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Western Clarion Dec 1, 1920

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Array c".v*
^ journal of
Official Organ of
ggfB2Twice a Month
i ub        =====
Liberalism and Socialism
i&B subject of thin article is Liberalism ami
Socialism.   To do justice to the subject is not
possible in the space at my disposal, but  1
roe tn make clear the essential antagonism and
Dufliri of ideals which exists between both these
uliUeaJ creeds snd social philosophies.   Further,
trust to make clear our Socialist contention that
ibershsm, onee the political expression of s pro-
resfive movement, is now decadent and bankrupt
f any liberating meassge to mankind, and thst its
unction in that respect in these modern dsys has
levetoped upon the Soeialist movement.
Before proeeeding with the subject proper. 1
tish you to diseonneet. in your minds any sssocia-
hon between liberalism ss an hwtoricsl movement
lad the Liberal parties of everyday current polit-
. Those parties calling themselves Liberal arc
.sfflsgtm 'be traditions attaehed to the name, and
[re *<*!! recognized ss the ins or the not* of tbe
Raffling (rame for the spoil* of office It is. in fact,
Bprnficunt of the decadence of Liberalism that it is
titbout distinctive party expression on the polit-
ical field todsy.
The root* of both the Liberal and Socialist move-
neata are to he found Us the economic condition* of
•seir respective epochs.
Karl Marx has somewhere said that   it  ia axio
<t<ic in the science of political economy ''thst all
[roe political representation must be, and can only
based  on   definite  economic   interests,."    This
Mom, or universally aafeptad truth, in the science
titties] economy ia well worth noting, as it eon-
• within   it  n  guide  to  Working  e'ass  political
The sixteenth century marked the later and flour.
dung period of what ia known as the era of handi
'raft production and of the patty trade in eharae-
^ with it.
A rapid change eras taking place in society. The
Fit,Idle ages had witnessed s continuous improve*
beal in the tools and methoda of production which
Nilted in an ever increasing quantity of surplus
J>rodaetS for exchange.    Thia increase of comuiod-
lit its for aalc stimulated  trade  snd  commerce  be
pets countries.    New routes to the far east and
■the ™™_I1——
dist Party of Canadi
EARP, Sidney
McQUOID, Wffliam
SMITH, James Ferguson
STEPHENSON, Christopher
new continent of America had been discovered,
I settlement of the latter begun. The begin
J»inam of the world market appesr. This expanded
PSriSt reaching upon production stimulated productive activity and enterprise, and handicraft
methods in one industry after another began to give
Isles tO manufacture with subdivision and co-
'^ration of lHhnr jn (|,0 factory. Work for a
livelihood, which had been characteristic of handi-
V'raft production, began to give way to investment
p] profit   characteristic   of  capitalist   enterprises.
Thia was a shift of base, revolutionary In character
eoasequences, For the craftsman, as imlivid-
Produce* starting and completing the product,
''dependent because ha'owned his means of prodne
lloni is now being driven off the market by the new
Ktperior methods of production, ami reduced to the
s,a,us of u dependent, propertyless proletarian.
Those great changes in the social economy of
1 lp PWiod mark the rise of the commercial and in-
,i,ls,>i''l middle elasa to a position rtf importance
j" []u' s'«te.   Their interests were now challenging
"' 'snded interests for first place In economic im-
port*noe, but io far, they were without that political
|mNVor which had become necessary to safeguard
m to further their interests prosperously.
Feudalism was a system of' status based upon
land tenure in which   mTmsf. eoottftsr either lWd-
less or landless, though long before the sixteenth
century there were considerable and increasing exceptions to the ancient rule.    Its institutions, laws,
and  customs were obstacles to  the mounting ambitions of the middle class in their pursuit of wealth.
In every channel of trade, in every avenue of productive enterprise they met with the monopolizing
privileges of the feudal barons or the interfering
regulations of the corporate  guilds.   There were
restrictions  against   the  acquirement  of property:
there were imposts to be paid in every port of land
ing and in every market place, and tolls on every
highway  which  wound  its way through  a lord's
jurisdiction     The guilds regulated prices and qualities of goods, and how and where they could be produced.
And so. out of this social situation Liberalism and
its doctrines evolved as the expression of middle
class revolt.
As   bearing  on   the   Materialistic  Conception   of
History as a theory of historical development it is
to be noted that this middle-class did not of their
<»wn  free will and initiative raise themselves into
this position iu the State, but that the developing
forces of production had thrust them into importance and finally into the open class war against the
landed  aristocracy   for  the  overthrow  of  the  un-
progressive   feudal   order.      The   middle-class   or
bourgeoisie were, for the time being progressive in
this sense, that though inspired by their own economic  interests while carryingNon their ultimately
victorious struggle with the feudal landed interests,
they were the blind, unconscious agents in freeing
the   forces   of   production   from   the   institutional
bonds of feudalism.    In this sense Liberalism was
also progressive.
By their slogans and war cries the liberal bourgeoisie gave moral terms to their economic necessities. Hut these moral terms, when translated into
the economic terms which alone are capable of de
fining the issues and motives inspiring the class
struggles of history, were individual liberty to ae-
' quire properly, freedom in production and trade,
freedom of contract, equality before the law and
special privileges to none, especially none to the
landed nobility.
In its formative days as a political creed, not only
were the ideals of Liberalism of freedom on an individual property basis progressive, but also they
were capable of appealing to the self-interest of
the masses of men, because in an age of small scale
production it wss comparatively easy to acquire
the inexpensive means of production, and apparatus of trade.
But today, production and trade on the grand
scale require huge capital and credit for equipment
and operation. The independent self-sufficient
craftsman owning his own tools is of the past, and
is forced, as such, out of one industry sfter another
by the competition of the mess of the laboring population, divorced from ownership in the means of
production, a propertyless proletarian.
What has the Liberal to say in this modern situation to the proletarian f Only to repeat the traditional cries of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Today we have the gigantic industrial equipment
and the apparatus of trade owned by a numeric
ally small class and operated for their profit
dividual property in these things is an utter impossibility for the commonality of men.
How then shall the common man satisfy physical
need and psychological instinct for control over his
means of life in our day? ' There is only one way,"
says the Socialist, carrying the message of Socialism, "and that is by social ownership of the means
of production."
Nevertheless, a warning; the Liberal's phrases are
seductive. Is he what is known as a constructive
Liberal? Remember those four old men at the
Peace Conference. All Liberals. Or are they
Liberal reformers under the guise of Laborism or
of Socialism? Beware of them. They would dull
the edge of your spirit of revolt by soft ideals and
soft phrases of social reform through the co-operation of classes.
In spite of all the workmen's compensations,
mothers' pensions, free hospitals and such like betterment for the working classes, the workers to this
day remain essentially enslaved. >     C S.
The separation of society into an exploiting and
an exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed class,
was the necessary consequence of the deficient and
restricted   development   of   production   in   former
times.   So long as the total social labor only yields
a produce which but slightly exceeds that barely
necessary for the existence of all; so long, therefore,
as labor engages all or almost all the time of the
great majority of the members of society—so long,
of necessity, this society is divided into classes. Side
by side with the great majority, exclusively bond
slaves tb labor, arises a class freed from directly
productive   labor, which looks   after the   general
affairs of society; the direction of labor, State business, law, science, art, etc., It is, therefore, the law
of division of labor that lies at the basis of the
division into classes.    But this does not prevent this
division into classes from being carried out by means
of violence aud robbery, triekery and fraud.   It
does not prevent the ruling class, onee having the
upper hand, from consolidating its power at the
expense of the working-class, from turning their
social leadership into an intensified exploitation of
the masses.—Engels. PAGE TWO
VV E S T E K \      C L A It I 0 N
The League of Nations
AT an early stage in human history the necessity for combinations of rivals factions became apparent. The struggle for existence
made imperative such alignments. The weaker
tribes, even though bitterly opposed to each other,
often found it necessary for their mutual preservation to combine their forces when some strong
and hostile tribe threatened their destruction.
Since the inception of class society this tendency
towards group co-operation has not ceased. Medieval history is replete with examples of national
and provincial alignments for the purpose of resisting the encroachments of invading forces. This
was a period of migration. The great European
States of today were then in the process of formation. The incessant wandering of tribes and races,
all bent on the same errand—seeking what they
might devour, was obviously conducive to keen competition which in turn led naturally to combination.
The early years of the capitalist system were
marked by numerous cases of national unions. The
"dual alliance." the "triple alliance"; alliances,
holy amLunholy stand out plainly in the labyrinth
of combinations through the course of the last few
centuries. When oue section of Europe succeeded
in reaching the pinnacle of commercial importance
the less fortunate competitors could solve their
prohlem only by a concentrated attempt to undermine the position of the victor.
Italy, Spain. Portugal, Holland and France in
turn enjoyed a season of supremacy on the commercial field. But not for long was this supremacy to remain uncontested. The lesser lights were
continually formulating ways and means to ensure
then* own aggrandisement at the expense of the
common enemy. One by one the leading powers
succumbed to the inevitable and made way for a
temporary successor.  ,   .
With the great industrial inventions of the 18th
century the competition became ever more intense.
The manufacturing class had now the means for
producing commodities at a rate unknown and un-
thought of'before. The discovery of new lands made
possible new markets for the products of field, factory and mine. For a brief period the demand for
commodities was greater than the supply. But
soon came the change. The machine was perfected
at a rapid rate. The productivity of labor increased
enormously. The discovery of new continents had
its limitations. The foreign markets began to contract. A crisis was imminent. It eventually ar
T*S « * '
rrom that time up till the present the necessity
for national alliances was repeatedly emphasized.
