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Western Clarion Jun 16, 1921

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Official Organ of
No 845
Twice a Month
V v\COl,VER, P   C. JUNfc 16, 1921
The British Government Engineered the
Coal Strike
SlME spiritists claim that houses built lot and
inhabited by individuals having earned sinister reputation*- attract towards them characters ,,i similar disposition long alter the original u n-
ants have passed out of existence-.
Then i- one case such people could cite with the
assurance ol its -.landing the severest acid test of an-
analysis that ccaild be applied—No 10 Downing Si..
i.on.ioii. Rngiand-
The original owner ol  this  house,  Sir  George
Downing, was a soldier in Cromwell's army during
the revolution and, afterwards, a spy in tlie pay of
the merry monarch. Charles 11
George   (the "Sir" came later*  Downing, ior SO
anv gold pieces and certain privileges, betrayed
he snore dangerous and most powerful ot his I'ur
Han comrades to   the scaffold.
\t this business he prospered and. having acquired thc leeee oi a portion of land, he set a number Of mason* and craftsmen to build three boOfCS
which hr numbered 10, 11 and 12 Downing Street.
which he named after himself, and in No. 10 he
rnade his home. Satisfied with this rascal's ability.
as shown"*"**, far and the r-ossibilitv of still prearer
development as a knave, the King knighted and then
I romokd him to thc post ot Secretary of the Treas-
When the kaSC lapsed, the property reverted to
the Crown, which happened at the moment to rest
on the head of George 11.. who nn-dc a present of
0, 10 to Sir Robert Walpole. Walpole was airaid
to accept it without some condition; for, wise as he
•.a-, he knew that even though a man be worth his
juic* he sells himself by accepting it. The condition, which he succeeded in attaching to this present
irom the King to the chief of state, was to make No.
10 Downing Street belong in perpetuity to the First
Lord of the Treasury.
< >f all the knaves who have inhabited this house
Since the demise of the original owner none ever
lucceeded in earning more gold pieces and honors
man the last occupant. Lloyd George, who was domiciled here until "Chequers Court" was presented to
Ihe nation. If Carlyle 0U right in his judgment
'hat 'England possesed a population of twenty millions,- mostly fools." it is just as likely as not that
the vVelsh lawyer is more fool than knave, more
down than statesman, while his supporters are limply dropping to lower Stages in imbecility than was
tha case in Carlyle's day Whether this be so or
not depends upon the reader's judgment after 1 have
duly presented this case of the miners' strike
The strike itself is but one more event in the long
sequence arising out of the European war. W hen
»he British Government decided upon operating the
"mies for tbe duration of thc war and lor a certain
period afterwards, the policy was laid down that
'hey would be responsible for the wear and tear Ol
machinery, the payment of labor power, royalties to
■andowners, on whose ground the collieries are
located, and an even rate of interest to the stock
and bondholders of the different companies.
Whet, you remember that there is a great differ-
'nee in the quality of coal in certain districts, that
-he cost of production in some is greater than in
others, which imposes an extra handicap on such
managers to obtain for their lovers of unearned increment (I) thc average rate of profit, you Will agree
'hat government control under these circumstances
-vas a considerable advantage to colliery owners in
those districts where the grade of coal was lowest
and wlurc the cost of production was highest.
With the signing of the armistice and the demobilization of ihe great armies of workers in the huge
war plains, the machinery of production in such in-
dustriee became still- the power that moved them
was shut off. And from this moment a surplus of
coal was inevitable, a surplus whicii must always
m< an idle workers clamoring in the market for jobs.
A ea' canny" policy was adopted by the miners as
a check upon this condition, a policy which brought
the landowners, whose royalties are proportionate
with the tonnage produced, to the seat of government, and into the  press,    with wrathful   cries to
Speed up!" And in the general chorus the stock
and bondholders, who were getting fat with export
coal selling at £12 per ton in Italian ports, at which
price there was a great demand, lent their voices
The miner simply retorted. "Pay more!"
\\ ith the signing of ' Peace'* jand the arrival of the
fir.si portion of the German indemnity paid in coal,
a problem was presented-to Lloyd George that required his closest attention. France at this time
was receiving more free coal than Britain, and her
dome-tie requirements were less, that is for factory
purposes, her factories, taken on the whole, were
not operating to the same extent as in Great Brit-
am. More-over, she was now operating the mines
in the Saar basin and repairing others less damaged
by the retreating German army. With all this enormous quantity of coal the French capitalists engaged in export trade in a market strongly dominated
previously by British merchants. Thc foreign policy of the French Government was planned with a
view to possessing the Rhur district and Upper Silesia; in these countries immense deposits of coal
ami iron ore are found, and the under currents of
secret diplomacy were set in motion with the view
of controlling these areas A successful achievement in this direction by the French would have
been detrimental to the coal industry of Britain, and
it i8 this which is responsible for the present relations between these two countries, and the change
Of heart in the British Government's body towards
From 1920 onwards not only was France plucking the trade in coal from British owners, who were
blind to the fact that monopoly prices were bound
to react upon them, the coalowners in the United
State- became a strong competitor in such markets
as the British had played a hold-up game for some
lime Goal was rushed from Atlantic ports to European centres, cutting the price of British half in'
many instances.
Knowing that his foreign policy had been somehow miscalculated, the loss of export trade being
the proof of it. George decided on decontrol of the
coaiaelds at the earliest moment, to place once more
on the shoulders oi the former owners tbe trouble
0{ making profits for themselves, leaving only the
free coal from Germany to be disposed of by the
-rovernment for national purposes.
^ You will remember that towards the close of 1920
track depression was universal throughout the capitalistic countries, and in Great Britain the textile
industry collapsed, while shipyards laid off men by
the thousand.
At that time the surplus of coal on hand must
have reached a prodigious size, and even then it was
rumoured in the press of the country that decontrol
would take place soon. In March the government
plot had ripened; on the 31st the mines were turned
over to their previous owners. And the immediate
effect oi this was the decision of the company operators to declare a cut of nearly 35 per cent, in
The cut in wages was made first in those districts
where the general nature of the mine was such that
the cost of production was greater than in others,
and the average rate of profit harder to obtain. The
effect of this reduction was the strike itself. Tbe
miners' proposition was to have the profits of the
entire mine regions pooled, the output of coal from
the rich and thc poor districts to be, as it were, the
property of one, and a uniform rate of wages to all
the different grades of labor used in the mines In
this proposition is involved a sacrifice on the part of
those miners in the highest paid districts, who were
prepared to accept a reduction in wages sufficient to
make up the difference paid in the worst areas. As
the "Westminster Gazette" puts it: 'The miners
will not think it fair that a man should be paid only
£2 5s. a week in the Forest of Dean for doing exactly the same work as another man is paid £5 ls. 9d,
for doing in South Yorkshire."
The "Nation" (British) in an editorial commentary on the situation has this to say:
"Because the Prime Minister could not keep
faith with the coal miners and has made the
men engaged in that industry distrust him; because his foreign policy has temporarily ruined
the British coal trade, and his treatment of it
at home has set the two parties to it by the
ears, because he would not ask the richer coal-
owners to reduce their profits, though the bet-
ter-to-do-miners were willing to cut their wages to help the worse-paid ones; because he had
called on thousands oi workmen to accept, at
an hour's notice, wages on which no self-respecting man with a family can live, and on a
scale of reduction such as no household economy could stand; because he has talked the
language of the class war, when there was not
a scrap of reason for using it, and then encouraged that war by summoning one part of the
nation to take arms against the other	
it seems as if the country had beenmuddled into a struggle which no one wants, from which
no one can benefit, and which a good half of
the people cannot understand"
In short, it was l.loyd George's plan to blot out
from the ken of men the records of his defeats at the
hands of the diplomats of Europe and elsewhere, by
deliberately precipitating a bloody war in England,
reduce the British slave class to still lower depths
of degradation and poverty, or leave them to fertilize the fields for the nebct generation. Like Macbeth he must go on murdering first one and then another. But Macbeth was a nobleman compared with
this fellow. R- K.
?'*'■ PAGE TWO
Materialist Conception of History
Lesson IS.
IN a previous lesson it was pointed out how
manufacturing towns with their division of
labor had grown up in country places outside oi
the Guild restrictions, and a new system of economy began to make its way. The older methods of
production still continued alongside of the new. but
gradually *he new system asserted its superiority.
The introduction of machinery in industry became
possible only when manufacture hail instituted the
division >: labor, dividing up the old handicrafts into
simple detail operations. Not until the laborer performed one simple task could he be displaced by the
machine. \ machine could not take the raw material and produce the finished commodity as the handicraft worker could, but when the work was divided
up in sections, as it is in the boot industry■ machines
could be made to perform the separated, simplified
operations Machinery at first was driven by animal power, w indpower. and man power. The domestic system had simple machines operated by the
producers in their cottages. Later when the machine grew bigger and man's power insufficient to
operate the machine, animal power was introduced
Arkwrights first power loom was worked by a bull.
Thc first factory towns grew up near streams, utilizing the water to drive the machinery by water-
wheels.    Arkwrights factory was water driven.
