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Western Clarion Jan 16, 1923

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Array JAN iS p''      I
_£    /
A Journal of
Official Organ of
No. 883.
NINETEENTH YEAR.      Twice a Month
-_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^__^_^_^_^_H __^__H __^_H
Where Are We At?
i, demonstration of the "new leadership" in
l\ action was recently staged in Calgary, the
•*** "■*" unemployed being used as *' political fodder''
in the tactical operation known as the "united front
of Labor," which front (swamp is a more appropriate term), locally at least, advances the interests
of that confusionist agglomeration known as the
Labor Party, the representatives of petty shopkeepers and workingmen who aspire to become rich via
the real estate route.
A short time previous to the municipal elections,
the Labor aldermen in the city council (with one exception) supported a resolution refusing relief work
to single unemployed, or married men without families, whether residents of the city or not. Three of
the labor aldermen who supported the resolution
came before the workers for re-election to the city
council. Here was an opportunity for the party
which continually objurgates us to consid-v the unemployed as being entitled to the right to live, work,
full maintenance (at trade union rates) and various
Other "rights" too numerous to mention, to put in
operation its avowed policy of "a synthesis of
theroetical Marxism with revolutionary practise,"
a high ideal, we concede, not to mention the obligation imposed by the famous 21 points, to "expose
yellow labor leaders."
In no field of human endeavour is comparison
between glorious promise and pitiable performance
so odious as in the barren one of labor reformism.
Did the "party of the masses" rush resolutely to
denounce the betrayers of the unemployed, the labor
aldermen seeking re-elction? No! Nothing so rash.
Would jou suggest that the united front be im-.
perilled by such "impossibilist tactics?"
On the contrary, the victims of the resolution
Avere organized, disciplined and "instructed" to distribute election dodgers exhorting all and sundry to
"vote the entire Labor slate." The labor aldermen
were re-elected. Now the unemployed affected by
the action of the labor statesmen whom they helped
to re-elect are petitioning those individuals to "do
something" for them. The labor statesmen reply*
that the "people" approved of their policy by the
fact of their re-election. Leadership evidently!
moves in mysterious ways, its wonders to perform.
The Rev- Wm. Irvine, M.P., delivered a lecture at
the Forum on "The Race Between Knowledge and.)
Disaster." We were told that we were noAv in the
"midst of the Social Revolution." In Mr. Irvine's
book, "The Farmer in Politics," published some two
years ago, the author Avrote that "Canada was on-
the verge of a bloody revolution.'' If the revolution we are now in the midst of is the bloody one'
we were on the verge of two years ago it is the most
remarkable revolution ever; even the purveyors of|
"all the news that's fit to print" have not even discovered a "bum" explosion. All is not over with
the bourgeoisie. There is still hope. There is still
corn in Egypt. The revolution we are "now in the
midst of" can be stayed in its fell course by the adoption of a "new credit system": Major Douglas's
for instance. (Bankers please note).
Amidst this welter of confusion we are forced to
state our position as follows, so that those who read
may understand if in the mood to do so.
#     #     #     »     #
This manifesto is issued by Local No. 86, S. P. of
C, Calgary, Alta.
ABE you one of the few that are satisfied with
present conditions?
If you are tear this up: but if not, do you
understand them?
Do you find it hard to make both ends meet?
Again: do you know why it is so hard to make a
Is security and comfort the lot of working men
like yourself?
If not, do you think workers are entitled to
Are you getting any benefit from improvements
made since you were a boy, by science and invention?
Are you unemployed, or likely to be?       ,
Did you go to the war? If you did, are you
better off than the fellow who did not?
Were your affairs considered at the Peace Conference ?
What is the Labor Movement ? and has it been'
successful? ;
In a word—are there any problems worth While
thinking about, and, can they be solved?
Past Effort and Achievement
Discontent and uncertainty are found in all parts
of the world.    Working men in every capitalist
country are in the same degraded, poverty-stricken, h
condition.   Liberal, Conservative and Farmer parties alternately gain majorities in Parliament,    h
In civic administration, mayors come and go.
Strike follows strike. Wage agreements follow
Avage agreements. Peace follow war, and war follows peace. Bad times follow good times, Avith disheartening repetition. Unions struggle with alternate success and failure for higher wages and better
conditions, but: Where are we at?
What real achievements have we got to show for
our endeavour to make living conditions better?
The efforts of the workers at organization have
been tremendous: the achievement Nil,—except
bitter experience.
Working men are in essentially the same position today that they were in 100 years ago.
Working men have followed this, that or the
other political leader, have put their faith in tbis,
that or the other promise; always with the same
result: betrayal.
Shall we benefit by that experience? If so, what
does that experience teach us?
Does it not teach us this:—
That every effort to gain "something now" by
the "safe, sane and practical methods of reformers, or the antiquated tactics adopted by trade
unions, with their narrow craft outlook, or through
the lavish promises of political job-seekers, have
proved a miserable failure.
■'England, the classical land of reform, a land
wherein trade union organization has reached its
apex, affords a most striking illustration of our contention.
There unemployment has reached an unparal
led degree; real wages are lower than_.th<»y were
before 1914; the cost of living has almost doubled;
degradation and misery is the lot of the workers.
What is the reason for this ever-increasing misery?
The answer is to be sought in the Capitalist mode
of production, whereby a small class owns the land,
machinery, mines and all the natural resources—the
property-owning clasjB.
On the other hand stands the mass of workers,
propertyless, their only means of gaining a livelihood being the sale of their labor power for Avages-
AU the products of labor belong to the Capitalist
class, with the exception of the pitiful pittance doled
out to the workers in the form of wages.
Through the introduction of machinery and the
consequent competition for jobs amongst the propertyless workers, wages remain at the lowest pj**-
*ible subsistence level.
This is a point of view rarely considered by reformers, trade union leaders, et al., who hold that
the conditions of the workers can be bettered under
With all the reform measures striven for and accomplished: The 01_ Age Pension Aet, the Workmen's Compensation Act, the Minimum Wage Law,
"the various Factory Acts, Wage Agreements between masters and workers, Prohibition, to say nothing of the Uplift:—the great problem of getting
the essentials of life with certainty and security remains unsolved. As a matter of fact, workers are
fleeing from countries which haye "Reform legislation" on a large scale, to countries like the U. S. A.
which has but few such reforms.
The future is blacker than ever, despite the assurance of our forward-lookers, right-thinkers, sunshine-brokers, professional boosters and prophets of
the "Prosperity Around the Corner" type.
Now, can the great problem be solved?
There are many parties and organizations attempting that solution.   But there is only one party
in this country that recognizes the worthlessness of
reform—the Socialist Party of Canada.
.    The Socialist Party of Canada holds that:—
Success to working class efforts can only be attained by correct action.
Correct action can be taken only if the problems
affecting   the  working  class  are  recognized and
Working class problems can only be solved if
the nature of modern civilization is understood.
The solution of working class problems is the
task of the working class,—no lawyers, parsons, generals or journalists can do this for them.
The working class needs more than enthusiasm
and courage, or leaders,—it needs knowledge. Ignorant it is helpless-
Jn. everyday life, commonsense recognizes knowledge to be necessary to practical success.   When
Ave need a tooth examined we go to a dentist, who
knows about teeth,—not to a blacksmith.   But if we
(Continued on page 3) :- ii It—,. *!!=—• -
lnlW 1>mil»lll<*«IWNli»>^llllli
Propaganda on the Prairies
The year 1922 was a busy one for yours truly. The first
six months I was spreading propaganda in the Old Country.
I left England on the 2nd June; spent five Weeks in Winnipeg speaking during the Provincial Election campaign
there, helping Com. Geo. Armstrong, S. P. of C. candidate.
After that, one week of propaganda in Calgary. Arrived
in Vancouver early in August. Spoke on the street corner
of Carrall and Cordova Streets every fine night until I
started on the propaganda tour outlined below. I have
heard a great deal of talk about action. Don't know
whether this constitutes action or not.—but it keeps me
I left Vancouver on the 27th of October and arrived in Kamloops early the following morning:
Comrade Orchard met me at the station and
took me immediately to the home of Comrade Mc-
Nab. We held a meeting at night which was successful from every point of vieAv. Mr. and Mrs- Mc-
Nab did all they possibly could to make my stay a
pleasant one and I was sorry when Sunday morning
came and I had to leave this hospitable neighbourhood. There are some good comrades' in Kamloops
and I hope it won't be long before I have the pleasure of meeting them again.
I arrived in Calgary a couple of days ahead of
time but J. got fixed up at the abode of Bob Emery
who looked after me when in town and took care of
my literature, etc., while I was speaking in the small
towns in the locality. The first place I went to in
Alberta was Swalwell and here I found an old timer
in the movement in the person of Comrade Beagrie.
