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Western Clarion Jul 16, 1921

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Array CLARION
Ajearaalaf
CP1BB-WT
gVfifTS
847
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, JULY 16, 1921
FIVE CENTS
Ourselves and Parliament
By J. D. Harrington
RISTOTLE, the greatest of the ancient*-, has
defined man as the political animal; though
wc iniK'bt with greater accuracy call him the
■oting animal It is possible to find other form-* oi
\U which might be understood, in a broad sense,
L be organised politically, but no other form has
iver manifested the slightest evidence ot submit-
;-,._ the regulation of its conduct to a vote,
Within certain limits, and excepting certain per-
,.*,,- lapses, mankind d-»cs submit its life, and much
| iu activity to the uncertain hazard ol a collective
,i! The result may bo of the gravest consequence,
HI the SCSI of a voting majority having been an
.unci, all and sundry shape their course accord-
pg}) This i*- SO, whether it involves dispensing
nth boote, Of endorsing a war.
The reason-- arc obvious and need not be labored,
the (oremosl being—that society could not be maintained, even on the lowest conceivable plain, where
rery difference had to be decided by cutting throats
r braising bones There is. however, another feeler which is often entirely overlooked, i.e.. a prone-
lt$i to follow where tbe race has trod, an extreme
tonMrvatism which prompts man to endure great
km ratheT than, by « greater or !es« increase of dis-
r< mfort, finally at>olish them' He will vote against
pew in a feeble attempt to diminish or remove them,
nit ii his other conditions are such that he can live
and hojx* to prolong life, he will not readily "take
ip .inn-, against a sea of troubles, and by opposing
nd thrm." So that even alter having by a large
lajortty «et the *eal of his approval upon a certain
course of action, he i.s likely to do little more than
ur* if his august commands are set at nought by
hose who arc pleased to call themselves his servants Thus tyrannies have been imposed upon
brc democrttcaa time and time again with stngulst
ran Indeed, the blood and suffering accompany-
py all efforts to overthrow tyrannies is in amazing
teotrsjt to the facilitv and perfectly peaceful man-
i« wuli which they are imposed 1 think a very
pouted range of historical reading would furnish
F-any examples of this social anomaly
I ho great voting jag however is when we are
Wled upon to select a government. This is a periodic affair in all well regulated democracies, and
notwithsttnding the tinsel and the trumpets, the
*""•*•■ hrooni torches and the band wagon, or the
pawning of the morning after, our fellows in misery
pursue the even tenor of their way. ploughing and
Raping, spinning and weaving leaving to their clcct-
p"! representatives the task of governing them. The
,;ifi that these representatives rarely concern them-
Wives about thc voters' worries, or their own clee-
promisesi has engendered an abiding contempt
,or Parliament and all its works. However wheth-
<r Kruno said so or not the world does move, and
80 do the people of it. Then comes a burst of encr-
■*>• » contempt for death, and unquenchable de-
ma»'l for change, and-
Hip moving finger writes, and having writ
Moves on.   Nor all your piety, or wit,
Can lure it back to cancel half a line:
Nor all your tears wipe out a word of it."
■^atura||v we conclude that revolution is the stuff.
Vhat's the use of voting when we can get what we
*arit by fighting,   Of course, but softly: who did
he voting and who tbe fighting!   We are still in
,he same world, and are still moved by the same
?en«es, affections, passions; but in a different fash-
'°n-   I fancy.      What  changed tbese hurt-fearing
ae»*h dreading humble conservatives, into revolu
tionist-, welcoming suffering and glorifying death?
Whatever the cause, we may be sure their ideas
had "suffered a sea change into something rich and
rare.'
The Irishman of 1913, for instance, might have
had a wish to enjoy all thai a 1921 Irishman desires,
but with this difference; in 1913 it was a wish, not
worth the loss of a meal, except to a comparative
few, while in 1921 it becomes a consuming and imperative necessity, cheap if purchased with thc last
pang of physical endurance, animating all except a
comparative lew. The compunction to fight aro«*c
irom the fact that a power existed which could set
their vote aside But no power existed in Ireland itself which would have embarked upon so desperate
an adventure. Parliament as we knew it a decade ago
has changed. Today it appears as a formal body giving legality to the will of a select committee known
as the Cabinet. Members of parliament have repeated) deplored the subordinate, if not obsequious
nature of their office Hut even so, we cannot view
the financial and social standing of these mighty
ministers of the Cabinet without remarking that
they too are subordinate, and very obsequious to
some other power. We see a French President
lodged in an asylum, an American President next
door to it. and wc read of Lloyd George tottering
to a fall, of Orlando and Clemenceau banished to
the limbo of political lost souls. Evidently there is
.i power to which the mighty must render an account.
There is no mystery about this to anyone who
has had some acquaintance with the Marxian school
of thought We know that governments are dominated by the powerful commercial and industrial
interests .and we know that parliaments are and
must he the tools of those interests. In spite of
this we constantly hear that parliaments have ceased to function. This is correct if wc view the institution as functioning in the interest of all. But
to those who adhere to the class nature of society
it is merely confusion worse confounded. True, as
we have remarked, parliament no longer decides, o.*
even debates to any appreciable degree the issues
of national, or international policy, but they do
stamp this policy with the print, image, and superscription of the nation and if it is not entirely opposed to the immediate and perceptible welfare of
the nation no question is made of it.
