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Western Clarion Aug 16, 1920

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 _>V"
A Journal of
CURRENT
EVENTS
Number 825
\-,
i I
W20
0.
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4*<»v     .'"       --.--v\   -£&0
CLARION
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B C., AUGUST 16, 1920
Secret Treaties
HISTORY
ECONOMICS
PHILOSOPHY
FIVE CENTS
SINCE I wrote the articles on the "Economic
Causes of War," I have had the opportunity to
delve into the secret treaties entered into during
the progress of the war, published in book form,
but which first saw the light by the capture of the
Russian archives by the Bolsheviki. In fact this
is one of their unpardonable sins committed against
the Allies.
Sazonoff, Russian' Foreign Minister, to the Russian Ambassador at Paris, dated March 5th (18th
our calender), 1915:—"Now the British Government has given its complete consent in writing to the
annexation by Russia of the Straits and Constantinople, and only demanded security for its economic interests and a similar benevolent attitude on
our part towards the political aspirations of England in other parts."
A memorandum, dated March 7th (20th), 1915,
a confidential telegram from Sazonoff to Russian
Ambassador in London: "Will- you please express
to Grey the profound gratitude of the Imperial government for the complete and final assent of Great
Britain to the solution of the question of the Straits
and Constantinople, in accordance with Russia's
desires . . . . . Having already given its promise
respecting the conditions, of trade in the Straits
and Constantinople, the Imperial Government sees
no objection to confirming its assent to the establishment :
(1) of free transit through Constantinople for all
goods not proceeding from or proceeding to Russia
and
(2) Free passage through the Straits for all merchant vessels	
"The Imperial Government confirms its assent to
the inclusion of the neutral zone of Persia in the
British sphere of interest. At the same time, however, it regards it as just, to stipulate that the districts adjoining the cities of Ispahan and Yezd
should be secured by Russia in view of the Russian
interests which have arisen there .... Of essential
importance to the Imperial Government is the question of railway construction in the neutral zone,
which will require further amicable discussion. The
Imperial Government expects that in future its full
liberty of action will be recognized in the sphere of
influence allotted to it, coupled in particular with
the right of preferentially developing in that sphere,
its financial and economic policies."
In the spring of 1916, when the partitioning of
Asiatic Turkey was on the board, we find among the
general principles of the agreement: "As a genera!
rule the contracting Powers undertake mutually to
recognize the concessions and privileges existing in
the territories now acquired by them which have
existed before the war." "Alexandretta is proclaimed a free port."
This port is on the north-eastern shore of the
Mediterranean. A branch line is to link it up with
the Bagdad Railway, it being understood that British authorities regard this port as a natural outlet
for Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean. All this
dividing up of Asiatic Turkey is to create as many
barriers as possible to the Berlin Bagdad project.
The secret agreement with Itatly, article 13, reads:
' 'Should France and Great Britain extend the colonial possessions in Africa at the expense of Germany,
they will admit in principle, Italy's right to demand certain compensations by the way of an extension of her possessions in Eritrea, Somaliland and
Libya, and the colonial areas adjoining French and
British colonies."
Article (14): "Britain undertakes to float a loan
on favorable terms on the London market to the
amount of not less than £50,000.000."
Article 15: "France, Great Britain and Russia
pledge themselves to support Italy in not allowing
the representatives of the Holy See to undertake
any diplomatic steps having for their object the
conclusion of peace or the settlement of questions
connected with the present war."
This explains why the Pope was called pro-German. A war to a finish was necessary so that the
thieves could divide the spoils.
When we come to the agreement of re-drawing the
frontiers of Germany, Russia is prepared to allow
France and Britain complete freedom to draw up
the western frontiers of Germany,'in the expectation that Russia would have the same freedom to
draw up the eastern frontier of Germany, and Sazonoff adds: "It is particularly necessary to insist
on the exclusion of the Polish question from the subject of international discussion, and on the elimination of all attempts to placje the future of Poland
under the guarantee and control of the Powers."
Imperial Russia demolished, Poland is used as a
buffer state against the spread of New Russia. In
this same telegram of Sazonoff to Paris we find: •
'' The question of pushing the Germans from the
Chinese market is of very great importance, but its
solution is impossible without the participation of
Japan It is preferable to examine it at the Economic Conference, where the representatives of
Japan will be present. This does not exclude the
desirability of a preliminary exchange of views on
the subject between Russia and England by diplomatic means."
There are other agreements as late as February,
1917, regarding Lorraine, and Saar Valley, with its
cofll and iron fields.
The collapse of Russia has altered some of these
agreements regarding Russia's share.
This represents a few of the doings of the diplo^
mats behind the scene while placarding the country -
with sensational dope of a war of freedom, while akf
the same time their whole attention was the furtherance of their economic interests.
Workers! Unite, and emancipate yourselves from
your economic serfdom. PETER. T. LECKIE.
Justice and The Russell Case
^^^HE defeat of the Russell appeal case need oc-
V Jcasian no more surprise than the similar result
of the trial itself. Such things are the certain offspring of political development, and will continue
to flaunt their insolence upon us, while humanity
suffers  the  insensate  degradation  of  government.
It is a false argument to say that our comrades
in Winnipeg did not receive fair treatment, even
considered on the sordid interpretations of capitalist "justice." Superficially the objection appears
plausible, and fundamentally it is far wide of material reality. The concept of "justice" (capitalist) is the product of capitalist interest, and it justifies itself only insofar, and for such time as it
safeguards, the capitalist holy of holies,—property
rights. " Did ii not fulfill this function, it could not
—it would not—be "justice," and capitalist interest would assuredly abrogate or amend any legislation which did not prove amenable to its ambitions,
and create those which would
The forking out of capitalist conditions, involves
the continual concentration of capital, which in turn
determines the movement of the exploited social
forces.      The concentration of capital makes the
struggle between capital and labor more bitter and
intense, since both are striving to possess the same
thing—the surplus of labor's productivity. The
rule of the class means the enslavement of the worker: the profit of the one measures the loss of the
other. The, balance of economic condition between
the two classes is exact, and mutually exclusive.
Hence are their interests not only opposed, but draw
increasing intensities of contradictions, with the
evolution of the economic laws inherent in, and developed from capitalist progress .
The necessities of class dominion compel the capitalist, continually, to encroach upon the life necessities of the worker, thereby forcing the worker to
organize as best he may, against this encroachment.
As capitalism grew, so did labor organizations grow
with it, and out of it; and as the conditions of
production changed, so did the form and scope of
unionism change. And since social movements
must manifest themselves through human agency,
the spokesmen of the new conditions, whom circumstances have lifted to the forefront of progress, are
penalized.
It is not the "rights" of the worker which are
in jeopardy: those rights are as the interest of the
master decrees, that is to say, they do not exist
And they never will exist, until the working class
has risen to a clear consciousness of its miserable
position. The issue at stake is neither those rights
nor those who suffer the enormities of the law. It
is, instead, the principle of social freedom which our
fighting comrades symbolise, and which has been the
inspiration of their activities. And although the
media through which that principle is expressed are
ruthlessly crushed by transient authority, the ideal
itself, untouched, unhindered, by the united powers
of repression, grows lustier with the passing days,
because it is the child of a social condition, over
which, as yet, neither slave nor master has the
slightest control R.
CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND.
Norman McAulay. $3; Roy Reid, 30 cents; R. A.
Fillmore, $2; -, .E. Palmer, $3.75; J. H. Noon, $2.20;
G. R. Ronald, 50 cents.
Total C. M. F. contributions from 29th July to
11th August, inclusive, $11.75.
i ■ PAGE TWO
WESTERN     CLARION
The Cause of the Peasants' Revolt
The first of a series of three articles entitled "The Peasants'
Revolt of 13S1"; its cause, progress and effect.
ALONG the trail of the centuries we find social
and political events that denote the termination
of certain historical epochs and, at the same time
mark the inception of other cycles. Those events,
by themselves, cannot be explained. They must be
taken and considered as part of the warp and woof
of human development. Their connection with other
events that preceded and succeeded them must be
understood. The nature of the material conditions
from which they sprang; the state of industry; and
the needs of the various classes that constitute the
society of. the time must all be familiar to the student who wishes to place in its proper order any
important event of the past or present.
Bourgeois historians have repeatedly ignored this
scientific method and, consequently, have utterly
failed to reveal the causes and effects of those beacon lights that illuminate the path of recorded time.
The environment in which those writers were born
and educated was not conducive to scientific research.
Being the products of class society, their social position prevented them from seeing or admitting the
true state of affairs. An idealistic conception of history that looked on'man, and the thoughts that resulted from the functioning of his brain, as the great
moving force in social evolution rendered impossible
a rational treatment of social data.
In the case of the subject matter under discussion
in this essay—the Peasants' Revolt of 1381—the
superficial method of master class historians is easily
detected. In our school books the insurrection was
attributed to a complication of causes beginning with
the weakness of the boy king—Richard; passing
on to the insulting of Tyler's, daughter by a poll tax
collector; and ending up with the perverted mind
of the "mad priest of Kent."
Contemporary chroniclers, like Walsingham and
Froissart, who were far from being keen students of
society, or political philosophers, have merely attempted to describe the manner in which the rebels
carried out their plans, and even this description is
grossly colored by their zeal to preserve the lustrfe
of those officials of state from whom they secured
. their titles and emoluments. Clowns, boors, robbers, and gluttons, are the endearing.expletives made
use of by those story tellers when referring to the
principal of the peasants' revolt. They cannot
explain the significance of the event .
