever.
Before the council he repeated Avord for word,
gesture for gesture, grimace for grimace, sob for
sob, like Avater from a bucket, spilling never a drop,
what he had said to the wise men of the East. We
could not deny it. We could condemn. It was contrary to all the principles of pedlar's ethics, Rotar-
ian,.KiAvanis, Board of Trade: Of which the cardinal
principle is
If you can't boost don't knock.
This is the first, and great commandment; if there
be any other it is*
Don't hate yourself.
Forgetful of the first, Mr. Cooke fell. His defence Avas its truth. Imagine such a defence before
a tribunal of pedlars; as well have the lame plead
pain, to stay the maw of the wolf.
We can't sell truth. You, Mr. Cooke, and other
ministers of the hare footed consorter and abbettor
of the booze battalions of the times, realize that, or
you would litit sandwich your sermotia in a bill
of fare that would do credit to the Pantages or Or-
pheum circuit. We must sell or we perish. And
anyone who by one jot or tittle prevents a sale violates all the laws of the profits.
Having rendered our duty to the philosophy of
pedlardom imagine our chargin when in the Vancouver "Sun" of Christmas Day (Dec. 25), by the
valiant champion who lead the charge on Mr. Cooke
we find an item prominetnly displayed on the front
page telling the world that dope is carried in Vancouver from dope depots by streams of autos.
It's enough to make every pedlar in the town
quit "serving" and go to work for a living. How
in Hell can we serve in such circumstances?
J.H.
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
COMRADE La Marche reports from Anglia,
Sask., that Comrade Lestor addressed a good
meeting there on 18th December. Lestor himself reports a well attended meeting at Saskatoon
on 24th December and sends along a report of his address as published in "The Saskatoon Phoenix."
He addressed two meetings at Fiske, Sask., and Mc-
Gee, and is now headed towards Winnipeg, being
routed to speak at Humbolt and Kamsack on the
Avay.
CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND.
Mrs. Annie Ross $1; Marshall Erwin $1; J. A.
Goodspeed $1; J. A. Mitchell $1; W. Christie $2;
Bert Smith $3; J. A. Untinen $3; "B. L. J." $2;
J. E. Palmer $2.
Above, C. M. F. receipts from 15th to 29th De-
cembed, inclusive, total $16. WRSTfiRN   CLARION
■■lYi-.l -li din
Which ?
IN TWO PARTS
FAGE FIYi
PART I.
I
THERE appear to be two vieAvs extant regarding the coming of the social revolution: One,
that it is just upon us; that the reorganisation
of society is on the eve of accomplishment, because
the economic conditions of the world are such that
social conditions have become completely intolerable. The other, that the revolution is a considerable distance away (probably measureable by decades), because the economic conditions of the world
[imply that capitalist interests can compromise sufficiently to ameliorate present social conditions, and
so extend the life of class society.
Psychologically, truth may be as many pointed
as there are psychologies. But scientifically one
does hot expect so wide divergence. Science is
straight thinking; and if from the same premise,
different conclusions eventuate, it is evidence of
joints in the armour. Where those unfriendly joints
exist,--it is the purpose of science to declare. If it
cannot, it presumes faulty pnowledge, and of necessity lagging progress; waiting for material fact to
fructify the inductions of ideation. This does
not mean the poAver of the advance idea, but the
correct interpretation of social phenomena. For,,
in that interpretation is the key to our activities,
progress is the elimination of conflicting ideas in
social development. Those ideas are the conditioned
products of developing interests, and, as differing
interests are the manifests of individual concerns,
the symbol of social unity, in thought can be expressed only as the reflex of social unity in material.
If material conditions promote unsocial interests,
their divergencies are certain to be mirrored in dissociate thought. And dissociate thought, the reflex
of disparate interest cannot intermingle in the harmony of social unity; and ultimately, in theory, the
question of the social revolution is dependent upon
social understanding.
Looking at the social conditions of the world,
while they are hard enough, they are but questionably hopeful. They present no new features. They
hsve been hard before, and miserable, and so abject;
yet has society braced itself against them and endured for the next wave of "prosperity." But
they have never been so world wide in practice, nor
so socially questioned in origin. The worsening
condition and the questioning mind are two new elements in world economy, but they do not yet spark
with the live energy of consciousness. Discontent springs far more from servile unemployment
than from any realisation of social servility. We
are naively Capitalist-minded. Let us have a show—
we shall make opportunity. Sooth ms Avith a dole—
and social institutions lose their offensiveness. Give
us a job—and the system becomes civilized. Lopsided conditions are the result of lop-sided thinking.