So that all matters of public policy arc subjected
to an extensive and intensive measure of propa -
ganda Whatever the needs of the dominating
powers might be, they are always very careful to
color those needs in idealistic and patriotic garb,
to the end that the dear people might, in their folly.
hid solace in misery. This is done by methods that
have long proven their efficacy. Catch phrases such
as free trade serve to delude the voters. If vve
realize this, we can also estimate the folly of those
who denounce participation in parliamentary elections.
The Socialist Party of Canada has entered all
such contests with thc prime motive of giving the
workers an understanding of the world in which
tl ey live; they have always subordinated the chauc-
es of electing a candidate to that of making Socialists. Whatever the conduct of our elected members has been in Parliament, or will be, we have al-
v avs held it as of little importance. It is what they
did outside the House which gave us reason to apt-laud or condemn. And vve have had reasons to do
both.
We are under no delusions as to ever being able
to revolutionize society by an Act of Parliament
alone; not that parliament is in itself not so constituted as to effect such a desirable consummation,
but because a master class, entrenched for centuries in all that makes for wealth and privilege, would
not submit, if there was any chance of procuring
workers foolish enough to fight their battles.
It might interest those who decry the contesting
of parliamentary seats, to recall that history reco'ds,
not one successful revolution which did not first
manifest itself as a victory or near victory at the
polls. And so far as that goes few unsuccessful
ones, where the revolutionists had an opportunity
to so express themselves. And this is true of today
piore than at any other period in the world's history ; owing to the intricacy of the death dealing
machinery, not to mention the intense specialization
of national production. The master class always
ignited the revolutionary spark, even when they
did not actually start and feed the conflagration
So too we have never been deluded enough to suppose that a people too mentally confused to vote
for something would ever fight for it, while in that
state of mind. And if they should develop the
temper requisite to a great enterprise, I think, untune of peace at least ,they would register that
temper in ways that those who run might read, and
those who read might run, in case they were not
like minded.
Parliaments, and cabinet ministers are the tools
of a certain dominant social class who, by virtue of
this domination control all the public forces of a
nation. If we, the workers, could control these
forces vve would be masters, if we cannot we will
remain slaves. This control is supposed to be vested in parliament, and for all practical purposes if,
but only when parliament conforms to the histor-
with transports of delight. The national an-
passing through the nation's slums will be received
with the transports of delight. The national an
them is bawled with vigor by hungry slaves. Thousands of weary toilers! rush through thronged streets
and stand for hours to catch a sight of a prince.
\nyone who expects revolutions from a people so
minded has broken with the real world, has fashioned an ideal world of his own. and is in the same
mental latitude as the school girl who hopes one
day to displace Mary Pickford, or the school boy
who has decided to lick Jack Dempsey.
TO those who still sec the world as it is, there appears a task of giant proportions, a task almost beyond their strength, and that is the removal of all
sentiment and ideology of master class character
from the minds of the workers, and the introduction of working class needs, and knowledge. To
that end alone is our aim devoted, and to that end
do we contest political elections. If we should elect
a member, we see a member of our class endowed
with leisure and funds to instruct himself, and others. And if he does this, let the votes fall when.
thev may. i
:o:-
The Third Congress of the Communist International.
Moscow. June 16.—The third congress of the
Communist International will not be opened before
June 18th. The reason is that numerous delegates
have not yet arrived. In the meantime five commissions are working upon the most important
questions which shall come before the congress.
These include the questions of the tactical situation,
organization, trade unions, report of the executive.
-"Rosta Wcin." PAGE TWO
vV ESTER N      C L A R I O N
Book Review
EASY OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS, by Noah
Ablett. Price ls. 3d., paper covers. 94 pp. The
Plebs League, 11a Penywern Road London, S
*W. 5.
THE ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle declared that slaves and the working class
chough they were necessary for the State—
the common vceal—were not constituents of it- And
there is little doubt but that the laboring population of ancient Greece, were well aware that their
position in society was restricted to that of mere instruments—work beasts—of labor in the interest
and welfare of the upper classes who w-?re recognized as constituents of that democracy. When
discontent ran high, however, no doubt there were
people with plausible tongues in those days who.
stating further implications in Aristotle's thcorv
of the State, told the laboring poulation that the
institution of slavery was in thc interest both of the
State and the slave class. "Did not the masters."
we hear them say, "supply the slaves the wliere-
withal to live—food, clothing and shelterT—it follows then, rhere can be no 'real' conflict of interest
between the classes, but on the contrary, there is
an identity of interest."
By that exhortation they were but giving expression to what has become known as the "organic"
theory of the State—society is an organism, all its
parts are necessary to each other—an assumption
of the spokesmen of "things as they are" in every
age. So also they are telling us today that the in
stitutions of property, of capital and of wage-la'»or,
are in the interest of the State as a whole, and
therefore of all classes within it: "Capital and labor
cannot "really* be in conflict because each is ai.
economic necessity to the other, and both to the organized community as a whole." And thus with a
false assumption, for society is not an organism,
and with a fog of words, an attempt is made to
throw a veil over the fact that the great mass of in
dividuals are suffering from oppressive condition-i
The "organic" plausibility could hardly have deceived the chattel slaves of old, but it is to be feared
that too many uncritical "free" wage workers today
are mentally subdued by it, even though life's experiences may give rise to occas'onal doubt Why
this uncritical acceptance of such an argument?