The more there was to sell, and the smaller the
dimensions of the market, the greater the need of
effective concentration in the ranks of the capitalist closs. Self-preservation was the great incentive
for group dominance. There WSS no possibility for
absolute expansion. The machine and the market
prevented this. But one faction could grow and
become powerful by selecting temporary confederates, whose needs were pressing, and in conjunction
with these crush the aspirations of all contenders.
Even before the Great Word War the industrial
nations of Europe were divided into two hostile
camps. The interests of the various states determined in which camp they were to be found,
Todsy the international situation is vastly changed. A League of Nations is demanded but not sneh
a league as of yore. In the present combination it
is not a question of a balance of "power between two
evenly matched groups of nations. Rather is it
the objective to inelude all the great powers. A
few of the unorthodox, and erstwhile enemy, countries er* temporarily excluded. Even those are to
be admitted when occasion permits. A few backward undeveloped sections, which sre not ss yet
bleasad with stable governments thst sllow unfettered exploitstion on the part of the great powers,
are not eligible for membership. They must prove
their worth by erasing'the barriers that stand in the
way af foreign capital. When they meekly submit
to being civilised snd capitalized they are, then, re
garded as suitable partners in this laudable enterprise.
The main purpose of the present league is to avert
another 1914. Another such catastrophe, and capitalism is doomed. Everything possible must be
done io cope with the situation. During the past
few years the tendency towards disintegration has
been very pronounced. In Russis tfie old regime
collapsed. In Germany, Austria, Ita'y, and England the structure is rapidly crumbling. Nothing
can be done to avert the downfall of class .society.
But sagacious co-operation on the part of the big
capitalist nations may easily retard the revolution
for a time. Ergo—the league. So far as we can see
the most important work that will come before the
league executive will be the preparation for the next
war. Tliis problem must be carefully handled, or
disastrous results are sure to ensue.
So far as the victorious nations are concerned
they are practically unanimous regarding the advisability of belonging to the league. There is one
exception — the United States, In the big European countries, any opposition to the covenant
that may have existed was merely the work of irresponsible individuals or cliques. No great interests
within any of ihe Entente Allies were arrayed
against the league. Why pneh should be the ease
;u the l*. S. appears strange tdl we understand the
During the greater portion of the war period the
I . S. was the store house of the Mligerents. When
they required food, clothing, munitions, guns, tractors, aeroplanes or submarines they had recourse to
the commissary. But nothing tangible was given
in exchange. The gold reserves were soon depleted after the commencement of war. Goods could
he purchased only on credit. Loans totalling 10
billions 4it dollars were made to their partners by
the I". S. capitalists. Payment was to lw made
when victory was assured. Britain was the Allied
banker. She financed many of the European states
to fight and others not to fight. With the war over
their debts were forgiven them by their banker-
Britain. A glance at the division of the spoils
would be sufficient to show bow the banker could
be imbued with this spirit of generosity
The post-war situation was a perplexing one
There was no possibility of settling accounts with
the creditors. Europe was left in straightened
circumstances. To obtain anything, even in the
future, the I*. S. must again assist financially to reconstruct the shattered mines, factories, oil wells,
and fields of her embarrassed debtors. So interwoven and interrelated have the capitalist class of
all continents become that a working agreement
must be made betweeu them. Whatever profits ae
erned during the war were largely ma<le up of
bonds, debentures, securities ,mortgages .and other
paper evidences of property ownership. An inter-
national league embracing all business associates
appeared to be the one means of adjusting affafirs.
But in the United States there happen to be
clashing interests within the nation. The overshadowing istue in the recent ejection campaign
was the league or no league The real reason for the
division was not given to the public. 'The papers
'id it 'andsome." We were told harrowing talc*
about our boys being forced to go to Europe to fight
were the covenant accepted without drastic reservations. Strange as it may seem they were forced to
do precisely this same thing before the subject of
the league was broached. It was not on sentimental
grounds that the opposition was directed.
Article X. was the bone of contention. Wilson'a
statement -that this article was the heart of the covenant waa well made. Here the territorial integrity of all members of the league is guaranteed. The
great manufacturing and commeroial interests in
the U. S. csnnot afford to guarantee the territorial
integrity of Europe and Asia. Here they find their
great competitors. Their altruistic associates of
only a few months ago are today their business opponents .
Previous to the  war,  England. dapaii. ^ fl
many did the bulk of the South American i      *r'
•While engaged m feats ot arms this trade *..
estarily neglected.   The business houses*of tafn
S. supplied the deficiency.    Regardless «,f theV
moralisation of the war years, the maimfactintnal
Europe  are   rapidly   renewing their  form* a^f
affiliations.    Especially is this trm> of Britain B»
business acumen ia forcing the \'   s   to rdeaai
hold 00 the South American market
The only possibility oj the American T^hm
gaining a new am) profitable field for piplmtift,
is by expanding in the direction of tin- Onto! hj
all other foreign markets the American eutm m
competition at best on an equal footing wits us
capitalists of other countries. In man* ia.taufn.
ami in widely separated places, he finds etrtta,
stances that place him at a profound diMriNatlsi
In t'hina. however, the field is decidedly finable. The altruistic attitude of America in refusing to accept a cash indemnity during the b"ierr*-
hellion in China has olways left them "pervju
grata" in the minds of the Chinese inerchsnu. Th;i
goml feeling was greatly enhanced when the 1. $.
refused to accept the decision of the peace tosh*
ence in regard to the Shantung *teal." nnd u>.;.
ed on an amendment to the peace treaty retttfyun
the matter in such a wsy thst the national iatafpty
of Chins would be assured for the future
But, again, tbe problem arises, no matter ia skid
direction the V. S. moves iu order to SXtesd ih I
eign BiaiaNtJ there is no possibility of avowi.og *:
encroachment on either Britain <>r Jspss I'■-• *
American business man to subscribe t<< I letgSI
covenant which guarantees the territorial iatsg-
rity of the two countries whose holdings smsl Si
encroached upon would be downright fooliaksea
(»f e«nr»e. it may be asserted that even van US
league proposal endorsed it would still be a nan
"scrap of paper" that SOuM be deserted Si
Bat such drastic action a* this i«. poasibh only a
cases where tbe aggr«**sor is able to bold bSJ SWea
opposition to all the fottSa that can be array M
against him. Ethical con»nbra! OM ess ba M
wiped out only by brute force Such a :
position is not 04,enpte<l by  the l\ S   today
Other interests in America like the big bssSBS
and international traders who have interSStS »sl
'countries arc for the league So long as the sona
situation is sound they have nothing !<> Issa »n''
much to gaui.by a league of thos.« sections »i *W*
their interests are located They own no pergonal
or private property in taugible form Their aw"
consists of bomb of all countries ami baUlto*
Anything that tendi to strengthen the posttiea »
international capitalism aud sweep back the rising
tide of revolution is consider-d worthy of tb,>ir *
dorsattaL Their outlook extends hex ond the bcoa*
arie* of any one country, for the simp!.' reasOB »W
their interests do iikcwis.-    Between these n >•
flieting groups the quarrei is.
From the workers' standpoint it matters BCl *«'
wins, he loses.    League or BO league be il still <
Of   millions   of  downlrodd< n.   oppressed,  expo - '
slaves.   Since the inception of political tocietj
Of the working class have occupied this mental pee
it ion and must continue so to do 'till ignorsnsilaw
apathy make way for knowledge and cation   W
Of the problems confronting our msstera on eitnar
side of the league concern us.    We have do iatat»"
to lose or conserve.   Our only hope lies in the ''
tion ol a league of workers who underetsod «*
slssg position and act accordingly.
J. A  M«l»-
Canadiaa Workers' Defense League
Send all money snd make all cheques P».vab'
A. 8. Wells, B. OHFederationist, Lsbor Tempi''-
couver, B. C. .„„;
Collection agenoy for Alberta: A. Bn>aun.  -
Eighth Avenue,East, Calgsry. Alta. „
Central Collection Agency: .1. Law. Secretary,
fence Fund, 230 Bannatync Ave., Winnipeg WESTERN     CLARION
Materialist Conception of History
WK concluded our last lesson to take it Up
this week uudcr the divisions made by
Lewis Morgan in bis "Ancient Society."
1st bower Status of Barbarism.
Thia period commenced with the infancy of the
human race, and may be said to have ended with
the acquisition of a fish subsistence and of a know-
[edge of the use of fire to cook their fish. Man
a;u then living in his original restricted habitat
whuh mnst have been a warm climate because his
nature] subsistence was wild fruits and roots, aud
in a future lesson we will find that aU.thc earlier
eirQisstions arose where this virgin fertility of the
toil was the prominent factor iu early human development'
2nd. Middle Status of Savagery.
It commenced with the acquisition of a fish sub-
nstesee and a knowledge of the use of fire, to the
invention of the bow and arrow. Cultivation at
this period was unknown, and until the invention
at the how and arrow hunting was too precarious.
The fish diet gave man more independence of climatic conditions and the soil's fertility, enabling man
to spread over a greater portion of the earth, following seashores, rivers, lakes and streams, leaving
the original habitat
Ird Upper Status of Savagery.