Idleness is the proof of incapacity. Millionaires and
monopolists may be scoffed at, but they are also
laughed at, because—Ave aAvait hopefully the same
blythe occasion. Canada contains a large country
element hostile to socialist concepts. New England
indulges in a similar type. America has a wide
spread body of like opinion. Australia fosters a
similar growth and central-southern Europe is, more
than ever, influenced by kindred movements. That
is to say that the land, the food product, is in
opposition to the town, the industrial technichian.
Or, in other words, the bread of life groAvs on a different stem from the bread of society. That, it appears to me, is a contradiction to be resolved before
the dawn of "Der Tag." The recent electoral "disturbance" in the U. S. has merely strengthened the
Democrats. Tn Britain the ultra Tories have received a sweeping mandate. Nationalist France.
pines for "national prosperity," and is stubborn on
Imperialist reparations. Italy is in the hands of the
anti-social Fascists.   Poland, the type of anarchy;
the countries of the "Little Entente" in a rampant
crusade of commercialism; and Germany, as usual,
following the barren path of revisionism. Everywhere reform, "democracy" and class authority;
nowhere social coherence or social consciousness.
It is true, we do not know the intimate conditions
of those countries, but Ave are not so unfamiliar with
"our" own; and although analogy is "kittle"
ground to tread on, it will be wiser not to endow
them with too, too much vision. It is good to be
enthusiastic; it is also well to be steady.
On the other hand, that social opinion, viewpoint and concept are changed is axiomatic. But the
change is also axiomatic: not fundamental. Like
placer mining, it is concerned Avith sifting surface
material. It is not yet, after the leached essentials
of social relations. It is cognisant of social destitution, but not of class antagonism. It feels social
distinctions, but not slave status. And that-is the
essential fundament it must know. It is the preliminary to effective movement. Dare we avow
Ave are on the verge of the preliminary? The gentility of American labor needs no comment. With
"leadership" such as it has, it is no more than a
watch dog to incorporated capital. With such leadership, it is difficult to conceive of it as socially understanding. SeesaAving Avith class interests; torn
Avith the wiles of party; and swayed with bourgeois
platitudes of trade and laAv and ethic, it is little wonder it is accredited as the last word in reaction.
In Britain, labor has increased its 'representation' in Parliament. That may be preface to a labor
government, but not of social revolution. It is »
greater witness to labor conciliation than to Avorking class unity. It presupposes party projects for
trade and industry; fraternal co-operation for the
"common good," not at all any realisation of the
common good in economic equality. There is not a
single socialist in the Avhole pack—I don't think
there Avas one even standing—and but one lone communist. And it is almost a certainty that with "representatives" like Clynes and Thomas and Tillet
and Hodges, labor will follow "the dear old dad"
even unto the deep pits of illusion. However, we
will let the future,speak for itself, hoping our estimate may be falsified.
Let us glance at the position from the economic
angle—the compromise of world capital. This compromise means the more or less harmonious association of interests, of hitherto competitive Imperialisms. That suck-a compromise would be welcome
ia probable. It is the day dawn of capitalist agony,
and for them it imperatively demands appeasement.
But that its consummation is probable is not evident. Although it is probable that between particular groups, such compromise has been tacitly implied, even tentatively suggested. But in no case
has it materialized, and it is not so easy to see its
practicability. If .so, the future must prove a powerful solvent of master ambitions and economic antagonisms.
There is no doubt there have been attempts—
or suggestions—at compromise between Britain and
America. While the prime objective of the British
election is peace Avith Turkey, agreement Avith
France, and trade with Russia, all of them hard of
attainment. Britain and America are direct competitors; rivals for world poAver. 'The war debts
will ahvays constitute a grievance: their ingathering
constantly imperils the peace rivals for the world
market. In cotton and textiles Britain and America
are in active conflict; the tendency—the necessity
—of each, being, not co-operative conciliation, but
the elimination of aggressive competition. The "oil
can" flares up ominously. America holds the present, Avhich is alleged to be nearing exhaustion.
Britain has secured the future—the key to world
politics. Would it be to the interest of America to
compromise for future oil?   Will the new (?) com
mercial policy of Britain influence American policy
Avith "Red" Russia? Is it possible that those two
elements may contain the impulse to an Anglo-Saxon
association? Is it possible for two aggressive rivals
for world dominion to effect a compromise on the
essentials of their supremacy! I doubt it: but let
us leave the Avise to say.
In Europe, Britain and France are none" too
friendly. It is not easy to see how the new foxy
Britain can turn an adverse economy to mutual advantage. The need of Britain, of Germany, of
Russia is' trade: the need of France, reparations
and financial readjustments. Anglo-German trade
and French reparations Avould not seem to amalgamate ; nor do Anglo-Russian ventures and French finance afford a hopeful basis of reconciliation. The
cancellation of French debts to Britain, in return
for concessions in French policy in Germany, would
relieve the immediate pressure between Britain and
France—but ultimately at the expense of France.