Because we are born into a society which has been
dominated for ages by ruling and exploiting
classes, and in which the institutions tbat have
survived are those serving the interest of the dominant classes.
No class ever ! u'ed primarily tor the interest of
a subject class, but always for its own. But class
rule cannot be maintained permanently by means of
physical force alone. Through the discipline of their
habits of life, the underlying population acquire the
habit of conformity to established institutions and
to a station of subserviency in society- To strengthen this habit all dominant social classes have seen to
it that their ideas, their preconceptions and logic,
moralities and institutions, that is,—that their own
habits of thought of whatever kind, shall dominate
the minds of all sections of the community. Not always have they done this wholly from a consciousness of self or class interest, probably not so if they
are a long established class. Man is the creature of
habit forming environment, and the life-habits in a
superior social position of mastery give a certain
bent to the mind. Ruling classes, as such, always believe in themselves. They acquire the easy conviction that their social position is due to natural superiority, or to being thc chosen of a providence, or
to both assumed facts combined. They conceive
they have a divine, or a nature ordained mission to
rule. Class interest thus takes on the guise of community interest: naked material interest dons the
moralistic garb of the true, the good and the beautiful. Thus, in the defence and furtherance of class
interest, besides cupidity, all the emotional forces of
the human being are mobilized.
In the propagating of their ideas, I think, that
never in the history of the world has a ruling class
been so active as the bourgeoisie today—a symptom
of their extremity—it is certain that no other class
have had such powerful agencies at work as are, for
instance, the modern press and pulpit, the libraries,
theatres, schools, colleges and universities. And
they had need Ideas are mental habits, and it requires habituation to the pressure of changed conditions, some discipline to material facts of life which
contradict them to change thetn. as well as understanding. The traditional bourgeois ideas arc now
lacing the challenge of such facts. We have with
us today the twentieth century "state of the productive arts." a stage of development in the production
of things useful for the life tnd well-being of mankind. Think of modern productive capacity, of science, physics, and chemistry, etc., applied to indiis
trial processes, of natural forces harnessed, and of
machine industry organized on the large-scale plan
-tnd then think of the glory that was ancient Greece,
raised over two thousand years ago 00 mere hand-
tool production; snd on the grandeur that was
Roma; and of what might be today, and of what is.
In the.se modern days ,- \a notorious that industry, considered as a whole, never operates anywhere
near its full capacity by reason of deliberate management in the interest oi profit for its owners, and
further, that there are widespread duplications of
services ami. other enormous wastes attached to
competitive production for profit: wastes, which, if
you station yourself at the community standpoint,
are fundamentally wastes of human life-force. wattes of creative energy which thus can not be measured by dollars and cents hut only by time. Today
we are in the throes of a world-wide industrial de
pression. Production il curtailed on an unprecedented scale and multitudes of unemployed are
everywhere. There has just finished its labors in
the United State* a "Committee on Elimination of
Waste in Industry," compassd of industrial experts, engineers appointed by Herbert Hoover
Commenting on tn abstract of it* report, Walter N.
Polakov. himself an industrial engineer .of reputation, has an article worth attention entitled
Waste." in the "New Republic" for July 6. He
states, that normally, ther* are 1.000,000 person*
unemployed in the I'nited States and tbat at tbe present time "over 5.000.000 men with 20.000.000 dependents are locked out. jobless, nearing hourly
destitution if not desperation." There is want and
poverty of the things of life and well-being everywhere, while the means of life sustaining production
have ceased to function, and so creative labor is
denied achievement. Why? The immediate cause is
that the purchasing powers of the mass of the community can not take commodities off the market as
inst as they can be produced- -at a profit: for capitalism is an economic regime in which, not the well-
being of the community, but profit to the owners is
the incentive to the operation of industry.
And so, increasingly larger numbers of tlie working class are doubting the verities of the present social order; the hard facts of the social situation, the
experiences of life, contradict the received ideas and
wordy apologetics of tbe spokesmen for "things as
they are.'' But doubt is no resthousc for the human
mind. It should merely mark the point of departure from unthinking acceptance unto the quest of
understanding of the present form of organization
of society and its worth as a functional agent of
human welfare and social progress.
When I sat down to write my intention was, as
per order of Editor, to write a review of a pamphlet
issued by the Plebs League entitled "Easy Outlines
of Economics Hut, editors propose—as Ring Lard-
ner might say. what I laughingly calls my mind,
baulked, refused to be led to the set task. The nearest to it I could get was to moralise on reasons whv
working men and women should read thc pamphlet.