To refer to this outbreak as the "Wat Tyler Rebellion" or the "Ball-Tyler Rebellion" is not an
adequate statement of fact. It was something much
more. A movement that involved the spontaneous
uprising of peasants and artizans from Hampshire
and Lancashire, to Suffolk and Kent, could scarcely
be regarded as the fruit of personal whims, or the
result of personal grievances. Though many outrageous acts were committed, and many grievances
and disputes were prevalent, still, history records
no complete national organization, with a central
committee, to redress the afflictions, and right the
Avrongs of an exploited populace. Few popular
movements of any age have been less influenced
by the presence of leaders. As Powell in "The
Rising of 1381 in East Anglia" points out, Bal!
alone of all the leaders was well known for any
lenghty period of time. For twenty years he had
preached discontent, but at the time of the outbreak he was in jail. Tyler and Straw, i*egardless
of the emphasis that chroniclers and annalists have
placed on their names, were never anything more
than local leaders, whose influence had never extended beyond the boundaries of their home shires.
In reviewing the causes that led to the revolt we
must be careful not to attribute too great importance to any single factor. Where the perspective
is obscured by the lapse of time, and the dearth of
•data, there is sure to be a tendency to place too much
stress on those constituents that are most apparent.
Rogers, Cunningham, and Gibbin, in their otherwise
valuable contributions to the subject, have dwelt too
long on the theory that the discontent was due to
the lords' attempt to rescind the agreement made
with their villeins, by which they could commute
their customary days of labor for a money payment.
This was undoubtedly.one of the causes, but later
and more careful researches into that stormy period
show that this was only one among many factors
contrbuting to the insurrection. Oman, in his valuable work—"The Great Revolt of 1381"—showathat
those attempts on the part of the masters were local
and partial rather than national in their scope. That
there was no general attempt to rescind whatever
agreements were drawn up on the subject seems a
rational conclusion. In most parts of the kingdom
the scarcity of hands was so great that the lords
were actually forced to do.the reverse. They commuted service for rent rather than rescinding it.
The method of solving the labor problem varied,
however, from manor to manor, and county to county. A means quite applicable to conditions in one
part would of necessity be anathema in others. The
"stock and land lease system," by which the peasant was provided with land, seed, implements, and
stock, Avhich could be paid for out of the proceeds
of the annual crop, was no doubt the most common
and satisfactory solution.
As for the poll-tax theory of insurrection, it is
too weak to carry any considerable weight. The
poll-tax of 1381 had no more to do with the rebellion than the shooting of an Austrian idiot by a
Serbian fanatic had to do with the recent world
war. It was the match that started the explosion,
but not the cause of the accumulation of inflammable material that was awaiting the match. History
supplies a more reasonable theory. A knowledge of
conditions existing in England during the preceding
century is quite sufficient to assign the cause. Trouble had been brewing for many years. The various
factors at work were rapidly coming to a focus. A
grievance, sufficiently national in character to unite all the malcontents, was now required, and the
poll-tax supplied it.
From the time of the great plague in 1348 the
landlords of England were at their wits end to devise ways and means of securing sufficient laborers to till their lands ;and also-to keep those ^worker in a hypnotic trance where the splendid advantages which changed conditions conferred upon them
could not be seen. The outcome of this campaign on
the part of the masters was the "Statute of Laborers," the chief ajm of which was to supply sufficient labor and cheap labor to the owners of England.
Drastic as were the clauses in the statute referring to the obligations of the workers ,and' the penalties inflicted for a refusal to obey, still various
means were discovered for getting around the act.
In this respect the landless laborers were much better equipped than the villeins. They were not forced to remain in one section. If they violated the
statute they could move without losing anything.
As Langland, in his "Piers Ploughman," tells us,
they were an independent portion of the community
who could not be controlled. Of course ,the villeins
themseves-were forced to 'try their strength against
their masters on numerous occasions, but with no
appreciable degree of success. Being scattered over
the country, and having no central organization to
consolidate their forces, their methods of attack fell
far short of what was required.
The antipathy shown toward the statute of laborers did not emanate entirely from the rural sections.
There was urban discontent as well. The growing towns were having troubles of their own. The
burghers were trying to obtain municipal privileges
from the lords and the church who, jointly, controlled them. Even in those towns where charters
and constitutions had already been secured, the con-
filict between the "inferiores" and the "patentees," between the unprivileged and the privileged,
continually proceeded. In old , established towns
like London the relations which long existed between
mister and man were rapidly changing.
The new struggle was one of a rising trading and
merchant class against the workers whom they em
ployed. In such towns the manufacturers and entrepreneurs had managed to gain control in every
craft. They hired men to work by the day, thus
rendering obsolete the old advancement into a condition where those at the bottom could attain the
status of masters and business men themselves. Further below was a cless of unskilled and casually employed laborers, whose numbers were greatly augmented by fugitive villeins and other workers from
rural districts. Being long on the move they had
little respect for the social system of the towns, and
took advantage of every opportunity to show their
dislike .
The foreign emigrants, the Lombards, the Zee-
landers, and the Flemings, who came to compete with
the English workers in the job market were greatly
despised and often murdered. The "right to
work" was as jealously guarded at that time as it is
today. Not alone the workers, but also the merchants and manufacturers of Flanders, who established themselves in England, and exploited labor
to a greater degree than the native business men,
were roundly hated.
With all these groups, and the conflict of interests between them growing ever keener, there was
little likelihood that peace or contentment would
obtain. ,With a strong hand at the helm, an outbreak of a violent nature might have been averted
at least for the time. But strength was not the
chief characteristic of the rulers of England at that
day.
John of Gaunt, Archbishop Sudbury, Sir Robert
Hales, and a boy king were the#heads of the state.
None of them possessed the ability necessary to
manage affairs at such a critical stage. There was
Avar with France and expenses were high. Scottish
raiders harassed the north and could not be stopped. Trouble with Flanders prevented the merchants of that country from buying the usual supply of wool, which meant disaster for the jSnglish
wool growers and greatly reduced revenues for the
state. Borrowing was resorted to, but the credit
system was still in its infancy, and little financial
assistance could be obtained. Three methods of
raising the requisite funds were left to choose from.
These were the poll-tax, poundage, and tenths and
fifteenths. The Commons chose the former as the
most suitable means of replenishing the treasury.
The Commons was composed largely of members
of the middle class. Poundage would have fallen
heavily on the merchants, while tenths and fifteenths would be placed in the shoulders of the landed
proprietors. The poll-tax would apply to all citizens equally, so would not encounter the wrath of
any particular section.
Every lay person in the realm over fifteen years
of age excepting beggars, was asssessed three groats.
The distribution of the whole sum was gradated so
that the wealthy in each district could take the
burden of the poorer members. This method worked splendidly in the rich parts of the country where
the tax on the poor amounted to only one groat per
man and wife. But in the poor districts they were
dealt the hardest blow. There was no one to make
up their allotment, so each villein and cottager was
forced to find his shilling.
To obviate the necessity of making payment, the
workers resorted to the method of making false
returns ,and wholesale fraud was practised against
the government. A revision was ordered. Commissioners were sent to the districts with a few
clerks and sergeants, but no armed force. Their
compelling power was weak, and their task anything
but pleasant.
The temper of the people was not such as would
warrant success in collecting, when the means of
enforcing the collectors' demands were not revealed. An explosion of wrath was certain to follow,
and after a month of attempting to extract the tax
by a mild form of coercion, one of the most important outbreaks of the middle ages took place. The
rapidly changing conditions of the years previous
were now at that stage where the fagots were awaiting the match.   It came . J. A. McD. WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE THREE
Economic Causes of War.
y^HINA, before she entered the war, supplied
V^4 some two hundred thousand laborers for
France, but the time of her actual entry into the
war was determined by the economic interests of
the Allies. Senator Morris,-in the United States
Senate, produced what he declared to be copies of
diplomatic correspondence embodying the promises
of France and Britain. Great Britain's interest in
the matter, he charged, was secured by Japan's support of British claims to Pacific islands south of the
equator, 'while France 's aid was purchased by a
•promise of the Tok*o Government to help to draw
China into the war, so that the German ships in
Chinese harbors would be available for carrying
troops and supplies to France. While these powers
were scheming to draw China into the war for national integrity and independence, they were secretly plotting amongst themselves as to the carving
up of their new ally, and as a result of their manipulations, between forty and fifty millions of Chin-,
ese, and the Shantung Province are handed over to
Japanese contro1. This is the self-determination of
the Allies at the Peace Conference. To none of
these agreements was China a party, nor was she informed of them when invited to join in the war.
Under her treaty with Germany, if Germany ever
relinquished the lease of Shantung, the territorial
property would revert to its original owner, China.
Those holy men at Paris made Germany break an
agreement with China, to China's advantage when
she is an ally of the victorious nations.
What is the reason of thcimperialistic expansion
towards China? A Japanese .official publication,
quoted by a Mr. Coleman in his '.'Far East Unveiled," says: "It is on the Yangtse Basin on account
of its immense wealth arid variety of products, that
for the present and future will be centred the commercial interests of the world." ..... "Of all the
various things in which this wonderful river is astonishingly rich, mines of coal and iron stand out
predominantly." Ocean going vessels can proceed
a thousand miles up the river, and the Chinese workers, according to Japanese managers, are "excellent,
quiet, dependable and efficient. The Chinese waste
no time in talk, but plod on, anxious to make money,
and will work long hours and hard for it."