Franco-British hatred of the Bolsheviki is a binding
tie, but their divergent ambitions appear to nullify
the unity. Germany Avould seem to be forced into
association Avith Avhatever power—by right of might
—ean claim her—Britain or France or Russia. Of
them all, Germany would probably prefer Britain.
Because German commercial aspirations would be
better prospered in a fostering union with Britain
than Avith a domineering France or a socially fundamentally different Russia (unless, of course, German political concepts undergo drastic change). The
development of Anglo-German trade means basically
the development of heavy industry. But the development of Anglo-German "heavies," is a direct assault on the French Metallurgical Trust; a direct
negation of its Imperial ambitions; a menace to the
Rhine and the Ruhr—therefor to security and solvency; and a fatal blow to the attempted hegemony
of Europe, to the spoils and perquisites of Versailles.
If French diplomacy—the first in the world—concedes any such advantages, French diplomacy will
see to it that it derives in return, as measurable benefits. Benefits Avhich will assuredly contain the fertilised germs of new irreconcilable transpositions.
France and America is a far more likely combination
than France and Britain; and were it "un fait accompli," it might carry Germany in its train. It
would be a union of mutual advantage and material
interest, While the other is a continual soldering
of ever bursting issues vitajly and dynamically
antagonistic.
The case for Turkey is little more hopeful. With
the disappearance of Greece, disappeared the symbol of "the thin red line." If another symbol can
not conveniently be found, an a'ssociate who would
take the durdom of unsavory necessities—for a "pro
quo"—will have to suffice. It is safe to say that
Britain will never relinguish control of Constantinople, the Straits, and the Levant. The Levant is one
of the keys of the British Empire and till the British Empire "goes west," in British possession it
shall remain. If that conflicts with France or Russia—so much the worse for France and Russia. For
the good will of 'Turkey (the gateway of the Empire), Britain, France and Russia all contend.
Unfortunately the nationalist aspirations of Turkey
work against Soviet Russia. Obviously. Turkey
will take all that- Soviet Russia can give, will use
Soviet Russia to whatever advantage, but an alliance with Soviet Russia and Nationalist Turkey
must ever be precarious and unstable. The interposition of British interests would seem to offset
any union Avith France and Turkey. For if Turkish
intention, in league with France, found its interests
hampered, nationalist Turkey would conclude a new
alliance for the freedom of its cherished intention.
Britain, with naval supremacy and financial prestige can alloAv Turkey a latitude no other nation
dare afford. The Turk may set up house in Constan-
(Continued on page 7)
u - PACrfi SIX
WESTERN   CLARION
Straws in the Wind
"One would suppose that Socialists would be very
happy in Vienna, for rent and fixed interest have disappeared and with them the hated middle classes. For
this advantage all true socialists ought to be grateful to
the Treaty of Versailles, which has done most to deliver
their country from the burdens of the middle a^id upper
classes. Yet I heard no expression of gratitude; so incalculable is man." (*)
**•' -.   -
AND so incalculable are the vagaries of bourgeois philosophy. If the tumbling process if
the result of socialism, how comes it that the
same socialism does not as mightily humble the
same classes in France, in Britain and America? It
is quite as virulent in those countries as in Germany
and Austria, quite as responsive to the slogan of
"immediate interests," and fully as patriotic to
"their" country. And if such is the latest conclusion of liberal sapience, it is small wonder that the
"stepping heavemvard" brand of continental socialism—fluttering the borrowed rags of democracy—
should stagnate in the Dead Sea of philistine idealism, j
Over the fall, and suffering of the middle classes
there is much ado. It is ominous and " felloAvf eeling
makes us Avondrous kind." Experience of the class
psychology of comfortable success induces a sym-
pathy of understanding that is wholly absent in the
presence of the far greater and more prolonged
privations of the wage-slaves in the daily yoke of
exploitation. Coupled, perhaps, with a vague fear
for the final results of comfortable apathy,. callous
charity and insatiable greed, thus rudely impressed
on the conscious chaos of their tottering supremacy.
Capital condemns society to hardship and ignorance. Its incentive and enterprise oscillate between those two points. It voids the talents of man,*
vitiates the genius of humanity.""And its "success"
—gilded with the tinfoil of egoism—depends not
on the welfare of society, but on its deepening degradation. But the fallen middle class, and the
anxious beneficiaries of commerce, about to fall, may
1 take comfort in the assurance that their miseries
will be short. For the system of which they are a
worthy expression is definitely come to maturity and
is "whitening to the harvest." Yet, even in decay,
the type runs true. For the same writer says:
"who are the people that crowd the opera house?
Some are foreigners who have come—under the
mistaken idea that living is cheap. A feAV are bankers, and other profiteers. The majority are relics
of the middle classes selling their treasures, and
enjoying life while there is a treasure left to sell."