Some of that moralizing is here set down. Questions of interest have been touched upon but not developed. Those and many other such questions occupying doubting and enquiring minds will find an
answer in the study of Marxian economics. Pamphlets such as the one 1 am supposed to be reviewing, or "Wagelabor and Capital," and "Value, Price
and Profit." by Marx himself, provide an easy introduction for the beginner to the study of "Capital,"
Marx* great work. It would be easy to find fault
with the Plebs pamphlet, cither in one or two details of theory or with some features of its general
scheme; but it would be a somewhat graceless act
in view of the disarming modesty of the tuthor's
Apologia," in which he   declares the
provisional nature as a collection of iruct*    ^
"merely the substratum of an   ufcjj-J^H
Hit work,   however, has   values for the  h,
chief of which, 1 think, is that it follows M      ^
develop, tent of his analysis of the capital*,?'n3
of prx'ucli**.   into the second and third w, ^
"Capua!." hitherto    little studied,   hut now??
creasing value iu view of late dcvHopmen'-l
phenomena and monopoly control.   Jt c     ^
claimed for the pamphlet.'that ,t doeaM*W-T
student  the relationship and interdependenceZ *
detail parts of Marxian theory with thc v:h*   *,
the Marxian theoretical system ta a •vhol- wl*
I comprehension of which, indeed, lU ■hi'.-rtnt
..in not be thorottghh  understood ^|
Wear.- still, however, far from having | ,a-l$..
tory auxiliary text book for class**.. OOmmgL
handling Marxian economic theory in relafrjji
specific features „f prominence jn the ***000t*k *
nation to-dav Contained tn the files of the no* -L
most forgotten "Red Flag' and the "Iiicacater,"wj
rtme substitutes for thc "Clarion." when the hand ai
the censor lay heav> on that stiff necked maligiM
tre a number of articles on economics ,,.,- -jjj
name of "Geotdie" To the preseni writer ass* t
man) others who remember them, thev wertttft)
im-si Satisfactory articles printed yrt jR point of action, method tnd firm grasp ■•• «.■.*'.--vis •reau-Jta
00 They too. I believe, are but thc tebttratttt|
.» more ambitious dream The USSSSHnaOMi
lhat dream into tangible fact, however, a a ***tki
tome labor and there is small hope I inspect ,;:
being completed for some, perhaps. cuaudmH*
time In the meantime, provisionally, in vse**<
the approaching season for study clatfei *Gt»
die's" articles in    pamphlet form    would bc of tn-
rnettsc value to the members as well as totkm-
pagandists in workship <»r camp, or thov *^#
habit is platform or pen. not least to these latter,be-
cause of numerous references to tttthoriaSJi id
that each separate aiticle is so constructedtlH
form the basis of a lecture or an article Wfeal
join in my plea for the articles to he pab6jtsla>
mediately? Ca
MANIFESTO
-af tha -
■OOUUtT FAITY OF CAHADa
(fifth Bditios)
Far copy 10 easts
Far M eopiea  It
Feet Fsid
Communism
and
Christianism
Analyzed and   contrasted Irom the   &j**Jj
and Darwinian points of view      My "''j*
Montgomery Brown. D.D Thc writer, a BWJ
of the Episcopal Church, smites lUpemnw
ism in religion and capitalism in polity
Comments: "One of tbe most WttTSCCOawj
and annihilating books I have ever read
will shake the country."   "I call il I #*Z
The text is astounding:-Banish the atfllWg
the sky and capitalism from the earth-
came like a meteor   across a dark sky
belrl me tight."   "Bishop Brown is the re n *
nation of Thomas   Paine and his DOO* -
modern Age of Reason."   "It will dcia  ^
ocrful work iu this the greatest crisis m     . ]e
tory."   "A remarkable book by i r''n,ar
man of intense interest to all"        .      .j.oU.
Published in October, 1<>20.   H^JS
sand now ready, 233 pages; cloth. "?, ,Vanadt
25 cents or six copies $1.00; postpaid tA
5 copies for $1.) ,
Send M. O. (United States rate). JnCi
Thc Bradford-Brown Educational J-^ ,ioBi
Publishers, 102 South   Union   sStreet,
Ohio or from n»
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANM» ft
401 Pender Street E., Vancouver, *> V\  E STERN      C I A R i O N
PAGE THREE
The Imperial Conference
i IK premiers of the Empire are presentli fore.
modern necessities demand a 'greater volume of
commerce than ever before, the rival nations must
encroach, upon the trade field of their neighbors, and
eliminating the weaker competitor, clash with the
horn in the side of their parent, and the outgrowths    stTQns in the crimson agony for world supremacy.
gathered in London for a "confab, 'and true   of the atill older ^^^^^0^^-
*    t0 the traditions of commerce, the  proceed-    .Ives i„  C(,nf,ict with t]J ]nnh ^ ™
l are sub rosa    These worthy gentlemen arc the    it may be again.
:o:-
(ocredited representatives of thc    (Governments of
Bie respective countries, i-e.,   business   drummers,
\n(\ are assembled in conference to devise concerted
bieaMires for trade expansion,—preferential,    per-
itps, if possible, but at all costs, trade.   The chief
items for consideration are British  foreign policy,
lh* A1114I0 Japanese Alliance, and Imperial defence
\nd ihete three are closely and vitally connected.
British foreign policy is the direction of foreign
knsiri m the interests of British capital.      In the
toorsc of economic development, the C-rcat Powers
gvc carved Ottt for themselves, from subject peo-    power     The necessary direction of American Im-
K what are grandiloquently described as   "con-    perialist expansion is towards thc F.a>t. consequer.f-
-*t$ions'1 and '.spheres of influence."   Treaties are    ly it must trespass more and more upon the Imper-
ntered into guaranteeing certain "rights' and syndi-    ism of [span, and must—and will prepare for the
Ate- ire formed for tbe exploitation of particular    inevitable struggle.    Which   conditions, determine
llu  question of Imperial defence.