It commenced with the invention of the Ikw and
arrow and ended with the invention of the art of
pottery. The bow and arrow made hunting safer,
and man again was able to enlarge his subsistence
and spread over a greater surface of the globe
through his increased food supply obtained from
4ih.~ Ixnter Status of Barbarism: From the pro
duetion of the art of pottery which is the most
effective test that can be selected to fix a boundary
line between savagery and barbarism, and all tribes
tha; m vcr attained the art of pottery are classed
aa savages, whether by original invent inn or adoption. In finding this lower status of barbarism's
termination and the commencement of Middle
Status of Barbarism, Morgan states that a difficulty
ia encountered in the unequal' endowments of the
two hemispheres which began to influence human
"(fairs after the period of savagery had passed. He
aaya il may be met by the adoption of equivalents.
In th. Eastern hemisphere domestication of ani-
'iialv m the Western hemisphere the cultivation of
msiss and plants by irrigation and the use of stone
in house building, have been selected as sufficient
evidence of progress, to work a transition out of
dower barbarism to middle barbarism.
Il haves in lower barbarism those tribes that
issue pottery but were without cultivation of maize
■ad plant! in the west, and domestication of ani-
taali in the East.
5th Middle Status of Barbarism: Commenced
with the domestication of animals in the Kast ami
cultivation of maize in the west, terminating with
We invention of smelting iron.
''pper Stat,,s of Barbarism: Commenced with this
discovery of iron, and  ended with the phonetic
alphabet and the use of writing in literary compos
1,10,1    Here civilisation begins.
"Hi-   Status of Civilisation: From the invention.
01 We phonetic alphabet with the use of writing, up
to the present time.
Aw important fact that mankind commenced nt
,,l° bottom of the scale and worked up, is revealed
"I nn expressive manner by the successful acts
n| enlarging the subsistence through the develop-
ment of hia tooU, enabling him to fish and hunt and
cultivate, etc. Upon the development of this'skill
,;is depended man's supremacy over the earth, dominating every living creature. Without enlarging
l,s "ubsigten.ee, mankind could not have propagat-
" themselves into other areas not possessing the
sa"", kinds of subsistence.
1 -While mankind lived on natural subsistence,
upon fruits and roots on a restricted habitat, they
were in a strictly primitive stage. Neither art or
institutions in this period.
2.—In fish subsistence must be recognized the
first artificial food, because it was not fully available without cooking. Fire was likely first utilized
for the cooking of fish, and was a great discovery.
Bngels says:
The discovery of the transformation of mechanical motion into heat, the generation of
fire from friction developed to the transformation of heat into mechanical motion the steam
engine.    Iu spite of the tremendous revolution
in the direction of freedom which the steam
engine has produced in society, there is no
question about it that ths production of fire
from friction still surpasses it as an agent in
the liberation of humanity, because the production of fire from friction for the first time
gave man power over the forces of nature and
separated him for ever from the animals. The
history of msn can be regarded as extending
from the period of the practical discovery of
the transformation of mechanieal movement
into heat, to that of the transformation of heat
into mechanical action."
Fish was universal in distribution and was of unlimited supply; it was the only kind of food at all
times attainable.   Msn became independent of climate and locality; he migrated from his original
habitat.   He was also able to bake the roots and preserve them.
8> the remarkable invention of the bow and
arrow gave the first deadly weapon for the hunt;
gave a powerful influence upwards in human progress., and stands in an analogous relation to the
period of slavery, as did the iron sword to the
period of barbarism, or firearms to the period of
From the precarious nature" of mam's; food supply
outside of fish areas, cannibalism became the dire
resort of mankind. The ancient universality of
this practice is being gradually demonstrated.
3—The cultivation of the soil was developed ifi
the Western Hemisphere as a consequence of the
unequal endowments of the two hemispheres, the
eastern possessing all* the animals adapted to domestication, save one. and a majority of the cereals;
while the western had only one cereal fit for cultivation and that the best. It tended to prolong the
older period of Barbarism in the Eastern Hemisphere and shorten it in the Western. But when the
most advanced tribes in the Eastern Hemisphere had
domesticated animals which gave them meat and
milk, their condition, without a knowledge of the
cereals, was much superior to the American aborigines in the corresponding period with maize and
plants but without domestic animals. •
This domestication is believed to have developed
private property owing to the pastures being eaten
up and the men attending th.' flocks going afar in
search of pastures new. The domestication is believed to have developed in the Eastern Hemisphere
before cultivation, because various languages have
common terms for animals but not for the cultivated plants and cereals. Agriculture is believed
to have developed in the Eastern Hemisphere more
through the need of feed for the domesticated animals than for the needs of man himself.
This progress of the human race, when halted,
proceeded further whenever a discovery towards
the production of food was obtained.
4. -Meat and milk subsistence from the domesticated animals provided a permanent subsistence,
and was the means whereby the Aryan and Semitic
races developed a higher type of man than was
found in the Western Hemisphere, where the absence of animals adapted for domestication obtained, unless in the case of the llama.
5,—Unlimited subsistence, through field cultivation with the working of domesticated animals, and
the development of crude ploughs through the discovery of the native metals, alloyed copper with tin,
producing bronze, and the furnishing of iron tools
capable of holding a point or an edge, was a great
event in human experience which formed the basis
of civilization. The want of iron tools arrested' the
progress of mankind. They would have remained
in barbarism to the present hour had they failed to
bridge this chasm.
Lewis H. Morgan points out that mankind has
passed through five different forms of marriage as
a result of his change of methods of obtaining a
1.—Consanguine Family.
The Matriarchate marriage form consists of a
family relationship living together in the marriage
relation called the consanguine family, or first form
or marriage. Sir John Lubbock was among the
first to detect the evidences Of group marriage! in
his 'Origin of Civilization." With the invention of
the bow and arrow, hunting giving more food, the
family which previously took no chances to feed
strangers with its limited food supply wss able to
disregard the customs of their ancestors and marry
outside of the family.
Therefore develops, 2. Punahian Family.
A group of women Who may or may not be sisters,
is married to a group of men who may or may not
be brothers. Even this family hreaks np into smaller
groups. A man Went to the home of the Wife and
the children belonged to the Wife's gens. This
custom of marrying Outside of the gen is called
exogamy; later it became the rule.
Ward says in "Pure Sociology," p. 193*300:
568: "No one was sllowed to marry inside of the
3.—A higher developed form of marriage Was the
Syndyasmian. It was a pairing family, several Of
them living in communal houses all -partitioned off.
The fact of them living in this manner is a proof
of the feebleness of the family organisation to face
alone the hardships of life. The relation of the pair
continued only at their pleasure. The husband
could put away his wife at pleasure and take another wife ,and his wife could do so with equal
4—Patriarchal family marriage allowed one man
to marry many wives, followed in general by the
seclusion of wives.
5.—Monogam.au Family is founded on marriage
between single pairs, »with exclusive habitation.
This form of marriage, which exists today, was
the outcome of private property. The men folks,
taken away from the tribal community with the
need of pastures new for the domesticated animals,
inaugurated tlie private ownership of the domesticated animals by those who attended them.
The descent of the children, Who previously were
named after the mother, Was changed tO the
descent of the man.
This seclusive pairing family, which made it possible to ' .ce descent in the male line and hand down
the personal and economic interests of man through
the development of privste property, now demanded this form of marriage to ensble him to trace
his own offspring. This privste property, developed out of land snd animals, accomplished mono-
gamic marriage.
The family, instead of being the basis of the
State, we find has no power over the State, but is
a creature of the State. The family became a social
institution first and a moral institution afterwards.
The State prescribes the forms in which families
may be legally established, and determines the legitimacy or illegitimacy of the offspring, and establishes laws of inheritance.
The State can change the laws and precepts of
marriage without affecting its own existence and
general powers, but the economic conditions have
a destructive influence on the family.
With the laek of employment for instance, and
the drifting of young men into the cities, with a
steady decrease in the number of marriages, our industrialism has, through economic necessity, pro-
continued on page 5)
Si \
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy,
snd Current Events.
Published  twice  a  month  hy   the  Socialist   Party   of
Canada 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, P.. C.
Phone Highland  8588
Editor Ewen MacLeod
Canada, 20 issues   $100
Foreign,  16  issues     $1.00
fkjmfaU this number is on your address label your
X XX subscription expires with next issue. Renew
BY the time this resches the hands of the readers at outside points in B. C, the election
date will be past and gone, and the bare dry
bones of party politics will have been laid to rest.
For a time.
As Socialists we regularly bow our heads to the
charge as regularly laid against us that we are not
in "pasetieal politics." Practical politics is the
scurvy game engaged in by office holders and office
seekers, wherein the candidate's lieu upon title to
personal virtue is based solely upon the claim that
his opponent has less conscience than himself, and
has been or hopes to be more successful than he in
driving a good bargain while in the harness of office.
to the detriment of ''the people" and the aggrandisement of himself or his party. At election ti *es
this song is always sung, and always sung to the
tune of "honesty.'" Honesty! Humbug! This is
politics in its surface appearances; and it is how it
is generally understood by the mass of the people
to apply.
..What is this that produces honest men who are
so devoted to the furtherance of our welfare? The
class that controls the power of state are. by virtue
of that control, secure in their control over the
means of life. Each political party is an expfea-
sion of class interests. With contending parties
(such as Liberal and Conservative), their mutual
claims to honesty and charges of dishonesty would
encourage the belief that in ''honest" government
(by them), lies the key to the solution of our troubles today.