China's geographical position saved her from the
greed of the European commercial classes until capitalism had developed to that stage of perfection in
its transportation facilities, with large liners and
the opening of the Suez Canal enabling them to overcome the difficulty of reaching China, which, because of its distance, had been hitherto unattainable commercially. China is boifided with high
mountains on the Indian side which hindered the
expansion of the British empire from that direction.
Although she has a long coast line, the sea is too
shallow for. miles out for great ocean liners. Some
of her natural harbors have no connection with the
interior because of high mountain range's. The two
best harbors are owned by foreign powers, Britain,
and formerly Germany, but now Japan. The
Yangtse river is practically the only one by which
ocean-going vessels can connect the interior of China
with the outside world. Vessels drawing sixteen
to eighteen feet can prcoeed 680 miles up from the
ocean. River steamers can proceed 370 miles further, and small junks can go 1,750 miles from the
ocean. In the dry season, ocean-going vessels are
prevented from going up the Yangtse, nothing over
six feet draught being able to make the trip. The
American Academy of Political- and Social Science,
in "China, Social and Economic Conditions," tells
us, January, 1912, page 136, "that the revolutionary
movement had its origin in the Yangtse Valley, and
gained its strongest support because of the influences of the outside world," again proving the
Marxian materialistic conception of history to be
true, that the economic conditions conflicting with
the ideas of old conditions bring about a social revolution.      The    Scottish    Provident    Institution
"Year Book" for 1915, page 207, savs, "Britain has
Article No 10
obtained two concessions for railways, one from
Shasi on the Yangtse, southwest through Hunan
and Kiao-chau, the other for an extension of the
Shanghai-Nanking railway southward through Nan-
chaung, a place of 25,000 inhabitants with large porcelain manufactories, and also, for the linking up
with other lines already constructed. She has intimated to China that she expects her interests in^
the Yangtse Valley to be considered predominant.
At one time Japanese competition was threatened,
but this has been formally withdrawn." And again
on the same page: "The Standard Oil Company of
New York, conclude^ an agreement with the Chinese government in February, 1915, for the exploitation of the oilfields in Chili and Shen-si. A peculiar
feature of this transaction was that instead of the
loan of £3,000,000 asked for by China in return, she
was to receive without payment 37^ per cent, of
the stock raised to carry on the work,'with the option of purchasing iy2 per cent, more within two
years. As there seems to be nothing restraining
her from selling these shares later on to the highest
bidder this may lead to future complications, as
several large nationalities have interests in North
China."
On June 4th, 1917, President Wilson addressed
a note to China pointing out that her. participation
in the war was of a secondary importance and her
main care was to maintain internal order.   America
asked Britain and Japan to back her request to the
Chinese Government.   Japan replied by challenging America's right to interfere with China's internal affairs, adding, they should have come to an
agreement with those powers first.   Britain between
two allies was extremely delicate.   It was then that
Japan sent a commission to the United States headed by Viscount Ishi, former minister of Foreign Affairs.   This was given publicity as a desire to cooperate in the common struggle of the war, but the
notes exchanged, November 21st, 1917, showed the
visit was of a more important nature.   America recognized Japan's special interest in China, but ex-
plicity upheld China's sovereignty. Japan, on the
other hand, adhered to the open door in China,
which offers commercial and industrial opportunities to all nations. In a sense, America recognized
a Japanese Munro Doctrine in China, and Japan
agreed not to hamper American trade in China.
The Scottish Provident Institution "Year Book,"
1915, page-340, says: "Acting on the assurances of
Japan that the integrity of China would be preserved, that Kiao-chau would be restored to China,
and that Japan would consult the United States
before operating beyond, the boundaries of Kiao-
chau, the United States agreed to neutrality."
In 1907, the population of China rose against the
concession of the Shanghai-Han Chau-Ninpo Line
to foreign capitalists.   Two provinces held public
meetings and raised money to protest against it.   A
committee went to Pekin accompanied by a large ,
procession of fanatically excited citizens, and when
their petition was denied and the concession to the
English confirmed, the members of the Cabinet were
mobbed.      American   plutocrats   afraid   of   their
plunder in China, decided to work with Japan.   The
"Wall Street Journal" condemned the revolution
with practical arguments: "The uprising upsets the
railway concessions, interrupts trade, a trade which
amounts to $55,000,000 a year, which with cheaper
rates through the Panama Canal, will double.   In
this world of hard facts it is not difficult to discern
in what interest our national sympathy will finally
gravitate."      After all  the promises  of China's
independence and the returning of the German colony, Japan is still hanging on to the spoil, with the
consent of all those other nations who have made
the world safe for democracy.    Kiao-chau's chief
products are silk, nuts, bean oil, straw, coal and
fruit, with a good harbor and naval base.
Is it to be wondered at that Japan should hang on
to the spoilt? Japan believes in self-determination
to own th'is plunder, eliminating another of Presi-
den Wilson's fourteen points.
PETER T. LECKIE.
Labor Power and Production
THE Democratic nominee for president is reported as saying that in his opinion the frequent
turn-overs are responsible for the high cost of living. In other words, that each person who handles
a commodity adds to the final price. That may be
his opinion, but it does not coincide with facts.
Therefore I challenge his statement.
Labor power produces all value. It is the amount
of social labor time it takes to produce a commodity
which gives it its value. Commodities sell at their
value subject to the law of supply and demand.
The surplus value produced by the workers ovfer and
above their living wage is the profit of the employers. What the employers or buyers ©f labor power
are able to retain after marketing that surplus is
their net profit.
The ever growing competition for ever narrowing markets, for the ever-increasing surplus produced by the workers, decreases the rate of net profit for the employers, "but it does not increase the
value of the commodity. The price of a commodity
is its value subject to the law of supply and demand.
However, the decreas" in the value of gold and
the inflation of the Currency through the issuance
of war bonds do have a very material effect on the
purchasing power of the dollar ,and it is these reasons that are the cause of the apparently high prices.
In reality commodities, due to the increasing productiveness of the workers as big machinery develops, are selling for less than ever before.
Moreover, for whose good would the reduction in
the cost of living redound? The worker or the employer? The worker sells his labor power, as other
commodities are sold, at its value or cost of repro
duction. If the cost of reproduction is two dollars,
that is the price he gets; if it is five dollaro, that is
the price he gets. It does not make any difference
to the worker whether the cost of living is high or
low; he simply gets a living wage. For example,
look at China, Japan, Mexico, wherS the worker gets
the cost of his reproduction.
Now, how about the buyer of that labor power?
The worker produces the same amount of value in a
given day's time whether he receives two dollars or
five dollars per day; but the profit which the buyer
of that labor power makes increases in proportion to
the reduction in the value of that labor power. Naturally the employer wants the cost of living reduced.   Why should he not?
KATHLEEN SMITH.
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WESTERN      CLARION
Western Clarion
A   Journal   of   History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published  twice  a  month  by the  Socialist Party of
Canada, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland 2583.
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VANCOUVER, B C, AUGUST 16, 1920
EDITORIAL
BERTRAND RUSSELL.
B
ERTRAND RUSSELL is a man who is described as a scholar, mathematician and philosopher,
by "The Nation"  (New York), in which journal,
July 31,  1920,  he  contributes  an  article  entitled,
"Soviet Russia—1920."
As was to be expected, the article has attracted
wide attention, coming as it does from a man who
is not of the working-class, but who professes working-class sympathies and who has, not without ability, written several treatises upon working-class
problems and policies, involving some quite capable
considerations of a wide range of fundamental Socialist literature.
We do not propose to here examine the depth-and
extent of his understanding of what has come to be
known as the "Marxist" position, though we pause
a moment to say that in referring to the Marxian
theory of surplus value, it would have been better
to leave it alone than to have said this about it and
no more: ''This doctrine" (surplus value) "is very
complicated and is scarcely tenable as a contribution
to pure theory.   It is rather to be viewed as a translation into abstract terms of the hatred with which
Marx regarded the system that coins .wealth out of
human lives, and it is in this spirit, rather than in
that of disinterested analysis, that it has been read
by its admirers.   A critical examination of the theory of surplus value would require much difficult
and  abstract discussion  of pure  economic  theory
without having much bearing upon the practical
truth or falsehood of Socialism; it has therefore
seemed impossible within the limits of the present
volume." ("Proposed Roads to Freedom," pp. 18-
19).   Some other people, who may be said to have
less excuse than Bertrand Russell have wisely turned aside, rather than launch any effort toward the
overturning of that  invulnerable  doctrine,  be  it
born of hate and therefore scientifically inconsequent, or purely disinterested, and therefore suited
to the scientific niceties and congruences of the
exact science.
By all of which foregoing we do not mean to say
exactly that Bertrand Russell altogether fails to
recognize the strength of the Marxian position in
its analysis of society as we have it today, or that
he is without response to its terrific indictment of
capitalism as a productive and slave system, and the
consequent evils that lubricate it. But, seemingly,
he is quite a passable theorist and, by his own
confession, before he went to Russia he styled
himself a Communist. After a month or more there,
he has generated anxious and academic doubts
within himself.
True to his colors, he is a pacifist, in Russia or
out of it He quite logically has extended his own
analysis of capitalist development to what he terms
a suitable form of Socialism, and he expected to
find this suitable form in the Russia of today. He
expected to find there, even if it were the first time
in history, a government existing under the wholehearted consent of the governed. He ^seemingly
considered the dictatorship of the proletariat to be
a prayerful and consultative form of stern but at
the seme time deferential administration. He has
discovered that the dictatorship of the proletariat
means just exactly that the class conscious workers,
or their representatives, weild the powers of State
as they see fit in the interests of the working c]ass,
as these interests by them are judged and understood.