The extension of the world's markets and the
ever-increasing size of the machines made it necessary to find a more reliable, regular and controlled
power. The invention of the steam engine or its
improvement by Watt in 1769, and the blow furnace
for smelting iron and the discovery that pit coal
could be used to smelt iron, led to the building of
ironworks beside coalpits. The introduction of the
fly shuttle enabling weavers to double their output
of cloth led to the invention of thc spinning-jenny,
and spinning frame to keep them in supply with the
yarn used in weaving. Therefore machinery applied
in one branch of industry became imperative in
other branches in order for them to keep step.
Crompton in 1779 combined the advantages of Har-
greaves' spinning jenny and Arkwright's spinning
frame, by his invention of the spinning mule. Tbe
weavers then were unable to keep step with the increased production of yarn until Cartwright introduced the power loom, which brought weaving up
to spinning again.
The cotton industry still suffered for lack of raw
material until Whitney invented the gin for cleaning
cotton. Previous to this machine, 5 or 6 pounds of
cotton per man were cleaned per day; after its introduction one man cleaned 1,000 pounds per day.
De Gibbin says: "In little more than 20 years all thc
great inventions of Watt, Arkwright and Boulten
had been completed, steam had been applied to the
new looms and the modern factory system had fairly
begun. Nothing has done more to make England
what she is at present, than this sudden and silent
Industrial Revolution, for it-increased her wealth
tenfold and gave her half a century's start in front
of the nations of Europe." The cutting of the Manchester Canal increased the facilities of transportation of this increased machine production-
Bell's printing cylinder (1783) used to print calico goods with the aid of one boy and one man, performed the work formerly done by 200 blockprint-
ers. Coalmines were improved because the steam
engine enabled man to dig deeper shafts, and the
difficulties of mines which flooded were overcome
with steam pumping-cgines. Th industrial towns
with large populations became linked up near coalmining centres. The textile industries, being in the
forefront of development, were the first to be revolutionized. The discovery in the new process of procuring coal and making iron helped the textile industry by supplying any amount of fuel and machinery. In 1740 the production of iron annually was
l7i)QP tons, which increased to 68,000 in 1788. De
Gibbon points out that this increased wealth en
abled England to come out of the European struggle with France in thc Napoleon wars, as the foremost nation in Europe. The consequence of this
Industrial Revolution was an increased population
anrj a large proportion of the people living in poverty and distress. The workers had now become a
proletariat. I.alior was itnjjpverisucd—1st. by tbe
base money at an earlier period; 2nd, robbed of his
guild capital; 3rd. evicted of the land because sheep
farming was more profitable to the landowner; 4th,
the enclosure of the common lands The labor, having nothing left but his power to labor, became a
wage slave.
Although the Industrial Revolution made a great
demand for labor, the workers were not much benefitted by it. Compared with the old methods of
production the new machinery was easy to operate and required no high degree of skill or training
in craftsmanship Women and children wen-
brought into the factories, regardless of age or
health conditions. They were employed in old barns,
sheds and other places that had bean transformed
into hives of industry. Thc story of the enslavement of boys and girls, mere infants, the buying
and selling of pauper infants, their violent deaths
and secret burials, are the basis upon which is built
up England's commercial supremacy of the last century. Children of 9 and 10 years were dragged out
of bed at two, three and four o'clock in the morning and compelled to work for a bare subsistence
until 10 11 or 12 midnight. In the potteries, children of eight years work from 6 am to 9 p.m. and
sometimes ail night, with no increase of pay. Read
'"Capital," vol. 1. page 268. on where Marx takes
his illustrations from magistrates, government commissions, etc.
The handicraftsmen could not compete with the
tireless machine and its abundant supply of cheap
labor. They were obliged to seek employment in
the factories and take advantage of the poor law,
which had become a subsidiary medium to encourage low wages. Thc worker could not own the machine, engines or factories that the new manufacturing system required These could only be possessed by the merchants who had large amounts of
capital at their disposal, obtained by exploiting labor
at home or by selling slave-, to planters of the new-
World, and the various other methods of plunder we
previously noted during Elizabeth's reign. Free
competition and non-intervention of tbe State was
the new doctrine. Each profit seeker was a law unto himself, and would brook no interference with
his right to do what he liked with his own. Production increased with leaps and bounds, and great
fortunes were made out of a helpless working cla**
who were ground between tbe factory wheels. The
death rate increased enormously, disease was rife
in industrial centres; men, women and children were
struck down and deformed. Thousands of families
left the country-side to go to tbe towns, making the
conditions still more acute for those already there.
Factories and warehouses sprung up in a night, old
buildings were transformed into factories and filled
with machinery, side by side grew up the slum districts as a fitting monument to thc coming of the
capitalist class.
With the increased population, and the shutting
out of foreign wheat with a heavy tariff, corn rose
' from 30s. a quarter to 45s. The farmers became
prosperous, then the landed class increased their
rents. They also increased their property by more
enclosure acts. Rogers points out that the agricultural laborer with his land allowances was able to
eke out an existence, but the enclosure acts of the
eighteenth century, and the influence of the Corn
Laws, made it necessary for him to supplement his
wages by an allowance from thc parish fund. With
the*loss of the commons and thc increased price of
food the worker was worse off than the worker a
hundred years previous. •
We have reached the   stage of thc   proletariat,
therefore let  its   see the difference that
existed to
distinguish the slave, serf and wage slave
The slave of antiquity, like the sUves oi fa*
ward countries of recent times. e.g.. ln thc ^jj*
States of America, did not sell himself by the dsr
and hour like the wageslave today. He wan Ja
generally for a life period.    The master. i„ [J, ^
interests, had to maintain llis propert) just as j,
would a horse today. The worker todaj ha* *,,. -j,
assurance of existence like the slave i|e bcco-aei
th« property, not of an individual but <.i the capita',
ist elans, to whom he sells himself by ihe hour dav
or week. No buyer, no wages. Therefore his e*
istence is not as secure as the chattel s!a\e Tat*
must always be workers under capitalism, but the
competition for a job brings starvation to individual" workers The slaves did not compete with oo*
another When he was sick he was attended, wen
work was slack he was fed, clothed end tbehetei
becanae he was property that would deteriorate Th*
modern worker is thrown Ofl th< scrap heap as th*
worker is so cheap, while slaves cost up to IjOOO dollars in the Southern States The slave wa-. not regarded as a member of society but a working animal The modern worker is recognised a* i Biesise-
of society and tO this extent is on a higher weal
plane than tbe slave In order to set the slsre&tt
it required the abolition of a single private property
relation—private property in slave* The iroedo"
the wageslave involves tbe abolition of the private
propety of tbe machinery of production
When agriculture was the main occupancs Vm
land the principle means of production, the worsen
were feudal serfs.    When landownershtp COOtroW
the means of life slavery was anncccssary, bconot
whoever owns tbe means of life owns those depetl-
mg on such means The serf COttld BOi i* SOSfl
It-Cither could he sell himself Ho was tied total
feudal state in which he was bom H<* liso, Skew
chattel slave, bad a guaranteed existence H<* m
the use of a piece of land for maintaining boots
family, and worked part of his time for the '•■"•
Unlike the worker, tne serf stood outside of te
competition with bis fellow serf I
worker, divorced front the soil and ail Other net*!
of production is a free lal>orcr: he is free to *
he must sell (because be ts free from having ssf
thing else to sell other than his labor pdwef »*
der to live. Under the guild system during »C I*
ly development of industry, the craftsman 0t0t&
ed himself from outside competition and :'W*^
trade by bis guilds   To participate m these rsae
industries an individual had to be a mom
her. trhaca
involved an apprenticeship period H'*1 ^^^
ship finished, be became a journeyman and ***°rj
a temporary wage-worker, sooner or later fcccnwi
I master. The relation between master and W
Was I close p<
lived togethei
ried bis master's daughter      j,
and were Ins own.    He belonged to the same
class. I tl vl i*
The modern worker and the capital.*' r<il .  '
tW'O <iltt<<c"
i  in     i **.««■» *p**a*mm  ************ —  i .at ft
.ersonal one They worked tOgeUW
If in the same bouse, sometime* H*
.   .    .......    ui. i.w-1- were §»»
His   tool
.ol ess?