What is our trouble todav?    It is poverty?
We are all poor,—those of us who have to work
to live. We see the evidences of poverty every
day — men, women and children, ill-c!ad, half-
starved, badly housed.
Is it unemployment? Thousands of workers are
now unable to find employment. Is the exepnditure
of $200,000 in Vancouver, just commenced, a measure that goes to the root of the trouble, for instance?
The trouble is not here Confronting the evidences of poverty are everywhere evidences of wealth ;
the stores and warehouses are full of it in the shape
of commodities, which, in a general sense, accounts
for the many unemployed.
What does productive employment meant Pro
ductive employment means the production of commodities for sale. For sale by their owners, not
by their producers, and for use by the purchasers.
We have a class of owners and a class of non owners.
The owners do not work and the workers do not
own.    Here is the root of the trouble.
Tlie process of wealth production in present day
society is social. That is to say. the individual processes of handicraft workmanship are no longer gen.
erally in operation. Labor is sub-divided, so that
in the productive process not one man produces the
commodity, but the labor of many men is necessary
to the process. The complexity of the machinery
operated in the productive process obviously
stamps it as the result of a social development The
workers collectively operate this machinery in the
production of food, clothing and shelter, and these
things belong thereupon to the owntxs of thst property, who hold thst food, clothing and shelter for
sale. The return to the worker, in the shape of
wages, amounts on the average to a sufficiency to
enable him to continue to expend his energy iu the
productive process. All else accruing from the sale
of the commodities he has produced goes to his
Our "trouble" lies, then, in thus exploitation,
which is made possible through the private ownership of the means of wealth production, to which
we must have access in order to live. Schemes there
are aplenty to relieve us. In the expediency of
these election times, contending factions among our
masters for control of the powers of State rival
one another in the application of the soothing balm.
But the sore will not heal; the trouble is deep
rooted. It goes to the foundations of society itself.
Its cure cannot be effected by doctoring its surface
eruptions. The Socialist Party of Canada will con
tinue to harp upon the "trouble" continuously when
the election is over, to the end that the workers may
understand why it is that their miseries must con
tinue while they operste the machinery of wealth
production in a system of production for profit,
wherein they produce everything, and own nothing
but the energy required in the productive process
(Reflections of a 8imple Voter)
Motto—An apple a day (palliative Bessura v
the doctor (revolution) away. I"
D'RINO an election campaign, co lm .
what country it is being held, UtefejT
cla*s in society that is always beiJ°!
looked after—according to all the claims 2^3
politicians—and that class is the workup CL i
is well they have such public spirited men f#J
their own ranks who realise the importance of 2
toiling, and consequently happy, mass of mankind
The doctrines of the various countries d,-n*r.i
I" »'l urm»
"o effera
Our news of Comrade Charlie O'Brien is meagre,
but we are informed that he has been dismissed ou
the deportation charges, which have now been
dropped. He is still charged with "Criminal An
archy," as far as we know. "Criminal Anarchy is
the doctrine that organized government should be
overthrown by force or violence, or by assassination of the executive head or of any of the executive
officials of government, or by any unlawful means.
The advocacy of such doctrine either by word of
mouth or writing is a felony." (Penal l«aw. State
of New York, sec. 100), The charge against
O'Brien under this law is that he sold to an Informer "attached to the police force of the city of
Rochester," a copy of the Manifesto and Program
of the Communist Party of America. There arc
humorous passages in the law. even this otie. Sec.
161 of this Penal I«aw says (anb. sec. 8), anyone is
guilty who "openly, wilfully aud deliberately justi
ties by word of mouth or writing the assassination
or unlawful killing or assaulting of sny executive
or other officer of the United States or o/ any state
or of any civilized nation having an organized government because of his official character, OT any
other crime, etc." The substance of sub. sec. 4 i*
ten yean* or $5,UUU Hue. or both. The name of the
informer referred to is Ezra L. Kauffman. We hop**
O'Brien will fare well, ami that these silly charges
will  be dropped.
• •    •
Comrade Moriarty has introduced the "Clarion"
to   the   news-agents   in Toronto    as noted   under
'Clarion Sales Agencies"   in another column.    A
selection of pamphlets can also be seen at the same
• •    •
Comrade Ooudie, St. John, N. B., attended a
gathering recently of friends, most of whom are
"Clarion" readers. Among themselves thev collected |32 for the C. M. F. Comrade Ooudi'e has
already sent in moneys collected in this way.
• •    •     .
The "Province" (Vancouver) had a news item
on the £*rd November, saying that some trouble had
arisen over Jack Kavanagh refusing to sing the
National Anthem at a meeting at Terrace inear
Prince Rupert.. Comrade Kavanagh report* that
the anthem was sung sure enough, but the singing
was acecomplished by two members of the audience,
disturbers. He reports good meetings held in and
around Prince Rupert, and he expects to visit Ocean
Falls, which iH in the Prince Rupert District.
• •    •
tast heard of, Comrade Frank Cassidy was at
Edmonton We expeet soon to hear from him as
being en route through Alberta.
• •    •
Word received from Comrade Pritchard shows a'
change of address. He is in the Provincial .Jail.
Winnipeg, having been removed from "The Farm"
on account of rheumatism. He is attending to store
supplies m the jail, and teaching school to the inmates.
Here we have been outlining the need for a labor
eollege time and again, and the government takes
the initiative and starts one* in jail with W. A. P.
as dominie.
(It won't do you any harm to get into jail nowadays. That one anyway; The Manitoba Labor
• •   •
Keep the sub*, up. This issue and last show
better returns than during the previous month.
their voting intelligently, and therefore
are spared to develop  their eppreciataeii of |,
things  that  have  been  done  for them,   Betm
only  intelligent  but  grnteful.  :t   is h,„ [j^ y
their benefactors will  be overlooked os electa
day.    It  can  be safely stated  that  th- bind tk
feeds them will not be bitten very severely fa U c
their thisf difficulty iH only to disttngohe eta
hands holds the grub.
Now, it is apparent that the conceatrstiee of til
efforts to improve the condition*! of th*- VorkSM
class by the Liberal and Goaservstfve ptnie
eclipses all their efforts on behalf of th-* Capitalist
Of course, their affairs receive "a little' atteshS]
in Victoria after the elections, but they are of »
trivial a nature during ebetion tune that the mmv
tion of them would only distract the oainda of an
Working Class from all that has and will betel
for them They are the important people jut not.
They have votes, and as our demagogues my, •'they
are the most important elass in society today " Tttj
have a public duty to perform aud as \h<?\ •»,*
"Saved the world for democracy," they rffl m
see they get the fruits of their rietory, Nas al
these efforts an* made for and on behalf of 'ia
working class, not by and through their oweefi rtt
Their desire* and needs are felt by I eertsia p
of individuals who are to take their pray"-. • tk
sacred halls of legislation, and by diligent ami m-
JtcientiouK intercession with some power esdearaf
to have these wishes trsnstnutcd Into the IhraifSM
concrete expression of social welfare Th« | ■' *
proof of this act having been eoeomptishi
ways be verilleu by seeing in Mack snd rkttetai
Writing! of the necessary legfcristiou bj the State*
Books.     After such is seomph-hc! tl WW
aafely stand Ea the public tribune snd ea [shawm
Christ "It is finished " The old poiil esl psrtts
have done so much for the work' r* that ' pi
just   as  well  let   tt   go  at   that,  as  i!  must leek »
tremely doubtful to them that there ia aaybiaflai
for the  working class to do now  but jttft i
keep on working.
There is one unpleasant feature thai preaestfl
self in this consuming desire to look after tbe «**■
ers. There is the in*inuat?ou of as slmost earn
like iic,n| for care.-a desire to keep thea *"*
straying out of the paths of virtue thai ihe '
the working cla*» are used to treading ui l*8 '
terests   o'   society.      It   is   sometime SJSIJ
ask them not to heap on working so feverishly.
/it dull* the brain) and than i had     i    '
necessary  to  assist   them   until   MCt  '■   *a "
expedient   that   their   natural   delre   "r
find  a  healthy oi.tlet   in  the  mill,  mil     "r :
they  may select ss the Held for seising I
opportunities of life.   Then again their srow
sometimes   'ind   they   cannot   afford   lo  • ^:
necessary funds for the proper nourishment o   '
til    ft is some-
children, but they are not OVenOOSefl     "
times found possible to give them i greater
dom  than  the home affords, by enCOurSgi»l|»
I*      rvt lll"ff
into the shatlv avenues of commerce     R»rer; '
i i .   thai  well''1
so carefully covered  by a  forethought  W»<
be the admiration of a society leas lntel»g«n
our own. A\\
Where do the poor cspitalists come ia J^
these scheme*? So forsaken and BO negl* ^
they by our humanitarian friend* thai u0 * itf
elined to believe they must be grown op «'" 1
able to look after themselves. Maybe th. v ere^
from  all   these  pleasing  ailments  thai   ft^     ,
quack* are sworn to cure, maybe they hsv ^
for the medicines they prescribe for the ^
maimed and the blind—Working da* •
Our Attitude on Moderation
mi sea' ''>
N',ii>-The   following   Utter   explains   itself.    It
y it, itgnatorica jointly to the  Moderation tjfHgW,
.,.,(1 that tl"V hoped to publish all the replies rcct-iv
I tl. their queries-   So far, the following reply has no
been pobluAed h> xhem-
Local (Vancouver) Mo. 1.