He had a meeing all fixed up and although some
religious outfit had a chicken supper on we had a
good crowd, and everything passed off well. Comrade Beagrie is holding it down practically alone in
Swalwell. He is one of those steady reliable comrades upon whom we can always depend. I stayed
at his place for the night, and he and his wife explained to me the farmer's position as it applied to
them. As they have been farming for many years
and reading the Clarion all the time they were able
to provide me with good material for propaganda.
The next morning T left for Trochu and was met at
the station by Comrade Macpherson. Macpherson
is a neck or nothing red. He has a ear of a proletarian cut and he daily takes desperate chances. He
never stops for ruts, fences or anything else. After
a meal in a Chinese restaurant he took me eighteen
miles to his home. He then whisked me eighteen
miles back again to a meeting in Trochu which was
held in a garage. The meeting was all right, but
after it was over he shot me home again, another
eighteen miles- This distance, of course, is nothing
over ordinary roads and with a careful driver, but
I was in the air most of the time and the only thing
that Mac troubled about after every deep hole wan
to make 'sure I was still in the car. He never cared
about which end up I Avas. I addressed three meetings in this neighbourhood and had the pleasure of
meeting Comrades Bigelow and Smith, together with
their wives. I also met (Comrade Erwin. Mrs. Macpherson and the other ladies did all they could do
make me comfortable and I owe them much. 1
found the farmers here were beginning to understand that Capitalism held no hope for them. The
Comrades in this district have been working faithfully and I hope my visit was of some assistance.
The wives of the comrades here are faithful supporters of the cause and even the children are lining
up in the right direction. The weather was now
beginning to get cold and some of the journeys we
had made were of considerable length. It is not
the speaking that troubles the propagandist on these
trips, but the travelling. You can imagine going
twenty miles to a meeting in the bitter cold and then
finding about a dozen people in a school house. The
place is lighted by a miserable oil lamp. If you'
want a glass of water it seems to take an hour's
work to get it because it has frequently to be fetched from a distance. The only compensating feature
is that the farmers are good listeners.   They don't)
care how long the meeting last and, in the main,
pay strict attention to all you say.
After leaving Trochu I went back to Calgary,
and on the Sunday addressed two meetings there;
one in the open forum and the other in the Empress
theatre. Ambrose Tree was my chairman at the
evening meeting which, for some reason or other,
was only poorly attended. I
The next day I took the train for Hanna and
there met Comrade Roberts- This Comrade is young
but has already developed considerably and gives;
promise of becoming an able propagandist. It was
here in Hanna where I first met Comrade John Eggtf
who afterwards did so much towards making the
tour a success. His kindness and persistent effort
are beyond praise. The S. P. of C. has been able to
keep going owing to the fact that its clear cut propaganda attracts to it men of his calibre. There
is a young Russian in Hanna who recently arrived
there from the Ukraine. This individual was raised
in the same village as Machno, the anarchist peasant.
Comrade Ben Dworkin introduced me to him and
acted as intrepreter. I obtained some interesting details of the stirring events that recently took place
in Ukrania. Two meetings were held in Hanna. The'
attendance was small but this was not the fault of
the Comrades who did their best. The weather handicapped us and in one instance we had our meeting
sabotaged. Comrade Richardson and Roberts looked well after me and I wish to thank Mrs. Richardson and Mrs. Roberts for making me so comfortable.
I went from Hanna to Stanmore and arrived
there in the small hours of the morning. Comrade
Burton was standing on the platform and immediately like a sensible man took me to his house and
without unnecessary conversation sent me to bed-
The next morning I. met Comrade Donaldson and
he had arranged three meetings in the neighbourhood which were all successful. Comrade Donaldson is a valuable member of the party. He is one
of the level-headed men who can perceive what i^
necessary and do it. He is a source of inspiration to
those of his neighbours who are seeking the light.
1 found around Stanmore some of the most delightful people I have ever met. Mrs. Burton is a well
informed woman and can converse intelligently upon'
many subjects. Mr. Donaldson and many others
take a keen interest in the movement. The general
atmosphere around Stanmore is of a stimulating
character and the seed sown here by the old propagandists of the S. P. of C. is ripening and will soon
be ready for reaping. The audiences here could
immediately grasp any point and this showed more
than anything else could that the educator had
been at work.
From Stanmore on to Youngstown, and here I
found O'Brien's footprints. Charlie was here many
years ago and his visit is still remembered. I had
picked up Comrade Dworkin on the train and Comrade Wiertz who was waiting to receive me took,
us and introduced us to his daughters who are going
to school in Youngstown. Comrade Wiertz and myself then went out to the Homestead about seventeen
miles away. It was early morning when we arrived
and T was dog-tired- The first meeting we held started at one o'clock in the morning. It happened in
this wav. R. Gardiner, M.P., had arranged to address
a meeting and our meeting was to follow. Gardiner
started at 9 p.m. and spoke three hours. Then Wei
had supper and I started. Some interruption took:1
place but we came out all right. The cause was an
Englishwoman who left her country for her coun-
trv's good and didn't know it. I stayed at the house!
of Comrades Wiertz, Hughes and Stopps. The treatment I received at the hands of the ladies was of
the best. I was sick here for a few hours; the strain
was beginning to tell. I. am pleased to say that I
managed to deliver the lectures arranged for me. I
also met here Mr. and Mrs. McClosky who attended
two of my meetings. Traces were to be observed of
the work done by Frank Cassidy both here and in
Excel- The position of the farmer in this neighbourhood is bad indeed and he is good material for
propaganda. The illusions are all dispelled and he
feels and knows his position. In days gone by a
speech by Alf. Budden would cause an audience of
farmers to foam with rage; now his most caustic
comments would be received with approbation. The
farmers are being forced to take a revolutionary
stand. Large numbers of them don't know which
way to turn; they don't own a thing and many
Avould leave their farms but they haven't the wherewithal to enable them to purchase clothes decent
enough to travel in. It is hard indeed for the women,
and we may expect a steady support from some of
these from now on.
From Youngstown to Excel and after a meeting
there to Seal. The meetings I addressed around
here were all satisfactory. Comrade Hansen and
Jorgensen are(. doing their bit. The audiences were
attentive. The Comrades here are active and intelligent. Seal is in the neighbourhood of twenty miles
from Excel and it was a trying journey in the bitter
cold weather. This is a Hell of a country. I stayed
at the house of Comrade Jorgensen and had every
care and attention. I did my best to arrouse an interest in the proposition whilst in Seal and I hope
the results will be good. The comrades here deserve
success. They are a credit to the party. After leaving Seal I was taken to Excel station and had to
Avait four hours- We arrived at midnight. The station was being painted and the waiting room was
full of paint cans. The stove was red hot. It wasi
10 beloAV outside and a slight wind blowing. When
I couldn't stand the smell of the paint any longer!
I went outside. When I, was about frozen solid I
went in and thawed out. I have had the taste of
paint in my mouth ever since.
The socialist propagandist has many faults, but
some of these should be pardoned on account of the
great woes he struggles through. I went back again!
to Calgary and spoke on the Sunday following at
the Empress Theatre. The Municipal campaign was
on and the wreckage of the Wreckers Party were
trying to line up the slaves in support of a rene-
grade red posing as the Labour candidate for mayor.
The meeting at the Empress Theatre resulted in the
policy of the S. P. of C. being understood and appreciated by many who, for the first time in their
existence, realised that the reformer in whatever
guise he may appear is an ally of the enemy. The1
wire-pullers who periodically launch new parties in)
order to occupy the lime light and bask in the sun-l
shine of wage-slave ignorance are likely to pull off*
another stunt before long. What next I wonder?
Comrade Dworkin and his family were extremely)
kind to me during my stay in Calgary as were also
Comrades Mr. and Mrs. Emery. I can never repay
them for their kindness and hospitality. In this,
"the winter of our discontent," propaganda is made
possible as a result of the sacrifices of unknown comrades, and it is well that their contributions to. the
cause should be recorded.
Everywhere I went men and women put themselves to all kinds of inconvenience to try and make
me comfortable. The men are sometimes a little
thoughtless and want you to talk too much, but
the women Avait until the time is opportune before
they ask questions. The questions of both sexes are
often about the comrades: Where is so and so? What
is he doing? What sort of a man is so and so?
Is he married? Sid Earp's contributions to the Clarion
are eagerly scanned because they give a little news.
I. am not making any suggestions as., to ..how the
Clarion should be run or advocating any alteration
in its makeup.   I am simply giving my experience • ML-Mi*HM_*. «&».—»        ''•*►•
' ■'_!;
J^'i^iUP..-'. -
and pointing out the fact that the reds on the
prairies are anxious for news of each other and information for them is often hard to obtain.