It is upon this point that he is in distress, and he
is apparently in^ conflict largely with his own notions. By his own professions he wishes the realization of a form of society which, if it is not identical
with that now obtaining in Russia, will approximately meet the ultimate aims of that society. But
to reach that aim he neither wishes to dictate nor
to suffer dictatorship. He wishes the tooth pulled
without pain. He is, in fact, a "living ganglion of
irreconcilable antagonisms.''
The whole article is worthy of the attention it
will  undoubtedly receive.    It  contains  much  that
will   lie  widely  misquoted.      Already,  Mr.  Lloyd
George has led the way in administering the suitable pieces to the public.    Mr. Russell must now
experience a mental itch in finding himself recommended'by a man whose government, in 1918, was
dictatorial enough to confine him in prison for the
opinions  he  then expressed regarding the use of
United States troops against the workers in that
artistic cradle of the higher and intellectual activities of life, of which he is so proud and ardent a
devotee—the city of Glasgow.   We shall at least
expect him to require of those gentlemen that which
he will never in them encounter,—the "scientific
disinterestedness" his mathematical mind worships
but never locates.    Trotsky, whom he professes to
have met, once quoted Shakespeare to the effect
that "the devil can quote scripture for his own purposes."    So with Mr. Lloyd George.   That gentleman carefully left out of his quotations the statement that with all the hostility, within and without,
that the Russian Soviets have had to deal, the peasants today are better off than they ever have been,
and that no one, man, woman or child was to be
found in the villages who was underfed.    So too
did he fail to mention Mr Russell's statement that
were he a Russian he would support the present
government of that country as being better than any
possible  alternative.
We expect next to find Peter Kropotkin quoted
by some political jackanapes to the same end. Kropotkin has been persecuted, imprisoned, tortured,
exiled and foully murdered in the capitalist press,
by the Bolsheviki, from time to time. The labor
delegates to Russian found him in vigorous good
health at his home near Moscow. By Miss Margaret Bondfield, a member of that delegation, he
has sent a massage to the British workers, enjoining
them to lend their aid to the raising of the blockade
upon Russia. He adheres to his principles of Anarchist Communism, but maintains support of the
Soviet government as essential in present circumstances'.
So, when all is said and done, it is best that we •
should understand that ideal forms of society do
not take shape over night. In its struggle to overturn the forces of oppression the working class will
ruthlessly cast down all obstacles, whether they be
erected by academic theorists or projected by the
traditional enemy, the propertied class. The rule
of the people must antagonize all whom it hurts.
Those whom it does not hurt will not oppose it.
They are the workers.
Comrade C. M. O'Brien says our conclusions that
that he is "out" oh bail twice are quite correct.
He is awaiting the outcome of the jugglrepokery
legalities cheerfully .
a   a   a
We have on hand some back numbers of one or
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SECRETARIAL NOTES
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obtained by writing J. Watson, Box 1762, Winnipeg, Man.   Post free.
Literature  Price List
Communist Manifesto. Single copies, 10c; 25
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The Present Economic System. (Prof. W. A.
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The Nature and Uses of Sabotage (Prof. T. Veblen) .   Singles copies 5 cents, 25 copies $1.
Ten Days that Shook the World. (John Reed).
Per copy, $2.00.
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(E. B. Bax). TSingle copies, 5 cents; per 25 copies,
75c.
Evolution of the Idea of God (Grant Allen), 55c
per copy.
Ancient Society  (Louis H Morgan), $2 15
Origin of the Family, Private Property and the
State J-F. Engels)  80c
Value, Price and Profit (Marx)—Single copies, 15c:
25 copies, $3.25.
Feuerbach: The Roots of the Socialist Philosophy
(Engels)   - 80c
Introduction   to   Sociology   (Arthur   M.   Lewis).
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Toronto, Comrade Mrs S. I. J. Knight having resigned. Local Toronto increases the bundle order
from 50 to 75 copies each issue. We learn that
Comrade Trevor Mcguire, late of Ottawa, is now in
Toronto.
(All above post free).
ATTENTION, ROCHESTER!
SOLIDARITY PICNIC
Given for the Benefit of the Political Prisoners
at -UHUETZEN PARK, corner Ridge Road
and Clinton Ave .North.
SUNDAY, AUGUST 29, 1920.
Music, Games, Refreshments, Dancing
Admission, 15 Cents
Take St .Paul Car to Ridge Road or Clinton
"Avenue Car to end of lane WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE FIVE
Reconstruction
i
RECONSTRUCTION,—problems of the future,
on every hand we hear the cry, everywhere
much talk "about it and about." Yet out of it all
comes no materialization, find the problems there
fore remain with us more clamorously insistent,
more menacing. What to do, and how to uo the
''something" that must be done, ar^a'ently awakens uo clear thought, or consistei ' ef ort on the
part of tlie class whose problem it is,—the problem
o£ the continuation ot! capital. This is comforting
to us, the producers, for it is a sure indication that
capital lias entered the twilight zone of dissolution.
The problem of reconstruction is the problem that
lias travelled down the arch of the years sine political society was first founded, lt is the problem
of the perpetuation of human slavery; the continuance of class civilization. And tin oft vaunted
"glory" of this civilization means, in vality, that
one dais shall hold the other portion of society in
bondage, in order that privilege sh.ill rear her
black burden of splendor, on tbo degradation of
unpaid labor. For without label Uiere can be no
production, without exploitation of production, no
privilege and no privilege without slavery. The
mighty empires of antiquity, like the empires of today, all rest on one single principle of slavery, am
what those ancient civilizat' u s ar< today—tragi'
memories—so capitalist civilization will be"tomorrow, because no society resting on enslaved labor
can endure, and non- can endure because the antagonisms arising out o<: basically conflicting interests increase in intensity as the society increases
with expansion, ultimately reaching a climax—disastrously for the slave-holdLi? class.
The capitalist press of todby issuing warnings
(to the class slavers) of coming change, exhorting
conciliation, reasoning, cautioning, forecasting.
They are beginning to see tht dark shadow of the
eclipse. They are anxious for the r property right,
the "right" to hold ma nin slavery. But warnings
avail nothing to hold the march of progress. The
master class, with its pitiful ehexnes of farm colonies, land reclamation, vocation training, charitable
employment, framed—all of th<. n—to render a profit ,or stavl off the reckoning cl v. seek in vain to
turn aside the steam-roller of necessity. Progress
y, answers only to its own law, heedless of the will of
any class. And a sneither of the two classes in society undertand this impulsion, the bland, desperate
struggle goes oiy, in the whirling dust-cloud of
effects, heedless of the fact that the breadth of the
base determines the height of the superstructure,
seeing not, that as the fundamental cause may be,
the accruing consequences must be. Therefore, as
the base of society is slavery, the superstructure
must be repression, and the inevitable expansion of
slave-forced industry inevitably shatters., as dynamite shatters a rock, the political institutions resting upon it. The interest of the slave must be opposed to the interest of the repressor; conflict must
ensue, more acute, more distressing, as organized
production sharpens the edge of competition.
The nations of the world at war were compelled
to organize and co-ordinate the productive mac] rue
on a scale hitherto unprecedented. Through the
law of causation, the economic results flowing from
• that efficiency of organization will prohibit any attempt to reconstruct the social body on 'he old
terms. Ruin, immediate and utter, awaits any attempt in that direction. With the war market gone,
the peace market limited to profit reconstruction,
the demobilization of non-producers, now waiting
to become producers—and numbering about four-
fiths of those producers who, for years, through efficiency in production supplied the total wants of
society, has entirely changed the social outlook.
That growth of the productive forces during the
war has brought about an alteration in the social
centre of gravity. And that change of centre will
sweep away in ruin the political devices established
upon it, as surely as a change in the axial plane of
the earth would send a tidal wave miles high, careering round the world.
There is but one way t6 reconstruct society and
that way is the abolition of the capitalist system of
production, with its attendant wage slavery.   To
patch and tinker, to repair and reform, can no more
ensure peace, socially, than the similar efforts of
diplomacy can preserve peace politically. Fire and
powder will always explode, and the'greater the repression, the deadlier is the explosion. The abolition of capital is the one remedy. With that gone,
class rule and class ownership is gone. Society will
then have free access to the means of life necessary
to the upport of that life, and the social luxury and
waste of ono (dass; the degradation and poverty of
the other; ami the strife, tin- vice, the unspeakable
duplicity, the unmeasured hypocrisy pervading all
classes, impelling all classes ,and ruining all classes,
will disappear on the harmony and peace of economic freedom. R.
Returns from  Raffle of Books, $173.
Total  amount   received  	
Total   Expen-.es , ...
..$1,990.14
.- 1,364.40
Manitoba Provincial
Election
^aaaamaammmnma
Election Expenses of Winnipeg Local—Statement
Presented to Government
Headquarters and Committee Rooms  $ 1542
Visiting Candidates in Prison (Aeroplane  etc.)   213.50
Re»t of Halls for Public Meetings   54.00
Advertising    1  127-90
Party  Literature     121.65
Distribution of  same   10.60
Telephone, Wires and Long Distance Calls   22.30
Candidates'   Election   Deposits  800.00
$1,364.40
CAMPAIGN FUND
Returns from Collection Cards—Amount Collected
Chas  Gczar,   $126.00;   Robert  Gill,  $24;   Geo.   Anderson,.