401 Pender St. East.
17th Novcmlier. 1920
,1 s. Glynes, General Secretary,
Moderation league,
Vancouver. H. C.
Sir. We. the undersigned candidates on the
Socialist Psrty of Canada platform for the Van
tcarer City Electoral District, are each in receipt
of your letter of the oth inst. containing a copy of
vuur platform, your principles and aims, and a copy
ajio of the resolution of your League, passed on
!he 3rd instant. We are also in receipt of your
letter of the IGth instant, in which you request our
reulv to the former communication asking us. in
response to the terms of the aformentioned resolution, to say whether we are prepared to carry out
th.* objects of the Moderation League, independently of our Party affilation.
Since we <annot look upon these matters otherwise than from our Tarty or workiug-elass stand
point, aid  since  your  league  calls   for  our  pro
tooncetnent   upon   this   question,   our   reason   for
[adopting this  viewpoint  must   l»e.  though  briefly,
Uet f'>rth.
In our Party's continuous educational campaign
[«.f over Sfteeu years, we have laid incessant ibreaa
upon the stHius in society of those who produce the
[wealth of soeiety.    Whether they be wage workers
- iried employes, they serve only as producers
if wealth and they enjoy no vestige of ownership in
{that wealth when it is produced.    The so called cap-
aim of industry', upon whose shoulders the burden
|'>; ikill in  directing the  various  industrial pro
eaaea ia supposed to rest, are in reality to day en-
[gaged, ool in industrial supervision, but ill the shad
•vv by>wsyi "f credit and finance    They are the
haeleaa inheritors of the iHnirgeois elnss of Liberal
■tradition from whose efforts was supposed to reull
the extension of trade and commerce, and the development of industry.
Today, the development of industry, through the
evolution of the various productive industrial processes, has reached a point where the world's workers, attending these machines in mill, mine and factory, are alone able to produce an over-abundance
of food and clothing and the general necessaries of
life, and they are able to do this with these machines
running at less than half capacity. In the meantime, their masters, directly and in the shape of
financiers, press owners, pulpiteers and politicians
• all for more production. More production! Why?
Because, in a productive system that is based upon
the production of food, clothing and shelter—not
to be used by the community when needed, but to be
sold for profit, the realization of continuous profit
depends upon continuous production. The more
production, the more profit.
Tne system we live under, the capitalist system,
is so perfected as a wealth producing system, that
its workers are able to produce more than the
everyday conditions of its markets will allow it to
consume. The productive glut is chronic. At the
present time there are mountains of commodities to
be sold and no market to sell them in, while at the
Mime time the workers are actually in need of relief
from hunger and want. They lack not only the
comforts of life, but the decencies of good food aud
clothing. Vet they have by their energies produced
those mountains of commodities that lie awaiting
sale. More production is the popular cry, while at
the same time the capitalist class close the gates of
their factories and workshops in the face of those
who would produce more.
To us. candidates of the Socialist Party of Canada, there is but one viewpoint upon any public issue, and that is the class viewpoint. All other issues
ate but momentary cries that will suffer abandonment in a moment oi" industrial crisis. In this election, there will be many workers no doubt who will
concern themselves with what they may consider to
be a properly balanced Moderation Act. We have
this to say to them, that the day is not far off when
circumstances will compel their attention to their
bare need for bread.    Thousands of wage working
men and women are without employment in Vancouver today. The unemployed condition* is serious tor them. Like their fellows in other parts of
the world, their productive capacity, when employed, is so great, that now and then they are compelled to withdraw their energy from production so
that the surplus product may be gradually disposed
of through the avenues and channels of the world's
The life experience of the wage worker is just
plainly eat, work and sleep, and if he cannot find
work he loses bleep and eats as best he may. In the
best of times, over a period of years, calculated in
terms of personal material worth, his possessions
are nil. From the beginning of his life's journey to
the end his function is to work, and the closer his
point of contact with the machinery of wealth production, the more miserable is his .experience. He
works for wages, or he may be engaged in an employment where salary, is the word, but in any case,
on the average, the amount of that wage or salary
is determined by the cost of those things necessary
to feed and clothe him so thst he may continue in*
the labor process. He owns nothing and has nothing
to sell but the energy generated in him through the
consumption of those necessities.
The issue that should interest him in this election
is the class issue. Llis interest lies in aligning himself with^all others of his kind, so that the product
of his labor may be his. No Moderation Act and
no Prohibition Act can alter his condition as a wage
worker whose product belongs, not to him as producer, but to his master as owner. No side issue
can obscure the main issue and the root cause of
the world's trouble today, the exploitation of human
labor for private gain. We stand for the social
ownership of those things that are socially produced.
Clear away that issue first of all. and all other contentious matters will be easily adjusted.
We are, yours ,ete.-, -*-.
(Continued from page :{>
puced prostitution on the one hand and a demand
yT it mi the other, because of the inability of young
pen to keep a  home.    A  peculiarity  also of our
podern industrialism is the development on the one
paad nt factories and towns where females predom
ptta, as in the textile industry, ami predominant
ma •   populations   as   in   the  mining and  lumber
inerefore,  are  see  how  the  economic  conditions
Iar'   becoming  more and  more  the  most   dominant
factor in shaping man's social institutions iu every
fcpertmeut of human activities.    We will trace the
Mmoeace of this factor in all human progress) since
I,'""1 enlarged  his subsistence  by  the invention of
Drat tool to aid his means of production.
| | a
'"' '"'X' lesson will deal further with this prim
j     " ttage of humanity, where woman lost her pos
"'"' "' equality and became the subordinate of man
(Vancouver), November 16, 1920.
s<" articles are now being published in
PJpPWel   form.    Keadv next  week.    Orders
'"ken now,
132 PACES.
Per Copy, 25 Oenta.
Ten copies up, 20 cants each.
Post Paid.
Tool of Profiteers.
Now that Wrangel's effort has failed, it will do
no harm to tell the real genesis of the Crimean movement. Wrange! was not a supporter of the old
regime, nor. si the outset anyway, did he intend unlimited action against the Bolsheviks. He was in
reality the tool of a powerful business organization
with headquarters iu I'aris. in palatial offices iu the
Avenue Marcheau.
This company, called the Rosso-French Society
of exploitation of South Russia aud Crimea, was
formed at the beginning of the year with a capital
of 12,000,000 francs by a group of Franco-Russian
financiers and industrials, ol whom M. Kamsnk of
the Banque Du Nord waa the most prominent. They
included the principal shareholders of the iron mines
of Krlvolrog, snd of RuSsa's most valuable collieries iu the DontCl basin, south of Kharkov. ^^
Piped Wrong Tune.
The company bought in France very large stocks
of clothing and supplies for Wrangel's army, intending to nuarice their operations by the sale of
grain and other produce from the Crimea; later
they hoped to continue business with exportation of
iron ami coal. They actually succeeded in bringing some shiploads to Marseilles, which were sold
at a good price,
raying the piper, they called the tune, and insisted that a liberal form of government be established in the area occupied by Wrangel. In accordance with their policy his offensive was directed toward Ekaternoslav and further north in the direction of the Donets basin. Unfortunately they were
powerless to control the reactionaries from Constantinople attracted by their general's success.
(Verb Sap.)
CALGARY,   ALTA.—Alerander   News   Stand,   204   Eighth
Avenue West.
Labor News Stand, 814a—2nd Street East.
MONTREAL—S. Feigelman,  421  St.  Lawrence Boulevard
Frierman and Baranowski, 12 Ontario Street East.
NEW WESTMINSTER—News Stand, B. C. E. B. Depot.
§EATTLE—Raymer's Old Book Store, 1330 First Ave.
PORT ARTHUR—Viking Book Store, 264 Bay 8treet
TORONTO—D. Goodman, Blind News Agent, corner Queen
and  Chestnut  Streets  .
The American News Agency- 81 Queen St. West.
The Theatrical Book Store, corner Bay ft Queen, West
Tlie  Leader Lane  Book Store, Leader Lane and King
St. East (near King Edward Hotel).
VANCOUVER — Columbia  News  Stand, corner Hastings
and Columbia Streets.     *
John Green, Carrall Street
W Love, Hastings Street East.
BUFFALO, NY—Onward Book Store, 196 Gold Street
CHICAGO—Wtlden   Book  Shop.  307  Plymouth  Court.
Tho Clarion, 204 X. Clark St.
ROC 11 ESTER, NY—Proletarian Party, 580 St. Paul 8treet
TACOMA—Raymer's Old Book Store, 1317 Pacific Avenue
Adelaide St. East, Detroit, Mich.
F. Yarney, per \V. B., ft; J. T. Redfern, $1; E S Robinson. $1; Emil linger, SI; C Neil. $1; Geo. R. Ronald, 95c.
M. Goudie (collected), $32.
Total C. M. F. contributions received from 12th to 24th
November, inclusive—$40.95.
Following, One Dollar each: J T. Redfern. J. Stark, Tom
Mace. R. C. McCutcheon. T. B. Miles, Emil Unger, Hilda
Alta. Man Yee, J. A. Charters, W. J. Kennedy, R. Sieve-
wright, C. Stcen, O. Rayner, J. Lldgerwood, A. Shepherd,
F. Neale. Wm. Murray, B. W. Sparks, Ed. Meek. M. H f
Alexander,  B.   Dworkin,  Gy  Sangster-   R.  Near,  T.  Beattie.
