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Western Clarion Jan 15, 1920

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The Official Organ of
Number 811
Progress of the Sedition Cases in Winnipeg
Defence Will Line Up
All Its Forces
Will Not Rest Until Russell is Free—
Ljegal Opinion Sought
Big Convention in Winnipeg on Jan.
18 Will Decide Future Action
(Special to the  B. C.  Federationist)
ARRANGEMENTS are now being
made for the holding of the labor defense convention in the Strand
Theatre, Main Street, Winnipeg, on
Sunday, January 18, to which all labor organizations, no matter what affiliation they have, will send their delegates. The purpose of the convention is to discover the precise standing of the labor movement in all its
aspects, in view of the summing up
of Mr. Justice Metcalfe, the trial
judge in the Russell case, and the
verdict rendered on the seven counts
of the indictment charging seditious
conspiracy against eight men, arrested
as a result of the Winnipeg strike.
Will Have Legal Opinion
One of the best constitutional lawyers in the city of Winnipeg has been
briefed for the purpose of giving his
judicious opinion on the matter. Labor men of all shades of opinion arc
apparently unanimous in that by the
decision in the Russell case, all labor's
rights have been ruthlessly undermined. Added to the legal consideration, there is also the bitter-feeling
• amongst the members of the rank and
file of the organizations that went on
strike, that if Russell be' guilty for
having carried out their instruotiono,
they are also equally guilty, ii not
more so.
Cement Labor from Coast to Coast
By means of this convention Winnipeg labor hopes to be able to cement
together in one vast volume of protest the voice of labor from coast to
coast. On all sides can be found the
grim determination that the matter
shall not rest until Russell is free.
Report to be Published Broadcast
It is intended that the account of
ilie convention shall be published
broadcast, so that labor east and west
will be able to read, mark, learn and
inwardly digest just what this trial
means to labor of the country.
mm i
Russell Case before the
Manitoba Appeal Court
WINNIPEG, Man., Jan. 8, 1920—
The appellate court upheld the crown
in the appeal case of R. B. Russell
today, in so far as count one is concerned.
Chief Justice Perdue said he could
see nothing vague in the first count
of the twenty-eight page indictment
against the strike leaders, which Mr.
Cassidy contended was general and
not specified because it mentioned seditious contention without attributing
it to anyone. Indications point to
several days of argument, because the
defence had only begun its first point
when the court adjourned for the noon
recess. Arguments are largely on
technical points of law-
Reasons for appeal; The indictment
is general and not specific. The eight
men should have been tried together,
because they were indicted together,
this would give the defence thirty-
two challenges, four for each accused.
With the trials split Russell should
have been given twenty-eight challenges, four on each of the seven counts
in the indictment. Prospective jurors
should have been allowed to say whe
ther the general strike last Spring
caused them any monetary loss. Documentary evidence produced against
Russell which had no association
with him. Accused was not permitted
to put in evidence to show that the
strike and its continuance were not
intentions of the accused, but that on
the contrary he tried to stop it. Evidence of the strike and alleged unlawful acts committed during its progress should not have been admitted
again st accused. Overt acts were put
in the form to lead one to suppose
they were the substance of the charge.
Mr. Justice Metcalfe's instructions on
this point after his long dissertation
to the jury would have been alright
ii they had been made at the beginning of his charge.
Resolutions, speeches and acts in
the labor organizations' meetings
come under the protection of the law
as they are the result of a lawful
trade combination as defined by statute. Evidence of public meetings
which was entirely irrelevant to the
charge was admitted. Wrong interpretations were placed on   some    of
ihe evidence by the judge in his
charge to the jury. The question of
who is to pay for the prosecution also
may be argued. The defence alleges
that the prosecution also may be argued.
The defence alleges tnat the prosecution   is not being paid for by   the
provincial government, therefore it is
The question was raised by the
defence as it closed its case before Mr.
Justice Metcalfe. At that time1 Hon.
Thomas Johnson, attorney general
was not allowed to answer questions
put to him by Mr. Cassidy.
Nemesis, The Terror
From "The  Industry," Wash., DC.
DITOR'S Note—To the average
man. either professional' or
workman, the value of the dollar simply means the number he can earn
and what he can purchase with it.
Economists and nations, however, see
a much mure important significance,
especially in its relations to international trade and commerce. "Ways
and Means." an English publication,
calls attention in a recent issue to the
grave danger confronting the finances
oi the world from the tremendous
changes in the movement of exchanges.
Tbe attention of our readers is called
to the following statement by that
The overshadowing danger of the
moment is the possibility of the
breaking down of the money machine.
Words are incapable of expressing the
universal calamity that would follow
such an event. The worst horrors of
the war would be multiplied a million-
fold. Famine, disease, pestilence and
death would be brought right home
to each one of us within an incredibly
short time.
Very little purpose would be served
by painting so harrowing a picture
for the benefit of the ordinary reader
unless Mime suggestion could also be
offered as to how such a reader could
do his share towards averting such an
unspeakable catastrophe. The imminence of the danger is obvious to all.
although most of us do not take the
trouble to look at it. Tt is shown in
the daily records of the movement of
exchanges. With the mark at 200, the
franc at 39, the lira at 55, and the
pound at four dollars, we have the
whole  story  in front of ns.
We are approaching very near to
the point when it will be impossible
to exchange goods as between nations.
and if the point arrives it wrill not be
long before the next stage when it
will be impossible to exchange goods
as between members of individual nations. What are the remedies? The
first, of course, is production coupled
with economy. We pass that, however, as, at once the most obvious and
the most difficult, but on the other
hand, the one remedy which each and
everyone can apply. The second is
a relentless, ruthless and drastic cut
ting down of public expenditure
everywhere and by everybody. Some
means must be found of making the
public realize this outstanding need.
Somebody must be discovered who
can translate Lord Fisher's dictum into words which will appeal to the
masses, not only here, but in every
country of the world, and we must
sweep away the staggering burden of
Govermental artificiality which is rapidly exhausting the last remnants of
economic endurance. And this leads
us to the third and easiest and siltjn-
lest of the urgent things which require
instant   action.
A  simple illustration may help the
argument.   The American Chamber of
Commerce within   the   United States
have met   aad  decided to ieitiat$    a
campaign  for the purpose of perifuad-
itg the American public to buy British goods.   No more remarkable phenomenon ever occured  in  commercial
history.   American manufacturers and
producers in solemn conclave >$ith all
the facts before them,-deliberately appeal to   their   best customers.to buy
the goods of their competitots.   The
American business man, thanks to a
system  of university education which
does not ignore business and economics,  realise  that  the  money  machine
is in danger  of breaking dpwn,    and
if that happens he. has lost everything.
With   that illustration bffore us, a
study of the exchange figtjres quoted
above helps us to see the simple world
movements which are essential to re- !'
store the balance so rudely shaken  at
the moment.    To get the pound back-
to parity,   British   goods must go    to
America.   To get the mark back to a
condition   when it becomes   a   workable factor. German goods must come
to us and others.   To re-establish the
rouble, the worst of   all  the    money
tokens. Russia must be started again
in the exporting business.   These are
the big things, the    life and    death
things which must be done.   It is incredible that with these facts known
to them, with the situation open   to
them, with advice and experience   at
their disposal. Governments should be
so blind to realities as to deliberately
frame their policy so as to accentuate
rather than palliate the ill that threatens us.
<i PAGE rwo
A Letter on Social Change
Dear Comrade: "ess is born  within them,    but    only
Your  letter   received  and    contents born—or they would not bother about
noted.   1 gather that my views of so- reforms.    The automatic conduct and
cial change, do not entirely meet with orderliness of strikes,   rallying to the
your approval.    Probably I am pessi- support   of    comrades,    fighting    for
mistic, and very probably my notions
of how the change will be effected
are wide of what the fact may prove
to be. The transformation, in your
terms of social sanity. may prove
prophetic—as beyond all question, it
is the better method.
Still, although I defer to your
weightier opinion, I hardly agree with
it. And I am still pessimistic. I do
not think we have seen the darkest
hour- Rather is it the perumbra—we
have yet to enter the real shadow. Data
is not mine to judge truly, but if, put
of all the brutality, repression, thrust
Upon the world, as it now is,
by a profit blind financial oligarchy,
there comes not, a fierce reaction, I
am not understanding the situation.
And wdtat is the situation?    Allied
interference has crushed all resistance
''rights.'- etc., may be due. as much
to union discipline, habit of thought,
and social custom, as to consciousness
of social status, or any clear cut def-i-
niteness of aim or goal. The mutual
association of victims of a common exploitation, if not clearly conscious of
that exploitation, may. of itself, offer
a pretext for capitalist interference
and tyranny, may be transformed into..
a dangerous association. May it not?
Are not the driving forces, on both
sides, becoming more urgent? Is necessity not growing more desperate?
And is not immediate necessity invariably far in advance of social understanding?
developed their own negation, established custom cannot be broken, or arbitrarily set aside-
True, "rationality will increase as
the day draws nigh," but, likely in a
limited sense, or scope. I grant you
that the conditions favorable to the
growth of rationalism will be greatly
augmented. But that is a different
matter. When the change comes and
the new ethic takes form, the new social consciousness will be developed,
will become the dominant habit. The
new society will grow in, and of, the
conditions, generated by the old, but
the new social consciousness can only
acquire dominance under the influence
of the new order. History seems to
point the lesson, that, so far. we are
driven, not persuaded, and when the
social forces compel society to act, if
circumstances are propitious, an intelligent minority may guide its destinies
into channels of wisdom and peace.