a money relation, and they belong to
social classes.   The gigantic tools arei noi «~j-
acquire, like thc petty tools of the handK mm   ^
The  worker today cannot pack btt tOOtt^^^
and take them home with him. It is ^m-jcraftv
a hammer than a steam hammer. " he i ^je
man made the finished article, he was a ^
laliorer. The division of labor has made ^ ^
er a detail laborer. The master and wora ^
guild, combined against competition. \^
worker may be crushed with <ronr»petitio ^^ fey
anv injury to his master; the master may don
this competition. The worker having to o i ^ a
himself for a livelihood, hunting tor a ' of 8crf
higher standard of manhood than the s ^
whose existence was secure through their P ^ ^
relationship and the absence of comp<-t>tl°n
(Continued on page
i Continued from i>suc of May 16th)
(Thesis Adopted by the Second Congress of the
Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920 )
4     llu revolutionary proletariat cannot make it
s   ,,,,  ,,i least for the near future, and during the
h pinning of the period of proletarian dictatorship,
to win tins class over to its side.    Thc proletariat
•j- -iavi to content it-*0-' wlln neutralising   this
lass * i-c-i with making it take a neutral position in
-}H struggle between the proletariat and the bour-
.isu      The vacillation of this class is unavoidable,
and in the beginning of the new epoch its predominating tendency in  the advanced    capitalist coun-
... s will be in favor of the bourgeoisie, for the ideas
and sentiments of private property are characteristic
0- t]lc possessors.    The victorious proletariat   will
mediately improve the lot of this class by abolish-
.    -j,, s-.s-,-n of rent ami mortgage, and by the in
..'      ..„.    ,.)  machinery ami electrical appliances
into agriculture    The proletarian state power cannot at one*  abolish private property in most of the
italisi countries, but must do sway with all duties ,r.d levies itii|K*>cd UpOO thl- Class Ol people  bv
.,, jandlordsj it will also secure to the smsll and
.   , ,r, peasantT)  the ownership of their land bold-
- and enlarge them, putting the peasants in pos-
M..,.n ot the land they used to rent  (abolition ot
the combination of such measures with a relentless struggle against the bourgeoisie ***uarantees thr
success oi the neutralization policy. The transition t<> collective agriculture must be managed
with much circums-HH-tion and step by step, and the
proletarian *-ute power must proceed by the force oi
example, without anv   violence, toward the middle
-     The   landed    peasants    or    tanners    (Grosser*) are capitalists m   agriculture,   tnanapng
their lands usually with several hired lal>orer<   1 he>
«r. connected   with tbe •peasantn"  only by their
rather low standard of culture, their way ot living.
d their personal manual labor on the land, i his is
thi most numerous element of tho 1-ourgeois class.
aad the deeded enemy oi the revolutionary proletariat The chief attention of the Communist J arty
in the rural districts must be Kiven to the struggle
ntns! this element, to the liberation ot the laboring ami exploited majority oi the rural population
Irom the moral and political influence ot these ev
W the victorv of the proletariat in the towns
tins class will inevitablv oppose it by all means.
from sabotage to open armed counter-revolutionan
resistance. The revolutionary proletariat must
therefore immediately begin to prepare tho ne.es-
sarv force for tbe disarmament of every single man
of thi. c'lass. and together with the overthrow ot the
capitalists in industry, the proletariat must deal a
relentless, crushing blow to this class. 10 that eno
it must arm tbe rural proletariat and organize sov-
:<ts in the countrv. with no room for exploiters and
a preponderant place reserved to the proletarian.
and the semi-proletarians.
Bui tbe expropriation even of the landed peasants
can bv no means be an immediate object ol the victorious proletariat, considering the lack 0  material,
particularly ol technical material, and lurther  ot     -
soeM conditions necessary for the   socialization ■
such lands.    In some, probably cxcoptiona   casts.
parts of their estates will be confiscated «t tnej er
leasee* in small parcels, or if they are specially neeo-
id b> the small-peasant population- A free usi im
be ,Ko secured to this population, on definite t» r     ■
ol a part of the agricultural machinery of the lami
peatutt, etc    As a general rule however, the    -iU
power must leave tbe peasants in possession 0 tne r
land, connscating it only in case ctl resista-ice to   ne
government ol the laboring and exploited peasants.
The experience of the Russian proletarian   rcvoiu
tion, whose struggle against the landed peasants De-
carne very complicated and prolonged   owing to a
the proletarian state. It begins even to be permeated, although very slowly, by a respect for the government whieh protects every worker and deals relentlessly with the idle rich.
The specific conditions whieh   complicated   and
prolonged  the struggle ol the Russian   proletariat
against the landed peasantry aft. r the overthrow of
the bourgeoisie, consist mainly in the fact that after
the coup d'etat of October 25—November 7, 1917,
tlie Russian revolution traversed a stage of   "general democratic" (in fact,    bourgeois democratic)
struggle of the peasantry as a whole   against   the
landowners, and there was further the low standard
of living and scarcity of the urban proletariat, and
finally the enormous distances and exceedingly bad
transport conditions    As far as these adverse conditions do nol exist in the advanced countries, the
revolutionary proletariat in  Europe and    America
must prepare with much more energy and carry out
a much more rapid and complete victory over the resistance of the landed peasantry, depriving it of all
possibility of resistance.    This is of the utmost importance, considering that until a complete, absolute victory is won the proletarian state power cannot be regarded as secure and capable of resisting
6, The revolutionary proletariat must proceed to
an immediate and unconditional confiscation of the
estates of thc landowners and big landlords, that is
of all those who systematically employ wage labor,
directly or through their tenants, exploit all the
small (and not infrequently also the middle) peasantry in their neighborhood, and do not do any
actual manual work. To this element belong the
majority of the descendants of the feudal lords (the
nohilitv of France, the Lords in England, the former
slave owners in America) or financial magnates who
have become particularly rich, or a mixture of those
two classes of exploiters and idlers.
No propaganda can be admitted in the ranks of
the Communist   Tarty in favor of an indemnity  to
be paid to the owners of large estates for their expropriation     In the present   conditions prevailing
in Europe and America this would mean a treason
to Socialism and the imposition of a new tax on the
laboring and exploited masses, who  have alreody
suffered from the war—which has    increased    thc
number of millionaires and multiplied their wealth.
In the advanced capitalist countries the Cotnmun-
muntsl International  considers tbat it should be a
prevailing practice to preserve    ihe large   agricul-
tu.al establishments and manage them on the lines
of the  'Soviet farms" in  Russia     It is also advisable to encourage collective establishments (Communes). In regard to the management of the estates
confiscated by the victorious proletariat   from the
owners of large landed    property, the    prevailing
practice in Russia, the cause of economic backwardness, was that Of the partition  of this landed property for the benefit of the peasantry, and compar-
parativelv rare exceptions were the preservation of
the so-called "Soviet  farm," managed by the proletarian state at   its expense, and    transforming the
former wage laborers into workers employed by the
state, and into members ot   the  Soviets   managing
(Continued from page 2)
tain it The serfs, slaves, and guildsmen were narrow and conservative in their outlook. Even when
they rebelled they were reactionary, like the early
proletariat who broke the new machines when introduced.
The growth and expansion of modern   industry
tends to broaden the minds of the modern worker.
He learns that it is not   the past but the   future
wherein lies his salvation.     Apart from the wage
laboring class in the 17th century there was an independent producing   rural class, who    combined
spinning and weaving in the home with the cultivation of a small plot of land.   The producers originally bought their own raw materials and sold the
finished cloth.   With the growth of  commerce in
the 17th century, there stepped in between the rural
producers and the market a   merchant   class, who
brought the raw materials to these domestic factories and took away the finished article to the market.
In this way the rural producers became more and
more dependent on the merchant class. These must
be distinguished from the modern workers who own
neither land or tools, but it was out of the ruins oi
rural production, out of the   expropriation   of the
more or less independent producers, originated the
modern proletariat.    The breakup of the feudal system, the migrations to the towns, the shutting out
of the later immigrants from the guilds, helped to
furnish the first  elements for the formation of  a
labor market.    The division of labor in  the workshop became the means of raising the productivity
of labor and the master's profits.
The revolution which specialized the wwker led
to the specialization of tools. Just as the laborer De-
came confined to a single operation so also the machine was adapted to a single operation, a result obtained because of the simplification and multiplication of specialized tools requisite in the methods of
a division of labor The industrial revolution was
made possible because of the preceding evolution of
the specialized tool.
We have now reached the period of the American
Revolution, which we will take up in our next lesson, pointing out the economic causes which were
the fundamental forces of the revolution.
these farms.
,.,„. pMtmtbd oi large landholdlngs serves but
,lu. muwls  of the revolutionary dements of.he
^ nwwly) the laodles* ******?">«ork.
I,, „„| Kmi-prol«t.ria*, sm.il landholders, who get
lhrir livelihood mainly by   working nn the   Urge
' Besides, the na.ionaliation oi large land-
hoidings m.ke, the urb-o   population. «t   h* «
J„;,Zde, let  'he P««n«r.v for -her food.
(To be continued).
:o :-
number   of particular circumstances.
show, that this class has been at last taught what it
costs to make the slightest attempt at resistance
and is now quite willing to serve loyally the amis of
pr0viou$lv   acknowledged, $104.85    A. C Hoga.
u.ttonia, $j... total to 13th June, $105.85.
Socialist Parly of
Wa, tka Satialiat Party at Caaaaa, aftim Mr allafiaaaa to.
amt **tr*Tt at, tht priaciplaa tmt |n-rw*M at taa ra-tata-
tiaaary wtrklag tlaaa.
Lahar.  apaliaf te aatarat nirttm, aratmaa* fell waaHh
Taa praaaat a*aa*mi* tytWta la **mat aaam aapHaliat iwaw
thi* at it*«  ■••-»• af pra4xtti-      aaaatamaatly, all tea |ta-
«attt af lahar t-»l-*»a ta tea tapitaliat tlaaa.    Tha  uglteHfet
ia, tkartfara. Batter; tea wart-or a a*a**a.
Oa \*a$ te tea tapitelitt tlaaa ratMlaa la ptelHalia af tkm
raiaa at **r*ram*at. all tea pawn* at tea Stete trill aa aaat
la prout* aat t*t*ai ita praparty ri«kta ia tha mamma tt
wealth pr-t-Jtietiaa aat iu taatrat at tea praaaat af lakar.