Cheapness, selling, profiteering, the holy trinity of
. success. And incidentally, it gives us an insight into
their notions of suffering.
The fall of the middle classes, and their miseries,
is neither the aim of socialism nor has it been
brought about through socialism. It is Avholly and
entirely a product of bourgeois economy. The inevitable result of commercial enterprise and business acumen. The treaty of Versailles—Avholly dictated by the political exigencies of business and
finance—made Germany a pariah, and forbade her
even the-vaunted "freedom" of Liberialism. The
Treaty of St. Germain partitioned Austria and
flung her headlong among a revening pack of trade
competitors. She Avas ringed round with Customs
Unions, business restrictions and foreign finance.
She was cut off-from her Avonted exchange. And
being cut off from the fount of her Avealth, the beneficiaries of that wealth—the self complaiscent middle classes and with them the professionals—were
brought down from the murky vaults of idealist individualism, to the virgin earth of material reality.
But their heads iM*e still confused with the shock,
and.they are completely* unable to realise the significance of the "evil" that has come upon them, or
(characteristically enough) to distinguish between
the,socialist industry, Avhich Avould prosper humanity and the commercial business that has ruined it.
Socialism means the levelling of class society,
not the levelling of the middle classes.    The aim
of socialism is not the destruction of man and property but the destruction of property right in. the
social means of life.    It is founded, not on the altruism of moral relations, but on the deeper altruism of social and material fact.   It expresses itself
through  11b  romantic  appeal,  or  emotional moonshine, but through social perception of social change
in the logical sequences of causation.   And if it goes
by Avay of a social dictatorship it is only as a means
to an end.   Because the social connection with the
old political society forces it through the stormed
ruts of autocracy   to the  realisation  of  socialised
necessities.     So   that   the   Aveapons   by which, or
through Avhich, it will be accomplished, can be neither the j" absolute principle" of justice nor the petty
reforms of "democrats," but by the progressive development of the inherent antagonisms of private**
property and social production in the artificial organisation of political society.    To understand this
is to understand society in general and socialism in
particular; is to understand that socialism is not
a thing nor a magic formula but a cycle of social
evolution.   If the general relations of social organisation ean be comprehended, cognisance of the general drift of development may folloAV.   On that cognisance lies the poAver to turn social energy aAvay
Irom the struggling confusions of sect and party;
from class concepts of "right" and individual figments of ."good," to the more fruitful preparations
for the coming change and to abstract from that
change every possible element of violence and chaos.
When Ave have achieved unity of perception we shall
have achieved all the unity that is necessary—or
possible.
The fall of the middle class is not important; nor
is the failure of its philosophy a calamity. The
Avorthlessness of that philosophy has long been apparent, its idealism a long ^tanding insincerity. And
its failure, involving as it does the. class whose material it is, implies no portentous destruction of society. It is merely the destruction of a, commercial
interest cankered with lust of possession, and whose
life stream has become foul with political obsessions.
It is the necessaryvprelude to a civilisation whose
fundament is not the "eternal right" of a transient propertied class, but the social unity of common possession; of a society whose progress is unfettered by private gain; whose individualism shall
grow to full stature in the heightened glory of
social prosperity; and whose people shall no more
be overwhelmed wi'th the terrible burdens of Imperialist speculations. R.
(*) Henry Nevinson, in the "Manchester Guardian, October 13, 1922.
Life in Soviet Russia
THE CIVIL CODE
The Civil Code v^hich has just been adopted by
the lAHLRussian Central Executive Committee is
the legal embodiment of the principles underlying
the neAv economic policy, i.e., the permission of
private commerce and small industry, Avithin the
general system of State OAvnership, State trade, and
large-scale State industry.
The new economic policy is riot a return to the
economic system Avhich existed before the revolution, and the Civil Code does not restore the old
legal rights as they existed in Russia before the
revolution. There are distinct limitations to the
activities of private capitalism in Russia.
The, Code permits tAvo forms of ownership, and
the overAvhelming predominance of ' the former is
preserved. The land, with the riches it contains,
the water, the raihvays, etc., are OAVned by the whole
people; they are commodities absolutely withdraAvn
from private OAvnership.
On the other hand, in order to encourage private
initiative in trade and industry, the Code defines
the commodities that may become privately OAVned.
They are non-municipalised buildings; enterprises
employing not more than a legally fixed number of
hired workers; tools, machinery, and other means
of production; currency, securities, and other valuables, including goldxand silver coin; articles of
domestic and personal use, goods which may legally
form the objects of trade and so forth.
Certain State enterprises may be transferred
temporarily to private exploitation, but only on a
concessionary basis.