$17;  A. Franklin, .12.50;  Wm. Staples,    22; Wm.  Nelson,
$20.90; P. H. Hall, $725; H. Baynham, $39; P. Bach, $6.50;
D. Klempner, $5.25; Alf. Neale, $33.75; H. Cottrell, $7.10;
Alg. Emery, $69.75; Geo- Goodwin, $22.60; John Fisher,
$19.50; A. Astraw, $23; Walter Henderson, $55.75; David
Shore, $25; Walter Ashton, $7; John Houston, $16; James
Martin, $25; H. Stevenson, $17.75; H. Ross Magee, $16.35;
R.  Stockholder, $2.75; C C. Letith, $2; B. Banks, $20.25;
A. P , $30; S. Lipkin, $14; O. Travis, $10; A. Koran, $8.5;
Miss W. Sanders, $17; James Law, $24; A. Shepherd, $5;
A. Renis, $2.50; Sydney Rose, $4-80; J. MacDonald, $1.25;
E. A. Hanson, $3.75; P. N. Kaiser, $2; Alf Beeny, $1.50—
$768-25.
DONATIONS FROM WINNIPEG UNIONS.
Metal Trades Unit. >10; Fort Rouge Railway Workers, $25;
Street Railway, en's Union, $100; Plasterers Union, $25;
Plumbers and Steam fitters, Local No. 254, $25; United
Brotherhood of Carpenters, Local 174, $80; General Workers
Unit, $10; Building Trades Laborers Union, $25; Transcona
Railway Workers Unit, $25; Stereotypers and Electrotypers,
Local No 59, $10—$335.00.
INDIVIDUAL DONATIONS-
V'   W. Lefeauv, $5;   S.  Cunningham, $5;   Dick Cooper,
$5;   cnas.  Manning, $5;   Sam Chiswin, $5;-John  Wagner,
$5; R. Tettimenti, $2; R. C.'MacCutcheon, $25; Goe. Whitman, $5; A.  Friend, $1—$63-00.
CAMPAIGN   FUND-COLLECTIONS   AT  PUBLIC
MEETINGS.
Strand Theatre, May 30, $83.75; Market Square, May 30,
$4930; Market Square, May 31, $16.10; T. Cassidy, C.N.R.,
June 1, $23.55; T. Cassidy, C-P-R., June 2, $13; T. Cassidy,
Market Square, June 2, 60c; T .Cassidy, Transcona, June 3,
$22.25; Ukranian Temple, June 3, $17.80; Liberty Temple,
June 4, $17.35; Market Square, June 6, $57.55; Weston, June
7, $9; Elmwood, June 8, $9.30; Market Square, Jnne 9,
^22; Victoria Park, June 13, $29.70; Market Square, June
13, $38; Western meeting, June 14, $6.90; Elmwood, June
13, $6.75; Stella and main, Juncj 16, $4-33; O. P. R.,
June 16, $15.33; Market Square, June 16, $7.40; C. N. R.,
June 17, $11.07; Transcona Shops, June 18, $20.45; Dufferin
School, June 18, $5-65; Market Square, June 19, $6.50; Victoria Park, June 20, $29.27; Market Square, June 20, $19.38;
Market Square, June 21. $4.57; Lord Selkirk School, June
22, $3.70; John M. King School, June 22, $1-30; Fords Plant,
June 22, $3; Manitoba Bridge Shops, June 22, $1.46; C. N.
R. Freight Sheds, June 23, $4; Market Square, June 23,
$4.16; Stella and Main, June 23, $2.06; Victoria Park, June
27. $29; Market Square, June 27, $24.65; Market Square,
June 28, $505; Victoria Park, July 4, $14.55; Market Square,
July 4, $11—Tota propaganda collections, $650.89.
Balance on hand     $625.74
ALEX. SHEPHERD, Secretary,
Local (Winnipeg) No. 3
DONATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES
J. R. Knowles, Chase, B. C, $3; R. Adams, Vancouver,
B- C, $3; J. W. Russell .Calgary, Alta-, $5; John Burton,
Abernethy, Sask., $5; P- M. Christophers, Blaremore, Alta.,
$17.75; Civic Election Committee, Winnipeg, Man-, $67.26;
D. E. C. and Local No. 1 S. P. of C, Vancouver, B. C,
$348.17; G. P. Craig, Brandon, Man., $9; Gowganda Metal
Miners, O. B. U., Gowjanda, Ont., $25; Local No. 49, S-
P. of C.j Gibsons Landing, $5; Local Edmonton, S. P- of C,
Edmonton, Alta., $28; Oscar Erickson, Fernie, B. C, $44.45;
General Workers Unit, O. B. U., Vancouver) B. C. $10;
J. Stevenson, Prince George, B. C, $41.25; B. Patritti, Fort
William, Out., $26; F. Harman, Local 2, S. P. of G, Viv-
toria, B. C. $9; Horn Mace, Fort Francis, Ont., $20-50;
William Erwin, Local 89, S. P- of C, Winbournei Alta-,
$J9;  Local Ottawa, S. P. of C, Ottawa, Ont., $10; Peter
Leckic, Ottawa, Out-, $61.65—$758.03.
Wages and Transportation Expenses of Party Propagandists, $608; Balance, $15003.
ALEX SHEPHERD, Secretary.
Local   (Winnipeg)   No.  3-
MONEYS  COLLECTED   FOR   EDUCATION   (LOCAL
No. 1 AND D. E. C.)
Card number 602, W- A. Johnston, $3; 603, P. Garvie,
$3.25; 605, W. McMahon, $3; 606, J. R. Thomas, $15; 607,
J. McDonald, $6-50; 608, H- J. Scribbins, $2; 610, H. J.
Pritchard, $1.50; 621, A. Mathieson, $8; 623, J. Barker, 5;
624, J. Blackwood, $10; 625, A Wells, $8; 626, A- Alexander, )$7; 627, A. McKenzie, $8-50; 628, O. Hungerford,
$7.10; 629, Mrs. Sinclair, $7.50; 630, R- Schiller, $4; 631,
H. Roberts, $21.50; 633, J. Wright, 20c; 636, C. Stephenson,
$7; 637, J. M. Jenkins, $2; 639, T O'Connor, $1; 640, R.
Sinclair, $13; 641, H. Howard, $1; 644, J. Sangster, $3; 646,
Sam Bush, $4; 647, C. F. Swartz, $2.25; 648, E. Thorp,
$7.25; 654, Mrs. R .Hatley, $1.50; 655, Mrs. Spooner, $4.50;
656, J. McKinley, $3.25; 659, A. Mathieson, $10; 660, R.
Sinclair, $17; 661, J .Clarke, $12.50; 662, A. Heath, $1; 664,
H- Lock, $4; 665, J. Brice, $7; 666, E. Murphy $9; 667, J
Pritchard, $2; 668, J Pritchard, $4.50; 672, J. Lott, $1; 676,
A. Olson, $13-50; 677, Sid Earp, $4; 682, V. Sleuter, $11.50;
donated H. W. McKnight, $10; donated Dick Burge, $1;
collected at Empress Theatre, 13th June, $3607; donated J.
Livingstone, $5; collected at Empress Theatre, 27th June,
$10.75; collected specimen card No. 90, $11; collected R. C.
Mutch, Smithers, B- C, $4; donation H. C Mitchell, $1.50;
Anonymous, $1-05.—Total, $348.17.
Card 645, T. C. Dorrell (card received after list made up),
$3.60—Total, $351.77.
Bourgeois Diplomacy
IN their deserate efforts at the eleventh hour to
rescue the Polish Government from the consequences of its ambitious folly, the European politicians once more reveal the impotence of capitalist
militarism and the humbug of the bourgeois diplomacy. Having encouraged their vassal, Poland,
whom at any time they could have easily held within bounds, to embark upon a disastrous adventure, •
the Allies, beholding the disaster, can think of no
way to avert it save by making vain threats against
Russia, over whose independent government and
victorious worker's army they have not the slightest influence. So we come again to one of those
moments ,of increasing frequency, when confusion
and bewilderment prevail, and the conflicting interests of nationalist ambitions disrupt the solidarity
of Allied capitalism At such times the censorships
fail to function and the various official propagandas
lack coordination. Even the best trained bourgeois
correspondents lose their bearings in this chaos,
and, lacking the accustomed guides and restraints,
are daily in danger of giving the show away .
The reply of the Soviet Government to the British proposal, which was designed to rescue Polish
imperialism from its plight, precipitated the crisis.
Mr Lloyd George, "looking pale and haggard," admitted" his bewilderment and complained that the
Soviet note was difficult to understand. No doubt
it was. Nothing is more confusing to the diploid Continued on Page Eight) PAGE SIX
WESTERN     CLARION
That Dictatorship of the Proletariat
ONE often marvels at the storm the above phrase
has called into being.
Some clamorous idealists, grasping at the shadow of things,' and entirely missing the substance,
have worked it overtime. Notably members of the
Communist Party.
It sounds so devilish businesslike, and maybe revolutionary too
At any rate, it has almost come about in some
quarters that if you don't proclaim yourself a supporter of the "dictatorship," then you are taboo.-
It is really excruciatingly funny the way these
emotional saviours of the working class, dictate
about the dictatorship, but it becomes tragic on the
other hand, to find temperamental personalties like
Debs linking hands with shuffling Kautsky, and
affirming their belief in "democracy" as opposed
to dictatorship And to find the S P of G. B. also
on that side of the fence, is to add pathos to the
tragedy.
Let us see if we can't put this proposition as simply before the working class as we can.