\Y. Bennett, $8; I. F. Maguire, $5; 1. J. Macdonald. $5;
Roy Addy, $2,25; W. Ayrcs, $1.61; T- Rimmcr. $2; A. Tree,
$4; T. A. Peterson, $2; H. M. Bartholomew, $2.25; Chas
Foster. $2; A. H. Penfield, $2; Wm. Staples. $2; J. M. Sanderson, $2; f. Watson. $3; I. B> Ray, $2; C. W. Blair. $5;
Wm. Donrey, $7; A. S. Wells, $150; A. Kinnaird, $1.75.
Above, total subscriptions received from 12th to 24th November, inclusive—$84.36. PAGE SIX
Concerning Value
By H. M. Bartholomew.
Article 5.—Final Utility.
WE come, now, to a consideration of a theory of Value which is associated with the
name of the late Prof. W. Stanley Jevons,
and which has been   accepted by   many   pseudo-
Socialists as an integral part of Socialist philosophy.
For instance, Shaw gravely tells ns that:
''Now the exchange value is fixed by the
utility, not of the most useful, but of the least
useful part of the stock."—" Fabian Essays,"
p. 14.
Jevons, in opening his case, says that:
"Repeated reflection and inquiry have led
me to the somewhat novel opinion that value
depends entirely upon utility."—"Theory of
Political Economy," p. 1.
We have seen, in a previous article, how Ricardo
deals with this "somewhat novel opinion."
Jevons, in examining the exchange valne of any
given commodity, applies, to the realm of commerce
the Utilitarianism of Bentham and of Mill. Indeed he tells us that
"I have no hesitation in accepting the Utilitarian theory of morals which docs* uphold the
effect upon the happiness of mankind as the
criterion of what is right and wrong."—Ibid,
p. 23.
Jeremy Bentham advocated the Utilitarian theory in the  most uncompromising manner.      His
words have become classical:
"Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters—pain and
pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what
we ought to do, as well as to determine what
we shall do. On the one hand the standard of
right and wrong, on the other the chain of
causes and effects, are fastened to their throne.
They govern us in all w*e do, in all we think;
every effort we can make to throw off their
subjection will serve but to demonstrate and
confirm it In words a man may pretend to abjure their empire; but in reality, he will remain
subject to it all the while. The principle of
utility recognizes this subjection, and assumes
it for the foundation of that system, the object
of which is to rear the fabric of felicity by the
hands of reason and of law. Systems which attempt to question it deal in sounds instead ot"
sense ,in caprice instead of reason, in darkness
instead of light.'?—"Principles of Morals and
Legislation.'' ch. 1.
It is upon the foundations of Utilitarianism as
expounded by Bentham and elaborated by Mill that
our learned Professor of Political Economy bases
his analysis of exchange-value.   He says:
"Pleasure and pain are undoubtedly the
ultimate objects of the Caleulus of Economics.
To satisfy our wants to the utmost with the
least effort .... in other words, to maximise
pleasure, is the problem of eeonomics." —
"Theory of Political Economy," p. 37. Emphasis Jevons)'. ,
This view of economics has been held by leading
economists other tha^i Jevons. There is no need to
quote lengthy passages from John Mill. His arguments in favor of Utilitarianism are too we'l known
to be cited here.*
But let ns to Jevons and his theory of Value!
As we have seen, that theory is the applieation of
Utilitarianism to Economics. A commodity possesses value only when it is useful, and its value is
determined by the quantum of its utility. Senior
"Utility denotes no intrinsic quality in the
things which we call useful; it merely expresses
their relations to the pains and the pleasures
of mankind."   Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.
In other words, the value of any given article is
determined by the amount of pleasure or pain which
its possession gives to the possessor. And Jevons
endeavors to measure, by mathematical formulae
,and algebraic expressions, the Iocur of the curve of
human greed, and to found his conception of value
npon that firm (J) foundation.
We have seen in a previous article, that a commodity possesses no exchange-value unless it is useful. We would think that there need be no laboring of this elementary point of economics, but our
Professor is at great pains to make it clear, and is
good enough to squirt all manner of mathematical
formulae to make this point clear.   He says:
'The ore lying in the mine, the diamond
escapiug the eye of the searcher, the wheat lying unreaped, the fruit ungathered for want
of consumers, have no utility at all."—"Theory of Political Economy," p. 43.
That is platitude reduced to its final imbecility!
But no matter^   He gr§ws eloquent and clear:
"Nor, when we consider the matter closely,
can we say that all portions of the same com
modity possess equal utility. Water, for instance, may be roughly described as the most
useful of all substances. A quart of water per
day has the high utility of saving a person
from dyiyg in a most distressing manner. Several gallons a day may possess much utility
for such purposes as cooking and washing:
but after an adequate supply has been secured
for these uses, any additional quantity is a
matter of comparative indifference. All that
we can say, then, is, thst water, up to a certain quantity, is indispensable; that further
quantities will have various degrees of utility; but that beyond a certain quantity the
utility sinks gradually to zero; it may even
become negative, that is to say, further sup
plies of the same substance may become hurtful and inconvenient.''—Ibid., p. 44.
Or.  a   flood  may  sweep  everything  away  and
drown a "person'' who might, without a quart of
it have died of thirst!
This luminous method  of economic  analysis  *
applied by our professor to bread snd to clothes and
"Utility must be considered ss measured by
or even as identical with, the addition made
to a person's happiness. It is a convenient
name for the aggregate of the favorable bal
ance of feeling produced,— the sum of the
pleasure created and the pain prevented. We
must now carefully' discriminate between the
total utility arising from any commodity and
the utility attaching to any particular portion
of it. Thus the total utility of the food we eat
consists in maintaining life, and may be considered as infinitely great; but if we were to
subtract a tenth part from what we eat daily,
our loss would be but slight.** We should
certainly not love a tenth part of the whole
utility of food to us. It might be doubtful
whether we should suffer any harm at all.
"Let us imagine the whole quantity of food
which a person consumes on an average during the twenty-four hours to be divided into
ten equal parts. Ef bis food be reduced by the
last part he will suffer but little; if a second
tenth part be deficient, he will fed the want
distinctly; the subtraction- of a third tenth
part will be decidedly injurious; with every
subsequent subtraction of a tenth part his sufferings will be more and more serious, until
at length he will be npon the verge of strava
tion."—Ibid. p. 45-6.
All of whieh, no doubt, is very illuminating and
advances our knowledge of value greatly!
Then our learned Professor is kind enough to indulge in his favorite mathematics in order to illustrate, this, his most exquisite reasoning on the the
ory of value in exehange.    But he returns, at length,
to his water illustration.    Thus:
"We cannot live without water, and yet in
ordinary circumstances we set no value on it.
Why is this?   Simply because we have so much
of it thst its final degree of utility is reduced
. nearly to zero.   Wc enjoy every day the almost infinite utility of water, but then wc do
not need to consume more than wc have.   Let
the supply of water run short by drought, and
we begin to feel the higher degrees of utility
of whieh we think little at other times."—Ibid,,
pp. 52.3.
These "higher degrees of utility" are the determinant  factors in exchange   value.   According to
Jevons, one umbrella is very useful * a second umbrella is a luxury, and a third mere useless lumber.
And he tells ua thst the exchange-value of an umbrella is determined by the "final utility" of the
least useful  umbrellas. •
Let us, to cite Jevons' pet phrase, 'examine this
matter a little more closely." If the stock of umbrellas upon the market is sufficiently large that
each member of the community is enabled to purchase two umbrellas, then.-*inee the second umbrella
is not ao useful as the first, it would be Mfe
ticket half the umbrellas at $3 and the remaj^
$1.50.   But no man will purchase an mZ-1
$3 when it can be obtained for *1 50. and aa th«* i
brcllas are purchased at the latter price   r>J
quote the words of Jevons himself; ' b
"1  shall, therefore, commonly use ln,
pression final degree of uHltfy, M Bein-    .
degree of utility of the last addition JJ
next possible addition of a very gma'
finitely small, quantity to the exjatinfiUd
— Ibid., p. 51.
Again i $
"In exchange for a dhu&ond we eu |||
great quantity of iron, or corn, or pari*.
stones, or other commodity of width thffu
abuudance; but we can gel vary fen ra*k
sapphires and other precious nonet s^i
is of high purchasing -power compared *#
zinc, or lead, or iron, but of small purckaaM
power compared with gold, or pUtiamr
iridium .... Nothing can have a h;gfe a*
chasing power unless it is highly est«eic«Ja
itself, but it may l»e highly esteeaed um
from all comparison with other Uuofa;**aj
though highly esteemed, it may State i In
purchasing power, because those (bapagriM
which it is measured are still more eataaaMi"
—Ibid, pp  801.
So tbat, we tiod, that not '' utUtty bat MMu"
is the measure of value of eommoditiea Hat tin
Jevons get* the whole matter right in this war
1— "Value m use equal'* total utility
2— Esteem equals final degree of utility.
i—Purchasing powVr equal* ratio of a-
— Ibhl. p. ft.
How ftctcnunc, how enlight*-ning. h'>w truly. tr»j
philosophic is all this!