But even in the objects so defined, private ownership, as conferrecTby the Civil Code, does not imply that sacred, inviolable, and inalienable right
Avhich it bears in other countries. There are Important conditions limiting the enjoyment of private
property in objects of public utility; one is that the
Code defines how these properties are to be exploited
and how they may be disposed of,* a second is that
their exploitation must involve an element of public
service, i.e., it must contribute to the enlargement
-of the productive forces of the country. Just as
in the law socialising the land there is a provision
that the State may sequester land which is not being
employed by its owners, so the Civil Code provides
that the State'need not respect the rights of private
OAvners where these are using their possessions contrary to the good of the public. "Only with the purpose of developing the productive force of the country," runs the Code, "does the R.S.F.S.R. permit
private individuals the civil right to property."
It should be clear that in no way is the Code
concerned with former owners of property expropriated by the revolution, and to leave no misunderstanding on this head the Code contains a special
clause to the effect that former owners have no
claim to the return of properties expropriated under revolutionary law, or which passed into the
social possession of the workers before May 22,
1922.
The Code contains various provisions regulating
private possession and commerce; the right of building, bequest, mortgage; and the contractual obligations; hire, purchase and sale, loan, tender, guarantee, attorney, insurance, company formation, etc.
Private building is permitted by the Code. The
destructive consequences of seven years' war have
made it necessary to encourage private initiative in
this direction. Building leases are limited to forty-
nine years, during which period the rights to possession .leasing, and disposition are enjoyed. The
plots on which structures are built are, however,
the inalienable property of the State.
The Code permits inheritance, either by legal title
or by testament, but the property left by a deceased
person can be bequeathed only to the total sum of
10,000 gold roubles (approximately $5,000); the remainder passes into the possession of the State.
Moreover, the persons who may form the subjects of bequest are limited to direct descendants,
children, grandchildren, and greatgrandchildren, the
widow or widower of the deceased, and incapicitat-
ed persons who we*e dependent upon the support of
the deceased for at least a year prior to his death. ^
The contractual obligations are essential for the
protection and regulation of the private initiative
and enterprise which the new economic policy has
called into existence.' Private persons must be able
to conclude contracts in the knowledge that the
State can be called in, if necessary, to .enforce their
fulfilment. On the other hand, according to Soviet
law, a contract is not entirely an affair of the free
will of the contracting parties. The State has a
right to step in and annul a contract which is patents
ly injurious to the public good. The Code lays
clown that even a private contract between individ--
ual citizens is a public concern. In accordance with
this principle all questions of dispute arising out of
private contracts must be decided in the public
courts, so at to prevent the stronger person imposing on the weaker. In principle, the State is an
interested party in all contracts.
These few simple principles form the basis of the
whole Civil Code, and distinguish its provisions
from the civil rights and obligations now in force
in other countries.
—Russian Information and Review (London) WESTERN  CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
*»
"Five Years of the Russian Revolution and the Prospects of
the World Revolution"
BY N. LENIN.
Editor's Note: The following article comprises a speech
by Lenin at a plenary session of the fourth congress of
the Third International, held November 13th, 1922. Our
reproduction is from "Inprecorr" (Berlin); the article will
be concluded in our next issue. In the meantime, it may
be observed that "Current History" (New York) of January 1923 contains the full article, although apparently
through a different translation.
Comrades! I have been named as chief speaker
ou the list, but you will understand that after my
long illness I am not in a position to give a long
report. Thc theme: "Five years of Russian revolution and the prospects of the world revolution" is
much too extensive to be exhausted by one speaker
in the course of a single speech. I shall therefore
select a small part of the material—the question of
the New Economic Policy. At present this theme
is of the greatest importance, at least for me it is of
the greatest importance, as I am working on it just
noAv. I shall therefore speak on the subject: How
did we begin the New Economic Policy, and what
results have we obtained by this policy?
v If I am to begin with, how we began this New
Economic Policy, I must go back to an article written by me in the year 1918. At the beginning" of
1918 I had polemically touched upon the question of
what attitude we Avere to adopt towards state capitalism. At that time I wrote: "State capitalism is
a step forward compared with, the present economic
position of the Soviet Republic"—that is, compared
with the economic situation at that time. If we
could introduce state capitalism within six months,
that would be a great success, and the best guarantee
that wthin a year Socialism would be firmly established and unconquerable among us.'*
In the year 1918 I was thus of the opinion that,
in comparison with the economic position of the
Soviet Republic at that time, State Capitalism would
bc a step forward. That may sound very strange
and even absurd, for at that time we adopted new
economic measures daily, as quickly as possible,
probably too quickly; measures which Avere distinctly socialist measures. And despite this I expressed
the opinion that State Capitalism signified a step
forward as compared With the economic situation of
the Soviet Republic at that time.