Taa tapitaliat tyttta*. -rivaa te tea tapitaliat aa avar-tnraU-
ia« atraa-a af pratla, aat te tea warkar, aa t*-ar iaartaateg
ateaaara at attatry mat av*-gra4atlaa.
Tka iatartat af tea warkiaf tlaaa Uaa ta aatoiaa tteaU tffaa
traaa taaltalltt txaUiUlUa Ity tea alalitiaa af tha »a«a
artttav «a«ar whieh thia asalaitetiaa, at tea aaiat tt paa-
4«ttiaa, la tlaakaa. Ta aataaifliah tela aatiaaltam tka
traaafarsatiaa af capitaliat praparty ia tha raaaaa at waallh
pratlattlaa iate taeially «a*atralla«l  naatamit ftraaa.
Tht irrtprtaaiblt caanitt af iajaraat katwaaa tea tapitaHat
aat tht worknr aartttarily capraaaaa itaaU aa a ttraagla far
palitital  aaprtataty.    Thia it tha Claaa Stragtla.
Thtrtiart, wt tall all warkara te argaatBa aaSar tea It-nit;
af tht haaialitt Party af Caaa4a. with tha ahjact af aaaaaar-
iac.tha palitital ptwtrt. tar tka parpaaa af atUia** ap aaS aa>
fartiac tea taaaaaiit prairaataia af tea warklaf tlaaa, aa
1. Tht traatfamatiaa, aa rapMly aa ftaathli. af aaa>
Italttt praparty ia tka taaaaa af vaalth pnSaaUai
(aataral raaaaraaa, faateriaa, -ailla, railraaaa. ate)
late taUattiva maama at praSatUaa.
S. Tka artaalaatiaa aat nmnn*iial af haiatltf If
tha warkiac
Tha attekliakataat, aa tpaaftty aa paaaihla. af pta>
iatlU-i tar am* iaatamM ot *aa*\aa*k*m taa  ***
*—wmomMrm**rm^mam    im     vaa^*ar    amamr-a^a-ma-a*    at    aawi ^^fmaw*wawMmj-m**tw-mw   a—m-w PAOB FOUB
WlflTIlN      OLA1ION
i w
Western Clarion
A -Tawzmai af ■latery,
•ai Oarrwat Bveata.
Pabltehad twiea a month by tha Soeialial Part/ af
Canada 401 Pander Straat Eaat, Vaaeoavar, B. G.
Phoaa Hifbland S5SI
 Bwen MacLeod
Canada, 20 iasues 	
Foreign, 16 issues 	
If this aaabar ia aa jtmt addxaaa labal jmmt
■aaaaripaiaa  azpiraa   with   aast ~
VANCOUVER. B. C. JUNE 16. 1921
TilE central argument of the miners—equal
pay for equal work—produced the demand for
the national pool, and also the subsidy proposed by Hodges—a proposal which (commercially) weakened the case lor the miners by exposing
them to the derision of master class economics,
which left them without an answer to the practical
exigencies of trade, and which afforded the ruling
class an opportunity—quickly taken up—of confounding and confusing the first issue.
In this confusion equal pay for equal work was
conveniently forgoten. It was an excellent trade
slogan. On the ethic of business it was unanswerable. It commanded consideration. It was a puzzle
to the henchmen of capitalist equities. It was conceded to be eminently "fair and reasonable." Lloyd
George was so hard put to it that he was driven for
refuge in the "act of God" idea. But—unwittingly
—friend Hodges turned the trick, demonstrating
once again (if demonstration be required! that no
association of slaves, however strong, incognisant
of its fundamental interest—the abolition of wages
—can transmute the trade mongering vicissitudes of
commerce into higher standards of social better
That was a serious blow to the miners. The
break up of the Triple Alliance was another. We
had heard much talk "about it and about," but
when the strain came upon it, the Alliance wilted
like a plucked flower.     And for the same  reason
precisely: it was separated from the source of its
sustenance—the sustenance of a common interest
Now wrath and its abandon are much in evidence,
"treachery" and "betrayal" are frequent terms, bitterness and disgust keen and acid tongued among
the disillusioned worshippers of numbers. Quite
natural perhaps, but quite futile.
But the consequences may not be so futile. An
organization so imposing as the Triple Alliance can
hardly dissolve without producing far effects. Great
stress was laid upon its power and cohesion, the
"mighty works" it was to accomplish. It was almost the symbol and guarantee of the coming triumph of labor. Action and reaction being equal
and opposite, the rebound can hardly be other than
violent, the sense of disappointment as cuttingly
deep as the enthusiasm of anticipation was passionately keen.
Yet as all things that have been, so too with this.
Its strength was but an appearance, its unity an imagination. The bubble has been burst, and with its
bursting there falls away from us another fallacy of
idealist misconception. Aaid that is a very real
advantage, although as yet its incidence is but
vaguely realized.
Disapointment may fly to egotistical extremes for
a time ,but material conditions must compel a return to the realities of daily existence, and out of
the reaction will arise a new organization with a
spirit sharpened through failure, and with an understanding vitalized with the friction of fact- And in
that understanding resides impregnable power.
The stoppage of the mining industry, implying as
it does, the stagnation of almost all industry, is, at
the present juncture of world affairs ,a serious impasse—so serious indeed, that we may almost prophesy that the lost ground can never be regainec'
With the losing of that ground, will certainly follow
a tenser struggle, and a deeper misery. Vet evil
though that be—evil i.e.. in its immediate effects on
the workers—it is a necessary prelude to thc new-
discipline and unity which must weld the exploited
masses together for their emancipation from wage
labor. As it clears away the status and possession
of the middle classes, so also, it clears away the obsessions of the workers to their slave gods, presenting the fundamental problems .the inherent antagonism of class, in bold and unequivocal relief.
The Triple Alliance did not topple over because
of its bulk—indeed .it was not large enough. It
did not fail to function because it lacked discipline
or ability. Nor did it stand back for want of courage or fear of consequence-* Not at all Courage
and ability are in the fibre of the working e!a-->, in
woven in their being by the historic development of
progress. That is the backbone of every class that
has ever risen to power, and in the last analysis.
OOF hope oi final victory is founded there. No The
flaw does not lie there, but iu the immediate form
of the organization itself.
The Triple Alliance is or was—a more or less
artificial alliance of sections of labor, united principally by tbe transien' juxtapositions of self-interest
Like all trades unions it represented the preservation of particular interests, and as those interests
are its dominating influence, on those interests it
must stand. Hut craft interests, being patterned
on trade associations, are trade interests. They are
chiselled out of commercial purpose, and In-ing so.
are bounded by the adventitons circumstance*- of the
moment. To the moving influences of the moment
they must of necessity respond; to hazard an ideal
is to gamble Wi ' their existence. And. bv the same
token they are individualistic in character for
trade needs are compelling—and a- such, are grimly in conflict with the fleeting substance of industrial relationships whose condition-- drive us irremediably towards sociality and collective endeav.tr
That i> why the 1 riplc Alliance failed The interests of its component elements were trade interests, unequal and diverge. They were not united
on the fundamental of exploitation The pressure
put upon the miners did not affect the economic interests of the others, and until the economic mterc-t
is louched none will, or perhaps, can move
But  the lever to touch the economic    interest i<
being steadily applied    Capitalist  production has
entirely lost its original individualism The process has become a social collectivity. No one is R
unit; no catcgorv stands by itself. All are irrevocably bound together, mutually interacting and dependent. What befalls one today happen-, to all tomorrow. Capital is world wide; it> exploitation is
single and complete. As single and as world wide
does it engender antagonisms to itself, arousing the
conditions where social necessity meets and oversteps class law. and which compel all creating labor
to organize, not on craft lines for trade mongering
benefits, but on the broad foundation of class unity,
to carry the class struggle to victory and extinction,
and society to the further and higher achievements
of economic freedom. R
Comrade Leckie'*, articles on tire "Materialist
Conception of History,' like his "Economic Causes
of War," are commanding attention everywhere the
"Clarion" is read. Wc have had many enquiries
and aporeciative references. The latest we have seen
is this, from "The Socialist." Melbourne, on "K C
of W."
"Comrade Leckie has carefully examined thc available official records and other relevant documents
dealing with the events leading up to the war, and
lays bare the hypocritical nature of the pretension
that Great Britain was motivated by purely ethical
considerations in decaying war upon Germany. The
writer also deals with post-war problems, and scathingly exposes the sordid hypocrisy, selfishness, and
greed that has characteried Allied diplomacy since
the signing of the armistice. "Economic Causes of
War" may bc obtained from the Socialist Party of
Canada, Vancouver, B. C."
Read  it and pass it on to the (**e*l nia
Asking what causes all this war talk.       >0U hear
a    a    a
Many queries have-been sent here askimr for*,
whereabouts oi Comrade I.estor. He w
to return from England to Canada acmet^T
ing the spring of  this year. A, far M       .'**
, Still ,n England.   We have had no *^t
the pas: month. Previous to that he was In | onj
whence be sent  us a copy of -(>u( „( Wofk^J m
April 9th, weekly, published by the l.o,,d,-„ ^
Conndl ot the Unemployed. Thie contaiiu a foot
page article by himself, entitled 'Thr Blooming j?*
•»ire, from the Standpoint of a Red."