For sake of that minority and in hope
of such an eventuation, I subscribe
most earnestly to the doctrine of education. And education may be aided
by military science. The modern,
scientific means and methods of destruction,  might  be  too appalling to
The expansion of capital—apparently   to its logical   conclusion—is     the
pre-requisite of educational principles! _^^^^_^^^^_^—-..».—
And in the nature of things, that ex- contemplate, might be beyond the coin-
in  Central  Europe; the minor States    pansjon far  outstrips the rate of edu^ mand of proletarian effort, and    that
Vrom the Black Sea to the Baltic, are    catjon.     Because, the habits and  cits- fact, and'not rationalism,  might com-
toirns  of a society   are  (as you    well pel the transition to ways of compara-
know)   the  resultants of its material tive peace.
conditions.    Those customs and idea*        I apologise for this forward trespass
are imposed on   the social members; on your long    suffering, and     I    am
they become local    factors, influenc- gratefully appreciative of your person-
ing further development.      But,   they al efforts  to    set   my   feet    on    the
are also the ethic of the dominant so- "straight and narrow way."
cial forces, and until those forces have Yours for Socialism. R.
strung in the toils of Allied diplomacy,
Austria completely subdued, Germany
xitterly broken. Add in all that wide
stretch of territory, famine, destitution, disease and death prevails; normal life conditions shattered by war—
■and more chaotic with "peace"; and
Imperialism plunging through the
bloody ruin, heedless of its handiwork,
frantic for its market.
Now those peoples appear to be
etic, weary from the agony of
But it is inconceivable that
situation can long continue; as
inconceivable that capitalism will revoke it. Because, with Bolshevism
threatening its existence, as Jehovah
threatened the Caananites, capitalist
control and repression dare not be re
ORE and more it becomes
apparent (in spite of the
suppression of the national press)
that the people of Ireland have
at   last   united   on   a truly   national
the people of Ireland, that they and
they alone are the law makers and
landowners of this island, that all laws
are null and void, not made by them,
and all titles to land invalid not con-
laxed.   What will be the nature of the     basls and have purged from   the na-    ferred or confirmed by them, and that
reaction? Is action not the expression
of thought? And in face of capitalist
despotism, will—can—thought be enlightened? Till capital collapses, will
not the capitalist class resist? In "the
last man and the last dollar" spirit?
tional entity the last vestige of Imperial Anglophobia; that for the first
time in history agitation in . Ireland
has assumed an economic as well as
a political aspect. The present policy
of Sinn Fein is as much the result of
this right of full possession should be
asserted and enforced by all means in
the power of men. They challenge
the right of the viceroy in Dublin to
make the laws of the country, but
they also challenge the  right of each
Would the   Russian   revolution    have    Conn°ll/s fight against the economic    and everv landlord  in the country to
been as mild as it was. but for the
war? Is not Britain ruled despotically
by Imperialism? Does it not mock
working class aspirations? Counter its
"pretentions," resist all demands for
better conditions; and render nugatory, every working class protest and
suggestion ? And while yet its breath
is warm with tales of a "new world"—
a hvpocricy which raises the heat under one's collar— is it not organizing
and gathering together its forces in
battle against labor? And it is not a
threat merely. Capital, steel-clad,
booted and spurred, is everywhere
riding a high horse.
Labor feels its misery and servitude
with a keenness that needs no telling.
But does it know the cause? Quite
true the workers are "gathering
strength"—the pressure of economic
conditions is forcing us into unanimity.
And while unanimity implies a conscious objective, that objective is not
born of political understanding, but
of industrial misery. In other words,
it is the common struggle for existence, that gravitates us together, and
not the recognition of class interest.
There can be no doubt that change
has come upon working class organisations.   The germ of power-conscious-
exploitation of the working people as
is Pearce's struggle for their political
Wfien in 1798 Wolfe Tone first advanced his republican theories, he also
advanced a system of economics that
kept the land-owning classes from his
banner- Again in 1848 when Mitchell
declared for an economic as well as
a political revolution, he found himself
opposed by the wealthy political Gir-
ondins. But the Land League struggle, while it was abandoned before
any decision was reached, yet showed
the people the possibilities of this
form of agitation, and the Gaelic League through its educational policy has
shown the people how alien to the
national conscience was the British
idea of property in land. So that the
combination of the Republican Policy
of Wolfe Tone, the economic policy
of Mitchell and Lalor, the communal
policy of Gaelic Leaguers, and the abstention policy of Griffith's, are now
combined and form the aims of Pearce
and Connolly in 1916, and the platform of De Valeria and Griffiths in '18.
The political and economic platform
of Sinn Fein can be summed up in the
words of Lalor—"That the sole ownership of Ireland is vested of right in
make the economic conditions on their
various estates. They criticise the
right of renegade Irishmen to call in
the military forces of a foreign power
to .restrain working Irishmen from
attempting to secure and obtain the
necessary economic status which is
their right as natives of Ireland to demand. They criticise the right of a
small minority to impose their will on
a large majority and to prevent and
obstruct the political aims of such majority. They believe that the bad
economic conditions are due entirely
to the political control of the country
and its industries by a foreign power
and the exploitation of these bad conditions by a renegade group of Irishmen, under the protection of the foreign power. They moreover maintain that the depopulation of the
country is due more to the economic
conditions created by the foreigner
than the political status of the country. For Ireland now realizes the
truth of Lalor's words when he said—
'Let laws and institutions say what
they will, this fact will be stronger
than all laws and prevail against
them, the fact that those who own
your lands will make your laws and
control your lives and your liberties.'
Is it then any wonder that the Murphy's and Guinesses and Landsdownes
and Dunsanys still earnestly desire
and fight for the British connection-
France needed three revolutions before finally arriving at the solution of
the needs of the people. America,
whilst breaking the political control
of Europe s'till retained the European
form of civilisation and that state today, is more autocratic than the Tories
she overthrew. Ireland seeing this,
must take them as the lessons of history and shape her destinies accordingly. She has enemies galore inside
as wrell as outside, but the spirit of
Connolly is alive among the people
and whatever the paid press of Imperialism may propagate among the
outside world. Sinn Fein today is
heart and soul in the cause of Universal Liberty.
P. J. O'D. READ.
Egotism or Altruism?
LET us not forget that there is nothing intrinsically noble or beautiful in the socialist movement that we
should desire to preserve its existence.
On the contrary, it can be shown, without any contortion of metaphor, that
like the Liberal or Tory movement, it
is a DISEASE- Or. rather, like
skin eruptions upon a human body, it
is a sympton of internal disease, and
therefore part of the disease. The existence of the political and industrial
Socialist Movements indicated that
there is such a faulty and unjust method of wealth production and distribution in society, that class hatreds
and warfare arise; which further re-
suits in the creation of opposing armies, one such being the Socialist organizations. Even the splendid feats
of self-sacrifice performed within the
Socialist Movements are exactly similar to the warfare and self-sacrifice between the healthy elements in the
blood, against the disease-spreading organisms which invade the body; the
struggle between the two being a feature   of the ailment.
Our business, therefore, is not to
prolong the life of the Socialist Movement, but to fight Capitalism to a fin-
•ish and by the establishment of the
Socialist Republic itself, render the Socialist Movement unnecessary; for
Socialism is Health, Peace and Happiness; while under Capitalism, the
workers have only their chains, as
Marx says, to lose, and a whole world
to win.
From another standpoint one can
forgive the ego-Socialists for their
harsh attitude towards their fellow-
workers. We live, at present, in an
imperfect world, amidst imperfect people, forced relationships and intercourse. "Absence makes the heart
grow fonder" has a cynical basis of
truth. Did not the late Prof. Haeckel
write, that many men would gladly
forego the "delights" of an after life,
if it meant that they were doomed to
spend an eternity in the society of
their immortal "better-htlves" or mothers-in-law? Schopenhauer puts it
still more neatly in a parable of his
about a number of porcupines, who,
on a cold winter day, huddled together for warmth; but as they began
to prick one another with their quills,
they were compelled to disperse. However, again the cold drove them together, and the same trouble happened.
(Continued on page 3) WESTERN CLARION
Early Political Institutions
From Prof. Jenk's History of Politics
This Council-
WE have seen tbat in the rude
beginnigs of monarchy, the
host-leader is found always to be surrounded by his followers or companions, men devoted entirely to his service, on the terms that he shall provide
them with maintenance, and opportunities for distinction. As the host-
leader developed into the king, this
body of followers became the council
of the kingdom. Placed in the midst
of a hostile country, the king, and his
followers were absolutely essential to
one another's safety. Without their
support, the king could not hold his
conquest; without his master mind,
they would fall victims in detail to
racial hostility. The success of the
king meant the enrichment of his
'followers; the contentment and prosperity of his followers meant the safety of the king. We may put aside as
premature any definite theories about
the right of the council, in those early
days, to control the actions of the king.