After Calgary I went to Medicine Hat and on the
Tuesday night spoke at the City Hall.   Considering >
that meetings were being held all over the city and
the municipal elections were pending, we had a
good audience.   I spoke by request on Unemployment and the next day the local press gave us a column.   The next stop was Seven Persons and here
I made the acquaintance of Wiley Orr.   This Comrade has a sound pnowledge of the proposition and
is a tower of strength to the movement in this part
of the country.   We had a fine little meeting at
Seven Persons.   I then went forward to Whitla and
there met Polinkos.   We held one meeting in-the
town and he took me out to the farm where his
wife and two children live.   Polinkos is an Hungarian and Mrs. Polinkos a Russian.   They are proletarians of a fine type and did all they possibly
could to make my visit a pleasant one.   Comrade
Polinkos could not understand, however, why I refused to speak at a dance.   The Socialist propagandai
is too serious to deliver as a side show at a dance.
If they are not Avilling to put off their dance for
a lecture they are not worth talking to.   We held
another at the town beyond Whitla and after that I
Avent back again to Medicine Hat where I spoke once
more in the City Hall; this time on "The International Situation."    We had a fine little crowd
and I believe we shall have good results from this
quarter.   We also got another column in the local
paper.   I found a good type of red around here and
desire to thank Mr. and Mrs. Allen Clark, Mr. and
Mrs. Vosen, Comrade Lewis and a host of others
for their assistance and hospitality.   They certainly
did their bit.   Comrade Ronald of Fiske had sent
down $20, the fare from Medicine Hat to where he
lives and I had to take the train back to Calgary
and from there to Fiske.   It was a long journey
and I was glad when it was over.   I held two meetings in Fiske both sparsely attended but this was
not the fault of Comrade Ronald.   He is a young
man with a future and his whole heart is in the
cause.    Although only 21 he is reading the right
stuff and I expect to hear much of him later.   His
father is also under no illusions.   He has a shrewd
mind and is a deep student of social problems.   I
stayed at Ronald's home and here* as everywhere
the treatment was of the best.  From Fiske I went to
McGee and there met Pat Hunt.   It is many years
since Pat and I first met.   He reminded me of the
fact that when I toured this part of the country
before twelve years ago my hair was jet black.   He
is now bald headed and is allowing his beard to
grow for the winter.  He looks like Gribble.   He has
been about 14 years farming and is worse than broke.
When I was last in Zealandia Pat and I slept on the
floor in Riley's house and sure enough after the
meeting at McGee Pat and I found ourselves in a
bed on the floor.   It reminded us of the days of
yore when we were young in the movement.   Pat
has now five children, the eldest being about eight.
The revolution is wanted by this family right noAv.
It can't come too soon for Pat or his wife either. We
talked most of the night, our conversation being of
old Comrades; Menzies who is now in New Zealand,
O'Brien, Charlie Crook and many others, some of
whom have crossed the great divide.    Mrs. Hunt
takes a keen interest in the movement and cheerfully plays her part.   She desired news of the Old
Country from which she originally came.   We had
a happy time together.
My next stopping place was East Anglia and although it is only about fifteen miles from Fiske it>
took me a whole day to get there as I had to wait in
Rosetown.   Comrade LaMarche who arranged this
meeting is one of the best.   Together with Comrade
Douglas he upholds the cause of the proletariat
against desperate odds.  A man who has the courage
to openly stand out as a red when it means ostra-<
ciscm is entitled to our respect.   Comrade La Marche
works on the track six months in the year.   He has
a wife and family.  His better half is a worthy helpmate to her husband.   I was sorry I could not remain longer in their society-   I sincerely hope that
my visit encouraged Comrade La Marche and Douglas.   I did my best and the meeting was a good one
in every respect.   This trip has made me feel very
humble and insignificant.   There are hundreds of
men on these prairies who have dedicated their lives
to the cause and faithfully keep the light of knowledge burning amidst the mental darkness that is:
everywhere around them. The Clarion is their guide,
philosopher and friend, and the honor of the comrades who are to some extent before the public they
are ready at any and all times to defend at any cost.
To meet them is an inspiration and on this trip I
have had that glorious privilege.   May we all prove
worthy of the respect and confidence that is reposed
in us by these worthy comrades.
I now headed for Saskatoon and found that 1
had to wait 36 hours in Rosetown.   There is no worse
place on earth than a prairie town full of scissor-
bills and RosetOAvn is in this catagory.   When I arrived in Saskatoon the unemployed were having a
meeting in the Trades Hall.   I spoke to the out of
Avorks for about 20 minutes and then struck John
Egge arid we together went and hunted up J. P.
Hansen late of Coleman and Prince George.   After
consulting with some supporters belonging to th«
O.B.U., we went and engaged the Bijou Theatre- The
meeting was held on Xmas Eve and a blustering)
snowstorm undoubtedly kept many away who otherwise would have attended.   In spite of this hoAvever
we had a nice audience and everything passed off
satisfactorily-   The Saskatoon Phoenix put in about
a column on the speech.   John Egge, Hansen and
some O.B7U. boys had to dig up in order to meet the
expenses which the collection failed to cover.    Ii
spoke in the O.B.U. Headquarters on the Tuesday
following and we had quite an interesting little
meeting.   I now found myself on the rocks financi-'
ally but Cusack jof Calgary, the most useful man in
Alberta, responded immediately to my signal of distress and at the most critical moment sent the five
dollars that saved the revolution.   May this be recorded to his everlasting credit.   On the day follow
ing I went on to Humbolt and made my headquarters at the'home of John Egge.   John was at work
when I arrived but Mrs. Egge welcomed me most
heartily and his little daughter straight away adopted me as her playmate.   I remained at Humbolt
almost a week and was treated as an honored guest.
"We held a meeting in Humbolt town hall on the Sunday, and took a collection of over eight dollars. John
acted as chairman.   He was disappointed at the size
of the crowd but I considered the turnout was good
considering there had never been a socialist meeting
held there previously.   The hall cost $10 and Com-
Egge generously made good the deficiency and also
helped me on my way.   The next stop was at Kam-
sack where John made arrangements for another
meeting.   Comrade Gunderson lives here and Egge's
brother Lem who is also a good red.   The ground
around Kamsack has been well prepared for our
propaganda and we had a fair meeting.   The audience was mailer than it otherwise would have been
OAving to the fact that the doors were not open in
time and many went away being under the impression that the meeting was off.   Everything passed1
off well however and after bidding Lem Egge good
bye I headed for Winnipeg.   I had tried to get iri
touch with the boys at Dauphin but for some reason
or other I failed to do so.
I arrived in Winnipeg on the seventh of January, and write this in the Socialist Headquarters.
The trip has been a hard one, the hardest in my experience, and that is saying much.   I have toured!
the prairies on three previous occasions, also Alaska
and the Yukon, but this trip has taken more out ofi
me than any previous one.   I have had to contend
with bad Aveather and have been handicapped by
sickness which almost prostrated me on several occasions.   In spite of this, however, J. am pleased I
made the effort.   I have convinced myself of the fact
that the S. P. of C. has behind it some of the finest
men and women that the country can at present
show, and if credit is due to anyone it is due to them.
1 have no complaints to make.  Remember me kindly
to all comrades whose acquaintance I recently made
and whose friendship I hope to permanently enjoy-
If I have delivered the goods to their satisfaction I
am content. What greater pleasure can come to an
honest red than the approbation of class conscious
And of such is the S. P. of C.
(Continued from page 1)
have a horse that needs to be shod we seek the services of a blacksmith, who understands this trade,—
not to a dentist or a grocer.
And so with our social problems. Ouly those who
understand the causes underlying modern evils can
find the way to combat those evils.
We must understand them in the same way that
we understand the things we work at. There is one
difference, however, which should be clearly under-*
stood, to wit:—
In social life it is to the interest of some—the
rich—to keep working men (the poor) ignorant of
social matters, because the rich benefit from the existing state of things, however much the workers
suffer from them.
Many barriers are raised against working men
learning to study their own social affairs, but there
is one barrier that every worker has the power to
surmount: the barrier of apathy.
Has the continued failure of unions and reform
parties made you apathetic? If so, here is a movement worth your while—the Revolutionary movement. Yes:—The Revolutionary Socialist Movement.
Perhaps you smile, but: Do you know that:—
The Socialist Party of Canada told the workers
of Canada long before 1914 that the war was inevitable?
Told the workers that the Peace would be of no
benefit to them?
Explained the commercial system under which
Ave live, therefore enabling workers to understand
the causes of their troubles?
(1) The Socialist Party of Canada, therefore, enables you to understand Capitalism.
(2) It is consistent.
(3) Realizing that the emancipation of the
Avorkers must be brought about through the efforts
of the Avorkers themselves, it has never left the path
of independence for the morass of alliances Avith reformist or pro-capitalist Labor Parties.
(4) Prior to the Great War 1914-1918, it refused to join the Second International on the ground
that the Second International was dominated by
anti-socialist organizations: The British Labor Party,
—the German Social Patriots and others. The action of those organizations on the outbreak of the
war, in rushing to the defense of their masters' coun->
tries completely justified our position in the matter.
(5) It is the only party in this country which
has consistently tackled the herculean task of educating the workers to their position in capitalist
Learn more about the S. P. of C.   It cannot lead
you out of your misery; nobody can.   But it will
help you to understand the contradictions of modern
capitalism  and  enable you,  in co-operation with
your felloAV-Avorkers, to help yourself.