The comrades in the eastern provim,■*. hav? v
expCCting Comrade Lestor for some time, and ban
been making arrangements for him to addt*eumeeting! in various places Better ttcp aboard thr A',
lantic can-n*. Charlie, and be counted in on the o-v
a      •      •
Writing from Manchester. May '-th. Motet Brit/ has this to say of tbe miners "The tinner- "W
ers" are positively impotent, and a real new spirit
{K-rvades the union atmosphere Unlike the N' U
K . whicii is dictated to by Thomas, who has nrn
away to l'. S. A rather than foes hW own untoa
which is passing resolution* of protest igaisst h:>
actions rreenth (That means branchea or locaU
of the union Tbe miners are keeping a tis'h: «•*■;-•
on the bearing rein of tbe "leaders * I can teii n*
this with the greatest assurance, that a move is or.
among the high "leaders' 'to try and put the South
Wales Federation out of the national organization.
Tins, of course, i> not much abroad, but il -**•
given to me from such a source that yon van accept
it as i>eing correct. I have DO doubt thai Htvekxi
Wilson's crowd- the  Sailors and   Firemen's
will scab on the others The Dockers will toot
be in trouble over thc landing of coal irom Helgiurr.
It i> hardly hkely that the Dockers mil tolerate that
The Transport Workers will have to join with Ac
{lockers, and the N\ V K will follow Thomas can
ice the way things are going, and duck] bj goisf
to th<» States "
• •    •
lohn A  McDonald passed through Vancouver i
week  ago on the way to Australia     U<" expects 10
be over there    for a year or so.   lecturing to
heathen of wagndom in   \ustratia. N   Z   100 Sow
»    »    •
We have no information further wnccrniog
case of Charlie I I'liticn. and when this coma under
his notice he will remembe-r that he used to WlOO
around this big farm and made i fen frisoos hf'\
tnd there    The> keep on isking ut H he's executed
yt I
* a      *
Comrade  Frank Cassid>   It .»t Seal   Alberta, IW
will be in F.dmonton on the lst July      Ffaflk bU
be**n scrambling around the Alberta countryaentt|
the past   five or six months and in   SOttM   :'«r;,'r'n*
areas he has managed to get a meeting icvcrsl Big"
a week, in some cases as many as six.    He SSI '
doing this on Ins own initiative, without iik-ik^
OtttlS) to the Party, and he reports good euihencd
and hospitality among tbe farmers around the COS*
try       One of these days he's going to |iV|f«Qr
write up of his impressions of Alberta al a tic l   \
Socialist propaganda, which will bc of wteftrt^L
Clarion  readers   and  particularly  Alberta re» <•
This is tbe work that counts.
♦ •    •
f hi*
Looking over this column it seems to taM 00
appearance of "Social and Personal," a* p*j!|ne
ity page in the stuffed dailies.   So be it.   J* e
n't arrived at the stage of garment d< 9Cr,[)tl0n'Thcsc
ever,—to do that might lead to several srrestS.
are good intentions.
Dave Watt, $5 Tom Mace,$l; Wm. Stokes,* ■
Malcolm Bruce, $1 50; G. Lamont, $2; **■ & K
"W». ,   i3th
Total C. M. F. contributions, 27th May W
June, inclusive,—$13. fc W18T1RN     GLAEIftN
Anglo-American Relations
.  Americans still possess their traditional sense
0i humor, they must be hugely intrigued to tind
that one of the chief spoils of war turns out to
t tin) '-*lani* in lhc South Pacific by the name of
,'au. that our    government has for many   months
(een exchanging weighty   diplomatic notes   about
•ap with the Imperial Government of Japan,   and
-at all the great  Powers of the world are in some
jeasure involved in the   controversy.     Whoever
tetrd of V»P before?   Can obscure trifles like this.
Ling in tbe tiles of foreign offices, suddenly emerge
fo confound us with international friction?
The sole reason for this impressive debate is that
fgp is the   meeting-point of four   submarine tele-
raph cables.   One comes from Guam,   which we
cUed in the Spanish War.    It is in turn connected
(nth San Francisco, Tokio, and Manila.    Another
»oc< to Borneo and another to New Guinea.   Our
Joveromeat'l fear is, crudely stated,   that any na-
ioo which controls the cable station at Yap might
Interrupt, censor, or read the contents of messages
passing bctweenJSan Francisco on one   side of the
'acitic. and Shanghai, Borneo, and New Guinea on
the other    Of course no nation could do so publicly
ithout compromising its honor. But apparently we
have reason to believe that nations are in the habit
)f doing so privately.    If they do, they steal an unfair advantage not only in secret diplomacy, which
5! cour«e still exists, but also in trade and business.
"hat it the whole story.
There are other cables which   have been in con-
ftroversy. lief ore the war there were two cables con-
h-ectinu New York with Germany     In 1914 Great
Britain and France interrupted our communication
with Germany by cutting both   these cables,   and
Rowing the eastern ends respectively t«» Penzance.
[England, and Brest, France.    Two years later Brit-
Jain cut the western end of the Penzance cable out-
isideof New York and   connected it with   Halifax.
What wa- a cable between the United States   and
Germany has now  liecome   therefore, a   cable be
Itween Canada   and    F.ngland.     We cannot communicate directly with the European continent without having our messages pass through   French or
British hands       We cannot communicate  directly
with the continent of Asia without having our messages pass through Japanese hand*      The    Allies
'have seiml all the ('-crman cables and claim them as
he spoils of war.    Great Britain owns most of the
[other important ocean cables, having laid them as a
\result of her commercial enterprise and her virtual
|monopoly of gutta-percha.    But the matter has not
Stopped here.    Many of us are puzzled to read in the
newspapers about  what seems to be a private war
'tween the United States    Government and    the
western Union Telegraph Company. The company
»S trying to land a cable at Miama. Florida, and the
Government has prevented it from doing so by the
Pouer0f tho navy.    The cable in question is British
Owned; it conies from  Barbados,    which in turn is
connected with Brazil, and it would! if completed.
give British intercuts control of the most important
hne between the United States and western South
America.   The Department of State was so eager*
t0 prevent this result that it actually employed arms
•gainsl  a domestic commercial concern.
A'i International Communications Conference was
Wla in December to adjust the question of the form-
cr German cables. The American delegates urged
J co,1,proinise and gained thc support of the Italians
for '•• but the British and French delegates would
not agree. Presently the latter requested that the
conference be adjourned, since they wanted to be
home for Christmas- The American delegates re-*
ntctantlr let them go. The conferees were to meet
*s*ain on March 15 of this year. They did so, almost
m secrecy. You may search thc newspapers in
va"- for the story until March 19, when an inner
^ of the New York "Times" carried a circumstantial account of what had happened. Nothing
^ul(l be announced officially, said thc article, for
technical" reasons. Yet it was understood that
n'ted States was to receive full ownership of the
N*W York-Brest cable and of the Guam-Yap line,
>vlu,c Japan was to hold thc YapShanghai and the
^ ap-East Indies wires. The question of the control
Of ^ ap itself was differentiated from the ownership
of the cables, and until the mandate issue was settled. Japan insisted on operating the Yap and of the
Guam-Yap cable. Official approval of the French
government had to be obtained before any final announcement could be made. Since March 19 there
has been a silence about cables.
V\ ireleSs is. in one sense, a substitute for the
cable, but it will be a long time before wireless facilities are as well distributed or as dependable as the
submarine telegraph. Besides, since secrecy is the
chief desideratum, wireless is really no substitute,
because there is little hope of concealing the contents of a wireless mesage from anyone who is willing to take a little trouble to decipher it.
V\ bile we are thus in effect questioning the good
faith of other governments in the matter of cables,
we are preparing to exercise bad faith in the matter
of canals. The Suez Canal, owned by Great Britain, is open to the ships of all nations on equal
terms The Panama Canal, owned by the United
Mates. i> also, in consequence of an explicit clause
In the Hay-Paunccfote treaty, open to all ships without discrimination. But the United States shipping interests are trying to get lower tolls for our
vessels, backed, apparently, by Congress and the
Administration •
These two controversies have much to teach us
about international relations. They prove again,
to anyone who still doubts it. that most of the quarrels between nations are concerned not with high
and pure ideals like democracy and honor, but with
material interests like trade and profits. They show-
that the Allied and Associated Governments, which
only yestetday proclaimed to the world that they
were engaged in a mighty crusade to crush selfish
imperialism, to banish war forever, and to establish
thc sanctity of treaties, cannot even trust each other not to snoop or not to violate solemn agreements
when there is a little money to be made by it. These
difficulties are too insignilcant. taken be themselves,
to lead to open hostilities, but they indicate how-
alert peace-loving peoples must be if they are to pre-
vent rulet> who place themselves above humanity
from leading them into a situation where wholesale
slaughter becomes "inevitable." — "The Nation."
New York
Book Review
THE AMERICAN EMPIRE.   By Scott Xearing.
Publishers: Rand School of Social Science, 7
F.ast 15th Street. New York. 266pp.. paper covers, price (American) 50 cents.
SCOTT Nearing has   recently    issued a   book
savouring much oi its publishers, the Rand
School of Social Science, in   which he ably
contends that the U. S has entered upon the stage
of imperialism.    Like a true pilgrim   to the  Rand
Mecca, he delights in contrasting the earlier statements of Woodiow   Wilson and   other    American
statesmen with  recent American policies, and finds
the new imperialism a thing opposed, never to the
interests of the working class, but of the great American "people."   To him thc significance of his entire studies appear to be that "Liberty is the price
of empire.   Imperialism pre-supposes that the people will be willing at any  time to surrender   their
'rights' at thc call of the rulers."     (p. 21.)