All our accounts of the relationship between  the early king and his council
theory, the death of the king dissolves
his council; in fact, the members of
council hold together, in hopes of being appointed his successor.     And, in
the king of a territory, he required ilred, the other great local division of
supporters, not only round his tnrone, the Middle Ages, will ultimately be
but also all over his territory. We have
already in the preceding chapter, had
a glimpse of the readiest plan. • The
conqueror accepted   the allegiance    of
proved to have been the territory of a
clan.      In later times, of course,   the
subdivislon.becomes more minute, and
we get the  single manor,    under   its
such of the old patriarchal authorities'    lord;   but enough has *beeri    said    to>
as were willing to submit to him, and     show how feudalism began.
continued them  in their old positions, We must not of course, suppose that
the meantime, they keep the political    as his representatives.     It was a dang-    the man who was placed in charge of
machine going. erQUS Pract»ce, though, perhaps,    less    a local district   was entirely excluded
(b) It&preserved the traditions dangerous than forcible dispossession,     from  the Council which surrounuded
p» ' The king felt safer where the circum-    the-person of the king.      On the con-
One ol the greatest dingers to the     stances   allmml him tf)   place one  of    t,..irv< there seems        bfi   ^ (]Q[xht
established kingship is, the risk     his own m]ste), f()novvers in the room     that the greatest of the king»s sub,ml.
of offending its subjects by exhibition
of caprice. It has to deal with a community living according to immemorial custom., it is bound to effect alterations to a certain extent; but, if it
is wise, it will do so as little as possible. Above all, it must avoid any unnecessary changes. It is almost better,
under some conditions, to persevere in
a bad policy, than to change it for
a good one. The average man, especially if he be of a patriarchal type, sus-
pecst and hates change. But a body of
councillors is less likely to be capricious than a single ruler; its members
will possibly, have something to lose
by a change of policy. Its influence
will, in the majority of cases, be
against change.
of a dead or a banished chief. And.
as the old nobles (lied out. the policy
of .replacing them by the "king's
thegns" was steadily pursued, until,
by a silent but revolutionary process,
the. country had been mapped ont into
districts, each i,n charge of a representative of the central government. In all
mates, the earls in England and Scotland, the dukes and counts on the
continent, always sat, as of right, in
the .Council, at any of its solemn days
of sessions. We distinguish in the
Witan of the Angle-Saxon kings, beside the royal princes and the great ecclesiastics,  two classes of people, the
(c)  It broke the obloquy.
A j
lave     said
probability, the' districts >'themselves ealdormen and the thegns. The form-
would be little changed. Tn England, er undoubtedly had a local position as
for example, the local divisions which heads of the shires; the latter were
existed until the beginning of the pres- probably, the humbler followers of
ent century, represented in the main the king, who lived permanently at his
the ancient units of patriarchal society, court. But it is unlikely that the small-
The county or shire was, in many cases er local representatives, the landed
at least, the district of a tribal settle- "thegns" (as we may call them) sat
ment — Sussex of the South  Saxons, in the Council.
Dorsetshire of the Dorsaetas, Somer-        To conclude this chapter, we may
set of the  Somersaetas, and so on. In ask.   what   were  the  duties   imposed
other cases,  .as Dr.   Freeman pointed upon these local representatives by the
out, it   was an artificial  district  com- early kings? And we  shall hardly get
go to show, that the former, if he especially a newly-established govern- manded by a fortified town, such as a better answer than by referring once
choose to run the risk of becoming un- ment, is bound to be unpopular, at least Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire, Der- more to the picturesque words of the
popular, could do what he liked. Al-    to a certain extent.     If the whole of
though, perhaps, the council gained
somewhat in the eyes of the king's
subjects by being regarded as the successor of the old tribal council of eld-
the criticism provoked by its acts were
to fall on the he.x] of a single individual, his position would become very
precarious.      But if the blame can  be
Dvshire. and so on. But this was a Heimskringla, which describe Harold
much later formation. And there are Fairhair as subduing all Norway "with
strong reasons to believe that the hun-
scatt. and  duties, and lordships."
ers,  yet,   in   reality   it  was  the  body distributed amongst his advisers, or if
of the kings's servants, chosen by him even, in extreme cases, one or more of
at his  pleasure.      Nevertheless,    the these advisers can be sacrificed to the
existence of the council did soon un- popular discontent, much will be gain-
doubtedly become a substantial check ed by the head of the state-   Being an
on the despotic tendencies of the king. :mpersonal authority, a council stands
Egoism or Altruism?
J Continued from page 2)
A theory grew up. that a good king
consulted his council frequently, that
he listened to its advise. .And from
this point the step was comparatively
short, to the doctrine that the king
ought to consult, and, finally, that he
must consult his council. And thus,
in reality, the council is the germ of
what we call constitutional government. But. long before it became a
bulwark of popular liberties, the council had rendered invajuable service to
the kingship as an' institution, and this
in at least four ways.
(a) It preserved the continuity.
Kingship  may "be perpetual;     but,
in fact, t,he individual king dies. And,
criticism much better than an individual. This may not be a very dignified or enjoyable function of the council, but it is a very valuable one from
this point of view of the State.
(d) It increases the activity.
The limits of the activity of a single
individual are soon reached. Even a
king like Frederick the Great cannot
know, personally, very much of what
is going on in his dominions. But he
would know still less if it were not for
his councillors. By their own observations, and through their agents, they
find out things which are going on,
and repeat them to the king. As with
knowledge, so with action.     The king
human beings, but   as   commodidties,
like oranges, to be bought, sucked and
cast   aside,    or   allowed   to   rot   when
"     there is  no demand for such.      Who
At last they discovered they would be    can withhold his quota of burning ad-
best off  by remaining, not close    to-    miration  when economically  weak as
gether, but  at  a little distance    from    they are, they wage some courageous-
one another.    The same thing occurs,    battle  for the right to live like human
he says, in human   society, and hence    beings, whilst hundreds are inevitably
the  English  phrase "keep    your dis-    doomed   to   ruinous defeat  in  nearly '
tance," and   also,  the man  who    has     every strike they carry out.   The fur-
sufficient   heat   (or    self-sufficiency?)     ther progress of civilization rests with
in himself, prefers to remain where he    tlie  working class and   every   victory
will neither prick other people nor get    they gain is a step nearer to our goal.
between the death of one king and the    can personally, do but little.   Even in
succession of another, there lies a crit-    early days, when the king was still in
ical moment.     The forces of anarchy     the main, a warrior, he could not per-
are  ready   to break out.      "The king
died on the following day — then there
was tribulation soon in the   land, for
every man that could forthwith robbed
another."    says    an    old    chronicler.
There is always a chance that old ideas '■''' could be increased to any size; and
may revive, and set people longing for
the good old days when every one
did that which was right in his own
eyes. We must remember that a successful monarchy do'es run counter to a
good many cherished practices. It
does not, ,for example, permit of blood-
feuds or tribal forays; it probably has
incurred the resentment of old religions ; it has sanctioned practices
which ancient prejudice regards as
monstrous; it has probably, exacted
a good deal of tribute- So there are
always people waiting for a good op-
pricked himself.
Whatever the faults of the workers
—faults, not of their making but due
to capitalist conditions—they have
certain abstract rights and certain
concrete miseries—such as their commodity status. He who mingles with
the non-Socialist workers, is in danger of an ''argumentum ad hominem"
—for their illusions and ignorance cannot fail to disgust those who have
raised themselves upon the platform
of Socialist Science.
Oscar AVilde was right when he
wrote that sympathy with suffering is
morbid a»d tainted with egoism. He
says there is in it a certain clement
of terror for our own safety. We become  afraid  that   we ourselves might
thus he could, as it were, provide him-    be as the leper or as   the blind,   and
self with  an    unlimited    number    of
3.   The local agents.
Let the Socialist ignore their present
imperfections and afford them all the
help lie is gifted with, for, thereby,
he is bringing nearer that Socialist
Republic which will eliminate the abnormal and the stunted beings of
Capitalism. Then will it be a pleasure
to consort with and not to avoid (as
af   present)  his fellow men.
sonally protect all his dominions at
once. Still less could he, when the
business of his position became, (as it
did become) enormously increased,
conduct  it all himself.    But his coun-
Will Be  Excluded   from   the Lower
House of New York Assembly
Hitherto'we have assumed that the
king's councillors have, save for short
intervals of absence, surrounded his
person, either on the battle-field or in
the palace or hall. This was as we
have seen, the old idea. The war-
leader's companions, in time of peace,
fed at his table and lived in his house.
And the idea has never been abandoned.
that no man would have care ofV us.
Rut allowing that sympathy ("feeling
with") is based on self, when it comes
to sympathy with the working class,
how' exalted it seems to raise one.
What worker, or any other person, has
a conception of abstract justice (which
is more a mathematical than a moral
entity) can withhold his disgust and
indignation that they who perform the
hardest and most necessary toil of society, should vet  be   milked, outraged
ALBANY, N. V.. Jan. 8.—Five Socialist members of the assembly of
the New York State Legislature were
denied their seats at the lower
branch's opening meeting of the 1920
session on Wednesday. A resolution
questioning whether they could be
loyal to their oaths of office when
bound to act subject to instructions
■>f the Socialist partv was passed, 140
to 6.