Do not put your faith in so-called "great men"
any longer.   "The great are only great because we
are on our knees."
Let us rise.
For information concerning the S. P. of C, apply
to R. Burns, 134 A 9th Ave., W., Calgary, Alta.
Economic classes held every Thursday 8 p.m.
above address.
Alberta and Saskatchewan P. E. C. of the 8. P. of C.
Secretary, R. Burns, 134 a 9th Avenue, West, Calgary, Alberta.
Local Calgary. Same address as above. Business meetings every alternate Tuesday, 8 p.m. Study class in Economics every Thursday at 8 p.m. Correspondence from
all parts of Alberta and Saskatchewan ls earnestly invited
from all comrades Interested in the organizational and
educational work of the Party, and attendance at the classes and interest in their development and usefulness will
be welcomed. ¥tm^*Wammmm***\0m\m^ *0*tt* 0*000 *\      • "|llsB> H-jil p'^mmw
MDM—Mnami   w-n-iiw -a.",l--*«ti
I   TKiMlii Mil-lii-»ni*rii II HIT
Western Clarion
A Journal oi History, Doonomics, Pfa_-oeof-*fay,
aad Current Events.
Published twice a month by the Socd-ltit Party ot
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor. Ewen  MacLeod
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C^LARION readers, being perspicacious folk, are
better able than ordinary people to see a point
**of importance when it appears before them,
-.rtieularly so when it concerns the Clarion itself.
Over the past year or so we have wheedled,
cajoled, threatened,—all to the end that the pitiable
state of Clarion finance might receive more serious
attention; we would have used eloquence too had
that been at our command.
With what result?
Well, the truth is that our income has not met
expenditure. Oar subscription list is not big enough.
We are not Avithout appreciation of the efforts
made to get subs by comrades all over the country
nor of the results of those efforts made, at times,
under j ^+hev strenuous circumstances. Present re-
quireme. ls call for redoubled effort.
We _■■ e two courses open to us. One is to
issue the Gj -ion monthly, instead of twice-a-month
as at present. The other is to continue to issue it
twice-a-mont_ but to print only four pages instead
of eight. Advertisements have been suggested, but
it would appear from the masthead appeals made
by the papers that carry advts. that, with the in-
i creased help needed to look after advertisements
properly they are noor financial fodder—anl all
hands will agree they are not pleasant to look at.
We have had some complaints among the letters
of appreciation of Clarion matter that have come
our wny. We have been asked to pass the word
along io the Clarion Avriters that they should try to
explain difficult matters in a simple way. Our complainants aver that hunting a dictionary all the
time is an unpleasant task, and no uuubt it is. But
dictionaries cannot be altogether avoided, either by
readers or writers and, Avhile simplicity is a good
thing at times, some effort on the reader's part is
necessary also. It must be remembered that the
Clarion is not now and n^ /er has been in the field as
a labor newspaper. It deals, as its captions state,
with history, philosophy, economics and current events, analysing the last mentioned through consideration of the others. Its good work in this field has
drawn appreciation from all parts of the world and
is acknowledged on all hands.
We are not disposed to make a long story out of
this. We simply wish to advise readers that the
continuance of the Clarion regularly at its present
size is uncertain on the present revenue. We receive many appreciative letters—letters, in the main,
from people in outlying districts who are in slim
straits themselves and who continually hope the
Clarion will find more readers.
So we pass the problem up to the readers we have
now. An effort is necessary, and if the Clarion readers don't make that effort who can?
Herrmann, C. W. Blair, Geo. Silk, J. J. Egge, D. J.    politics this development of modern capitalism is
Sullivan, W. Clarkson, L. G. Atkins, H. C. E. Ander-    worthy of the greatest attention, not only by the
son, A. Gillespie, C. Saunders, "R.", A. M. Nee-
lands, Isaacs Benson.
Following $2 each:—Walter'Ridout, H. T. Spencer, Wm. Livingstone, Jim Cartwright, C. J. Kolden,
J. H. Moon.
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Above, Clarion subs from 30 Deer, to 11th January, inclusive, total $42.15.
Book Review
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workers,—who should be chiefly concerned in investigating the numerous causes and effects of Imperialism—but it deserves equal attention from merchants and industrial supervisors. He who would
write an outline of modern Imperialism must take
all of these factors into his purview; he must have
imagination, vision, ambition, capacity to take the
great mass of knowledge at his disposal and so
mould it that everyone, the general reader, the un-*
attached student, as well as the student in the class
room of a labor college will understand Imperialism
tor Avhat it is- Frankly, we must confess to a keen*
disappointment in the "Plebs" new text book, "An1
Outline of Modern Imperialism"; it has suffered
more from "community production" than any previous work from them. In design it is like a crazy
patchwork quilt—if there has been a design then
we, candidly, confess to having missed it. The treatment of this subject by the writers leaves an impression that "community production" is a blight
on craftsmanship.   The writers take us to all parts
WITHIN the past decade many students of the
materialistic interpretation of history have
been   induced   to make a special study of; _^_________________________________.
Imperialism, with the result that their efforts in this of the capitalist world, wherever the great economic
particular field are shown in the increasing litera- interests of opposing groups of the master class are
ture bearing directly on the activities of the master at stake, to Europe, the Near and Far East; Africa,
class in various parts of the world.   These activi- from Cape to Cairo is traversed with startling speed'
ties are the outward manifestations of Imperialism—
a term of ancient lineage, once associated with the
power of the imperators of Rome, who could assemble a force formidable enough to beat an army
ten thousand strong. But since imperators went out
of business the power was transferred to or rather
leaving no time to review in detail the many material factors in the various problems of the master
class in any one of the forementioned countries.
British operations in China are disposed of in two
paragraphs—under the sub-caption "Britain in
China"—the only factors mentioned are British con-
acquired by, a class whose ownership of the natural    trol of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking cor-
resources, the means of production, and the appropriation of the wealth produced by the workers from
these two sources, gives this class a power no im-
perator or emperors ever possessed in known history.
And such is the magnitude of this wealth which they
poration and the joint British and Japanese eontrol
of the great province of Manchuria and the South
Manchurian Railway Co., which, by virtue of its
OAvnership of lands "telegraphs, steamships" (!)
'coalfields and electricity, has become the centre
appropriate that a surplus can only be disposed of    and mainspring of a vast co-ordinated organization
in a world market filled with many competitors.   In
this market under such conditions as competition
imposes, the natural spirit of rivalry and feelings of
hostility are stimulated to an unusual degree; friction, due to many economic antagonisms, is engendered, and squabbles take place between them which
require the assistance of the State to settle.    So,
viewing the history of Imperialism over a long period of time we can say that, despite our vain notions
of progress, it is even more sinister in character
today than it was in Ancient Rome.   It threatens at
all times the civil rights and liberties and the very
lives of millions of workers; and the present indications are that it wiy become the arbiter of the
fate of civilization and the social institutions.   For,
strongly impregnated with imperialism as all capitalist nations are, we do not see any signs that a
spirit   of   co-operation   will   ultimately arise and
change its course of development.
So far, the activities of the master class of the
world invariably result in intrigues for the balance
of power for the overthrow of each other in the
world market, and in war. As a military power it is
more wantonly destructive than any barbarian horde
that ever swept down upon civilizations of the past,
while in the field of politics it has never yet risen
above the mean puerile and vicious policy of Protection, a device which breeds corruption and lends
life to the damnable illusion that competition between nations is necessary for trade. The McKinley
tariff served only the interests of the American financiers and the steel and textile operators, promoting for years the keenest competition betwen American and British producers in many industries, just
as the Fordney Bill is designed to help the American
financiers, the shipbuilders and woolen manufacturers, but the great mass of producers and consumers must bear the cost of this protection for a few.
of capital which is the economic and political dictator of the province."   Rather than tell us, even
in brief, the story of such an interesting and remarkable development of this part of China, we are taken
back to Europe again to consider "Anglo-German
Peace Overtures,'' which are dealt with in two short
paragraphs.   We are next introduced to Germany
Avhere we are allowed to remain for a moment to
take in the great expansion which marks the period
of 1888-1914.    Having caught our breath in this
chapter we are made acquainted with the ambitions
of the German imperialists in the Middle East, Morocco, Somaliland, Madagascar, the Congo and South
Africa, still in the same chapter.   With a suddenness
that plays hell with our nerves, we are taken back
again to China to see the extent of French Imperialism in Asia, which covers another paragraph, then
back to Europe again to examine the antagonisms
existing between France and (pre-war) Russia. The
Balkan wars, 1912-13 are reviewed in three short
paragraphs as the prelude to the great European
conflagration of 1914-18.   What we should like to
see stated is a summary of the Balkan situation, comprising the economic, historic and political causes
in that tangle of conflicting interests, and the same
method applies to the problem of economic development of China.