He gives as the characteristics of empire:
"1.—-Conquered territory.
2—Subject peoples.
3.—An imperial or ruling classy—The exploitation of thc subject peoples and
the conquered territory for the benefit of the ruling
He fits the first two characteristics to the American empire by thc following table of conquest:
"l.—The Indians from whom they took the land
and wrested the right to exploit the resources of the
2—The African negroes, who were captured and
brought to America to labor as slaves;
3.—The Mexicans from whom they took additional slave territory at a time when the institution of
slavery was   in grave danger, and
4.—The Spanish empire from whom they took foreign investment opportunities at a time when the
business interests of the country first felt the pressure of surplus wealth." (p. 29.)
To deal briefly with his extensive data on these
four points:
1.—Three hundred years ago the whole three million square miles that is now the U. S. was the Indians ; they were the American people. Today
they number 328,111 in a population of 105,118,647,
and the total area of their reservations is 53,487 sq.
miles,   p. 37.
2.—To meet the demand for plantation labor in
the south, negroes were imported from Africa in
ever increasing numbers; in 1768 the slaves shipped
from the African coast numbered 99,000. p. 43.
3.—Texas from Mexico, 1846.
4.—In 1899 Spain ceded to U. S. Guam, Porto
Rico, Cuba and the Phillipines .
Besides these, won partially by force, we have the
Lousiana purchase. 1803. the purchase of Alaska.
1868, the conquest of Hawaii, 1898, when "for the
first time the American people secured territory lying outside the mainland of North America. Altogether "Between 1776 and 1853 the area of U. S.
was increased more than eight-fold." (p .161.) And
the peaceful U. S has been engaged in 114 wars
since 1775. (p. 27).
Economic Foundations of Imperialism Classifications of the Total U. S. Wealth (*) in Groups:
1.—Real property (land and buildings, 57 per cent.
2.—Public utilities. 14 per cent.
3.—Live stock and machinery, 7 per cent.
4-—Raw material, merchandise, etc.. 13 per cent.
5.—Personal   possessions (clothes, etc.).   7   per
So. "American wealth is in the main designed for
further production of goods rather than for the satisfaction of human wants." The way in whicii this
wealth is held further determines its application.
"Start with the total non-personal wealth of the
country: subtract from it the share-values of the
small stock-holders; the value of all bonds, mortgages and notes; the property of the small tradesman and small farmer; the value of homes—what
remains? There are left the stocks in the hands of
the big stockholders: the properties owned and directed by the owners and directors of important industries, public utilities, banks, trust companies,
and insurance companies; this wealth in the aggregate probably makes up less than 10 per cent, of the
total wealth of the country, and yet the tiny fraction
of the population which owns this wealth can exercise a dictatorial control over the economic policies
that underlie American public life." p. 92.
The only solution for the problem of surplus is
foreign investment. "Surplus is to be invested; investments are to be protected; American authority
is to be respected. . . Therefore the American nation under the urge of economic necessity; guided
half-intelligently. half-instinctively by the plutocracy, is moving along the imperial high road." p.
176.    lt  is a question for them of "Eat or be eat
"The Great War brought noteworthy advantages to the American plutocracy. At home its power
was clinched." "It gained social prestige, and internal economic power." "Among the nations the
U. S. was elevated into a position of commanding
importance." p. 157 As a result of the war "The
Japanese empire dominated the Far East; the British empire dominated Southern Asia, the Near East,
Africa and Australia; the American empire dominates the Western Hemisphere. It is impossible for
these three great empires to remain in rivalry and
at peace. Economic struggle is a form of war, and
the economic struggle between them is now in progress." It may be noted that the late reports of the
friendly relations between Japan and Great Britain
corroborate Neering's conclusions as to the alignment of empires. He says: "After Sedan it was
(Continued on page 8.)
~7*TTotal U. S. wealth, $l87;7397060~00a /AGS SIX
WISTIllf     CLA1I§K
■** ^^■""•1
The S. P. of C. and the Third International
I'To the "Western Clarion."
Dear Comrade.—Just a few  words in    regard to
the Third International.
One comrade gave his reason against joining
that the capitalist had failed in their Internationalism. 1 would refer this comrade to the Marxian
and Darwinian theory. Then think a bit, and anal-
yze the question, and try and find out where we
now stand in the progress of evolution. ,
It was in the ninth century that there were at
least seven kingdoms in England. But for greater
protection they ultimately became one nation. Rome
fell only to be replaced by a greater power—Spain
Napoleon with his wars caused an international
union of nations to be formed to resist htm, and so
on down through the times to the present day. we
have great empires and international unions of capitalist powers organized for economic supremacy,
which were one time thousands of feudal nations.
There is now being formed a capitalist international.
We must form a counterpart to this. The workers
first iormed their shop councils, ln the advance of
economic evolution, these shop units became town
and city units, which arc now national federations.
But Marx's Socialism is "Workers of the World
Unite" (Internationalism. >
1 notice that most of us agree on this point, that
Comrade Lenin is a true Marxian Socialist, and is
purling the Marxian theories into practice as fast
as conditions will allow or that is humanly possible.
Thus; if the Third International t-i Marxism, we
will l>e keeping to the paths of social evolution by
ioining it.    E'en though it fails.
Morally; put ourselves in the Russian's place.
Do you not see, dear comrades, the moral effect it
would have on our weak and unundcrstandinsr
brotheis (and as in Russia unlearned i to know that
the workers of the world were ralhin^ to our cause*-
* r*f
And let us not bc so narrow-minded as to turn the
Third International down just because it's Russian
and foreign, but to remember that they are comrades, and not aliens.
-- :o:	
By G. Ross ("R")
Editor's Note.—This article is too long to be included in one issue.     The concluding part will be
published in next issue.
"And aye the o'ercome o' the sang"—is organise
—for the overthrow of capital A most desirable
object, but a most impossible organization—as yet.
However, there is the cry, neither new, nor less difficult, strong with its almost unconquerable philosophy of the ideal. Still, sweet exhortations on
what we must do to accomplish this laudable end do
not advance us one whit towards emancipation from
political dominion. Only clear appreciation of reality can do that. And how many colored is that appreciation is abundantly manifested in the various
views presented in this present discussion.
Suppose we leave general principles for a moment
and come to concrete cases,    lt is not thc question
of affiliation itself, that matters, but affiliation, plus
thc "reasons annexed."    Affiliation without condi"
tions  would probably bc easy—as probably meaningless.    But with conditions the question turns on
«ts practicability.   Can thc conditions bc fulfilled?
'    For instance, who is to determine thc "reliable
communist?"      Who remove thc   opportunist   and
elect the revolutionary?     Who determines "loyalty'?       And what loyalty?      Who turn thc great
class of "moderates"  from their  extreme   moderation?   Who turn the idolaters  from  the stocks of
ancient error to the living revolution?    Who convince the Canadian pseudo-peasant —a prospective
capitalist— that spud-growing on his ranch of bush
and thistle-down is not his true interest? What, indeed ,but the growth of economic antagonisms, forwarded as best we may, by the unflagging effort of
social understanding?
\gain. by what* means are we to infect, directly,
tbt army or navy with proletarian doctrines? How
art we to turn them to our way of thinking? And
how far would wc traverse that way before being
challenged by a most hostile and virile state? How
are we to turn the masses from "patriotism" and
loyalty." in thc face of capitalist organizations of
propaganda, coordinated with an almost perfect
contrivance ol cunning and resource? Not only
against the crafty interests of self ami trade, but also
against tlit- moving ideals of peace the passionate
traditions <>f war. and the glossy oratory of Chat-
auquaus, playing on the deep-rooted emotions inherited from a distant past? If we tarn our attention to "Home Rule" and "Colonial freedom." etc.,
would we not disappear in the swamps of labor party reactionaries, and Liberal decadence and impo
tency ? To aid and abet the "expediencies' 'of La-
borism on the American continent would be, in effect, to strive lor the supremacy of a Liberalism
that is all but dead, would be to oppos-e the march
of the social forces; would Ih- suicide with a vengeance These, anil either similar questions, arc for
*tlu pros" to answer, and if they are analytically
inclined, the '18 points" will furnish them with exercise aplenty.
There is no parallel between the conditions oi
Canada and Russia There is no social tie between
Their peoples, but a sentiment—as lax as it is dan
gerons- In Canada, labor has practically no political representation; it has not even an apparent
voice in "its own" affairs There is not even a
political party we could associate with in the inter
ests of the workers, in order to hamstring another
—even wtre we so minded. The imjH-nalist is completely in the saddle, and he drives with a ItfOQg
hand. Bnt with Kus-ia the case is totally different. Bolshevist Ru-sia is not, in reality, a Social*
ist confederacy, but a political state. It is true, it
is not a capitalist Stale, but it is, nevertheless, in
conflict and rivalry with all capitalist States, for tbe
same object -world supremacy. Certainly, the ultimate objective of Bolshevist supremacy is the
emancipation of the proletariat, but its immediate
necessity i* preservation of its own organization.