Manifesto of Socialist Party of
A   statement   of  the   theories   and
The court of the monarch, even and exploited.   Think of the miserable
portftnity to revolt against it. But the    in modern times, is actually in attend- plight of the   workers,   enslaved    to conclusions  of  Scientific  Socialism,
existence of the council tides   over the     arice on the person of the king.     But those who monopolize the   means of $6 per 100 10c ner Conv
dangerous mpment. Though,  in strict    when the   freebooting   leader became living,  functioning, actually,    not    as Postage Paid
■.tti. PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A   Journal   of   History,   Economics,
Philosophy     and     Current     Events
Published every fortnight by the
Socialist Party  of Canada
401   Pender   St.   E.,  Vancouver,   B. C.
Editor C.   Stephenson
Subscriptions to   the   "Western
Clarion," 20 issues   $1.00
THE year 1919 will be historic for
the catalogue of misfortunes
and failures of the statesmen of the
capitalist order, but also, in later
years viewed in retrospect, it will be
seen to have been the year when the
anarchy of capitalist tyranny first
stamped into the hearts and minds of
multitudes an abiding sense of fierce
resentment and an understanding that
the late catastrophic war was not
fought that a new and better order of
life should be established. The bitter lesson of the war is coming home
now that we see those who were most
clamourously insistant on it being
prosecuted and waged to "the last
man and the last dollar," are those
who are now using all their influence
and power, not alone to maintain the
old evil pre-war condition of things,
but in order to do so, they are super-
' imposing upon society a world wide
militaristic tyranny worse even than
that which existed in Prussia itself.
The beast of militarism is now
everywhere, there is no land of refuge from it. And governmental policies are growing more insane and arbitrary, the nearer the capitalist system draws to its inevitable economic
bankruptcy. Already, long since, it
was  without moral justification.
The statesmen of the bourgeois
class had promises to fulfil in the
year 1919. A new order, a new democracy there was to be for the toiling multitudes as the price of Armageddon. Where is it? Wjhere is that
democracy of the glowing phrases?
Instead, the people's hopes are blasted.
The organizations and movements of
the working class are being stamped
to earth under the armed heel of jackboot administrations. Everywhere we
see hunger and misery and violent repression, prohibitions, mock sedition
trials, deportations without trial, and
paid spies and procurers thrusting
themselves in amongst us in every
phase of social activity.
On the North American continent.
the organized labor movement is
with its back to the wall, facing a concerted move to smash it to impotence-
In Canada, by a decision of the courts,
its one means of making its strength
felt has been declared unconstitutional,
and those who have been most bold
in voicing its needs and aspirations,
are in gaol, or awaiting trial. A secret census has been ordered to be
taken of all those holding unorthodox economic and political views,
and the military police forces and
the soldiery are being re-enforced preparatory to we know not wdiat.
In the United States a reign of
terrorism holds sway which would
disgrace a Russian Czar. Thousands
of foreigners are being deported, and
under cover of that, native sons of
radical views are thrown into prison.
Duly and constitutionally elected
members to State assemblies and to
Congress are refused their seats, and
so their constituents are disfranchised
for their political views. This calls to
.mind an editorial in a capitalist paper in Eastern Canada, which frankly
said, "if the working class think they
are going to vote themselves into
power they are badly mistaken, because the bourgeoisie are a more military class than they and will fight and
probably beat them."
On a par with the United States is
France. There, the electoral machinery was thimblerigged to defeat the
radical forces at the last elections
when the number of deputies returned
to the house bore no relation to the
increased number of votes cast against
the government. And Ireland. India, Egypt, Korea, Siberia, their peoples are held in subjection to alien
rule by the most ruthless exercise
of military might.
There are two countries however,
where the outlook is brighter. These
are Russia and Great Britain. In neither of these countries are the workers waiting for manna to fall from
heaven. In great Britain intense educational and organization programs
are being carried out. The organization of the working masses and amalgamation of the various groups has
proceeded at such a pace and reached
such magnitude, that the capitalist
class hesitate to use the drastic methods in vogue in Canada and the United
States. It is to be regretfully admitted that the workers of Britain, as
a whole, have but small knowledge of
socialist principles,, but their organizations provide a bulwark against the
intolerance and tyranny of the ruling
class, from behind which working
class education may be carried on.
In Russia the Soviet forces continue to win signal victories on every
front, and the prospects are that compete victory will soon be won, and
the work of regenerating the economic
and cultural life of that country be
proceeded with at greater speed, when
their energies, instead of being used
up in the waste of war. will be devoted to the progressive transformation of the remains of the capitalist
structure into the body of their Communist organization.
And so, the workers of the world
may see, in some countries, their class
marching to power and freedom, and
in others, writhing under ruthless
tyranny. With that best of all lessons provided them, an objective one.
is there any doubt that they will profit thereby? Tn the latter case, it
should spur them to resistance; in
the former, it should hasten their
Among those arrested in the recent
arrests of Reds in the land of democracy to the south of us, was Charles
M. O'Brien, at one time member of
the Alberta Provincial Legislature.
Charley was arrested at Rochester,
N. Y. '
Comrade O'Brien will be remembered in Canada as an organizer and
lecturer for the Socialist Party of
Canada. For the last several years,
he has been active in the movement
in the Eastern States. All his old
friends in the West will be anxious
for Charley's quick release. %
AT a special meeting of the Dominion Executive Committee of the
Party held Monday, Jan. 5, Comrade
Ewen MacLeod was appointed secretary of the committee and editor of the
Western Clarion, in place of C. Stephenson and W. Bennett, resigned.
Both Stephenson and Bennett desire to thank all those who have so
kindly assisted them during their
term of office, in their endeavor to
maintain the Party publications at a
high standard as medium's of working
class education.
Comrade MacLeod is a member of
many years standing of Vancouver
Local No. 1. Now that he holds those
offices we beg that he be given every
support. Given that support and a
fair field, we are sure that both the
Party and its organ, the Western
Clarion, will benefit through his incumbency and enter into a new phase
of development.
*   *    *
Old readers of the Western Clarion will be pleased to see the familiar
name at the head of the Party organ.
Fourteen months ago it was suppressed by order of the government,
but under the recent order lifting the
censorship on banned publications, we
are allowed to publish it again with
the mailing privileges as a fortnightly
When the Clarion was banned, and
after several attempts to get the ban
lifted had failed, the Red Flag was
issued. This name was, under pressure, later changed to the Indicator,
which we have continued to publish
as a weekly to this date. Because it
was not permissible to use the Clarion
mailing list for the other publications,
we were unable to fulfil the obligations to the subscribers of the Clarion,
but now that we have resumed publication of it, we shall attempt to the
best of our ability to do so. Many
of the subscribers will have left their
old addresses, and, should they become aware that the Clarion is being
issued again, we request them to forward their new addresses so that they
may receive it. Our chief difficulty,
however, is a financial one. The fulfilling of this obligation means that
we must send out many thousand
copies each issue without any present
funds coming in, the funds for the unfulfilled subscriptions to the Clarion
having been eaten up in carrying the
"Red Flag" and the "Indicator."
which were comparatively expensive
publications, laboring as they did under the disadvantage of limited circulation and high mailing and express
rates, and the increasing prices of production- The strain to carry out our
obligations threatens to break us financially, or at any rate, to very seriously curtail our activities for working class education in the principles of
scientific socialism. To assist us to
carry on, unimpeded by this burden,
we request all those Clarion subscribers who can, to cancel our obligation
and renew their subscriptions. In addition, in order that we may even carry
on with renewed vigor, we also ask
them to obtain new sbscriptions for us.
The Clarion has a clear field in Canada as an exponent of Scientific Socialism. In view of this, we are convinced that if a united and persistent
effort is made by our readers, that the
Clarion circulation   will  increase   by
thousands in a short time. We think
it needless to dwell on the necessity
for intense educational activity among
the workers, our readers will realize
it as much as we do. Therefore, all
hands to the ropes.
The'Clarion Maintenance Fund will
be reopened, and contributions to it,
no matter how small, will be welcomed
and acknowledged each issue in the
initials of the contributors.
As the Clarion is registered as a
fortnightly we must for the present,
issue it as such. Should, however,
our hopes of an increased circulation
be realised, it may be decided to issue
it weekly, or .if not that then its size
may be increased. The' "Indicator" is
now discontinued.
According to latest press reports it
appears certain the government proposals for settlement of the employees
claims will be rejected by the delegates- Whether this will result in a
strike is not certain. It may be decided to waive this and instead cooperate with the miners later to enforce nationalization of mines and
means of transportation.
LONDON, Jan. 8.—The situation in
Russia is about as bad as could be
from an anti-Bolsheviki point of view,
according to British war office reports,
and there are few signs indicating any
likely improvement. There are two
especially menacing developments. In
the first place. General Denikine's army has been cut in two through the
Bolsheviki push to the Sea of Azov at
Tanganrod and its flanks have been
thrust back, leaving a large gap. In
addition there comes a claim from the
Bolsheviki of the capture further east
of the town of Krasnovodsk, on the
Caspian Sea, and while this is not confirmed, it is generally accepted as
Baku Endangered
Baku with its important oil supplies
on the western coast of the Caspian
seems likely also to fall into Bolshevik
hands and its occupation would provide a base for further operations
against the rear of Denikine's hard-
pressed right wing.
—Vancouver Province.
The Communist Manifesto, at the
rate of $8 per 100. Single copies, 10
Wage, Labor and Capital, $8 per
100.    Single copies, 10 cents.
The Present Economic System, by
Professor W.« A. Bonger, $6 per 100.
Single copies, 10 cents.
Evolution of the "Idea of God," by
Grant Allen, 45 cents by post.
Capitalist Production, being the
first nine chapters of Vol. I., Marx's
Capital. Single copies, paper cover,
50 cents; cloth bound, $1.00.
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific,
$13 per 100. Single copies, 15 cents.
Postage Paid.