The great shortcomings in this book are not those
of material, of carefully ascertained facts, but in
the construction of the work itself and in the absence of historical and political factors which must
always be included if we are to understand imperialism. The activities of the imperialists in too many
countries are considered which leaves no room for
the special treatment of one group. If we get the
workings of Imperialism of any one of the great
powers today we can understand Imperialism in all
countries.   It would, from our point of view, have
OUR problem Here and Now is how to make
ends meet? Our S. 0. S. is out,—see above
remarks. We must elude the baillif somehow.
The following figures indicate the reason whereof:
Following $1 each:—J. M. Sanderson, Martin
Ophus, W. Bennet, F. H. Leavers, J. Pollock, W. H.
While the few themselves, receiving larger gains! been quite sufficient to have treated the history of
from such a policy, will always pay the politicians British Imperialism throughout the world, leaving
for the maintenance of this political pull.   It is the other members of the Socialist and Labor movement
same with the British Imperialists who dream of al to do likewise with the history of their countries,
time when trade within the Empire is only possible Yet, despite our cavillings with the presentation of
for themselves. the matter we can sincerely commend the book to
Lacking a social purpose, universal in its extent, students  and   propagandists  in  English speaking
and incapable of any great constructive policy in countries. ROBERT KIRK. WW
F v7B " •
WHERE then, is the compromise of world
capital? What is meant by world capital?
The association of several Imperialist
groups for Avorld supremacy? British Imperialism
v. American Imperialism v. Japanese Imperialism?
Together with various subsidiaries and dependents
scattered throughout the world? And Soviet Russia battling for the Soviet revolution, scoring advantages from intimate capitalist necessities as opportunity offers. Politically playing one off against
the other as occasion serves? Is that it? So that
Britain, in alliance with Turkey, may preserve her
Empire in the East; in trade with Russia challenge
American commercialism; in the revival of Germany, strengthen her dominions in Europe; modify
French Imperialism in the West, by French cupidity,
and fear of the East; enable Anglo-Persian to smite
the Western Eagle; and the armament ring to grow
portly on its last crusade? While the American
Textile Trust forces the doors of the Orient; the
rivalries of corn and cattle and shipping grow keener ; steel spreads its tentacles over wider resources;
and oil more insistently pursues the power of corporate industry.
Everywhere there is the fusion of monopoly into
greater monopoly; the increasing application of
science to technical perfection; the elimination of
waste movement; the general consortium of rising
efficiency. Therefore shall production wait on the
effective market; unemployment necessarily reach
greater magnitude; social misery sink to deeper degradation and humanity plumb new depths of exhaustion. It is said that society can endure no Ioav-
er levels of destitution. But the answer to that is
that society can—and must—endure the piled up
affronts of exploitation—if it does not know the
cause of its misery. For without knoAving the cause
how can it move to its rectification? Without conscious perception of its slavery, how may it achieve
freedom? If the suffering proletariat does not understand social relation and class status and if the
social revolution must be the work of the proletariat,
then it would seem that that revolution cannot be
regarded as just at hand. Moreover, social understanding is primarily the fruit of social development, i.e., the development of technique, and the inevitable reorganisation of social relation and ethic.
If, therefore, Capitalist development has not fructified social perception; social confusion and labor disunity need occasion no surprise. And party enthusiasm and impatience must abide the hour of its
awakening—and use the present to cushion the
shock of discovery, if it be a shock.
On the other hand, the impetus to further capitalist development cannot be long deferred. Not
alone for reasons of social disturbance, but chiefly
* for reasons of competitive necessity. For just as it
is the necessity of the proletariat to achieve its OAvn
freedom, it is also the necessity of Imperialism to
substantiate its privilege. The particular route of this
expansion is important only to competing capitals
To them it is economic life or death. But to society
it makes no difference whether expansion is by Avay
of Imperialistic rivalry or Imperialist monopoly. The
result is the same—the reduction of its living standards; It would appear in the nature of things that
this expansion would be rapid. If so, the awakening of social understanding would be proportionately quickened. This, then, implies social revolution at no distant date. But it also implies our initial contradiction. For, if, taking social misunderstanding as a basis, the revolution recedes into futurity ; precisely the same basis, by allowing Imperialist ambitions to propagate, hastens it on. Where is
the joint in the armor?
Clearly it lies in measuring society by the rule
of the individual. But society is not a collection of
individuals merely; but a combination of heterogeneous forces, temporarily in association.    The sum
Which ?
total of social psychology is not, therefor, a simple
addition of all its component psychologies. It is
on the contrary, the combination of associated forces, constantly differing in purpose, under the impulse and interactions of necessary development.
And the outcome of that development is not the
direct magnitude of common intent, but an unknown
symbol of contingently modified relation and accelerated concept.
Thus social concepts follow social growth, accelerating motive and purpose in mutual modification of origin and experience. The misconceptions
of society and the greed of its rulers seem to indicate social collapse. But societies do not collapse
like a building, nor despair like indipiduals. They
may languish in class struggle, but the processes of
life are not negated. Nor are their accomplishments wholly lost or forgotten. Rome was finally
overwhelmed in a recrudescence of barbarism, but
the institutions of Rome are interwoven in the life
of modern society. So with capital. Its achievements, world-wide and interconnected, may. languish
in the restrictions of class need, but the full power
of their efficient functioning aAvaits but the conscious guidance of the new sociaj artificer. If
capitalist greed compromises with capitalist privilege, it will do so only in futherance of a greater
greed. In the working out of that compromise,
through the merciless rivalry of competition, capital will fetter society beyond the limits of social existence, and in the abyss of that delimitation society
will react to the new acceptancies of fact and' go
on deliberately-to the qualification of other social
. In the actual state of world affairs, if the social
revolution is delayed, society will be faced with
sterner Avant and more drastic discipline. If it is
delayed through Capitalist compromise, this will not
save society from further sacrifice. Capitalist
society will continue to sink into dissolution, in-
either case. It is this fear of delay, and the visible
tightening of the Capitalist toils, which inspire much
of the interest in Soviet Russia. Aside from impatient enthusiasts, apparently ready for anything,
desperate or feasible, there is a section watching
Russia with wistful eye, hopeful that Soviet example
may fire the world's workers—less fortunately circumstanced—to bring on the revolution; Avhile still
others, knowing the vanity of such hopes, see in
Russia merely a possible city of refuge from the
gathering cares of proletarian existence. But natural as such ideas may be, they are not the concepts
of revolution; nor are such hopes the means of its
harvesting. They but prove that only in the grip of
the rending antagonisms of Capital can society find
its single interest of purpose, from its single identity
of need. Society must be driven far beyond the
stage of watchful waiting before a social change is
imminent. Nothing will ever turn up; wishes Avill
not materialize; revolution will never be real until
society, as a Avhole, feels, knows, realises, single-
heartedly and with the affinity of instinct, that there
is no other way to freedom; and is ready, unflinchingly, to face the solemn and stubborn necessity, be
the cost as it may.
However, backward and reactionary as the wide
world appears to be, there is yet hope of the revolution at hand; and blindly though the workers may
sway with the tumults of the hour, tomorrow they
may march to the drum beats of reality. For in the
savage struggle of bloated monopolies, or Imperialist
improvisations, the world market is, ultimately, a
visionary thing. In the freedom of the one, it cannot'suffice; in the entanglements of the other, it cannot thrive. And thriving or not, and regulated or
not, in its wake, continually more menacing, continually more irresistable, is the deepening need of
society and the awakening Avisdom of perception.
On its human side, the reactions of society are
not only to be computed in the negative equations of
class obsessions. They may be confused, but not
thoughtless; misguided, but not inept. They may
be hampered by the sordidness of poverty, and foiled
hy the cunning of power. But at the spreaded table
of daily experience, in the conquering of stubborn
difficulties, and in the triumph of indomitable resource they are acquiring a weight, an influence, a
power, which shall be invincible, touched by the
morning fires of facts. The mechanical processes of
development may be measurable by the engineering
standards of profit, but the differential of ideation
is quite unknoAvn. Undoubtedly the machine age
has quickened thought; probably the fettering of
human necessity may quicken it still more. And as
the insensate speed of profit production has made
the mind plastic to its laws and technique, so the enhanced versatility of percept will as readily render
it as sensitive and apperceptory to the greater psychology of creative need.
Hence, although social knowledge is the vanguard of social movement; the aptitude of percept
is a determinant of time condition. Time-condition
is a constantly increasing magnitude. That is why
history never repeats itself—or as Marx has it "repeats itself only as a farce." Because this time condition, this glowing stream of accumulating experience, is a constanly augmenting differential.
But the definite force of conditioned knowledge is
not to be confused Avith the varying quantity of
time-differential. They are not equivalents, but
complements; they are not interchangeable, but interacting ; therefor, no substitute can symbolise their
activity. No idea can independently dominate the
mass; nor can the mass exclude the idea. Man and
environment is the totality of time; their actions,
reactions and interactions the summary of progress.