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA AND
THIRD INTERNATIONAL
SINCE returning from my enforced vacation, I
have been deeply interested in the discussion,
through the columns of the "Clarion," on the
Third International and affiliation therewith.
Without going over points brought out by both
sides, it seems to me that the position taken by
Com. Stephenson in two   recent issues   comes as
\nd the Orient   also has   developed an    Imperial
resources.    As Ooventmentt are the  executives of
th. capitalist class, tbe prime function of govern-
BeQt I- the welfare o( business, and in the further-
r r oi  that business, every country maintains its
-reign diplomatic service    It is tbe object  of the
Service to see that no foreign agency   overreaches
Ihe business interests of the    accrediting   country.
[Tins politics] handling of such economic relations
institutes  foreign policy." As all exploitation nec-
■rssarily engenders opposition, the   control of   the
Itn'al activity  is  centred   in the office for  foreign
kffairs, and on this office devolves thc care of devis-
For ; similar set of reasons, as a world power.
Britain*too turns towards the East. As her in»er-
< st> arc not at present, in sharpened antagonism
with those of Japan, and as Japanese aggression—
ur   "the   rights of   Japan   in the   East" as it is - tt*
supplies a much needed check on American development, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance comes into
being, fur the protection of "Chinese integrity,"
etc., that rs to say, thc preservation, in thc first
case, of Chinese resources, in the common (if temporary    interests of the   high contracting paroes
ling measures for thc smooth working of the process Furthermore, British interests are connected prim
lot exploitation; hence the   need ior  secret treaties arily with India and South Eastern Asia generally.
(ami diplomatic corps and only  secondarily  with   China.      Hence,—and
Hntish ioreign policy, tliercfore. has been devel- without Britain visibly appearing in the matter—the
loped from the needs of British trade. It grows with peaceful penetration" policy of Japan, agreed to by
[trade expansion, and is modified    according to thc the alliance, strikes a blow at another mortal enemy
[vicissitudes of  world  conditions.       It  cannot be of Britain—Bolshevist Russia,—since Russia too is
chang«*d agreeably to the wishes of another except
tin w> far as that change shall not react dctriment-
illy on itself It is in such delicate situations, where
Umodtfird policy is prompted or necessitated by out-
hide influence that diplomatic finesse gets in its fine
[work and gives a new direction, a breathing space.    Consequently  the  Anglo-Japanese   Alliance is not
likely to be blown away with the fairy winds of sen
lim-mt.    Its form may he altered,  but its material
substance will not be affected thereby.
\> a sequential result of those conditions the
question of iorcigu policy is foredoomed in the econ
omic situation itself. The Antipodes-are solidly lined up with Britain, both em policy and alliance, because, without the alliance they are helpless in the
face of Eastern aggression, because their prosperity
is the prosperity of British capital, and because
therefore the growth and prospects of their enterprise and industry flow into deeper channels in thc
sunshine of the alliance.
Canada, on the other hand, is thrown into thc
arms of America Her associations and outlook arc
Xnurican. her interests, both of domestic and foreign trade are mutual For both, the European
market is exploited, and precarious for both are t e
unimaginable riches of the East—and the common
enemy-    Thus -our" Mr. Meighen    becomes    the
I to thc ever-swelling forces of commercial expansion.
Commercial interests alt bong h    inherently anti-
jtocial, are not originally contradictory. They grow
'•nt of, nnd in harmony with, the economic neces-
Mtiei of peoples ami this is the sourer of their
power and aggression. Nor are they originally
mutually conflicting, although necessarily expanding. Growth is as its component <>t sustenance,
and the interest of business lies in "free' develop-
ttent of friendly intercourse, i.e., thc friendly, pro
Stable exchange oi exploited surplus \\u\ between
Wch nations there is peace.
But development proceeds apace; exploitation is
intensified; surplus increases, the market for its
vale contracts. Nations throw off their excess pop
ulations in colonial growth, are welded into empires, concentrate on their combined resources. They
f°nie into sharp conflict with their own, and which
Cat yet find a temporary agreement against I com
mon rival, threatening a common interest:. .           .
Economic development determines foreign policy, staunch friend of Amenca.-batthng valiantly the
**■■<• in the nature of that development the foreign good fight for armaments reduction; dissents from
P0»cy of Rritain can be no other than world dom- the Anglo-Japanese Alliance; and espouses the ,m-
»»0n.   To secure that end,   Britain seeks to band possible cause of "friendship with Japan,   and agree-
h" colonies together; to draw them in trade amity ments conserving the well-being of all nations (ex-
*> herself,   And as an indispensable condition, for cent Bolshivutf Russia),
additional security of her goal, she contracts an al
••ance with the only power tbat is available - the
Power that in thc progress of world trade finds it-
le« "i a mutual antagonism with a common com-
I>etitor.
rhe geographical positions of kingdoms and col-
o-wea, the nature of their resources, thc character of
a gait
Capitalist development necessarily induces rival-
/ ~rivalr>' fa the world market. ' And the mani-
fest of the principle is embodied, concretely, in the
great powers of today. Thus Imperialist Britain,
mistress of the -oas. powerful with conquest, com-
petitively struggling for wider dominion, faces the
tu-w ami rising Imperialism of America, forced by
commercial necessity   into  the grim   contest for
world power.    As it happens, the still unexploited t0 the COrTeCt aPPreciation of th« whole ques-
resourcea of the earth lie i„ the Orient, generally.    ,,on M any  Prcsentation vet made.     His   liberal
estimate (for purposes of   comparison 1 of   50,000
Communists is. of course, unwarrantedly liberal.