Make all Money Orders payable to
C. Stephenson,   401    Pender    Street WESTERN CLARION
A Counterfeiter Exposed     Appeal ill RllSSell Case     The Capitalists' Profits
IT will be remembered what a to do
was raised by the press during the
Winnipeg strike over the alleged difficulty some one had to get a bottle
of milk for a baby. It will also be
remembered that this incident was
made to feature in the trial of R. B-
Russell in order to influence the jury
of farmers and business men to convict and to furnish an excuse for the
judge to send him to gaol for two
years. Prominent as a witness was
the manager of the Crescent Creamery Company of Winnipeg. The attitude of this gentleman was very aggressive against Russell when in the
witness box and he made a great display of righteous indignation. Now.
however, it ought to be plain to everyone, that both his indignation, as that
of the "kept" press, was counterfeit.
A despatch from Ottawa in the Vancouver "Sun" of Jan. 8, has this to
say under the caption "Winnipeg
Milk Company Declines to Obey Commerce Board."
"OTTAW1A, Jan. 7.—The Crescent
Creamery company of Winnipeg has
thrown down the gauntlet to the Board
of Commerce and ,the board has
promptly taken it up.
"The creamery company in question
has refused to comply with the order
of the board fixing a just and reasonable price upon milk. So the board
has declared against the company, to
the effect that it has refused to sell
at "prices reasonable and just." and
a declaration to that effect has been
sent to H. Whitla, counsel for the
commission at Winnipeg, with instructions for laying of an information against the company and its officers under Section 22 of the Combines
and Fair Prices act.
Prohibits Higher Price
"The board made an order yesterday prohibiting the company from
continuing to sell at a price in excess
of that which the board declared to
be just and reasonable, namely. 15
cents per quart and 8 cents per pint.
That order will be served at once, and
if the company continues to sell in
violation of the instructions given,
then proceedings will be commenced
under Section 20 of the act for violation of that order."
The insincerity of the evidence of
the manager of this concern against
Russell at the trial, was manifest to
everyone with an open mind, but it
served the purpose of the prosecution.
Russell is doing two years and a judicial precedent has been, established,
which reduces the organized labor
movement to constitutional impotence.
The creamery company, as a capitalist concern, sells milk for profit,
in this case, according to the Board
of Commerce, which has held an investigation into costs, "at prices unreasonable and unjust." Ts there any
compassion for babies in those prices. Mr. Manager? Evidently the
board does not think so. But Russell is doing two years.
Sub. Hustlers Wanted
Court  Does Not Agree   With  Legal
Arguments Presented by Cassidy
WINNIPEG, Jan. 9.—The "extent to which section 590 of
the criminal code protected the activities of members of trade unions was
defined in the court qiiippeal by Chief
Justice Perdue today, when Robert
Cassidy. K.C., 'in speaking to the Russell appeal case claimed that under
this section no evidence concerning the
Winnipeg general strike should have
been admitted. No charge of conspiracy could be laid against an individual
he said, for actions within the orbit
of a trade combination. Chief Justice
Perdue, in defining the meaning of
this  section said:
Object to Protect Unions
"The object of section 590 is to protect trade unions. Otherwise they
might be charged with conspiracy for
inducing a man to leave his employment. You can not say that everything done inside the doors of their
meeting place in absolutely protected,
notwithstanding there was a conspiracy to commit a crime or violate a
Again referring to the same section, Chief Justice Perdue said: "It
was introduced to protect trade unions. It was not introduced to make
them immune from charges of conspiracy if they were guilty of it."   .
Judge's View Different
Mr. Cassidy contended that the overt
acts which had occurred during the
strike should have been kept out of
the prosecution under this section of
the code.
Mr. Justice Fullerton: "In other
words, you are  arguing that   Russell
To increase the circulation of "The
Clarion," Urgent. One dollar for
twenty issues. Do not delay. Help
on the educational movement.
The Russian school children have
the opportunity of continuing their
studies without experiencing the material hardships of life- The Commissariat for social maintenance onder-
takes their support. The scholars and
students are only expected to pursue
their studies, and if they really do
this the state supplies them with
food, clothes, housing, books and recreation.
Free education was introduced in
all the schools in Russia in 1918. The
scholars of the higher elementary
schools are granted subsidies, school
books, literature, etc., or they are
given food free of charge. They are
allowed to visit theatres, concerts, lectures, museums, exhibitions, etc., also
free of charge. The pupils of the colleges live either in communal houses
or separate, lodgings. All students receive a certain sum of money; in Moscow, for instance, every student receives 1,200 roubles. If desired, part
of the money is spent on food or other
In order to make it possible for students to continue their studies uninterruptedly the three-term system has
been introduced into the universities
by adding another summer term to
the autumn and spring terms. For
this same reason the students are
freed from military training and service in the Red army.
could make speeches as seditious as
he pleased in a labor meeting and
would not be liable for prosecutions
for them."
Mr. Cassidy jumped the fifth objection, and commenced arguing the
sixth. He contended that Mr. Justice Metcalfe should not have admitted evidence to show that the
strike was continued by the accused
and should not have ruled as inadmissible the evidence of a witness'
for the defence, whose testimony
would have corroborated Russell's to
the effect that he did everything in
his power to settle the strike once it
had started.
Repented Afterwards
Mr. Justice Perdue remarked that
this point had nothing whatever to
do with the result of the trial and he
was surprised that the trial judge
had permitted the point to be included in the reserved case. The fact
that the accused had repented, had
undergone a change of heart, after
the strike had started, was not of
importance as far as the legal rectitude of the trial was concerned.
Others of the judges, however, remarked that when Mr. Cassidy said
that Russell worked to settle the
strike he (Mr. Cassidy) meant that
he endeavored to bring it to a successful finish from the standpoint of
labor. This could not be taken as a
whole-hearted effort to end the
strike from an impartial viewpoint.
Mr. Cassidy did not entirely accept
this version of Mr. Russell's efforts.
He said that Russell strove rather to
bring the strike to an end by accommodating the various interests.
The Soviet of People's Commissaries has given orders to double the
amount paid to each member of a soldier's family incapable of working and
dependent on him. Ii this way. every
members receives 120 roubles monthly.    Besides money they receive food.
The Soviet of People's Commissaries has issued a decree for granting material assistance to those temporarily incapable of working,
(through disease, pregnancy and confinement, injuries and quarantine). In
this case the patients receive two
months' full pay. If the illness continues for a longer period the patients
arc granted relief and social maintenance until they are quite recovered or
until it is found necessary to give
them a pension (invalids.) Any institution not carrying out this order correctly is made responsible and   fined.
From June 5, free feeding for children has been introduced in the following 16 governments of Soviet Russia: Archangel, Vladimir. Vologda.
Ivanovovosnesensk, Kalongna. Kostroma, Moscow, Nishni, Olonetz, Pet-
rograd, Pskov, North Dxinsk. Tver.
Cherepovetz. Varoslavl.
TI7 HENCE does the capitalist
m » class derive its income. The1
gains of merchants' and lenders' capital
consisted originally of the portions
which they witheld from the property
of those dependent upon them, who
might represent any of the various
classes. .It is Otherwise with industrial
capital. It so happens that in proportion as the capitalist system of
nroHuction develops, the (industrial
form of capital overshadows all others
and forces them into its service. Furthermore, it can do this only in so far
as its returns to them a part of the
surplus value which it has drawn
from the workers. As a result of this
development the surplus produced by
the proletarians becomes more and
more the only source from which the
whole capitalist class draws its income.
As the small industrialist and the
small farmer are disappearing and
their influence upon modern society
is felt ever less, so also are disappearing the old forms of merchant's and
interest-bearing capital, both of which
made their gains by exploiting the
non-capitalist classes Already there
are nations without independent artisans and small farmers. England is an
instance in point. But no one can
conceive of a single modern state
without large production. Whoever
desires to understand the modern
forms of capital irmst proceed from
the industrial form that capital has assumed. The real and increasingly
important source from which flow
capitalist gains is to be found in the
surplus value produced by capital industry.
We have in the preceding chapter
become acquainted with the surplus
value which the industrial proletarian
produces and the industrial capital appropriates. We have also seen how
the amount of the surplus value produced by the individual laborer increases at a more rapid rate than does his
wage; this is brought about by the
increase in the amount of labor, introducing labor-saving machinery and
cheaper forms of labor. At the same
time there is an increase in the number
of proletarians. So the amount of
the surplus accruing to the capitalist
class swells constantly more and
Unfortunately, however, "life's unalloyed enjoyment is not the lot of
mortal man." However distasteful
it may be to him. the capitalist is compelled to "divide" with the landowner
and the state. And the share claimed
by each of these increases from vear
to year.
To all youths and girls working in
Soviet establishments the Commissariat for Labor has granted one months'
ho.Mday with maintenance of wages.
They have been sent by the State to
those parts of Russia which are rich
in food and with good climatic conditions. Here they are maintained by
the State- The youths and girls have
been divided into groups which form
independent colonies and are housed
in the many bourgeois mansions. PAGE SIX
LAFARGUE has drawn an analogy between the primitive
savage and the modern bourgeois showing that the savage believes in the supernatural because of his ignorance of the natural
world, while the bourgeois recognizes
■ the necessity of a supreme being to
elucidate the mechanism of the social
world. This analogy seems to be well
taken when one considers the plethora
of salves, and lotions, that are being
applied to the social gearing in the
hope of prolonging class rule. Just
as in the field of medicine we are made
acquainted with Turtle Serums, microbe destroyers, interstitial glands
and other quackery, so in the economic
field similar elixers are introduced to
build up, maintain, and perpetuate the
present system of production.