I explained the idea further by simply enumerating the elements of Russia's economic structure.
In my opinion these elements Avere: in the first place
patriarchal, tfe_t is, those furnished by the most
primitive forms of agriculture; and secondly, pro
duetion on a small scale; to this category belong the
majority of peasants dealing in corn. Thirdly, private capitalism; fourthly,.state capitalism; fifthly,
Socialism.
All of these economic elements Avere represented
in Russia at that time. And so 1 set myself the task
of explaining the relations of these elements to one
another, and of ascertaining Avhether we should not
perhaps estimate a non-socialist element, i.e., State
Capitalism, higher than Socialism.
I repeat that it appears strange to everyone that
a non-socialist element should appear to bc higher,
and should be acknoAvledged as higher than socialism, in a republic Avhich has declared itself to be
socialist.
• But the matter becomes clear Avhen you remember that we did not consider Russia's condition to be
final, but fully recognized that: in Russia Ave have
first the patriarchal system of agriculture, that is,
the most primitive form, and then the socialist form.
The question is, what role can state capitalism play
under these circumstances?
I further asked myself which of these elements
was stronger.   It is clear that in a petty pourgeois
milieu the predominant element is petty bourgeois
in character. The question which 1 asked myself
was: what is our attitude to state capitalism? And
my own reply was: state capitalism, although not
socialistic, would be more favourable for Russia than
the present form. This means that even then we
understood, to a certain degress, that it would be
better for us to arrive soon at state capitalism, and
later, to direct Socialism.
I must lay special emphasis on this part, for I
believe that this alone enables us to explain Avbat
the present economic policy represents; secondly,
Ave can draAv from it very useful practical conclusions for the Communist International. I am not
prepared to say that at that time we already had
cur plans of retreat ready. This is not what was
meant. The' few lines of my polemical article were
no plan of retreat at that time. No mention Avas
made of free trade—a most important point and one
of fundamental importance for state capitalism—but
nevertheless there is a vague general idea of a retreat in it. And I. am of the opinion that we, as a
communist International, as the International of the
Western European, advanced countries, must take
this into consideration.
At the present time, for instance, Ave are occupied
with the program. For my jmrt I believe that we
should do best if we were to first subject all programs to our judgment,—and not come to any hasty
-decisions this year. Why? One reason is of course
that in my opinion we have not yet thought out
everything thoroughly. But a special reason is that
Aye have scarcely taken the thought of a retreat, or
of securing the retreat, into consideration at all. We
should not. only consider how Ave are to act when
we make an attack and are immediately victorious.
In revolutionary times that is not so very difficult.
In the course of a revolution there are always moments when the enemy loses his head. If Ave utilize
this moment for attack, we may easily gain the victory. But there is no certainty in this, for the
enemy, having thought the matter over, collects his
forces . He is then likely to provoke us.to attack,
and then to defeat us for many years. The idea of
the necessity of providing for a retreat is of great
importance, not only from a theoretical standpoint.
From a practical standpoint it is also necessary that
all parties thinking of making direct attacks on
capitalism in the near future should occupy themselves with the need of securing the retreat.
(To be concluded)
ROUGH REVIEW OF BRITISH POLITICS.
(Continued from page 1)
ligation to the stronger by reason of foreign investment within their borders. To Avhoever lends there
groAV strong economic ties. The Versailles Treaty
is but the most recent of many preceding ones. The
Germanised capital threatened British and Western
capital, thus the war. So another treaty is made.
The British Co-opei\ators support ancient thought
and ideas and expect a "neAv social order." Such
treaties, such leagues and reparations are a sandy
foundation to build a hcav social order upon.
It is easy to prophesy Avhat conditions Avill exist
under decaying capitalism, by whoever managed,
Ever since 1907 depressions have ruled in the main.
There have been short periods of so called prosperity. From 1907 to 1911 each crisis Avorsened
until it actually broke into a world conflict. From
1914 to 1918 a fictitious prosperity, as far as the
actual producers were concerned, existed. The crisis
from 1918 to 1922—and the end is not yet—has
eaten up all the savings of the workers.
Normality today equals* crisis. In other words,
prosperity is an abnormal period within a developed
capitalistic society, and the crises is a normal state.
The British elections have come and gone. The
Avorkers have a great deal to learn yet, it is true,
but~they will find.and hojd to a steady course in
time.
WHICH?
Continued from page 5)
tinople, but Britain will hold the pass-key. The
League of Nations may internationalise the Straits,
but the blue ensign shall flutter above the pennant
of the League. The Turk may return to Thrace; it
will be an intrigue for the dominance of British
"glory." The Turk may pillage to his liking—if he
will but counter the "designs" of the Bolsheviks.