As one fellow in the upper country, when discussing
this point, said: "There are not 50,000 people in
Canada v\ho know what a Communist is."
Afte.- all. comrades, the question is not one of
subjective theory, but of objective reality. What,
then, is the situation confronting us, as Socialists
lure in Canada? Anyone travelling through the
west must be impressed with the vast waste of rolling prairie and seas of mountains, peopled here and
there, few and far between, with small communities,
all of which with few exceptions, despite their antecedents and previous training, exhibit a mental vision, parochially conservative, which confines their
intellectual activities to what might be fittingly described as a perpetual journeying around thc village
pump.
And yet, for all that, there can be discerned more
revolutionary knowledge and instinct out in the
west than can bc found in the east, despite the lat-
ter's preponderance of population. Which brings
me to remark somewhat upon thc grotesque attitude adopted by our unknown, and apparently hitherto unheard of. critics: tbe sewer-pipe revolutionists of "The Communist.'' published so far as can be
ascertained, in Toronto.
Such men as have carried on the very necessary
work of proletarian education, whether inside or
Outside of the S P. of C. have done so openly and
unashamed, and have consequently become targets
for both, agents of authority and critics of anonymity    It is well.
( Hir friends of tlie rat-hole persuasion (by choice)
with a heap of culled phrases abominably thrown
together and still more abominably disseminated,
call upon all and sundry to witness that they (who-
ever they are^ have discovered that some years of
painful plodding in the realm of propaganda is of
no avail, that the S. P. of C, is reformistic and that
Harrington, forsooth (whose record to my mind is
as clean as any in tbe movement, east or west), is
a "Kautsky." And this committee of the Third International in Canada! Who are they? We wot
nbt- But their tirst cousins in the I*. S.. who in
all probability are supplying the sinews of war, have
come to the top of the sewer-pipe—possibly for air.
\nd we discover a whole regiment of pie-artists
and reformers of earlier days (the days when reformism was as popular as doles from the Third's
treasury seem to be now): Engdahl and Co.
Our Torontonian terrors (if Toronto be their
* place of abode) have evidently decided thtt the time
may. or will, come when the progressive proletarian movement will be forced underground- Ergo,
let us dig our burrows now and become secretive.
And furthermore .let us announce the fact that we
are to become'sccret. Tut! Tut' As one who has
reason to know a little of the present highly devel-
struggling for friendly relations with China, and
for the consolidation of her Siberian territory; while
the common antagonism of British-Japanese inter-
• sts with those of America, find reflex in the diplomatic dalliance over American affairs in the Pacilc.
Thc financial situation of the world is such that,
whilt- it tends to draw Britain and America togeth-
uniit 11 icmis 10    • *mnn    oped espontge svstem in existence today I protest.
er for the fundamental protection ot their common    £1   ^ J
principle of exploitation, it at tbe same time, brings
into plav forces of imperious nationality,   tending
strongly for their separation.    It is these latter fore
vs which, by the nature of   capitalist   production
J* Per8onnel^he'degree"oTdevelopment, all en- conic to the top and determine the dim way of the
«* into and determine the final result.   The inter- future.   Kor  in the last analysis those forces are
eat
mother
*<*«MttffiK?-w£ as with "ita fo™-'r."i" m* -cn-in.cn*, arc «'W*^y^JW^ «*£*;
"■Kicnt G«««. ,*,,. Athci.n   colonic-   became a loping rush for profit.   Trade .s paramount, and as
•■■»« »ii,i --eierminc tne nnai rcsuu.    * ■»■■ ■-**•-*  , . ,. , . . .       -. u
°< « colony may becom. as antagonistic to the the expression of ,mnu-d.atc social necessity. Scli-
«>cr country as th. interest of a first rival, its preservation is the first law of nations as of ,nd vid-
J* and development m.v b. involved   with the    «.!..   Ideal imaginings are of no »«.!. to; 0< tan
Further, 1 protest against tbe insipid, yet insidious,
attacks of noisy unknows against those who are
known to the agencies of authority, as outspoken
protagonists of the Class Struggle. Besides, there
appear to bc a quite considerable number of persons
who are willing to yell "Kautsky" at those who still
recognize the necessity for even self-criticism and
desire to take cognisance of all the factors in any
given problem, who probably followed Kautsky admiringly during the earlier days of his defection,
(Continued on page 4) PAGE FOUR
WESTERN      C LA RI 0N
Western Clarion
A Jaarmal ot BUctory.
aat Curraot Irua
Pvbliaaad twiea m aoata by tka Socialist Part? or
Caaada 401 Paador Stroot Kut, Vaaeoavar, B. 0.