One of the many perplexing problems that await solution at the hands
of our economists is that known for
the lack of a better title as the "High
Cost of Living." Numerous causes
have been advanced, ranging in order
from sunspots to profiteers, to account
fOr this prevalent socia^ malady, but
without success.    To the Socialist the
. reasons for such a phenomenon ^re
well known, and many articles have
been published in this journal setting
forth our views on the matter. Particularly interesting, in this regard, was
a contribution by "Geordie," a few
months past, in which the soaring prices were attributed to the decreasing
value of gold in relation to other commodities; the enormous demand for
goods of practically every description
in the face of a diminished supply due
to the withdrawal of millions of our
class from the sphere of production,
and their removal to other lands for
military purposes, where their consuming capacity was increased, being better fed and clothed as well as expending their energies in an entirely destructive field of human endaavor; by
the inflation of the currency, and the
consequent depreciation of same, manifesting itself in an advance of prices;
and the effects of partial monopolies.
that flourished due to war-time conditions, which prevented an open mar- '
ket and free competition. These reasons will adequately explain the present situation even though our masters' economists fail to grasp their import.
But, now, while all are agreed that
prices have risen tremendously since
the beginning of the war, vitally affecting those who peddle the commodity labor power, which has failed to
keep pace with the others on their upward journey, and demand the immediate attention of our statesmen,
boards of trade, chambers of commerce, consmers' league, housewives'
clubs and other brainy manipulators
of social forces; still, all are not in
harmony regarding the means of relieving the distress. One of the most
ingenious devices yet concocted to
perform the impossible, comes from the
... pen of,Prof..Irving Fisher of Yale University, who is also president of the
"American Economic Association,"
and chairman of the "Association on
the Purchasing Power of Money in
Relation to   the War."  His invention
' purposes to stabilize   the buying val
ue of the dollar by a novel and amusing plan.    In brief this plan means—
1. To abolish gold coins and to
convert our present gold certificates
into "gold- dollar certificates," entitling the holder to dollars of gold bullion of such weight as may be officially   declared from time   to time.
2. To retain the virtual "free coinage." that is. deposit—of gold and the
tree redemption of gold dollar certificates.
3. To designate an ideal composite
goods-dollar, consisting of a representative assortment of commodities
worth a dollar at the outset, and to
establish an index number for recording, at stated intervals, • the market
price of this composite dollar in terms
of the gold dollar.
4. To adjust the weight of the gold
bullion at stated intervals, each adr
justment to be proportioned to the
recorded deviation of the index number from par.
5. To impose a small "brassage"
not to exceed any one change in the
gold-dollar's weight.
The point of departure assumed by
our learned professor displays a certain amount of reasoning power, inasmuch as he has no intention of getting the cost of living back to the good
old days, a few centuries since, when
a barrel of beer (no stipulated per
cent) could be purchased for y2d. and
a dozen of eggs (minus of course, the
cold storage flavor) exchanged for a
farthing. His method is to Start off
with the price level actually existing
immediately before its adoption. To
do this, he* recommends the "composite goods dollar," which might be
composed of say, 1   oz.  sugar, 1 eggi
1 pt. of milk, y2 of a lb. of copper, 3
board feet of lumber, 4 pounds of coal.
2 apples, and 1 pound of nails, and let
the gold dollar represent these goods,
varying the weight of this dollar to
suit the prevailing conditions as often
the need arises. This means, of
course, that to keep the gold dollar
from shrinking in value we make it
grow in weight, and so recognize that
a depreciated dollar is a short weight
dollar and,, reversely, to keep the dollar from increasing its value we sub-
stract a necessary portion of its weight
and thus grant that an appreciated dollar is one of too great a weight.
The reason for starting off with the
price list in vogue the day we adopted
the goods dollar as our unit, is to prevent a shock to the sensitive nerves
of the buying public, who would, in
this way. not notice the difference in
the systems any more than in the
change from local to standard time, or
more recently, by the shift for daylight saving. In fact, the average
wage plug wouldn't know any more
about the new gold dollar than he
knew abo.ut the old one. They would
both  practically be  strangers to him.
If this method of reducing the old
H. C. L. were merely the unsupported
suggestion of an inventive economist
it would not demand, on our part, any
serious consideration. But the plan
has already tickled the fancy of such
men as President Hadley of Yale,
Frank A. Vanderlip. Geo. F. Peabody.
John Hays Hammond, Senator R. L.
Owen, Sir David Balfour and many
other "big moguls" in the business and
financial world, as well as the department of economics in most universities. For this reason we cannot afford to throw it aside with contempt.
Today, gold, in addition to other
functions,  is aM«ieasure of value   and
standard of price. The labor theory
of value tells us that commodities exchange on the basis of the relative
quantities of labor necessary for their
production. Gold, then, can measure
the values of other commodidties only
because of the fact that it contains a
certain quantity of that substance—
labor, which is common to all commodities. If new gold bearing areas
are discovered and, consequently, new
methods of mining and refining are
employed, thus lessening the cost of
production of gold, a correspondingly
increased quantity must be given in
exchange for other things not subject
to the same influences. This expresses
itself in the prices of other commodities. Price is nothing more than the
value of any commodity expressed in
terms of the money commodity. If
this money commodity happens to be
gold, then, the others reflect their
values in gold prices. When in a
store Ave do not see articles marked
as containing so many hours of labor
time for their production- They are
marked in this country in dollars and
cents. Here, then, we find gold to
be also a standard of price.
A certain portion of the metal, to
'wit, 25.8 grs., nine-'tenths fine, constitutes the gold dollar. How this particular weight was decided upon is beside the question. As there are 480
grs. of gold in an oz. this would leave
the oz. of this given fineness always
equal to $18.60. No matter how gold
may depreciate in value due to the
various influences that may affect it,
its fluctuations are always registered
in the prices of other commodities as
the specified number of grains are always one dollar. To find the purchasing power of gold we read the price
list backwards and see it expressed in
all kinds of commodities.
Under this novel plan of our worthy
professor, gold would still be the measure of value, but its function of
standard of price would be seriously
interfered with by the lack of having
a definite quantity agreed upon as the
unit. As the average worker finds
the study of gold money a complicated
problem, due to the difficulty of dissociating it from its money position,
lee us examine the proposition by using wheat instead. The bushel is accepted as the unit. This bushel contains 60 pounds of wheat. If by some
discovery wheat can be produced
twice as easily as last season, and the
labor time necessary to produce spuds
and carrots remains constant, then,
it will require double the quantity of
wheat to purchase a given store of
those other commodities. The trouble
is in no way removed, or the problem in no way simplified, by adding
an extra 60 pounds to the unit to prevent it from shrinking in value. It
still exchanges with spuds and carrots
on the same basis as it did before. So,
too, in the case of gold adding 10 or
20 grs. to the dollar does not offer
any solution, any more than that we
can buy the same amount of goods for
a larger amount   of gold instead    of
less' of other goods for the same
amount of gold. The law of value)
will assert itself just the same.
Th'en, again, the idea of having gold
dollar certificates entitling the holder
to certain quantities of gold bullion
may sound, well in theory but not in
practice- There is not enough gold in
existence to represent the values that
are being consumed, and the more the
present system develops the more the
ratio of gold to notes, cheques, drafts,
bills, and other credit instruments
varies in a downward direction. Gold
and silver certificates which represent,
or circulate in place of, equivalent
quantities of these metals, stored in
government or bank vaults, are becoming strangers to the channels of
circulation, while their places are
taken by other forms" of paper money
which have little or no connection
with metal reserves. All goes well so
long as this paper can be redeemed
er replaced by new promises. But no
student of capitalist finance can fail
to notice that increasing quantities of
inconvertible paper are making their
■appearance, and that the gold reserves
are continually .dwindling compared
with the amount of this currency in
circulation. The idea of substracting
something from the gold bullion,
should be an extremely difficult feat
in view of the fact-that there is nothing to substract from. Some other
remedy will have to be prescribed but,
then, there are plenty professors, so
who's next?
J. A. McD,
The Denekine Army
The armies of Soviet Russia on all
fronts are sweeping the capitalist
counter-revolutionary forces before
them like leaves before a stoVm. The
ease and rapidity with which they are
doing it shows that the populations of
the regained territory are assisting
them to rout the mercenary troops of
the invaders. Revolutionary principles
are triumphing over blood-money.
Tf the soviet armies do enter Persia, as the capitalist press reports it
is,feared, it will not be to tyrannize
and to sap the life of the underlying
population but to free them from capitalist exploitation, both foreign and
As showing the character of the anti-bolshevik forces under Dennikin, C.
)'>.. read the following clipping from
the Vancouver Province.
"NEW! YORK, Jan. 8.—The army
of General Denikine is characterized
as a' "blood-thirsty rabble" guilty of
"brutish outrages," and a mob which
revels in the most abominable crimes
and shrinks from no infamy," in a
communication written by Dr. Max
Nordeau, Jewish publicist and leader,
made public  here
The communication is a protest
against the repeated pogroms in Uk-
rainia and an appeal in behalf of the
Propaganda meeting, Sunday. 8 p.m.
Empress Theatre. Gore and Hastings
street. * .
Division of Labor and Competition.