First of all, no matter where classes ara found,
in "democrat ; republ os, or monarchies, we are *
certain to find our class in the position of an enslaved class. This shameful and degraded position is well known; and its consequent degenerating
influence on the mentality of the slaves is .equally
a matter of record. J"
We are ruled by a set of exploiters. Every government is but the instrument of coercion; the club
they beat us with.
The problem before us is simply this: To make
our fellow-slaves aware of this fundamental fact.
To acquaint them through Marxian literature, whicii
is a critical commentary on the capitalist system, of
the process by which these idle, brutal exploiters
manage to separate the laborers from the product
of their toil. To make them understand that labor
produces all wealth, whilst all that the capitalists
produce could be utilized by a truck farmer.
This is a slow job, true enough; teaching our
fellows who are so slow to catch on, but we are
powerfully assisted by growing discontent brought
about by the uncertainties of existence, which need
not be entered into here.
However, we can be sure of this, that neither individual nor society can survive, unless they
adapt themselves to continually changing conditions. Having by analysis convinced ourselves of
our position in society, and the historic drift of
events, we Socialists know that mankind are now
rapidly approaching a point, where profound and
far-reaching changes are bound to take place.
These changes will involve much suffering without
a doubt, but that is unavoidable, while the mass
of humanity fails to understand that unceasing
change is the unchanging law of nature.
If the masses were aware that a deadlock is almost reached under the present antiquated, anarchic, ancf wasteful methods, between the mode of
production, aiid the manner of distribution of
wealth, they could take council and eliminate the
trouble very easily.
But the masses do not know; and will not know,
'till by bloody blundering, and mischevious muddling,  experience has taught them a few things.
But, back to the "dictatorship."
To remedy our deplorable condition, we find it
necessary to rally recruits, or make Socialists, till
there are enough of us desirous of a change, to bring
it about. Between us and our goal, the ownership
of industry, will stand the organized band of exploiters, and their numerous hangers-on and lackeys.
They have to be suppressed, and as Lafargue said:
"Their suppression is a question of time and opportunity."
Mark, not a question of this or that particular
way of gaining power, but of opportunity.
At present, most people have the vote, and this
vote has become almost a fetish to some. But a vote
merely signifies a wish. A million votes for a revolutionary ticket, mean that many voters wiih
for a revolutionary change. But a wish-bone
was never as good as a backbone.' Some impatient
souls, seeing this, have jumped to conclusions, a very
unscientific thing to do.
Behind the phrases ''Direct Action," "Mass Action," "Physical Force," lurk a lot of these jumpers. At present, they have a new phrase, to warm
up their revolutionary fire, viz., the title we are discussing.
De Leon fathered, or was the greatest expounder
of the theory that "Ballotting is" all moonshine,
Avithout big industrial unions to back up the vote,
and lend might to right."
That is another vexing question that has roused
more discussion probablyin America amongst Socialists, than any other.
There is no space here to take it up, but we shall
merely offset these positions with the remark of
F. Engels, in his "Origin of the Family," to the
effect that the suffrage was the thermometer indicating revolutionary pressure, and when it reached
its boiling point among the laborers "they as well as
the capitalists, will know what to do." Exactly.
It is our business to spread an understanding of
this.
It is also important to note, and carefully too,
that the capitalists, as well as the laborers, will
know "what to do."
Professor Ross is on record as saying, on his return from Russia, that he " couldn't imagine American business men lying down as easily as. the Russian bourgeoisie did."
The exploiters are on the alert everywhere, and
no one need have any doubt as to what they will do.
They will shelter behind democratic phrases and
forms as long as suitable, and for a good reason.
While the masses have a firm belief in their "equal
rights" as citizens, a devout faith in "democratic"
and civilized procedure as exemplified in balloting,
etc., it would be sheer folly for the rulers to throw
off their mask, and reveal the naked steel of the
sword.
It is a good tactical advantage for them, when
they can cry "The revolutionists are acting in an
unlawful and unconstitutional manner when they
advocate mass or direct action to right their wrongs,
.while the ballot is at hand."
The scientific Socialist therefore,* is not such a
fool as to put that weapon in his hand.
In this battle to influence public opinion, it is important to retain as long as possible aU concessions
won by our fathers in the past, and make what use
of them we may.
If it is desirable on the part of the capitalists to
see the working class forced into the position of outlaws, it is equally desirable on the part of the workers, that the onus of breaking these laws shall rest
on their enemies' heads; If the "Socialists" had,
quit Albany of their own accord, if Victor Berger
had refused to go to Congress, it wouldn't have made
half the impression on the working class it has
done, to see panicky capitalist legislators breaking
their own laws, and revealing their bourgeois dicta-
toship masked behind.loud sounding and prettily
turned lip worship of democracy.
Those actions were distinct victories for the
working class. They revealed the sham. They
served to show what arevolutionary working class
may expect. It is unfortunate that the benefit is
being reaped, for the present, by a motley array of
mountebanks and rascals masquerading as Socialists ; using the prestige of a well-meaning, but misguided man like Debs.
But these revelations of the evil intent of the
capitalist class, should not drive the workers to the
extremist position represented by the phrase-mongering group. That is what is to be feared. Precisely that is what the capitalists would like to see.
Engels has pointed this out in his ''Retrospect."
De Leon, in "As to Politics,"—Karl Radek in his
letter to German Socialists, also showed the advantages of having a political standing, and his letter
was approved by Lenin. So the point is: Socialists
should above all else be Realists, be alive to the
facts of a situation. They should know how to
adapt themselves \p the changes in political conditions. *
It is worse than folly to laud the features of political democracy, acclaim it as the greatest gift of.
the ages. Such actions serve but one purpose. That
purpose is—fooling the very class that support for
a revolution must come from.
The capitalists are not deceived by the forms
and phrases of political democracy. They are most
emphatically not deceived by revolutionists who proclaim the virtues of democracy. The one's who are
deceived and confused, are the ill-informed slaves,
grasping always at illusions and afraid of realities.
Tollay down hard and fast rules of conduct in the
onward march of the slaves and then to find the
rules hamper and clog progress, is to invite trouble
in plenty . »■
Economic conditions change, political conditions,
or the conditions affecting the policy employed in
combating capital, would necessarily also change
To adopt permanent and unchanging codes, rules,
war cries, and so on, is therefore sheer nonsense.
Be Realists; free your minds from warping traditions. Adapt your organization to the changes
about it or perish. Supposing by some strange
chance a Revolutionary Socialist ticket polled an
overwhelming vote in November, at some election
here in the United States What folly it would be
to then calmly wait as by capitalist laws laid down,
till the following March to oust the gang of parasites from their privileges. Such a situation is not
likely to appear, but some socialists are so bewitched
by the word "democracy" that it has come to take
the place of reality with them. It would be on a par
with the conduct of the Sabine men, who expostulated with the Romans for abducting their women,
and showed unmistakably that the action was unlawful, immoral and unjustifiable, but still they couldn't understand why the Romans, admitting all this,-
refused to give up the women.
A revolutionary working class, when arrived at
maturity, will suppress its enemies. During the
period that is required for the change from produ*
tion for profit to production for use, 'if this change
occurs, undoubtedly the class in power then, as
all classes have in the past, will establih a dictatorship. Disorders ,attempts at counter revolution,
and so on—anything that tends to disrupt and throw
back the race to lower forms of life, will have to be
put down,—by force .
But, when the change is accomplished, and particularly when a new generation has grown up, free
from the demoralizing, degenerating influences of
class exploitation, the need for dictatorship will have
disappeared, and it will cease to be
A free working class cannot coerce itself. And
all other classes will have disappeared. So we see,
the thing is the attaining of power to suppress the
.parasitic strata of society.
That is a question of time.
In the course of time, there will inevitably also
appear the question of how?
That is a question of opportunity.
A working class guided by common sense, and
unbefogged by "Kautskian learning," or "Debsic
sentiment," will not hesitate when the time is ripe,
and they are ready, to use the most sensible and convenient way to get on top, and dictate to the other
fellows, till their day is done. So, don't become
enmeshed in these hairsplitting wrangles; but stick
to our task of "wising up" the slaves.
Even when the workers desirous of economic
freedom, are in a majority, even if they have power
in their hands, it is inconceivable* that they should
immediately be able to abolish all vestiges of
capitalism Not in weeks or in years, will such a
transition be accomplished. «
And in Russia today even though the masses were
undoubtedly in favor of Bolshevik rule ,and are
still, yet war weariness, disorganization, disease, and
all the countless miseries and annoyances they are so
bravely enduring, woald cause those elements who
(Continued on Page Seven) /
WESTERN     CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
Intolerance
MARXISTS are often accused of being intolerant, dogmatic and narrow-minded. ,Many
sentimental and well-meaning social reformers insist that we are travelling to the same goal—
whicii they usually describe as the ''common good
of humanity," or the "universal brotherhood"—
and that therefore we should all unite under one
banner to form a grand army of social uplifters
or rejuvenators. It disheartens them to see Socialists pointing out their fallacies, and criticizing
the sayings of perfectly sincere "sympathisers of
labor."
If we were only a little less dogmatic in our materialism, or in our insistence on the view that the
workers must emancipate themselves; if we were
broad-minded enough to permit prominent "uplifters" to work in our ranks, then, the great ones
of the earth, such as Lord Haldane perhaps, could
help us, and by their great influence bring so much
nearer the "brotherhood of man."
These people do not at all understand social evolution' in general, nor that particular phase of it, the
Socialist movement.
Marxism is essentially scientific, seeking the laws
underlying the  development of society,  and the
* causes making for change in the relations of mankind.