Turning from the mathematical forum!*'ami tk
logical amhigutiie* of Jevons fot a BOmeal.In*
seek a short and concise eapoBtioa ef l4fcaU»
ify" from the hands of Prof. .1   S   Nil kali*:
"Suppose that on a de*. rt hdasd A w*
esses ail the food, ao many aasinrei (*9
pOCtln flf com, and B all the drinking t**%
so many moaiuTCi (aa) pinta laea &»»*»
ing into account present and future *m
might ascribe to the possession ol fsch part*
of his Mock so aataeh unlit*. ; /.'^
the first few portions of corn might U n%tm
as practically infinite, but if ' - *" * *J
abundant, arid a speedy re*cue pr-^ae*.*
utilitv aacrib«»d to successive p■■■■"■■ *
less and less. In the Mac wa) B »»*** ■■
an estimate of the utility 0 Mll™_
urcs of his drinking water Now if *« «t*j
onlv total utilities from tbe poinl M A!'**
each, both are infinite. If in exeaaa|a —
made of the total stocks ef the two r.m *
position of neither wool.I be itD|t-vH- p'
if A *rt* aside (aay) half bis aloe*. '*» J
msy well happen thst he could dw^H
exchange the rest against part '»t* ',.'>.
ing water. In precisely the same way bmj
set aside so much of his sto.k i«t h-> M" '
sumption, and then the utility of th- rtmpj
portion would be much less than t!,f ""' A,
would gain if he obtained m e*J"*J\k^
surplus. Thus, if the two men . v li»"P -,
remainders, both will gam >" ufiiit\„ no(j ft
utility of Ihe last portion of corn r» •< ,
A (or of the water by B) al..the final u"» ■ -
the stock retained, aiid fimilarlyj
he nt"!'')'f
the last measure obtained in ^,'han^.t',S'
called the final utility of the itock Plin.Vall/
—Kncvclopaedia Hritanniea. a*•»   re
Such is the theory of Value which u        ^
with the name of the late Prof. Stanley W ^
which has received considerable support
omists and publicists during the lail     j-Ljjw,"
Neat Article: "The Final Futility of Final u
i   Utintao**
•It should be noted that Mill *d not asjjy '*
i        t        "\ t illC'I' » j
to his analysis of etdiiattt-value. See nil   •      ^ ^f*
••It is obvioOJ that Jcvmi* had the ",,ll,v '
Ha»s in mind when he wrote these *M»
•••What has this to do with ex**nwje-va~ ^W
pare this sentence with his statement: "But I'   ^ )f)( $■
v. far as it can he correctly BBeA nirrr,v rvj ##t ^
eumstancc of it exchanging tn a (rrto>» ''"'"'
commodity."--Ibid, p- 77.
Falling Prices
lOK some ponderable tiine there na8 Dei*n
,h clamoring for price reduction, now the
economio tide has set,—apparently—in that
. (U.hire(l direction. Hut, it not infrequently
"nana that th« matfirity of desire, fails to bring
\& joy.
tails to round the measure of "prom-
Mas: And the present era of "price cut-
for huk of a better name) may prove, all
convincingly, that, as Muller puts it "the dream
,|ie reality tuay be better than the reality of the
earn."   M***\ WJtlWHl^ at all assuming the crit-
| role of prophet, wjj may confidently assert that
t reality will  be of the  nature of tragedy,  to
Dttsanda of oa who dream gay dreams in tin- hour
„is palace of ambition.
In even period of market expausiou, economic
vehement has been carried forward to a new
iW ()f soi nil condition, to a new triumph of pro-
ction. This «xpansiou of the market, with the
nporary demand, calls forth the effort to supply
at demands gives a new impetus to commerce, a
. confidence to prosperity, and through the com-
litive necessity of profit product ion. unlooses a
w volume of credit, in order to benefit from the
w opportunity, Consequently the expansion of
e market brings about a wider spread of prices.
ligher form of production, a greater volume of
rploa, an advanced state of necessary enterprise.
! when the sudden but temporary demand has
?i roffocated with thewnaan of over production,
i inevitable slump comes.    Bills are presented
* a
I dishonored  credit  goes short,  confidence  be
m panic;   prices   t ea<tt   to   the   fear  of  bank
Hut this reaction of prices is not the ordinary
id ition of i competitive market. On the eon-
ry, it is (he stagnation of a market that is dead:
I "steeping sickness" ot over-product ion. NVver-
- the new status of industrial and commercial
•rprise does aot decline to the old plane of the
niial", does not revert to the conditions of ■
ivkms period of "prosperity"; and the new
■'"* which are a reflex of the new organization of
rchandisc production, oscillate more or .less vio-
By in the anarchy of surplus depression, but find
iew equilibrium in the higher vantage of economic
'"'lopnv nt.
Ih* present condition of society, with its threat
its certainty   -of augmented suffering,  is  no-
Ing new; is neither strange uor surprising,    lt is
t taa evidence of wrong ideology or divine visit-
"n    it is but the natural fruit of capitalist pro
•tion; tho inevitable climax of the sordid frenzy
h,r the triumph  of victory in "the last  war'"
:itl   the total activities of society were impress" d
•s»rvho     Kvery man had hit job] every woman
r pace iii the war machine, every child perform
«> quota .,f service     Every available unit  was
""'fawn j,-,,,,, „HP|-„| pro<lu(.tiou; all unnecessary
auction   eliminated;   everything   \iiis stibordin-
10 tin- 'essentials*' of war propagation. Henee
""' satisfaction of social necessities, and to meet
flowing demands of an unprecedented war mar.
»eapttaltat industry was keyed to a pew intens
"' "Exploitation.   But to*do this capital bad to
. '";' its ancient gods.      It threw aside its, ethic
"1,,,vi«bialism;  re-seated  the  fallen  Dragon  of
ffieieney;   unmasked   its   faith;  demolished
"''   "ght"; evolved  new  concepts of woman
j/''1, function, of man and his service; ahamL
' lls  fiction of payment; played with unlimited
' J a,"l m the hour of its fierce trial, desecrated
t   'ts holv of bolies, property right.   That is to
» Wat in actual fact, it repudiated its idealist
1 osophy, and established the truth of historic
nalism,   Thus laying the foundation stone of'
L   m'Khty demand of the war market found u
i;nl;7,)on8e ln P^ftt production.   The doors of
petua that ever thrust it forward to its final dissolution.
Hut the war ceased, and with its cessation the
war market vanished. The war hordes were disbanded; munitions were unneeded; supplies were
curtailed. Governments gave up housekeeping.
But the chaotic production of capital went on unabated. The impulse of competition to secure the
maximum of surplus made the wheels of industry
hum with the song of profits.
To Support this continued industry in the interests of capital, to rehabilitate the disorganized'
"peace" market, and open up new channels of trade,
credit was advanced to further high levels; prices
soared to unheard of heights. The once favored
warriors, flung 6n their own resources, discovered
the meaning of retrenchment. Wages sagged beneath the pressure of higher credits, and the evergrowing supply of labor-power. The war-wasted
countries, bankrupt and desolate, found their purchasing power gone. Thus /production went on,
(thereby hastening the ruin), the long outstanding
credits were called iii. and. lo! there was no money
wherewith to meet the obligation. Because, forsooth, society had not the price to buy the product
of the feverish activity.
Tbat is where we stand now. That is why busi-
ii. ss is nervous, why prices break. It is the flurry
of trade, anaemic for lack of sustenance, dying for
want of a market, and is, in reality, the harbinger
of industrial stagnation.
But breaking prices are not the indications of a
return to the "normal of pre-war times. Those
times are gone as irrevocably as the days of Julius
Caesar. Economic development has carred society
forward to a new conditional level, aud the impress
of the new conditions will be reflected in the "normal" of new effects, winch hi due season will l>e
registered upon the plastic consciousness of social
The explanation of social phenomena is to be
found in the nature of social organization: the color
and condition of the one determines the color and
condition of the other. Precisely as the structure
of a machine determines the character of its operation, ami precisely as the building of a machine to
perform a particular function, demands a knowledge of physical law. so the formation of a society
which will fulfil, to their completest. the necessities and aspirations of man, must be the work of a
clear understanding of sociological evolution and its
laws If society hurts us, cursing, or wishing, alters
neither the fact nor the causes. Clearly, society
does nol injure all. Clearly can society be organized beneficially.
But the incentive to such organization, apparently, eaa only come forth from the buffetings of ex
ploitation. can materialize only when that exploitation has developed to such an extent, that the utmost activity of social effort fails to sustain society
itself   ■
And that day is close at baud. Wc are now going
down into the deepa of an industrial depression, a
depression that, being co extensive with capitalist
production, must be world wide ;a depression whicii
will be as grim and as bitter ns its precediug exploitation was violent and" intense j and out of which,
however devious the way. there is but oue escape
- working class ownership of the means of wealth
opportunity were wide open; credit was
[e  1Pfi,> to derive the utmost of advantage from
r?fM "pro8Perity-"   Capitalist industry was
1 p(> to activity, with the most tremendous im-
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Socialist Party of Canada Election
Manifesto No. 3
THE Socialist Party of Canada in entering this
election asks not for your vote but for your
attention. That is our only concern; consequently we are quite as active the day following,
as we are the day previous to voting, and any day
This election cannot solve the problems which
everywhere demand attention, ln fact to barken
to the average politician one could well imagine
that they were not of this world at all, but were a
sort of Punch and Judy shadow show, pounding
each other with words, for the amusement of the
But the serious-minded individual must realize,
sooner or later, that the past six years have drastically revolutionised the social relations between
men. The problems are not new, by any means,
but they havcbeconie more pronounced, more menacing, and altogether insisting upon a solution.