Consequently in the coming of the social revolution,
class consciousness of social status and relationship
is fundamental. It is the necessity of movement;
the re-agent of necessary progress. And be its acquirement as it may, sAvift or slow, active or passive, it is the essential requirement of the social
"will of power" and freedom. Thus the •'which"
of speculation resolves itself into the fact of understanding; and the eventuation into tbe conditional
opportunity of time development. R
Why was it that in Russia the civil war did not
begin to rage with all its intensity until after November 7th, so that subsequently in the north, the
south, the east, the west, we had to wage civil war
for nearly five years without intermission? The
reason was that Ave had conquered power so easily.
It has often been said that Ave have overcome our
possessing classes. Politically speaking, Russia had
but just emerged from Tcarist barbarism. The peasantry had no political experience; the petty bourgeoisie had very little; thauks to the Dumas, the
middle bourgeoisie Avas soineAvhat better instructed
in political matters; the nobility had organized its
forces to some extent in the zemstvos. Thus the
great reserves of the counter-revolution—the rich
peasants; for certain groups, tlie miudle peasants
as well; the middJ^ boui/^eoisie; the intellectuals;
and the petty bourgeoisie as a Avhole—the reserves
Avere practically intact. As soon as the bourgeoisie
began to understand Avhat it had lost through the
loss of political poAver, it endeavoured to mobilize
the potential reserves of the counter-revolution, and
-naturally turned in the first instance to the nobility,
to the army officers of noble birth, etc. . Thus it
came to pass that the long-drawn-out civil war was
the historical penalty for the ease with which we had
conquered power. L. TROTZKY
Martin Ophus $2; "Bill Jones" $1; Anonymous
(per Sid Earp) $2; Samuel Clements $1.50; St. John
Comrades (Per M. Goudie) $10; Isaac Benson $1;
Frank Cusack 50 cents; A. R. Snowball $1; C. J.
Kolden $2.
Above C. M. F. receipts from 30 Deer, to 11 Jjan-
uary, incdusive, total $21. ^~^~~^~~~~*::****i^^
• •* ■■■■
In New Zealand
I   have just read J. A. McDonald's article in the
Clarion, dated June 16th, 1922, and I am surprised at his conclusions regarding the officials
of the Communist Party here.
While I believe that Com. McDonald did some
very useful work in endeavouring to promote revolutionary ideas in this country, his comments concerning the above are not strictly correct and consequently are open to criticism.
"The Communist Party," he says, "is very small
both numerically and intellectually. As is usual
Avith hero-worshipping aggregations, the intellectual
stock-in-trade is confined to a Avearisome repetition
of * Lenin says,' etc.''
Then he compares the coal miners of the North
and South Islands, so it would appear, with the intellectual failings of the C. P. He tells us that the
coal miners "are receptive of Socialist propaganda,
and show a genuine desire to study the philosophy
and assist in its dissemination." As if to say that
the Communist Party and its officials were not.
The fact of the matter is that the officials are as
intellectual as any group that can be found in N. Z.,
not even omitting the coal miners. Besides, coal
miners have been officials in both the C. P. and the
Marxian Association, the former of which superseded the M. A. that was.
The coal miners, in spite of their supposed revolutionary-intellectual propensities are at the present time one of the most reactionary organisations
in the country and certainly more reactionary than
they were some few years ago. One has only to cite
the instance of the surrender of all principles to the
dictum of the Arbitration Court,, when only a few
days before they were going to raise Cain. I am
a coal miner myself and know something about revolutionary activities—thanks to a large extent to
my past membership of the S. P. of C.
I have been in N. Z. seven years or more, and
in that time have been among the miners in both
islands and also among the officials of the Government Party, so I am in a position to talk. I assisted
in the formation of the Marxian Association as well
as acting as instructor to classes—perhaps for want
of a better one—and I can safely say that while the
officials were not all that could be desired at times,
there was a steady improvement, intellectually, going on.
There are good individual students among the
miners, but there are also some very poorly informed
ones, and which are none the less bombastic and
egotistical on that account. As is usual, those latter
catch the eye and help to confound new students by
the constant application of sophisticated arguments.
Exerywhere I have been in N. Z. the same individualistic tactics are pursued, along Avith that dog-
in-the-manger explanation of the materialistic conception of history Avhich in their opinions, allows individuals to commit certain breaches on the job,
which they calmly smooth over by telling people
that when conditions get worse it will make the
people think. This explanation is not only fatalistic
but contrary to the Marxian explanation. "Marx
says so" in "Value, Price and Profit." If Marx advocates the struggle, on the T. U. field, for shorter
hours, higher wages, better conditions, etc., where
are we getting off at if we, as Marxians, advocate
non-acceptance of progressive union rules? Any-
Iioav I would like a Party explanation of the Materialistic conception of history in its relationship
to individuals, especially "class conscious" ones.
It might not only interest me, but others as well.
Com. McDonald, referring to the visit of Moses
Baritz to N. Z. said that the party officials (of the
then Marxian Association) who also to some extent
became officials of the ft P.) did not appreciate the
lectures given by that comrade, "a fact that leads
me to the conclusion that the lectures must have
been alright." I want to say that the lectures were
appreciated, indeed it was the executive of the M.
A. that arranged for Baritz to come to N. Z. from
Australia.   I think another comrade was waiting for
him on the wharf at Wellington, and apart from
the trouble with the police, he had a fairly good
time while it lasted. As far as Bartiz was concerned, and even McDonald, they were intellectually far
above us. But that is no reason why a wrong conception should be placed upon the ideas of the officials and individuals. Off the "stage" Moses Baritz
spoke to the members as a student to students; that
is more than the officials claim for McDonald. For
McDonald to reason that Bartiz's lectures were
alright on the basis he did, throws' him open to the
. (suspicion of prejudice, does it not?
The officials are no hero-worshippers and it must
be remembered that these same officials were studying the Marxian Philosophy, as best they knew
how, long before they heard the name of Lenin
One thing that troubles me at the present time
b why McDonald, while on the West Coast, did his
best to prevent those comrades from joining up with
the Communist Party. At the present time I understand that this small mushroom growth is on the
wane and the possibilities are that it will go the
way of the C. P. itself. One thing must be stressed
in relation to revolutionary activities in N. Z., and
that is the utter carelessness that obtains in organisation work.
With the officials, with the classes, and with individuals, there seems to be only a very rudimentary
idea of a definite plan of organisation, which leaves
everybody isolated, and as Com. McDonald infers,
there is room for comrades who can speak. Unfortunately those who seem able to speak here, are
those who are after meal tickets either in the Unions
or in the so-called Labour Party, with perhaps one
or two exceptions.
In regard to trusts and monopolies I would advise 'Com. McDonald to look for it in the shipping
circles of this country and there ihe will find it
with a vengeance. He will also find that there are
several industries here that are larger than the mining industry, and are not nearly so crude in method
as mining is.
Finally, I have to say that in recent times there
has been a migration of Marxians from N. Z. to Australia; these latter were more connected with the
official group, than any other in N. Z., and McDonald told me himself that they were about the most
progressive in Australia.
Yours for Socialism,
Huntly, N. Z., Nov. 7th, 1922.
brief reply. I am censured for saying that the miners' organization was revolutionary. Such a statement was not made. The article contains the information that the revolutionary movement in N. Z. is
to be found among the miners. That anything more
than a small minority of these are Marxists I have
not inferred.
As to why I did my best to prevent the miners
on the West Coast from linking up with the C. P., to
put it briefly, that was the only attitude a Marxist
could take. Nor was I alone on this position. Com.
David Anderson and Eli Hunt, two ex-members of
the S. P. of ft, who have spent the past ten years in!
educational work in the mining sections of N. Z.,
very materially assisted me in this action. Comrade
J. Sullivan of Petone, who, although never a. member of the S. P. of ft, is one of the most capable
Marxian students in N. Z also strongly advised
against joining an aggregation of soqial and economic freaks like the C. P.
The opinions of these and other comrades, who
were in a position to pass judgment on the matter,
assisted me in coming to a conclusion that I would
have arrived at anyway. Com. Balderstone, who
had charge of activities during my stay on the
"Coast," will gladly furnish information in regard
to the stand taken to all parties while there.
Hart conveniently reads into my article what he
thinks necessary to start an argument. I am too
busily engaged in propaganda work to fall for such
nonsense. My article, "In New Zealand," speaks
for itself. It is my impression of the situation in
that country as I saw it.
Local Winnipeg, Manitoba.   Secretary J. M. Sanderson,'
P. O. Box 2354, Winnipeg, Man.
Business meeting ever yWednesday at 8 p.m. Economics Class every Monday at 8 p.m. Correspondence invited.
When visiting Winnipeg visit the Local Headquarters at
530 Main Street.
MY article, "In New Zealand" has evoked a
mild storm of protest. The article was republished in the "Grey River Argus," and
labor leaders in the columns of the "Argus" and
the "Maoriland Worker" bitterly resented my references to the Labor Party.