And for the poAver of his gods in Egypt, in the middle and the far East, he may enjoy the prestige of a
favored nation of Europe. R.
(To be concluded)
HERE AND NOW.
IT would be altogether too orthpdox a proceeding to muster all hands and jointly resolve to
rustle more Clarion subs, during 1923 than during the sub-famine year of 1922. Orthodoxy or no
Ave must solve the sub. problem somehoAv, or shrink.
Let's have the resolutions—accompanied by the subs.
of course—tht; more the merrier. Commencing with
next issue.
Following $1 each: J. Mackenzie, A. Legg, H. P.
Graham, W. Morrison, J. Woods, M. Mindlin, A. M.
Neelands, Mrs. H. Stephens, R. Temple, A. W. Can-
trell, Mrs. Mailey, E. Fiala, C. A. Harding, J. Har.-
rington, J. A. Goodspeed, G. Beagrie, F. Njma, J.
A. Mitchell, P. W. Robitzsche, J. C. Blair, J. Mitchell,
P. Brendler, Jack Shepherd, C. Lee, C. F. Orchard,
A. Leopold, G. L., G. Donaldson, H. Christians, Sr.
Following $2 each: Oscar Motter, H. Taylor, DrT
Inglis, C. Lestor, J. A. Untinen, Bert Smith, Sturgis,
Sask. (no name), B. E. Polinkos, Sam Guthrie, M.
L. A„ C. W. Springford.
T. G. Daly $1.87; E. Hunt $4.50; Oscar Erick-
son $7.
Above Clarion subs, received from 15th to 29th
December, inclusive, total $62.37.
Note: Will the reader avIio sent a M.O. to the
amount of $6.40 ($2 sub. and $4.40 literature) from
Sturgis, Sask., please send in his name? He omitted
to mention bis name in the letter accompanying M.O.
ALBERTA NOTES.
Alberta and Saskatchewan P. E. C. of the S. P. of C.
Secretary, R. Burns, 134 a 9th Avenue, West, Calgary, Alberta.
Local Calgary. Same address as above. Business meetings every alternate Tuesday, 8 p.m. Study class in Economics every Thursday at 8 p.m. Correspondence from
all parts of Alberta and Saskatchewan is earnestly invited
from all comrades Interested in the organizational and
educational work of the Party, and attendance at the classes and interest in their development and usefulness will
be welcomed. -
Socialist Party erf Canada
PROPAGANDA MEETINGS
STAR THEATRE, 300 £lock, Main Street
SUNDAY DECEMBER 31st.
Speaker: SID EARP.
. SUNDAY JANUARY 7th.
Speaker: J. HARRINGTON.
All meetings at 8 p.m.
MEETINGS EVERY SUNDAY.
Questions.
Discussion, ,.. i_aaM**am**mmm****aaa***> iiwwimwwMa---- -
tO****** " '"   ****** *0 '■' *****0****0**m moOOR - ***** ■
■^.'■^ ;.
-.ij—'iTTBiir
.■—lrrftin
1
PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN   CLARION
0    l
j
it
!?
The Clarion Mail Bag
BY SID EARP.
ALTHOUGH the volume of correspondence received since our last issue is less than usual,
it contains much of interest and shows a
fine spirit of enquiry towards the work we are carrying foi-Avard. It may be considered as painfully
slow by some, whose desire for a drastic change in
society is far ahead of their revolutionary understanding. The formative process of a deep seated
and far reaching movement aiming at the conquest
of Capitalist control demands careful and lasting
work if success is to be attained. Irresponsible
radicalism, is in itself a menace to the advancement
of the working class. A clear understanding of
their real needs is the poAver by which they will
conquer and win freedom.
Writing from Kentville, N. S. Com. C. McDonald
sends a sub to the Clarion and an order for "Evolution of Man." From St. Catharines, Ont., Com.
0. Motter sends a sub and a donation to the Maintenance Fund. From North Battleford, Sask., Com.
H. Taylor sends in an order for literature to the
amount of $3.65.   This is the useful propaganda.
A brief letter is received from Com. Cantrell,
Shillingworth, Sask., enclosing a sub and commenting in a rather vague manner upon the Labor Party
success in thc British elections. He says: "It is to
laugh!" What about?
Com. Wm. Morrison writes from Rabbit Lake,
Sack., enclosing a.sub to the Clarion and expressing
his disappointment towards the pamphlet "Christianism and Communism" as an educator. He endorses an opinion recently advanced in the Clarion
to the effect that "scientific habits of thought are,
vafter all, of much more practical value than scientific information.'' He compares *' Christianism and
Communism" with "The Origin of the World"
lately appearing in the Clarion, with all the honors
going to the latter Avork as an educator in correct
thought.