The foremost problem of mankind is to maintain
life. We are here through no wish of our own, but
being here we .desire to remain. Certain conditions
are essential to that end; we must have food, clothing, and shelter. Mankind differs from all other
animals'" in the methods whereby he obtains these
needs, and we wish to call your attention to that
fact. At first sight this would seem superfluous,
but if you have never considered the question before,
yon will be surprised to learn that you have entirely
overlooked a thing, because you see it everywhere.
Now, all animals and insects find their food and
shelter in such forms that they are readily nt Hired
by means of their natural functions—their clsws,
beak, teeth, etc.
But man (and some few animals snd insects in a
very rudimentary and crude manner) must use tools
or implements. In the lowest stage of man's development we find him using tools. The food he eats,
and, either for comfort or ethical or artistic purposes the clothes he wears, are never obtained in
sufficient quantities to guarantee him life, without
the aid of tools.
This is a verv significant fact, for if we observe
the conditions of very low forms of human development we are at once aware of a tremendous difference between their social life, and that of man in
the higher forms of development—say in Vancouver.
Among the savages, the native bushmen of Australia for instance, every one procures his own sustenance. And every one has something to eat and
a she'ter, providing no natural obstacles or conditions forbid.
But in Vancouver and elsewhere within the confines of civilization, we are conscious of the fact that
a large proportion of mankind have insufficient
food and clothing, and many have to live in crowded
and unhealthy shelters. We know also, that everywhere within the confines of civilization  there is
au abundance of everything needful to man.
We are less conscious of the fact, that while so
many people live on the verge of destitution,
a relative few have all their wishes gratified, no
matter how extravagant or how numerous they
might be. It will also be noted that these fortunate
few are not required to produce, or in any way
procure any of the things they possess iu such
They may l>e drunken, dissolute, unwholesome
specimens, as many of them are; they may be imbeciles, as some of them are; or they may be mad;
it matters not, wealth flows in upon them, without
effort on their part. When we are really conscious
of this fact we must ask ourselves why it can be.
Let us then return to the fact that man must, if
he would produce food, clothing, an/1 shelter, use
tools or implements.
In a low stage of social culture, man can apply
himself direct to mother nature; all he requires can
be obtained with little effort. Fish hooks of bone,
gut from animal sinews, or plant fibre, a slender
straight stick hardened by fire; with these he may
supply his simple wants.
But when we seek to supply our needs, we are
required to use, or assist in the use of a very elaborate and complex machine, over which we have
no control, and which belongs to a class. Just as
no one man can use it, so can no one man own it.
Therefore it is owned by a class, the Capitalist CiaSe;
and used by a clsss. the working claaa.
The working class hire their capacity to operate
this machinery, to the capitaliat class, receiving
wages, and surrender to the owners all the product
of their toil.
We cannot produce without their permission, and
they will permit us to use their machinery only
when they can reap a profit from our la?K>r. So
that the earth is no longer used for mankind at
large, but for a favored class, the owning class.
A very few chapters from history will acquaint
you with the conditions under which ownership
prevails. You will find that very frequently mankind has altered the conditions of ownership, when
those conditions prevented him from securing sub
sistence and comfort for himself and bis offspring.
But he does this successfully only when he is conscious of his power and realizes the nature of his
troubles. So that now a struggle is in progress;
the capitalist class to retain, the working class to
obtain ownership of the meaus of life; this is the
Class Struggle.
We are not responsible for it any more than we
are for the struggle for existence m the animal
world; we merely call attention to it, and to the
fact that whoever is returned in this election, this
struggle must go on.
Why not attend our meetings and hear Working
c'ass politics discussed by members of your classT
Professional Optimism
WHILST business was proceeding in an atmosphere of prosperity, we were spared
to some extent the continued notification
that "Everything was lovely." Now, it can always be observed that when the periods of depression or slackness are upon us, there is always someone hollering out that there are no grounds (Or
pessimism, that, everything is for the best. When
it is necessary to assert what should be evident, it
is always a sure indication that a hidden fear lurks
behind this professed optimism. When w« are
pleased with ourselves and our conditions of prosperity we do not, as a rule, tack a aign up that
things are rotten, but it seems when things are
tending in that direction the only thing we really
need is a tonic labelled "optimism." Changing
conditions are only mental, according to this age
of brain workers, and so as a mental tonic labelled
"The Will to Believe." becomes the antidote of
20th century ills of the social body.
Now the wisdom of the 20th century surpasses
everything that has precede*! it, and one has only
to glance through the advertising columns of our
leading magazines today to see what some individuals will do (for a consideration) to make one's
brain-the marvel of the age. We are led to believe
that quite a number of our fellow-men have submitted to various processes, by which the increase
of grey matter in their heads has developed to such
an extent that an X ray examination would surprise the most sceptical. These are practical men
too, and what results have beet) effected in the com
■unities blessed with the increased wisdom! We
are afraid it is being hid under a bushel, or if it
has been reserved for our lienefit later on. maybe it
is this surprise that is behind our professional optimism, and not the fear of real it ie* that. loom
As a matter of fact, if we believe all we hear,
optimism at the present is specially warranted In
British Columbia, we have a regular galaxy of
talent only waiting the endorsement of the electors
to show how they are going to make this Province
at least, if not fit for heroes, pleasantly endurable.
Of course there is the possibility that those with
whom this decision rests may make a disastrous mis-
take and not recognize the correct method of selection. However, they have handled such things be
fore, and being wise beyond sny preceding genera
tion, there is every hope that the spirit of optimism
will be vindicated.
Now the happy outlook is not confined to B. C.
The one great hope of many years is about to be
accomplished. The era of "cheapness" is in view.
An Optimistic prospect no one will dispute who has
been living under the H. C. of L. Everything is go
ing to be cheap, and ho our savings are at last go
ing to be worth thinking about. It is only to be
hoped  that  the  workers  have not   been  foolishly
squandering the results of their high wife, ^
the prosperous period they have passed thro?
It has been hinted at times that tin Worker. !
been allowing their great opportunity to boy
the capitalists with their savings to slip bv j
orgy of riotous living.    Now that things sit  It
ting cheap the opportunity of getting control Ji
dustry at bargain prices should be loomiag ahead'
The possibilities of the future in the mystic re*!
of prices, forbid us launching into an intoxieati
of optimism that would possibly be laid at the fa
of the Moderation league.
During the past few years the analytical drains
of men have been at work on the mysteriea el pri**
which promised to soar beyond the beavOBi «n,i
judging by the results of their bvestigitioes Aa
conclusions they arrived at were m itartliaf tkn
could not be presented clearly t<> the BsHutloBf
masa who did not know tbeee mysteries ttett be-
ynud the control of ordinary mortals. The iticacta.
tions of the mystery men have been attend. Sad hi
the fall in prices. If you listen attentively vo«
can hear your fellow men explaining it The vin^
Of labor" was the fou! spirit behind it all Itsdn
day will soon be done now, and so everyOM ran ag
the 'cheap" spirit has come amongst us ■«%
Of course, as we all know, the falling price* of commodities started the mental sleuths on their bnfM
discovery of the villain, a'though he waa SUpaettd
all along ami openly tcouaed of the crime. hat
could not be run to earth. Be sneaked out in the
sugar market j how he ehooe such a tmrmpinnu
place we will not disclose for the present.
Whilst the health or derangement of the iaterad
organs of the human body ha\e the . •.,. of rata
ing an optimistic or pessimistic outlook *ft i:f»
without taking into consideration tn] QeuaUmt
ing influence of 'he development of the iadwaka]
mind , it can be seen that the various dertafeBMBti
of the social system in evidence today ransa a noae-
what similar effect on the toeial body, aMes, o:
course, is made up of the collection of imhvMuak
The varying outlooks of the individuals GOBpfU&f
any community will naturally ho subject toletis-
fluencci, around them, and they can only interpret
the various phases of th> ><• fore* - EH SO far a* tl"}
nnderetand  them    If the changes »   trriaf an
apparently detrimental to their usual aeeuritj
the  means V»f life  the  outlook   ;. * ■ --rful. Si
hopes ritn be utilised as a *ol«ee f.ir a time    I* 'he
social disturbance continues without        •PP*n*
move  towards bettering things,  thOSM   who ar? aa
sufferera throw off the mental !'a!n; oi 'optoa -
•ltd use their intelligence t<> escape "">" bV•'
tions that   they object  to
Professional optimism is the "mental bain ■
those who wish to escape from facing the rttw*
that have to be understood Intelligence mmi ■
derstanding are distinct from the amotions! eft*
"f good or ill health, although sot iHofttfcer •"
affected by them In a health.% State ml »<*>f,-v
men will have no difficulty in solving the oaeeuaai
that disturb the soeial body. The remits at «"t<v
day are only the indications of a "getUJ **■§»
ment of aocietv
11 f
LOCAL (VANCOUVER No   1, 8. P of ft
Owing to the Campaign Meeting in the
Pender Hall 804 Pender 8t. W, on Tuesday-
November 80th, the Regular Weekly *&
neat meeting wtll be held on Wednesday
December 1st.
Empress Theatre Sunday, Nov.
Headquarters, 401 Pender Bt  E. g
Monday. Nov.
Pender Hall, 8«4 Pender St. W $
Tuesday, Nov. *
All Meetings 8 p m


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