While on the one hand, the industrial development draws
commerce and credit in ever closer relation with industry, it brings about,
on the other hand, ,an increased division of labor; the various functions
which th* the capitalist has to fulfill
in the. industrial life, divide more and
more and fall to the part of' separate
undertakings and institutions. Formerly. ,it was the merchant's function
not only to buy and sell goods, but to
store them, and often to earn' them
to far distant markets. He had to
assort his goods, display them, and
render them accessible to the individual purchaser, Today there, is a division of labor not between wholesale
and retail trade only; we find also
large undertakings for the transportation and the storing of goods. In
those large central markets called exchanges, buying and selling have to
such extent become separate pursuits
and freed themselves from the other
functions commonly pertaining to the
merchant, that not only are goods located in distant region^, or even not yet
produced, bought and sold there, but
that goods are bought without the
purchaser intending to take possession
of them, and others are sold without
the seller ever having had them in his
possession, -
In former days a capitalist could
not be conceived without the thought
of a large safe into which money was
collected and out of which he took
the funds which he needed to make
payments. Today tjie treasury of
the capitalist has become the subject
of a separate occupation in all industrially advanced countries especially in
England and America. The bank has
sprung up. Payments are no longer
made to the capitalist, but to his
bank, and from his bank, not from
him, and his debts collected. And so
it happens that a few central concerns
perform today the functions of treasury for the whole capitalist class of the
But although the several functions
of the capitalist thus become the functions of separate undertakings, thev do
not become independent of each other
except in appearance and legal form:
economically, they remain as closely
bound to and dependent upon each
other as ever. The functions of any
of these undertakings could not continue if those of any of the others with
which they are connected were to be
The more commerce, credit and industry become independent and the
more the separate functions of the
capitalist class are assumed by separate undertakinc-s. the greater is the
dependence of one capitalist upon another. Capitalist production becomes
accordingly, more and more a gigantic
body, whose various limbs are in the-
closest relation to each other. Thus,
while the masses of the people become
ever more dependent upon the capitalists, the capitalists themselves become ever more dependent upon one
\ The economic machinery of the
modern system of production constitutes a more and more delicate and
complicated mechanism,; its uninterrupted operation depends constantly
more upon whether each of its wheels
fits in with the others and does the
work expected of it. Never yet did
any system of production stand %\n
such need of careful direction as does
.the present one.      But the institution
of  private property makes it impossible to introduce plan^nd order into
this system. ^P
While the several industries become,
in point of fact, more and more dependent upon one another, in point of
law, they remain wholly independent.
The means of production in every single industry are private property; their
owner can do with them as he pleases.
The farther large production develops, the larger every single industry
becomes, the better is the order to
which the economic activity of each
is reduced, and the more accurate and
well considered is thetplan upon which
each is carried' on, down to theJfcmall-
est details. The joint operation* of
the various industries is, however, left
to the blind force of free competition.
It is at the expense of a prodigious
waste of power and of materials and
under stress of constantly increasing
economic crisis   that free competition
keeps the industrial mechanism in
motion. The process goes on, not
by putting every one in his place, but
crushing every one who stands in the
way. This is called "the survival of
the fittest tin the struggle for existence." The fact is, however, that
competition crushes not so much the
truly unfit, as those who stand in the
wrong place, and who lack either the
special qualifications or. what is more
important, the capital to survive.
But competition is no' longer satisfied
with crushing those who are unequal
to the "struggle for existence." The
destruction of every one of these draws
in its wake the ruin of numberless
others who were economically connected with the bankrupt concern	
wage-earners, creditors, etc.
"Every man is the architect of his
own fortune." So runs a favorite proverb. This proverb is an heirloom
from the days of small production,
when the fate of every single breadwinner, at most that of his family also,
depended upon his own personal qualities. Today the fate of every member of a capitalist community depends
less and less upon his own •individuality, and more and more upon a thousand circumstances that are wholly beyond his control. Competition no
Anger brings about the survival of the
THE meaning of the late concilation
propaganda is becoming clearer.
Heretofore, it has been obscured by
the misty vagaries of hero-worship,
and the whirling kaleidoscope of bourgeois "duty." But now that the spasm
of heroworship has subsided, and the
intensification of the market struggle
has overwhelmed the philosophy of
duty, the true relationship of capital
and labor is coming steadily to the
forefront of reality. And in a manner, that even the running reader may
see. The concentration of capital is
sacrificing the profit of to-day, for
the greater spoil of tomorrow ; is clothing the national state witluthe politics
of imperialism ; sharpening the edge of
class conflict; stripping the camouflage from the falsity ot conciliation.
In Canada, we are threatened with
a nevy Premier—a more dangerous
thing than the "mounties." But, although Canada is a democracy (may
the Lord save our beans), it wMl not,
be the people of Canada who will
elect the new premier. That will be
the privilege of capitalist interests,
acting behind cabinet "conventions" ;
and even if the "people" did elect him.
the difference would be invisible—the
nominee being of the ruling class. The
politics of Canada, like the politics of
all capitalist countries, is not an affair
of national import only. It is a part
of the wider organization of world
politics, of necessity, since capitalisj
production and exchange is no longer
national, but for the world market.
With the close of the Anglo-German
war, the old capitalist methods are obsolete. The hew (anticipated) conditions of the world market demand new
alignments of capitalist control, more
efficient methods of production, different adjustmlents of commerce. Canadian capital is associated with world
capital, and therefore in accordance
with the interests and necessities of
international finance, Canadian politics must be shaped; must harmonise
with the needs and conform with the
regulations of the greater interests-
And be the premier, whom he may,
his election will be of the power of
that greater capital with that end in
In America, the quarrel over the
Peace Treaty is ofthe same nature.
FVom economic exigencies the U. S.
entered the war. -and emerged flying
the blue ribbon of commercial supremacy. To maintain that supremacy is
the objective of American statescraft.
but as a national unity, single handed,
free from European alliances and entanglements which in future may involve the U. S. ruling class in struggle not to their interest. But in the
nature of capitalist development, world
exploitation is not a national monopoly, but vests in the polity of international control. And being economically powerful. American finance will
exercise a supreme influence in the
councils  of that  control.
In Britain there has been an attempt
(among the lesser capitalist fry. whose
holdings are impaired by capitalist
concentration- to renew the old anarchy of party politics, oblivious of the
fact that the pre-war world has vanished; that war-time industry has dissolved their individualism, as completely as science has destroyed their
gods. P.ut faced with nationalisation.
the growing solidarity of labor, the
open (though limited) advocacy of
sovietism and the imperious necessity
of intensive production, capitalist differences surely will be merged in the
Greater Imperialism.
All this is the reflex of the new-
world condition. If capitalist society
is to be maintained, intensity of competition overcome, adverse exchanges
reversed, then the world market must
be controlled: the volume of production must be increased; labor must be
cheap. Just as coalition mergers are
the political evidence of economic
amalgamation,    so    censorships    and
1 dudgeonhigs-r "red" pograms and injunctions, are rude witness to capitalist concentration in that throbbing
world of wasted energy—capitalist industry.
Every attempt of labor to secure
better conditions is countered by
force ;everyXeffort for social amelioration parried by investigating committees (of ruling class personnel):
every scheme of reconstruction founded on profit: every plan of "conciliation" reflects the hope of gain. Palpably conciliation is a sham, democracy a figment of the imagination. And
the regularities of class expediency.
furnish proof of the class consciousness of the rulers, and its absence in
the proletariat.
Conciliation is beyond all question
impossible. To expect such a contingency is tif expect repulsions to act
as affinities: is to expect the miraculous. Conciliation would mean the
negation of the capitalist economic.
And the capitalist class cannot accomplish the negation, for the abrogation
of its law must extinguish capital, as
irrevocably as the violation of physical law would shatter the solar sys-
tern. Capital and labor are as wide'
apart as the poles, in nature and objective. The one is exploitation and
profit, the other economic freedom
and use-production./ The existence of
capital compels the existence of wage
labor. The accumulation of capital is
the economic servitude of the worker-
the surplus of the master, the degradation of the slave. And the only remedy  is the abolition of capital."
Labor follows after strange gods.
The necessities of its harried life drive
it to action, willy-nilly. It is impelled
along the barren ways of reform; bartered by governments; betrayed by
office seekers: exchanging its life for
subsistence, its manhood for a crust.
Yet that seems to be the only way
to emancipat-'on. Goaded on by the
rough bufferings of economic determinism, we have little time for reason or'opportunity for study. But that
same determinism is whirling us on
to the climax of capitalist society, forcing us face to face with the cause of
our poverty and misery—the capitalist
ownership of the social means of life.
When capitalist development attains
to that point, then shall we see—and
act. '
Education  and  propaganda    cannot
hasten   the end.  cannot iufluence  but *
the   class awakened, or convince    the
victims i if tradition. And the capitalist class will misinform, slander and
repress. Still education is urgently
necessary. For when the crisis comes,
when the social forms of production
have broken through the restrictions
of the capitalist mode of production,
it can only be the wisdom of widespread siH-ial understanding, that can
prevent the burning passions, generated in the proletariat by centuries of
agonv and repression, from recoiling
blindly, and tragically on society itself, and smooth the passage of that
society from capitalist anarchy to socialist co-operation. R.
Propaganda Meeting, at Empress
Theatre, corner Gore Avenue and
Hastings street. Sunday, 8 p.m. Doors
open at 7:30 p.m.