Paoao Hiftlaad S581
Editor , Ewen MacLsod
_ Subscription i
Canada, 20 iasues  $1.00
Foreign,  16 issues    $1.00
*. m**.U tkia aaabar at oa ymmr addroaa laboi yoor
KalX ■•baariptaoa   oxpiraa   witk   aast   iaaoo.   Boaow
VANCOUVER, B. C. ll'I.Y lex W21
HERE AND NOW.
We have been seriously thinking of changing this
heading "Here and Now" to "The Roll of Honor"
or something war-like and heroic. We intended in
this issue to write a soul-stirring, dollar-extracting,
passionate appeal for subscriptions, portraying our
sterling worth as able advocates in a slave cause, but
the dejected wail of tambourine and concertina
swept in upon us and squelched the poetic urge
Which brings us to another headitg —the (class)
"War Cry," how'd that do? We'll have to have
something more alluring, arresting, seductive, sub-
tractive or otherwise efficient anyway, to instil the
breath of life into this matter of importance. These
figures have a lean and hungry look, like unto the
figure of Cessnas.
You are hereby asked, exhorted, required, prevailed upon, wheedled with and prompted to add to
them and build them back into presentable shape.
We don't like boosting the "Clarion" ourselves (being modest folk) but we're glad we'er alive and
we're sure we're useful.    Enter the reinforcements:
Following. $1 each—A. Urquhart. T. Knowles, S.
E. White. J. Roebuck. M G. Mingo. J. C. Budge,
H. Larner, S. Arrowsmith. P. Doyon. A. Griffis,
John Cobbdick. J. Kift. J. G. Meldrum. P< Pereyma,
J. A'ird, Ukranian Society, C. If. O'Brien, Jack Kavanagh, G. A. L. Broadhurst, O Nederlee. A. Rekdal,
E. Hanson, C. Burt, Sid Earp, J. W. Srayson
O. B U (City). $2; P. T. Leckie. 50c.; D. J. Sullivan, 25c; R. C. McCutcheon, $5; D. Broadhurst,
25c.: C. N*. U. X. (City). $2; Alex. Shepherd, $3;
Henry J. Mills, $2.
Above. Clarion subscriptions received from 28th
June to 12th July, inclusive—total, $40.25.
 :o:	
ON  MATTERS THAT NEEDN'T WORRY US
MUCH.
Conferences are now the order of the day. In-
perial Conferences, disarmament conferences, Irish
conference—all for peace—after the peace that pass-
eth all understanding. We had a war as everybody
knows, fought .they said, to make the world safe
for democracy, to guarantee self-determination to
small nations, to establish a high standard of culture and to generally establish honesty in the policy
of nations through open covenants openly arrived
at, and so forth and so on ,
Now in the matter of self-determination Ireland
will serve as an example of imperialist "high-mind-*
edness," the high standard of culture has been well
expressed in its best arfter-the-war manner by the
allied press in the dealings with Germany; as for the
open covenants, the present Imperial Conference
serves as a nice example. It seems strange that after all the lessons of the war there should still be
people ready and willing to swallow the newspaper
twaddle over the worries imperialist statesmen endure in conference over the affairs, integrity and
problems of other people, and of their veneration for
the sacred terms of treaties entered into or to be
renewed.
War-time literature has shown clearly that international politics and agreements are laid down,
however their surface draperies may clothe them,
in, terms of finance, coal, oil, iron and trade routes.
These understandings as between one foreign office
snd another appear as treaties, consortiums, alliances and such like. At the present time thc Anglo-
Japanese Alliance is in the   public eye,   and it is
worthy of note that the press fail, purposely no
doubt, to disclose its features or what it is all about.
Indeed, here in British Columbia, even the prime
ministei doesn't know what it is all about; he has
been sending cables to London advocating the termination of the alliance because under its terms
Canada is precluded from a voice in the matter of
Japanese immigration. "The Province" < Vancouver ) had this to say the other day :
"Cable messages which Premier Meighen is
receiving from   British Columbia asking that
no action with respect to the Anglo Japanese
alliance or the statu-, ot Indian subjects which
might result in more Orientals entering Canada, indicate that British Columbians are not
clear as to the real facts The Anglo Japan
ese alliance ll not concerned with immigration
This subject is exclusive.) dealt arith in the
treaty of commerce and tia\ igatioo- dated April
3,  1913, between   the    United  Kingdom    and
Japan, which was adhered to by Canada and
which remains in force until January. V*2S,
tnd thereafter until terminated by either side
on one year's notice Tin-* treat) regulate*-
immigration from Japan, subject to thc sj>ecial
agreement negotiated in 1907 by Hon Rod
olphe I.emieux This treaty ts entire!) separate from the Aug!" Japanese alliance "
So much for Premier Oliver's knowledge ol the
covenants of these days.
Now, when  Mr   Meighen    went   to London    tbt
Canadian press was full   of his bold    intentions tO
make   public the debates and decisions arrived   at.
but very soon notices of thts kind began to appear.
"The present discussion is of a highly delicate nature, and it  is unlikely that any decisions will be divulged, beyond a general brief
statement to the press at the close of the BOS*
-mil on foreign affairs."