Hence, it uses and must use — every possible
weapon and device of the political State for its preservation. Controlling the powers of the State, it
can command and execute. It can oppose force to
force; circumvent diplomacy with diplomacy; pit
opportunism against oportunism ; checkmate the reformist with his own devices.
Thus it makes its trade agreements and peace
treaties: it allies itself alike with communist and
nationalist: with commerce and revolution; with
national ambition and hero worshipping idealism.
That is "practical politics," the checker game played with the nations as pawns. Thus Bolshevism
counterfoils imperialism By stimulating national
antagonisms it disintegrates the unity of imperialisms. By cutting off the feeders of empire, it bam-**
pers the co-relation of imperialist force.    By strik-
wards its final aim; we can onlv ,„irvu<, |h
we C4rt. Tbe very devices wind, Russia "'ll
pelted to adopt, if adopted bv us, uouU lead" i i
freedom, but to reformism, to card pUying J3
pcrtalisui, to confusion and probably tragic r«S
aK A revolution is no jester's gam,. an "^
disgrace to avoid reprisals not in the line -.- miRi
at the co-ordination of empire, it augments the    ^   |ggjis $10; (.'. R. Morrison $•*
conditions of revolution in the camp of the enemy;
compels thc central authority to devote its attention to its domestic affairs, thus lessening thc possibility of defeat. Consequently, the only effective
aid which the revolutionary can render to the forces
of proletarian emancipation is to understand thc
"game" that is being played, is to understand its
conditions and limitations, to understand that what
may be west, here and now, may be east, there and
then: in a word, to know—as clearly as possible
amidst such a babel of tongues and cross purposes
—where to push, and when to "oa' canny." The
wheels in a factory — all driven from the same
processes of proletarian revolution arc exactly like
motive source, but with all manner of variety of vcl-
oeity and direction.
It does not follow that what Russia can do, we
can, or their tactics prove goodly for us.    Russia
can and does follow the    most tortuous    ways to-
The idea  of affiliation seems to be toe •--,<.  I
authority and action, to  hftng, Sarx»lec«-hC2
united strength against a particular opposition.2
tbat is not the root of the matter,   if,- coujd,
coinplished. the task of thc Socialist woo'dhi*"-*!
How ts tins centralized authorih to afi-   »^
trol diverse organizations, holding diverse nes-jl
interest and  neccsity'    How bring dissenuesui
unanimity.'    How assert authority ova coafanhr)
opinion 1   How realise action through the aatj*»
isms of sectional struggle I   These are ail \mtm*\
questions,   demanding   answers,    but   arbies M
"pros    have very severely alum
I Continued in next -sue
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ire full   ol   confidence, optimism and   good   0a%
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_ of the-
(Fifth Idition)
Far copy ** "**
F«r IB oe-plta *
Fost Paid VISTB1N     0LA1IOM
in Article Issued by the Commissariat of Public
oii-; World war laid bare thc ills of modern
society and forced humanity to search for new
formi of social relations.    Russia was the first
take a new path ; she severed her connection with
^e past and  made labor  and thc interests of the
jjjing masses the main concern of the government.
The new social order was bound to reflect itseli
such an important state function as the care for
jblic health.    Believing that the health of the pop*
Hat ion « -he foundation' of the prosperity of the
Duntrv. the Soviet Government spared neither ex-
fntC nor effort in the care of thc population.   By
series of lx>ld and original reforms the Commis-
i-riat of Public  Health was enabled to cope with
ie tnose severe epidemics, and under conditions of
^parallelled difficulty.
It is thought that it may interest the   American
topic, irrespective of political opinions  and svtn-
hies. to know of ihe work of the Commissariat of
Public Health of Soviet Russia.    With this end in
tew, a series of articles are to be issued on various
ictivities oi the Commissariat.
The Basis of Soviet Hygiene and Sanitation and the
Organization of the People's Commissariat of
Public Health
At the beginning of 1917, Russia was already exhausted through the prolonged war. when she was
isable to carry on. and through the inefficiency of
be C/ar's government and the complete incompetence of the Lvov and Kerensky governments, which
followed it. The latter did nothing to conserve the
eeblc economic ami cultural forces of the country.
!sey onl) augmented the ruin of its economic life
Wli'n the power passf<" to the Soviets, the country
hvas already in chaos. Then came rebellions, con-
■ptracies and all the inevitable destruction of cities
land entire regions by civil war. ami boycott and
sabotage by the intellectuals Finally there came
|the blockade
UI these <lis(,r«lers rouhl not fail to affect the condition of the public health     In July. 1Q18. the newly
joqaaUed People's Commissariat of l*gf>iic   Health
Jhj I to light epidemics over an area covering almost
jooe-tixth oi the globe, among over a hundred million  people living under the conditions described
UUe.e There was a shortage of physicians of whom
Jinan) had been called to tbe front; there was a lack
jo: medical supplies and disinfectants, which  could
not be brought in from abroad because of the. block-
m$t    Trior to the war,  Russia had obtained the
bulk ol her chemical and medical    supplies   irom
The Commisariat of Public Health had to organ
iw on entirely new lines, and with new personnel.
It had to mobilize, concentrate and distribute its
forces, and at the same time combat its enemies
Who, although invisible, are none thc less dangerous
*he Commisariat of Public Health successfully
accomplished these apparently impossible and
'Uperhuman tasks. It came out victorious, and now.
wter a year of effort, during which the general san-
itarv conditions and the epidemics were brought
onder -.ontrol. wc can speak with assurance and
With definite ligures at hand
(What gave such power to the Commissariat in
lt<i work with conditions whicii apparently boded
nothing but defeatt
The foreign foes of Soviet Russia prophesied in
thla sphere, and pointed out that the Soviet govern
Went would not be able to cope with thc epidemics.
aml that, with thc coming of peace there would be
a funeral popular uprising, which would result in
thc downfall of the Soviet government. Others
Prophesied the almost complete extinction of the
Russian people, and invited the International Red
C^ss to organize expeditions to save Soviet Russia
and t0 nght epidemics.
Tl--*se dark forebodings fortunately did not come
•T^- Soviet Russia defied thc epidemics by her
0Wn forces and without   foreign aid,   despite the
blockade and the difficult conditions of life. The
reasons ior these surprising results can be found in
the principles on which the organization of public
hygiene in general, and the struggle against epidemics in particular, were built
Never in any country was the problem of public
health given such a wide and complete attention,
and never was a population so actively enlisted in
tin- preservation of its health.    Even in'the Western
countries, which consider themselves the most advanced, public hygiene has been largely in the hands
ol officials, scattered among several departments.
1 he defects of such an organization   were    recognized by investigators as far back as  1913.      Mr.
Mirman has pointed out that in the French government there is no regular department responsible for
public health and public hygiene.   In the case, for
instance, of parliamentary interpolation on measures for the prevention of tuberculosis, such an interpolation would have to be addressed to^at least
'.our ministers of state, in addition to the ministers
of the army, the navy and the colonies.
The first thing the Soviet Government did in the
matter of public health was to bring all the puMic
health work together under one organization, the
Commissariat of Public Health. Thereby it removed one of the greatest obstacles to the advance
oi public hygiene, especially in the struggle against
epidemics This unification was not merely the setting up of a crude and formal authority. The Soviet
government understood that medical work has its
]>eculiarities with respect to different groups of the
population, and in different localities. This had
been taken into consideration. The Commissariat
achieved the complete unification of all medical organizations, civil, military and naval. Wherever
the local peculiarities of medical work required continual submission to a central authority! as is the
cast.* with the military organization! or where they
dp not coincide territorially with local administrative bodies, there was applied the principle of coordinating the work of the medical departments
under central control Other forms of medical work
which do not require such permanent central control were given to local and medical sections, which
enjoy wide freedom, and have to follow only the
general directions of the central body, which does
not interfere with their work as long as it is of a
local character, unconcerned with qucstinos of state
In a word, the basic principle of the 6rganization
of public health in Soviet Russia is this: The Com-
misaariat of Public Health unites all forms of medical work and sanitation which had previously been
scattered among all the departments. Locally the
medical units i in the form of district and city medical sections! have sufficient independent authority
for their local medical and sanitary affairs, under
general instructions and regulations of the Commissariat. The Commissar of Public Health is a
member Of the government, and by participating in
all general legislation has every opportunity to be
on guard for the people's health.
Tbe second pdinciple of Soviet hygiene is the
participation of the population itself.^through the representation of the toiling masses in the actual
work of public hygiene. -Every one who ha* had
to tight epidemics under former conditions knows
from experience how this work was jeopardized
through the lack of participation by the population.
The people were merely addressed through orders
and regulations in the formulation of which they did
not share. These regulations were enforced by the
police power, without the control and participation
of the population. Thc very essence of medical and
sanitary measures, however, is such that they cannot be enforced without the conscious participation
of the people themselves. Tile widest sanitary rule
will remain a dead letter, unless the people themselves lake part in its formulation and in the control of its enforcement. The Soviet Government,
realizing this elementary truth, invited the population to participate in tbe care of its own health.
"The health of the toiling people is ihe concern of
the toilers themselves." The watchword became
the guiding principle in all the activities of the Peoples Commisariat of Health.