Webster's dictionary defines science as "systematized knowledge of any one department of mind or
matter: acknowledged truths and laws, especially
as demonstrated by induction, experiment or observation. '' While we can legitimately quarrel with
a definition that separates mind and matter into independent things, it is sufficient to show that those
who could be called scientists must necessarily be
materialists, i.e., they can only take into account,
in their analyisis of any phenomena, known facts
of the material universe in which we live.
If we are to acquire systematized knowledge of
truths or laws, we cannot do so by bringing in a
supreme ruler to account for that which we may not
understand. Nor can we introduce some powerful
idea, or ideal, springing from nowhere in paticular,
to explain the wars, massacres, ancl ceaseless struggles which make up the history of slavery.
Socialism arises, not from an overwhelming symT
pathy with the "downtrodden masses," but from
an analysis of past and present society, which shows
us that social changes occur in accordance with
changing method of production, and further, that
the class which controls the means of wealth production is also the dominant political class, therefore a struggle rages all through history to determine the ownership of these things. This is the class
struggle, and we are certainly intolerant of deviation from the workers' side in this struggle.
Looking at present day society, we find that a
very small group control^ the means of life, and
consequently the products of labor, while on the
other hand the great majority do not own anything,
but are forced to co-operate in producing wealth,, to
hand over to the owners of mill, mine and factory.
In other words, we have a condition of social production alongside of ownership by a small group.
Here is a contradiction of the first magnitude which
gives rise to the class struggle of today, and also
determines that the next system of society must be
one of social ownership.
Let us by all means be patient in explaining this;
let us meet genuine criticism in a studious manner
(because that is the only effective way), but let
us also be intolerant of any who would attach themselves to the workers' movement in an endeavor to
divert it into adopting a policy of making capitalism last longer, by patching up or reforming it.
We dogmatically assert that no permanent alleviation of the misery of the workers can be accomplished until they acquire the means of wealth production, and that they must do this themselves,
without trusting to saviours, human or divine
The Socialist movement is the intellectual expression of the workers' interests. We consider it
as being the vanguard of proletarian thought, and
as a result, we are broad enough to. admit into our
ranks all who are capable of measuring up to that
standard, but we are narrow enough to exclude
the multitude of social quacks and capitalist reformers.
We cannot be tolerant in our criticism of these
movements ,however sincere or well meaning individuals may be. We say that our goal is the social
ownership of the means of production and distribution,—a complete' change in the basis of society,
while their goal is anything but this
We ask all to study science in general, and especially the standard socialist works, which analyse
history in the interest of our class, who alone are
able to carry society forward W H. C.
their strength by feeding on the rottenness of the
old decaying prostrate ones
Nature, the leveller and compensator, will continue her work to the end of time, making her periodical changes as the seasons unfold into years, and
the years into eras, repeating the process of change
forever The Socialist is satisfied, because he goes
with nature and not against her From her he gets
his lesson G P.
■" The Perfection of
Capitalism."
THE endless chain of seasons glides easily o'er
the palm of time, bearing with it those periodical changes manifested in revolutions, wars and
social cataclysms.
Nature, in her dealings with man is never haphazard, and dispenses her boundless wealth over
the earth's surface impartially. It is not her fault
that the majority of the earth's toilers do not enjoy
her prodigious gifts, but rather it is the fault of
man himself. The "wisest' creature on the earth,
unlike the lower animals, has failed to get into harmony with nature. In his ignorance or his professed knowledge he seeks to appropriate far more than
he needs, and having secured more than nature's law
allows him, he suffers tortures in striving to withhold it from his less ''able' 'fellows. Nature's laws
of compensation and adjustment cannot be disregarded with impunity, and despite all appearances"
to the contrary, that small minority who possess an
excessive amount of earthly goods, and who fondly
imagine that happiness is to be derived from their
possessions, are even now commencing to realize
that the accumulation of wealth carries with it a
heavy burden. Nature takes her revenge in many
ways.
Note the repulsive appearance of those who seek
only the satisfaction of the physical appetite. Note
the creation of a desire among those who are exploited to secure an equitable portion of earth's plen-
titude. See how this desire manifests itself in periodical violence and crime, and how in the process
of change the wealthiest and greediest suffer misery and extinction.
Those few who have succeeded in apportioning to
themselves the greatest share are even now shuddering at the prospect looming up in the distance.
The near future throws out to them a challenge and
they disregard it to their own undoing. Well warned are they who will turn to the study of the natural laws of change.
Nature always destroys that which she has brought
to perfection: the mightiest trees decay; the prettiest flower dies; the strongestTman weakens; the
greatest beauty withers; the largest fortunes are
dissipated and the most efficient systems become
obsolete. So with social and economic systems.
The greatest system of robbery ever devised by
man's brain has reached perfection, leaving countless millions of the earth's inhabitants naked and
hungry, while the robbers possess a million times
more than thty need. Capitalism has succeeded in
fulfilling its mission, and now that the world sees
it in its horrible perfection, it must fade away as
other barbaric systems have faded.
Students of history have the knowledge requisite
to understand why other systems have passed away,
and why capitalism will pass away. They know
why it is that mankind has progressed through the
various ages. They know that the natural law of
change is ever present, and they know that once
one system has reached perfection it disintegrates
and another takes its place. They know that capitalism must go the way of feudalism and chattel
slavery, and they know that socialism is even now
rising above the ashes of capitalism.
Nature's laws must be obeyed, and she has decreed
that as mankind advances in knowledge so must the
system under which he lives advance until perfection is reached The next stage in the process of
human development conformable to nature's immutable law of change is Socialism
Socialism thrives on the iniquities and decaying
rottenness of Capitalism, just as young trees rise to
THAT DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
(Continued From Pa<ge Six)
are not convinced by reasoning of the need for communion, but who merely followed the crowd, or desired the "Brotherhood of Man," or some other sentimental Utopia who can't see the need for work and
discipline, on account of lifelong habits acquired
under Czardom,—all these things would soon bring
about the fall of Russia into a condition of anarchy
and hopeless- chaos, without the steadying iron hand
of force
The difference between bourgeois ]dictatorship
and the Bolshevik dictatorship, ought to be plain
to see. It is a case of fighting fire with fire. Fighting the devil with his own weapons. Capitalism
is still a reality in the minds of many Russian slaves.
As they are educated, and draw away from the past,
so will the Alp like tradition lose its enervating
power to paralyze human activities. Till the past
is a memory faint and dim, dictatorship it must be.
Truth is always unpleasant to idealists.
And the truth about the Russian situation was
that the Bolshiviks were forced to seize power, or
see reaction sweep them and the advanced workers
away as the Finns were swept away, and the Hungarians also.
How can anyone tell what situations may arise in
any country that would present an opportunity for
a successful revolt? Such things are possible. And
to pass up chances is not a thing a revolting working class is likely to do. Not even when invoked
in the name of democracy.
Such a revolution implies the shearing of wealth
and privileges from the present rulers, and resistance cannot but be expected., Sweet, honeyed
words about the emancipation of all men from capitalist anarchy will not pacify them.
They know only force.
Hence the proletariat will haVe to show them a
superior force to their own.
Dictatorship again, but in its rightful time and
place. F. S. F.
PLATFORM
Party of
Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm onr allegiance to, and
support of, tho princip',r8 and programme of the revolutionary
working clasa.       '
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The
present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of tha
means of production, consequently, all the producta of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master;
the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reini
of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect
hml defend its property rights in the means of wealth production
and its control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure ot
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from
capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under
which this exploitation, at the point of production, ia cloaked. To
accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled
economic forces.
The irrespressible conflict of interest between the capitaliat and
he worker necessarily expresses itself aa a struggle for political supremacy.    Thia ia the Class Straggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to organiie nnder the banner of
the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
political powers, for the purpose of setting np and enforcing tha
economic programme of the'working clasa, aa follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly aa poasible, of capitaliat
property in the meana of wealth production (natural
resources, factoriea, mills, railroads, etc.) Into collective means of production.
The organisation and management of industry by the
working clasa.
The eatablishment, aa speedily aa possible, of produa-
tion for use inatead of production for profit.
2.
8. saaBHHUllMiai.B^
PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN     CLARION
Capitalism in Peril
^HE following quotations are from "Capitalism
V-/in New Peril of Collapse," by Major Chas .L.
Hall, U. S. A., in "North American Review," reprinted in the "Democrat and Chronicle," Rochester, N. Y., July 6th .1920.
"Up to 1900 the French and English blocs had
been active competitors for colonial power, but
about that time both realized that their whole civilization was subject to grave dangers from the Central Empires. Unless they presented a united front
the structure of society, which Ave call democracy,
and which the modern Russians call 'tyranny of
the bourgeoisie," was in grave danger of complete
destruction ..... Under the peril of this menace the
two states united with Czanfet Russia," Further
on in the article he writes: ". . . . Russian feudalists
were an indispensable military assistance to the Entente bloc, and could not be abandoned."
"The immediate result of this combination was a
danger to the Central Empires; because their trade
got to be hampered by more or less disguised restrictions on their expansion .... Various endeavors
were made to compose these differences, but they
broke down. .... The last attempt at compromise
vanished at Agadir in 1911."
Then treating with the world war, ". . . . wealth
was transferred .... either into economically useless goods or labor (munitions of.war and pay of
the army) .... "
"In 1917 feudalism was destroyed in Russia.