Writing from Beverly, Alberta, Com. J. McKenzie encloses a sub reneAval and expressing a criticism
of "Soviet Russia from the S. P. of C. standpoint,"
whieh undoubtedly Avould be interesting if it were
more incisive and less sarcastic.
Com. Chas. Lestor sends a short letter from Calgary enclosing a sub. and commenting upon his visit
to Medicine Hat and district. He is experiencing
hard weather and long enthusiastic meetings; expresses much satisfaction with his trip so far and
will have a full report for the Clarion later on.
Com. A. Lien, Edburg, Alta., sends in an order
for literature and a dollar for the Clarion Maintenance Fund. He comments favorably on the articles "Origin of the World," R. M. McMillan, and
wishes all success to the Clarion and its readers.
From Hardy Bay, B. C. Com. J. Woods sends
a sub and a literature order. Two subs also come
from Com. Inglis, Gibson's Landing, B. C. T. A.
Barnard, Nanaimo, sends an order for the "Paris
Commune" and says that after reading carefully
both articles on the S. P. of C. attitude to Soviet
Russia, he is not much wiser. Writing from Lookout Mountain, Saturnia Island, B. C, Com. John
Staples sends a renewal of his sub and an order for
"Communism and Christianism." He appreciates
the Clarion and hopes the subscriptions will keep
growing. A cheery letter and a dollar for the Maintenance Fund is received from Com. Moore, Lund,
B. C. A nice letter also comes from Com. J. Carson,
Smithers, B. C.,. containing a sub and donation to
the Maintenance Fund.
Com. Oscar Erickson announces his return to the
town of his adoption, Fernie, B. C, in a brief letter,
also enclosing seven subs and an order for literature.
Here's an old war horse getting back into the fight
after a few month's absence. We're all for you
Erickson, don't weaken.
Com. Fred Harman sends the good word from
Victoria, the city of gloom. Encloses two dollars
for the Maintenance Fund and mentions that Com.
Housley of the Socialist Party of Great Britain has
recently visited the Victoria branch. Two short letters were received from Bishop Brown of Galion,
Ohio, in Avhich he expresses much satisfaction with
the manifesto on our attitude towards Soviet Russia, recently published in the Clarion. He considers it to be a great and timely piece of work. Wishes the Clarion and those connected Avith it all success.
A long letter of criticism is received from R. B.
Zones, Des Moines, Iowa in Avhich he charges Com.
McNey, the Avriter of the recent articles on the
1. W. W. pamphlets, with not only being ignorant
along Industrial Union lines, but as also having a
prejudice against the J.. W. W. After reading the
last issue of the Clarion in which Com. McNey also
receives some castigation, our friend will no doubt
feel a little relief.
A kindly letter arrived from Hugh P. Graham,
llliopolis, Illinois, enclosing a literature order and
sub renewal; also a sub from Morris Mindlin, Duluth,
Minnesota. Writing from Emmett, Idaho, Com. J.
Bone sends greetings to "every Canuck" and two
dollars for the Clarion. Com. J. Yates, of Manchester, England, sends kind words also a sub and literature order. He considers the Western Clarion,
with its fine variety of articles, as being an "intellectual treat." He also refers to the recent British election and the deluge of poison gas attendant
upon it. We heard there Avas a dense fog!
(Period ending 23rd December).
OBITUARY.
COMRADE J. H. Timmer, formerly of Holland
and who left that country some twenty years
ago died at Edam, Sask., oh 3rd, December,
and was buried on the 6th. Shortly before his death
he requested that he be given a Red funeral and
that no sky-pilot be allowed to takePpart in the internment of his body. The comrades turned out in
good numbers and the coffin was shrouded in the
Red Flag. A number of other friends and sympathisers were present, some, perhaps, who for the
first time witnessed a Red funeral. No clergyman
Avas present.
Comrade 5£unts, of Holland, who came to this
country with the late Comrade Timmer, spoke of
his life's Avork in the Socialist movement. He spoke
of Comrade Timmer's hard work in the ironworks
of Holland and of how, after his day's toil was over
he Avould go out advertising Socialist, meetings, at
times incurring police enmity.
Comrade J. H. Greaves of North Battleford said
Comrade Timmer's insistence that no clergyman attend his burial arrangements was a protest against
the shams and falsity of religion. The comrade held
strongly to his sound socialist principles to the last,
and he noAv lay wrapped in the Red banner emblematic of the blood of all mankind. His life example
would serve as encouragement to all workers in the
forces of emancipation. Comrade Graves said that
as Socialists they held their dead in honor and he
expressed to Comrade Timmer's widow and sons a
feeling of sympathy and a sense of the loss now
occassioned the Socialist movement.
ECONOMIC CAUSES
OF WAR
Bj PETE* T. UBOXB.
NOW MADY.
Prefaoe by th* author.
IS! PAGES.
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