Aruong the first steps taken were the introduction of certain measures for popular education in hygiene. By 1921 the Commissariat of Public Health
had distributed over 15 . million leaflets, a million
pamphlets, and eight hundred thousand posters, in
addition to books, instructions, and scientile publications. In thirteen provincial capitals there were
opened large medical museums. Medical exhibits
were organised in 26 district towns. Seven travelling exhibits on wagons and seventeen exhibits in
railroad cars were sent out. Sanitary schools were
opened in seventeen provincial capitals. At these
institutions permanent lectures and discussions on
medicine and sanitation were instituted- To draw
the toiling masses into this work, sanitation councils, in which the central bodies and trade unions
were represented, were established in the central
and provincial cities. N'ot less than half of the membership of the local councils consists of representatives of labor organizations. The councils have discussed the reports of the Commisariat of Public
Health and such questions as the struggle against
small-pox. the prevention of the spread of epidemics, sanitary measures in the Red Army, etc.
Thus the discussion of the most important sanitation measures was carried on through the participation of the interested persons, and not under the
secrecy of departmental routine, as is the case
abroad even now With the same end in view, a
special effort was made to secure the co-operation of
representatives of the workers in special fields of
endeavor. Thus, for instance, there were organized councils with representatives of labor organizations at the schools, tor combating tuberculosis and
venereal diseases. The participation of the population in medical and sanitary measures became necessary when the spreading of epidemics to unheard
of proportions, and the special conditions under
which they had to be combatted. made it obvious
that the old methods of organizing this campaign
were useless.
Xot only in the provincial capitals, but almost in
all district cities there were organized so-called
labor commisions. and similarly in many villages.
Their task was to look after the sanitation of the
town or the village, to see that the public hygiene
measures were enforced, to keep clean all places of
public assemblage, such as railroad depots, prisons,
dormitories, schools, etc.. and also to safeguard the
water supply, bath houses, laundries, etc. Besides
these there were commissions to teach the population cleanliness, and an understanding and respect
for the regulations on sanitation. Women workers
and physicians were drawn into this work.
In the campaign against venereal disease the mothers* organizations were relied upon, the Communist
Youth, and the commissions for the preservation of
maternity and babyhood. In all departments of
public health work, the Union of Medical Sanitary
Workers, —Vsemediksantrud—took the most active
part. A device to interest the people in the work
of caring for their health were the special "weeks''
devoted to this or that department of sanitation.
During these "weeks" the entire population was invited to participate in sanitary and anti-epidemic
measures. Thus, for instance, during the spotted-
tvpbus epidemics there were the "Clean-upweeks"
and the "Bath-house week" which were devoted to
special measures for sanitation and personal cleanliness. "Water Supply Week" was organized to prevent cholera, and during that week it was possible
to enforce quickly a series of measures for improving thc water supply Such "weeks" have great
educational value. They can be compared to practical exercises in schools. They instil into the population the importance of sanitary measures, and
they teach the people that common endeavor is necessary for the preservation of the public health, a
(Contintted an page ia) PAQI BIOHT
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thing which in thc western countries has not been
recognized at all.
Those are the main features of the Soviet Medical
organization which enabled thc Commissariat oi
Public Health to come out victoriously irom a struggle in which the greatest authorities on all sides predicted nothing but defeat. Life put US through the
severest examination, and the Soviet authorities
passed it brilliantly.
The Commissariat itsdf is divided into separate
departments and sections. In each department and
section all proposals and measures are subjected to
a preliminary discussion at meetings of the workers
oi the respective department or section. The Commissariat debates general questions in a collegium
composed of managers ot departments and then? assistant.*. Thus all institutions of the Commissariat
of Public Health observe the collegiate principle
which holds good with all government institutions
of Soviet Russia On scientific questions the Commissariat hears the opinions of its scientific medical
council composed of   representatives   of   i leCttcal
scientists elected b\ the highest scientific and educational  institutions of the republic.
In conclusion, wc wish to illustrate t-*e results of
the Commissariat b)  a few figures, bearing on its
struggle against epidemics.   The number of cases
of spotted typhus in February, 1920, was -toi.'-or. in
September of the same year it was 16-467, and at the
present time (*)  it is 47,288     During 1919 the en
tire number of cholera cases was 6,000.     \l the pr-
scnt time this disease has been almost eradicated
Thr bubonic plague was   localized and   prevented
from spreading from the Urals end the Astrakhan
province and Batoum toother parts of Soviet Russia
Likewise, the epidemics  of typhoid   iever.    dysentery and Smallpox have bem halted.
In view of the extraordinary   cemditions   under
which this Struggle had to be carried on, the success achieved cannot hut demonstrate the correct'
ness and the vitality of the principles OH which ihe
Soviet Medical work is based.
K-lltiir'>  ttott     W.  .lo  not know th*  Matt* CaSt 0 WftSMH
Tit,**  raporl    howe-ft-r. m thr l«-*«t   r**-> «-i*rri|   Ity   tho 8    it    M R
Commit) ■•■ fr.in* tho raeanUy orpuilaaa' DaoatfMMBt al Untalen
Inform*'i< n of th*- • "*>-Timi»*r*j-,* of PvMte  M*-*irh.
\\>   »r- aparlallj  r-"*uf»*0".l  by  th-*   •*   U    SI    it   '-on*rn&«'«»
lo j.ul*l'-»h   tho report  In   full.
-Novij Mir" reports: The Japanese an-■--,„■
in-- a strong interest tn Soviet Russia    Th.
no   diplomatic   representative* jn Russia Hj
iu the Baltic states since December,    [OXt   5
heads ol this mission in Riga are Mijakava aad Ufa!
They observe carefully how the population oik
Baltic'States regard Soviet  Russia ami collect
information over Russia not only from anti-R*
sian sources but also from independent km
:o :-
i Continued from page 5)
Germany versus C.reat    Britain for the   control of
Europe.   After Versailles it is the   l. S.   versus
Great Britain for the control of the capitalist earth
Both nations must spend the next few years in active preparation for the conflict." p. 2."*
To Nearing it would appear that the significance
of the adolescent imperialism of the V. S. is the
likelihood of new and more horrible wars, of further repressions of popular liberties. To a Marxist,
however, the significance is rather that indicated in
the very title of Lenin's pamphlet "Imperialism, the
Final Stage of Capitalism." In l\ S we see a
country only a few years removed from the absorption of foreign capital, already completing thc
change from an object of imperialism to a new empire; and thereby indicating how capitalism violently works itself out to an impossibility.
Nearing'-. "American Kmpire" is a readable book,
stored with data of the utmost interest, well worth
the price to any slave who has it.
•unoMrnow rout
A Journal of Hiitory, Economies, Philocaphv and
Current Events.
Official Organ af tha 100111111 Party af	
leaned twice smooth, at 401 Pender Street Beat,
Vancouver, B. C.   Phone: High. SMS.
lata: 20 Issues for One Dollar (Foreign, II met).
Make all moneys payable ta 1. MacLeod.
For _ cnelooed  acrow-ita
Moscow, May 8th. -As a result oi the oe*fbnJ
of the plague in Charbm and Manchuria the So*it|
government has made the proposal to thcQaaa
govemment to send sanitary and   <!-,sinfeciantsM
tie  area  concerned.      Kosta \\
"Trud  reports  that   the Optica!  and Med
factory  ui Pctrograd  has begun  thc product)**^
*seight-* and scales of the metric 15 stern
Concessions   to the   European Co-opmtn%
Moscow.   May 8th. It has been proposed to th
Council oi Commissaries to i*r.»- * o.-h..-.-:.■■.«■ *.-
grou;pi of German and English workers for the *»*>
paratfon ol agricultural products   "Rcaia WoV
CALGARY,   Alta—Alexander   Newi   Stand. M
Eighth Avenue  West
Labor News Stand. 814a 2nd St  Ea»t
Popular Rook and Stationery S'orr. 16St Cayennes St. West
EDMONTON Labor News Stand. 10228—KRst*
NEW  \\ F.STMINSTKR    News Stand, B C E I
SEATTLE    Ravroers Old Rook Store U»l*A*.
S\N  FR KNOSCO—Manriao   Bdacatieea) Ostj
$66 Pojton Street.
TORONTnLp Goodman. Blind NewsAfeet-**
Queen and Chestnut Sts
The American New* Agency, PI Queen $■ *
The Theatrical Hook Store, or Bay I Q->f«•*
The Leader Lar.e Book Store  Leader Lastta
VANCOUVER - Columbia News Stand ccrs*
Hastings and Columbia Stf
John Green. Carrall Street
W. Love. Hastings Street Kast
BUFFALO, N   Y -Onward Book Store. MCto**
cry Street
CHIC AGO-Walden   Book   Shop,   J»  ******
ROCHESTER. N   V — Proletarian  rarty. Set) St
Paul Street ^
TAOOMA—Raymer's Old Book Stors, UW r,a
P  R   Haffer. IlSl* Broadway
laide St. East, Detroit. Mich
House ol Manses. Gratiot and St Aubio
FORT WILLIAM —   Stewart's Book Jtof-J-
Victoria Ave. -an-tfanV
Fred E. Moore. 224 E Mary St   (AH ™n
literature on sale at Ifoores).
By P1T» T. LlOaUI
Preface hy thc author
Per Copy, 16 Osnts.
re ap, *> oents ae*
Pact PaW


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