Articles are desired on the Socialist
Philosophy or on current events interpreted in the light of its principles. A Journal of
Life Under Socialism
From    "The    Socialist   Standard" of
November, 1919
BEFORE Marx and Engels placed
Socialism on a scientific basis
those who believed that capitalism
was only a, passing phase in the history of the human race often, endeav-
1 ored to sketch plans for a future State.
To-day we know that all such plans
were Utopian dreams. We know it
because the progress that has been
made in the means and methods of
production has left those plans—based
on the then existing means—far behind. We know, too. that any such
pictures of the future we might sketch
to-day, if based on our present methods of production, would be idle
dreams, because all the time we are'
hovering on the brink of new discoveries that, at any moment, may fundamentally change our method of living.
* Beyond the elementary facts that we.
as human beings, shall continue to
need food, clothing and shelter, and
shall be obliged to obtain them by
some labour process, the future is unknown, and all efforts to life the veil,
or plan details of the future, are waste
of time and energy.
The Socialist does not pretend to
foretell the future. All that he claims
is that he understands the present,
with its class ownership of the means
of life and the consequent, enslavement of his class. The defenders and
agents of the ruling class deny this
enslavement and claim that Socialism
would result in loss of liberty to the
individual. It is evident, however,
that class ownership and control implies a class that is subjugated and
therefore without   liberty.
Socialism, on _the other hand, being
a system of society where the means
Labor Defence Fund
Send all money and make all
cheques payable to A. S. Wells, B. C.
Federationist, Labor Temple, Vancouver, B. C.
Collection agency for Alberta: A.
Broatch,, 1203 Eighth avenue east, Calgary, Alta.
Central Collection Agency: J. Law,
Secretary, Defence Fund, Room 1,
530 Main street, Winnipeg.
Liberty Bonds
For the Defense of the Men
Arrested as a Result of the
Winnipeg Strike, in Denominations of $1, $2 and $5. Have
You  Got Yours  Yet?
Liberty of Speech and Action 13
Worth Paying and Fighting For
Make all monies payable to
A. S. Wells, Secretary of Defense
Committee, 405 Dunsmuir Street,
Vancouver, B. C.
of life are owned iii, Common and democratically controlled, must give the
maximum freedonl to the individual
because there is equality of ownership
and control.
Under capitalism the worker is subjected to restrictions atd rules.* and
subjugated to a discipline whilh would
be hard to beat. It is only the master
class that possesses liberty, and their
liberty  means working class  slavery.
The Materialist Conception of History, discovered by Marx, Engels and
Morgan, besides assisting to place Socialism ion a scientific basis and explaining history, also explains the present and makes it clear to us why we
cannot, fOrtell the future. The intellectual life and institutions of society
are the result of—and can only be explained by—the means and methods
of producing and distributing wealth.
As we cannot fortell the future development of the means of life, the insti-
, tutions, intellectual life, and general
conditions must remain hidden.      4
Of what does the intellectual life of
society consist? After the commercial
and technical sides (which are obviously determined in their nature by
the means and methods of production)
comes politics. Analyse politics and
we find, first, international relations,
treaties, diplomacy, and all the quarrels and agreements between the ruling class of different nations. This is
the territorial side and divides the
working class by boundaries for the
purpose of arranging exploitation.
Secondly, the legal changes ..and social reforms made necessary by tne
continual changes in the means and
methods of production and distribution. The poverty of the working
class increases because the social system is out of harmony with the means
and methods of production; and this
causes numerous disputes between
capitalists and workers. The settlement or prevention of these disputes
is a constant theme for discussion in
Parliament and in the Press. Every
debate in the House of Commons is,
in one lorm or another, the outcome
of social conditions in process of
change. Social rleationships, the relations between man and man, or between class and class, do not stand
still; and the cause of their change is'
the evolution of the material things—
tools, machinery, etc.,—on which man
depends for his subsistence.
The political history of the past has
been a succession of struggles 'twixt
subject and ruling classes for the control of power. With the necessary
physical force on its side to dominate
society, each class has in its turn secured its position as far as possible,
and settled down to enjoy the fruits
of victory.. No previous class in history, rising to power, has ever doubted
its ability to use it—why should the
working class?
The forerunners of the modern capitalist class in. the sixteenth century
were themselves a subject class. They
threw off the yoke of the lords and
monarchy, and commenced their rule
with no settled policy beyond the
determination to be masters of society.
Their policy has never been any different down to the present day.   The
executive government deals.with every
situation as. it arises. They cannot
tell what problems will call for settlement in a year'fe time.' Not knowing
$iat the conditions will be, the problems that result from them cannot be
known, consequently eyery act of gov;
eminent can only be an expedient to
prevent frictig^   to avert a- crisis, c£
to restore a rjWance that has been upset by changes in the means -of producing wealth,' and so preserve the
even continuity of capitalist rule;
In short, history and experience tell
us tbat it is impossible to foretell the
future. Why should we try to do so?
What we are concerned with is *the
present—how to make the best of life
now-   How do the ruling class achieve
tha"t?    By using'the power conceded
to them by the bulk  of society,   the
working class.   While the workers are
asking questions  about the details of      (
a system which they can onjy arrange      '
in accordance with the stage of devel-     '\
oj^ment reached by the'means of pro-      ,
duction, they are neglecting to under-      j
stand   and    grasp their opportunities      '
to-day.    Is it   not sufficient ( for    the
workers that they should be free frorn>
the domination of the capitalist class,
and.  controlling their own" destinies,
shape  their lives in accordannce with
their  knowledge    of nature?      What
have they to fear when   free?    What
must they suffer when not free?
Paper Money and The Gold Standard
(The following article from the
London ''Common Sense," will be useful to those studying the problem of
high prices. The author of the article is a noted economist, F. W. Hirst,,
late editor of the "Economist," (London) now editor of "Common Sense.")
DURING the last week the Editor has spoken three times—
on the Newcastle Exchange, in Rochdale, and in London—on the sobject
of the depreciation of paper money.
He ventures to submit his facts, arguments, and conclusions to readers of
Common Sense — Judging by the
world's experience, past and present,
an inconvertible paper currency, such
as weifow possess, is a positive danger to society. It is the natural resort of a bankrupt State. A Bradbury which calls irself a pound, costs
perhaps a penny to produce. But in
some countries small paper money
(e.g., paper kopeks in Russia) has a
purchasing power which is less than
the cost of production.. A printing
press is much more convenient than
a mint. A ton of paper is so much
easier to acquire than a ton of gold
or silver. If a Governriient is spending more than its revenue, what more
easy than to meet the deficit by printing paper money? As a Government
gets into greater and greater difficulties, it relies more and more upon the
printing press. As the supply -of the
commodity called paper money increases its value naturally diminishes.
Tax^s and loans bring in less and less
because they are paid in such money.
A depreciating paper currency also
means, of course, rising prices. And
rising prices cause popular discontent, leading perhaps to revolution.
People with small fixed incomes are
being ruined all over Europe. By a
judicious restriction of the paper currency we could easily restore the gold
standard. As to dumping, a curious
idea has been started that a depreciating currency assists exports and encourages foreign trade. tf so, our
chief competitors befofe the war
should have been Portugal and Honduras.
During the past few weeks (partly
as a consequence of Professor Can-
nan's.vigorous intervention before the
Profiteering Tribunal at Oxford) public attention has suddenly been called
to the price of gold. Before the war
there was, in a sense, no price of
gold, because the gold sovereign was
out standard of exchange and yn£a3-
xire of value. As a matter Of fact, the
standard ounce for coinage purpose*
■ before the .war contained one-twelfth
of alloy. <*$ The price of an ounce of
pure gold was 85s., and\the standard
ounce was bought by the Mint for 17%.
lO^d. In': other words, an ounnce of
pure gold {with, the help of alloy)
would be coined into about 4 pounds
five shillings For some absurd tea/*
son the one pound Bradbury is. still
Called sterling for; the purpose of foreign exchanges. On Saturday, Nov-
29, fine gold for export fetched £5 3s,
6d. in Bradburys, ,as compared with
a*, pre-war price of £4 5s. On Wednesday the price had risen to%$$s.
7d- This fact alone proves that the
Bradbury has been depreciating, and
affords us a measure of- its deprecia^
tion in terms of .the gold sovereign.
At the end of November, 1914, only
38 millions of Treasury notes were
in circulation, and only 36 millions of.
Bank of England notes. The figures
now are 338 millions and 86 millions
respectively. No Wonder that prices
have risen. Our prices to-day are*not
prices in gold sovereigns, but prices-
measured in paper pounds. Our experience is supported and multiplied
by that of other belligerent countries
where prices have! risen in proportion to the expansion of the paper currency.
Owing,. however, to the fact that
several belligerent countries have
demonetised gold, and that great silver-using countries " like India and
China have been comparatively unhurt by the war, the rise of gold -in
Bradburys has been small compared
with the rise of silver. In the autumn
of 1914, the price of silver was about
23d, or 24d per ounce. In the last
fortnight it has been as high as 76d,
per ounce, so that it has risen from
about 2s. to more than 6s.. To put it
jn another way, an ounce of gold will
not buy nearly as many commodities
as it would at the beginning of the
war, but an ounce of silver will buy
, rather more. Now that these facts
are becoming known, it may be hoped
that the movement for sound money
will begin to make progress. May we
not call upon business men to give a
lead to the Government and the country?   Their demands should be:—
Stop public waste; cease borrowing;
restrict the issues of Bradburys; restore a free gold currency; let us return to a coinage worthy of a great
commercial country.


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