There being no native capitalism of any inherent
strength ,control of the State passed into the hands
of the urban proletariat ,who seized the industrial
machinery, owned nominally by rich Russians, but
really by foreign security holders Such entrepreneur capitalists as existed were ruined. The
agrarian character of Russia makes is the best possible place to try out Marxian Socialism :but nevertheless, the economic results are not such as to lead
people to long for its 'further expression. Yet it is
safe to say that what happened in Russia is sure
to happen in the rest of Europe.
"The collapse of Russia made the triumph of the
Central Powers inevitable unless the Entente could
secure further allies. This they were able to do on
the American continent, and, as a result . . . the
Central Powers were defeated, and forced to submit
to the peace of Versailles. This peace, dictated by
the Entente capitalists, let us analyze it?"
He arrifves at the following conclusions: ''	
First . . . the only probable effect i sto impoverish
the loser without enriching the winner."	
"... .second .... It further assumes that this population can be compelled to labor indefinitely at a
rate barely sufficient to maintain life." "In the
third place, it assumes that all German excess capital can be seized without, at the same time, so fracturing the organization of Germany as to make the
continuation of the capitalistic regime there impossible."
"In order to reduce the resistance of the German
people, the starvation by blockade was continued
for seven months after the armistice Thereby their
economic value, either as citizens or slaves, was permanently diminished, . . . large Allied forces were
placed on the Rhine at German expense. This expense exceeded the ante-bellum military budget of
Germany .,..."
erto proposed for meeting the problem have depen-
ed more on exorcism than on pure realism. Brave
men do not scorn to analyze and apprieiate, as well
as to attack, their enemy. Only fools tilt at windmills." '
<<
. . the great areas of exploitation, Russia,
Turkey and China, were to be parcelled out among
the victorious powers
"Further expansion in the last is, however, definitely checked by Japun. In Turkey the native population developed considerable strength in resisting the burden, and commercial expansion in Mesopotamia and elsewhere seems to be stopped by the
obvious economic difficulty that the cost of an expedition exceeds the returns As for Russia, good
money was poured out after bad in the Kolchak-
Denikin coupon-collecting episodes until what little
reserve strength the western financial interests possessed was almost completely dissipated, with exact
ly nil results Moreover the lower classes in France
and Great Britain have begun to appreciate the fact
that Russian unity (call it Czarism or anything
else) is even more distasteful to the Russian people
than the rule of the urban proletariat, as it cannot
possibly be maintained except by a reactionary government
"The impending collapse of capitalism in Europe
is the most tremendous ogre that Western peoples
have had to face since the Battle of Tours, that is to
say for about twelve hundred years; and, if it is
cataclysmic and not evolutionary in its nature, will
be the greatest wrench to the existing order of soc-'
iety that has occurred since the fall of the Roman
Empire in the West, ushered in the Middle Ages.
The spectre of this wrench everywhere, the hackneyed expression, "World Unrest,' 'is merely symbolic of the ubiquitous terror.   But the methods hith-
Book Review
'SOCIALISM   ON   TRIAL^By   Morris   Hillquit.       Fifty
cents.    New York, B. W. Heubsch, 32 West 58th St.
THE title of this book is not descriptive of its
contents, lt consists of a stenographic report of Hillquit's speech before the Judiciary
Committee of the New York Legislative Assembly, which sat on the question of seating five members of that house who had been elected on the
ticket of the Socialist Party of America.
The seventy-five pages contain much argument ou
the folly of expelling these members from their seats,
and but little about Socialism. The book might be
taken as an example of the unsound position of the
Socialist Party of America.
However, in developing his argument, Mr. Hillquit produces much information that is valuable.
We are told on page 13 that one of the members
was charged with having introduced "affirmative
legislation of an offensive character." This is
worthy of a country where a girl can be charged
and convicted of laughing at a policeman.
So far as the legal aspects of the case are concerned, Ave are willing to take Mr. Hillquit's views,
and he appears to have shewn beyond doubt that
the proceedings were not within the laws.
But he undertakes to explain Socialism, and we
have reason to question his ability. Mr. Hillquit
says that on the question of religion, Peter Collins
was called as a witness, and testified that Socialism
was hostile to religion. He objects to this on the
ground that Collins had not made a study of Socialism, and enquired why some university professor,
who was not a Socialist but a student of the movement, had not been called,—say Professor Commons,
or Ely.
Why call any one to testify? If Marx and Engels
and their accepted writings are of any value to
Socialism, then "hostile" is a very mild term; as
Kidd puts it: "The subject of religion is logically
eliminated" by modern Marxian Socialism. But
alas, logic is the feeblest and frequently an after-
the- event factor in human affairs. So I suppose we
must have religion with us yet a while .
Under the caption "Socialism," we are told that
Socialists" ..... really do no more than endorse,
and perhaps extend, the very well known declaration which the founders of this republic have made
popular all over the world, and that is, that the
object of every government, and of every people
is to attain and maintain the right to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness. To us these are not
phrases to be recited glibly on the fourth of July.
To us this declaration is a living truth." Well, to
us it so much rhetoric, and of as much value to
the working class as the profound query: "Why is
the fourth of July?" which recalls the reply of one
who had more wit than reverence: "Because the
first is a jay, the: second is you, and thirdlv you get
hell!"
Mr. Hillquit then pays eloquent tribute to the
wealth of the United States, adding that there is
"No reason in the world why there should be slums
in any of our cities, why there should be underfeeding of children," etc. We know of a very good and
al! sufficient reason,—because in addition to the
many capitalist apologists who work so arduously
at befogging the mind of the workers there is also
a goodly number who, in the name of Socialism,
compete with them in their task.
We are told in a footnote that one of the Judie-
iary Committee declared on the floor of the Assembly "that the Socialist Assemblymen, if guilty,
should be shot." Tall words ,which the capitalist
and his henchmen are never tired of repeating in
one form or another.
There are some excellent quotations from American legislators during the period of the last Mexican War almost a century ago, wherein we see
that patriots true and tried might oppose war in
the legislature and live. On the question of Internationalism there is a quotation from a letter of
Father Ryan, who was Hill quit's opponent in the
controversy, "Socialism, Promise or Menace,"
wherein the Reverend Father fears for the survival
of his " Internation." These quotations and the
legal argument are welcomed by us as an addition
to our store of knowledge bearing on the mental
processes of the master class mind, but the pamphlet is lamentably lacking of instruction in Socialism. Not one Socialist classic is mentioned, much
less quoted, and with the exception of Lenin and
Trotsky, not one name out of the many scores of
working-class thinkers is meutioned, and Lenin
and Trotsky are mentioned merely by the way.
America is a country where- great things are done,
and we can say without fear of ever having to recall our words, that in no other country in the world
could a Socialist talk all day, on Socialism, and
never introduce its fundamental principles ,and its
wealth of literature. Mr. Hillquit, busying himself
entirely with the stupid objections raised by the
master class, lost an opportunity which is not likely
to recur. But should it recur, the working-class had
better go out into the bush, to the docks, or anywhere the working animal abides, for there it will
find its spokesman,—not among the lawyers.     J.II.
BOURGEOIS DIPLOMACY
(Continued From Page Five)
matists of old Europe, accustomed to a language of
evasion and equivocation, than the straightforward
talk of the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs.   How
could Lloyd George understand a note in which the
victors repudiating the interference of the Allies in
the Polish  debacle,  actually  offered the  defeated
Poles more advantageous territorial terms than those
suggested  by  their  western  protectors.     "Propaganda," cried Lloyd George, in consternation, fearful lest the Poles discover the obvious truth that it
is better to be defeated by Soviet Russia than to be
protected by the Allies.   To add to his embarrassment,  thfe  Soviet Foreign Office  replied to Mr.
George's suggestion of a general peace conference
of the border states, by reminding him that Soviet
Russia  had  already  successfully  concluded  peace
with   Lithuania, Esthonia   and Georgia,   and that
negotiations were proceeding with Latvia and Finland.    There was no doubt, an unpleasant suggestion in the inference that while Mr. George and his
peripatetic colleagues had been running about from
one watering place to another, talking peace and
prolonging war, Soviet Russia had been persistently
and successfully making peace wherever possible.
It was perplexing to be remihnded that the Soviet
Government has done more tb maKe peace in the
world and has actually conducted more successful
peace negotiations with its neighbors than any other
power in Europe since the armistice.    We gather
from the reports of the Prime Minister's discourse,
however, that iie understood that the Soviet Government was ready to make peace direct with Poland
and that he would advise the Polish Government to
sue for terms    Perhaps he did not find the Soviet
note so difficult of comprehension as he pretended
He did not care where the peace conference met','
he said, and did not desire to interfere if the Poles
would' negotiate  directly with  the  victors.      The
main thing was to save Poland from   the   consequences of her "mistake." He concluded with some
perfunctory  and (meaningless^ (remarks   about the
aid which England and Frace would give to Poland.
The British Ambassador at Berlin had gone to Poland.    The French  Government   was   sending  ''a
General who is Chief of Staff," and finally, as some
sort of dark hint, "it may very well be that Marshal Foch will follow."   What all these worthies
would do or could do in Warsaw, except to impede
the hasty preparations for evacuation, the Premier
did' not say .
Over in Paris, M. Millerand was having his say,
calling the Soviet note an impertinence, and threatening wildly. "France must keep her word to Poland," said the French Premier, forgetting that
only a few days ago no less a personage than Marshal
Foch himself had disclaimed all responsibility for
the Polish enterprise. One correspondent, reporting the belligerency of the French Premier, remarks
dryly that "it is possible that actions may not correspond with orations, for it is difficult to see how
France or England can practice a war policy in the
present circumstances,"—"Soviet Russia."

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