While in N. Z. I continually attempted to engage
the representatives of that Party in debate, but not
one of them had the temerity to accept the challenge.
After my departure they became very brave indeed.
The Workers' Educational Assn., is a dangerous
offshoot of the universities, disseminating their
pernicious doctrines in mining camps and other industrial centres. I exhausted every effort consistent with good sportsmanship to get the teachers of
the W. E. A. to meet me on a platform, or in a Class
room, but all "to no avail.   Now they squawk.
Now it is the C. P. In a recent issue of the
Clarion a correspondent from Auckland, N. Z., deplores the fact that I did not lecture in that vicinity.
So do I. Financial descrepitude, that never failing
proletarian disorder, made it imperative to hasten
my departure. Climate and scenery, though excellent factors themselves, are totally inadequate
to supply vitality to even a Socialist propagandist.
The present letter of Albert E. Hart contains
little of any importance.   Two points necessitate a
Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
Speaker: A. J. BEENY
All meetings at 8 p.m.
(This is as handy a way as any to send your subs.)
Western Clarion, P. 0. Box, 710.
Vancouver, B. C.
Official organ of the S. P. of C.   Published twice
a month.
Subscriptions: Canada, 20 issues, $1; Foreign:
16 issues $1.
Enclosed find
Send "Western Clarion' 'to WESTERN  CLARION
'Five Years of the Russian Revolution and the Prospects of
the World Revolution"
Results of our New Economic Policy.
I repeat: At that time, in 1921, this was still a
vague idea. After we had brought the most important phase of the civil war to an end, and to a
victorious end, there came a great—and I believe
i the_greatest—internal political crisis in Soviet Russia; not alone were great masses of the peasantry
dissatisfied, but also great masses of workers. What
caused this discontent? The cause was that we had
gone too far with our economic demands, that we
had not secured our base, that the masses felt what
we did not yet know how to consciously formulate.
After a very short time we also realized that the
direct transition to purely socialist distribution of
goods exceeded our powers, that we should break
down if we could not find a line of retreat enabling
us to confine ourselves to easier tasks.
In the spring of the same year we decided unanimously —I did not observe any great differences
on the subject—to adopt thc New Economic Policy.
What is the result? Has our line of retreat really
benefitted us and saved us? Or is this not the case;
is the result indefinite? I believe that this leading
question is of the highest importance for all communist parties, for if it is to be answered in the negative, we are all ruined. I believe that we can all
reply in the affirmative to this question with an
easy conscience. The one-and-a-half years which
have passed since that time have positively demonstrated that we have passed this test.
I now pass to the proofs. To do this I must make
a brief survey of every part of Russian economics.
First I shall take up the financial system and
the famous Russian rouble. I believe that we can
call the Russian rouble famous, if for no other reason, than because the number of these roubles now
exceeds a quadrillion. That is something in itself.
An astronomical figure, , I am sure that you do
not even all know how much that is.
But from an economic standpoint we do not consider the number of roubles of importance, the
noughts can be crossed out. . . We have already
performed wonders in this direction, and I am convinced that during the further course of events we
shall perform even greater ones. What is really of
importance is the stabilization of our currency. If
we succeed in stabilizing the rouble for a long period,
and then permanently, we have won. Then these
atstronomical figures, the trillions and quadrillions
are nothing whatever. Then we can establish our
economics on solid ground, and practice them on a
firm basis.
With regard to this question I believe I am in
a position to state rather important and decisive
facts. In 1921, the period during which the paper
rouble was stabilized lasted less than three months;
in 1922, the period has already lasted over five
months and the year is not yet ended. I believe that
this fact speaks for itself. The figures which I have
just stated prove that since last year, when we
stood at the beginning of our New Economic Policy,
we have learned how to advance. When we have
once learned that, I am sure that we shall know how
to make further progress, unless we commit some
particularly stupid errors.
Thus, although our really systematic and properly formulated economic activity is only commencing now, we have none the less been successful in
increasing the period of stabilization from three to
five months, so that I think I have a right to say that
we can be well satisfied. For we stand alone. We
received and still receive, no loans. Not one of these
wonderful capitalist states, which have arranged
their captialist economics to such good purpose
that they now do not know where to turn, lends us
a helping hand. With the Versailles Peace they
have created a financial system which they themselves do not understand. If these wonderful capitalist states carry on their economics m such a manner, then I am sure that we, the backward, the uneducated, may be well satisfied with having known
how to accomplish the most important feat,—the
stabilization of the rouble. And this is not merely
proved theoretically in discussion, it is an actual
I now pass to our social factors. The peasantry
is of course the most important. In 1921 the great
peasant masses were dissatisfied. After this came
the famine, the very hardest trial for the peasantry.
And naturally all the foreign countries exclaimed
with one voice: We told you so. That is the result
of socialist economy. . . They naturally ascribed
the famine to the civil war. All the landowners and
the bourgeoisie, who attacked us in 1918, maintained that the famine was the result of the socialist economics. And how is the matter now, after this unusual and unexpected misfortune? It seems to me
that the answer lies plainly before us, for the peas--
antry has not only succeeded in overcoming the famine in one year, but has also delivered up the taxes
in kind to such an extent that we have up to now received hundreds of millions of puds, almost without
the need of using force. The risings among peasantry, (of common occurence in Russia up to 1921)
have almost completely ceased. We may confidently
assert that the peasants are now satisfied with their
.condition. And we believe that such proofs are
much more important than any statistical proofs.
The position among the peasantry at the present
time is such that we have no fear of any movements
against us whatever. It is of course possible that
the peasantry may have complaints against or be
dissatisfied with our regime, but there is absolutely
no thought of any. serious complaints against us in
the peasantry as a whole.
As regards light industry, I may confidently state
that a general improvement is to be noted. This all-
round improvement in the position of light industries is accompanied by a distinct improvement of
the position of the workers in Petrograd and Moscow. This is less the case in other districts, where
heavy industry predominates, and the position is not
so favorable.
The third question is the heavy industry. I must
say that the position is more difficult here. A slight
improvement took place in the year 1921 to 1922.
We may thus hope that the near future offers better
prospects. We have already collected a part of the
requisite means for this purpose. In a capitalist
country an improvement of the position of the heavy
industry would certainly demand a loan of hundreds
of millions. There would be no thought of an improvement otherwise. We have obtained no such
loan, we have obtained nothing. Everything which
has been written about concessions and so forth is
only paper up to now. Despite this we succeeded in
making a modest beginning, and our commercial
activity has gained for us a certain capital, of about
20 million gold roubles. At any rate a beginning
has been made. Our commercial activity gives us
the means which we require for the improvement of
our heavy industry. But this is still a dream of the
future. At present our heavy industry is in a sad
condition. But I believe it is of decisive significance
that we are able to save something, and that we shall
continue to save. It will often enough be at the
expense of the population. We are working towards
decreasing our state budget, our state apparatus.
J. shall say a few words later on the state apparatus.
We are aware that without the restoration of heavy
industry we have no industry at all. Without tho
heavy industry we are completely lost as an, independent country, this we know. The sole salvation
for Russia is not only good crops for the peasantry,
not only favourable conditions for light industries.
We require the heavy industry. And it will take
several decades of work to set it properly going. If
we have no heavy industry we are ruined as a civilized country—I will not even speak of a socialist
country. And in this respect we have taken the decisive step. The commencement made this year is
but small. The sum which we have collected is less
than 20,000,000 gold roubles.
I believe I am justified in drawing from the above
the general conclusion that the New Economic Policy has already yielded a plus quantity. The proof
is already given in that we are in a position to carry
on trade as a state, to maintain firm positions in agriculture and industry, and to make progress. Our
practical activity proves this.
For five years we have held our power, and we
have been at war for almost the whole of the five
years. This is comprehensive, as the peasantry as a
whole was in our favor. They perceived that behind
the Whites stands the landowner, whom they hate
beyond anything on earth. But this was nothing
much, it was only a question of whether the power
should be in the hands of the landowners or of the
peasants. That is not enough for us. They comprehend that we have taken over the power for the
workers, and that we aim at the development of a
socialist state of society by means of this power.
For us the most important question has therefore
been, economic preparation for applied socialism.
We could not take a direct course for this preparation, but have been obliged to take an indirect one.
The state capitalism which we have created is a
peculiar one; it does not correspond to the usual conception of state capitalism. We have all the highest
positions of command in our hands, we have the
land and soil; this belongs to the state. This is
most important, though our opponents pretend that
it is of no significance. They are entirely wrong.
It is very important that the ground belongs to the
state; it is also of the greatest practical significance,
for economic activity and for other reasons. We
have already been successful in rendering our peasantry satisfied, in moving trade and industry. Our
state capitalism differs from state capitalism literally understood, in our having not only the ground
in the hands of the proletarian state, but all the
most important branches of industry. A few small
parts only, mostly small and medium industrial undertakings, have been leased by us; everything else
remains in our hands. With regard to trade I should
like to emphasize that we are endeavouring to found
mixed companies, and have already founded such,—
that is, companies in which one part of the capital
belongs to private capitalists, these being foreigners,
and the other part to us. In the first place this gives
us an opportunity to learn what we need to do if
we are to carry on trade, and in the second place
we always possess the power of dissolving the company, so that we risk nothing, so to speak. There
is no doubt that we have committed an enormous
number of foolish errors, and will doubtless commit
more. Nobody can judge of that better or more objectively than I. . . Why do we commit these
foolish errors? This is comprehensible: 1. we are a
backward country; 2. education is at a minimum;
3. we are without help. No civilized country helps
us; on the contrary, they .all work against us; 4.
there is the question of the state apparatus. We
took over the old state apparatus. But "that was our
misfortune. As a matter of fact it often happens
that at the top where we possess state power, the
state apparatus functions well; but further down
the machinery works against us. Here nothing
can be done in a short time, that is certain. Here
we must work for several years, to perfect the apparatus, and to develope new life forces which we
must bring into it. We are doing this at a fairly
rapid pace, perhaps too rapid. Soviet schools and
(Continued on page 8) ************
(Continued from page 7)
workers' faculties have been established, many hundreds of thousands of young people are learning,
are learning too quickly perhaps. If we are not
working too rapidly, then within a few years we
shall have a large number of young people capable
of changing the apparatus down to its foundations.
Should our opponents perhaps be inclined to
throw it in our faces that Lenin himself admits that
an enormous number of foolish errors have been
committed, I should like to reply: Yes, but do you
know, our foolish actions are of a very different kind
from yours. We have just started to learn, and we
are learning so systematically that we are sure of
attaining results. But if our opponents, that is, the
capitalists, and the heroes of the Second International, relate the foolish errors we have committed,
I can give here an example taken from a famous
Russian author. I shall alter this example a little,
so that it has the following aspect: When the Bol-
scheviki do anything foolish, the Bolschevik says:
Twice two are five. But when the opponents, that
is, the capitalists and the heroes of the Second International, do anything foolish, they say: Twice two
is a tallow candle. This is not difficult to prove.
Let us take for instance the agreement with Kolt-
chalk, the treaty agreed to by America, England,
France and Japan. Are there any states in the
world better educated or more powerful than these?
And they promised to help Koltchak. That was a
fiasco which even humanity's liability to err cannot
explain. And as a second example: the Versailles
Peace. What have the civilized powers done here?
How can they now find any way out of the confusion and absurdity? I believe it to be no exaggeration when I repeat that our foolish actions are
as nothing in comparison with those committed by
the capitalist world in combination with the Second
International. I am therefore of the opinion that
The prospects of the world revolution are good
And, with one condition, I believe they will become better still.
In 1921 we passed a resolution at the Third Congress, relating to the development of the organization of the Communist Parties and to the methods
and content of their work. The resolution is excellent. But it is almost completely Russian, that
is, it originates entirely from the Russian phase.
Therein lies the good of the resolution, but also
the bad, for it is almost incomprehensible to a foreigner- It is too long; it has 50 or more paragraphs
imbued with the Russian spirit; it is too Russian, too
completely impregnated with the Russian spirit.
Should an exceptional foreigner understand the resolution he cannot fulfil it. We have not found
the way of passing on the results of our Russian experience directly to the foreigner. And if we cannot do this, we can make no progress. I believe it
to be of the greatest importance for us all, Russians and foreigners alike, that now, after five years
of Russian revolution, we have the opportunity of
learning. I do not know how long the capitalist
powers will allow us the possibility of learning quietly. But we must utilize every moment in which we
are free from military activity, from war, for
learning.   We Russians know how to learn.   .   .    .
The whole party, and all social strata in Russia,
prove this by their striving after education.   It is a
moot point whether it is proletarian or bourgeois
culture.   I, do not exactly see how that is to be decided.    But in any case, in my opinion, what we
first need is reading and writing, and proper comprehension of what is read.   Abroad they do not require this any longer.   They need something higher.
And what is required most of all is that which we
wrote regarding the development of the organizations of the Communist Parties.   Our foreign comrades signed this without reading it, without understanding it.   To learn to understand it should be
their first task.   They must absorb a piece of Russian
experience.    How will this be done?   Perhaps the
Fascisti in Italy may for instance render us good
service in this connection, and enlighten the Italians on the point that they are not so very cultured,
since black bands still prevade the country.   I am
convinced that in this sense we must say not only of
the Russians, but that for other countries too the
exigencies of the coming period demand above all
that they learn. We learn in a general sense. They
must learn in a quite specific sense, in order to really
comprehend the organization, the construction, the
methods, the substance of the revolutionary work.
When they do this, then I am convinced that the
prospects of the world revolution will not only be
good, but excellent.     *
The Clarion Mail Bag
JN spite of the frequent assurances by professional
writers to the daily press as to an approaching
era of good business and prosperity, the fact f
the utter weakness and unsuitability of Capitalism
as a Social system is becoming ever more distinct.
Confusion and strife, crime and poverty is growing
apace; and the question in the minds of thinking
men is "when and how will the end appear?" For
our part we can only say that future circumstances
will decide. The facts of the present we do know,
the chief among which is, that the great mass of
society clings tenaciously to customs and beliefs
which are no longer justifiable in the light of common sense. To the clearing away of an outworn
ideology and the inculcation of a scientific habit of
mind must our efforts be directed. Truly a great
and thankless task, but not impossible of achievement. While the opportunity is with us, let the
truths of Scientific Socialism be spread abroad
amongst the working class upon whom alone lies the
heavy responsibility of social reconstruction.
Except for a notice of change in address from
Hamilton, Ont., Eastern Canada is not represented
in the '' Mail Bag'' this time. From Winnipeg comes
a Clarion sub. and a short semi-business letter from
Sec. T. Mace of the O.B.U. An encouraging letter
comes from Craik, Saskatchewan, asking for particulars and samples of literature. May good results
follow is our earnest hope. Moose Jaw is represented by a sub renewal from Com. H. T- Spencer. Alberta shows up well this time. A brief letter from
Com. Wiley Orr of Seven Persons, Alta., speaks well
of Lestor's lectures in that district; they would like
to hear more of him. Also encloses a dollar for
twenty copies of the Clarion with Com. McPherson's
article, "The Farmer's Misery" on front page. He
considers this article as well worthy of distribution.
From Innisfail and Sheerness, Alta., come a couple
of sub renewals, and an order for literature from
Com. Ed. Fiala, Retlaw. From Meeting Creek and
Edberg also come orders for literature. Com. Geo.
Donaldson sends greetings and a sub from Stanmore. From Swalwell comes an order for literature,
a Clarion sub and kind words for McPherson's article in our recent issue; copies are requested for
distribution. 'Two subs come from Whitla and one
each from Hardisty and Pakan- Two subs come
from Com. C. W. Springford of Blackfoot and an
order for pamphlets from Vulcan.
From Fernie, B. ft Com. Erickson writes a short
note with two subs and literature order enclosed.
Two subs also come from Vanderhoof, B. C. Com.
C. F. Orchard writes an interesting letter from Kamloops, B. ft, in which he expresses appreciation of
the Clarion and the Party position. Also "Having
heard statements to the effect that the worker was
robbed as a consumer as well as a producer I would
like at some time to see this explained in our journal for others' benefit as wgjl as my own." We
think Cusack might do this and oblige everybody!
Com. Goodspeed, Balaklava Island, sends a sub renewal and a dollar for the Maintenance Fund, also
kindly greetings to the members of the S- P. of ft
From Ladysmith, S'am Guthrie sends in a sub.
Writing from Beaverdell, Com. W. Clarkson
sends a renewal of his sub and asks that it be sent
to Yorkshire, England. He says he does not want
to miss a single "charge of ammunition." Two fifty
cent subs come from Victoria. Com. Wm. Livingstone writes from North Vancouver enclosing sub
renewal and cheque to cover dues to Local No. 1.
Two further subs also come from the North Shore j
From Sumas, Washington, U.S.A., Com. L. G. Atkins
sends kind words of appreciation and a sub renewal. He congratulates the comrades of Vancouver, "the whole bunch-"
The Detroit Socialist Educational Society request that their Clarion bundle be cut to twenty
copies per issue until the street meetings start again.
From Blackwell, West Coast New Zealand, come
two letters: One from Sec. Daly of the Communist
Party enclosing two Clarion subs, and the other from
Com. E. Hunt enclosing four subs and commenting
upon conditions in that district. He says that the'
slaves are facing a grim struggle in New Zealand,
and that the need for educational propaganda was
never more urgent. Also refers to the splendid work
done by Com. J. A. McDonald who was with them
some time ago, and expresses great appreciation of i
the Western Clarion.
And so it goes: grim struggles for a mean existence in a world abounding with all that makes for
a pleasurable, useful life. And they call it Christian civilization, which means a slave civilization.
May its downfall be quick and complete.
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