By which it will be seen that this is a dangerous old
world for us to know anything about,    mainlv be
eaase it   isn't ours.
In all this Anglo-Japanese talk there appears the
name of the 1'nited States as a party to be considered in any agreement that may be arrived at The
United States 1- a territory situated 00 another continent altogether from either Great Britain or Japan
The territory they are worried about is obviously
China, that is. so far as Anglo-Jap and l.\ S relationships are concerned, because there they all three
meet with interests to conserve and advance Tbe
Japanese are a nation of 57 million people lodged in
an area of similar size to California, and with Qui)
15 per cent of it arable land. Outside of copper
deposits, they have little metal or other mineral re-
SOUTCes. Shantung has mineral, so also Sayhahen
Island hence Japan's interest in them Her complaints about raee recognition and the equal right
of immigration are so much propaganda Such restrictions as arc put uj-on her in this respect she her-
self puts on Chinese and Koreans This is just a
"talking point " This statement appeared in the
press the other day.
•      "What   Japan is    after i- a fuller    scope in
China ami Asia     Any effort to thwart her object there is about the onlv thing that would
force her to war     Her special right in this respect is recognized by the United States  under the recent I.ansing-Ishii treaty.    The Chinee have little friendliness   for tho    Japanese
Their aversion was recently shown by the bov-
cost of Japanese goods that was declared. Japan
is overcoming that boycott by getting control
of the raw materials which the Chinese manufacturers cannot get on without in the manu
fad tire of home-made  goods.' "
It is evident from this that the Japanese are not
welcome in their imperialist stride into China, but
this paragraph speaks of Japan's "special right" recognized by the U. S.    This might   serve for   the
ground work of a useful article on the U. S.—Japan-
cse "spheres of   influence."    Previous agreements
(the Isbii-Lansing agreement was signed November, 1017) with the   Czarist Russian Government
(1916) "recognized territorial rights and special interests in the Far East."   These were later exposed
by the Soviet Government.
In July, 1918, the U. S. State Department invited
Great Britain, France and Japan to co-operate in a
four-power loan to China, to be participated in by
the bankers of the   respective countries
parts    France and   Great  Britain   - ■■•    "M
while Japan held out under reservat
readily
lOIK Uruj|
a&H,
far as is  known i March, ln21.     \\|n|c j","1" !$0
like | kind invitation to Japan from l*   *t
reality it served to check Japan's extension by-?
Chttria and Mongolia.    The  Allies, includin  I   -'
A. while the war  was in progress were UnaM. .*
unable (,
'••   Chi-*
look after Japanese    extended influence
The terms of the Consortium served to c
expansion, and Japan argued her case fo, ... \ ' '5
mm     . -. , lv,,J %ear-»
I his c consortium ot course in nad to j,,. tt*m*t**al
ed "in the interest of China" That *-*- £^*
peeled Hut it may seem Itrsngl that theChissi
have never been consulted in the matter tty
happens i- that all and SO) loam Cltina'iftttetjaj
or gou-fuiueul mar) hope to negotiate nonhtan.
forth be negotiated through tin- Cotisorownrftti
hanker, oi four nations grouped under theirresja>
Has state- In this regard America mil fovea*
:or control for. out of ihe nation- named ihtisa -
in the moat favorable financial position tomakti-L
vances From a minor position in the previous sj.
power consortium she ts now the letdiag *******
in the (ottr-powei consortium The Vsiericaas»
ernmenl i- in iull supj-ort ol it-- banker* the •«-»
are laid dOWU clearly that she ts m'lling to OSSt
the execution of contracts made b) her citia *
foreign lauds, which mean- peaci ui penetntiot
where possible and force where necesttrj
Now this matter oo the China >-**
intended here to indicate anything but   **t . ir«-
ties of antagonism where she interc*- ,    -*•
 rcitl national groups are at variance   It is cos-
• onl) agreed that U S and Japanese ice
and financial interests are opposed China Oral
Britain is at present allied arith Ja*>ari Her aih-
tnce, leciuingiy, will last u more months stent.
it is immediately renewed or not    The *1ectare s>
doors" tas the Manchester Guardian CSUS it) f
the   itn*»erial Conference has   decided tl
the have decided to shelve it safety first bd petti
discussion OH disarmament Ma**!- too tatfto-
posed Kamchatka concession by the So-net" "
Vmerica h.*»s a sinister meaning for Japan i octette*
What have all these consideration- todowitBW
•lave'i problem?   Not much, tt i- tree   They si
BOt hi! an empty stomach nor COV« hare tOCS.Be!
?he> show, or they trv to show, that whet teat tat
a war ts talked of   "for dentoerarv" . • f-»r  Chts**
inviolability" or any of these t>e plastered   etSSS
x'tinsiderattons. the worker need not have a«v 0°!
over laving democracy He has but one areata.
that needs solution, and that il ho« be BttJ 00*
himself of tbe means of life Bat Ml best 00*
understand a war and its causes ,s before tbe east
Learning might be difficult aftenvtrdl It*
meantime, the class etTUggk k''**"'- 00 in allCOSSJ
there the interests of the workers lie mtB 0S« 0
other
:ot-
S  P OF C  AND THIRD INTERNATIONAL
(Continued from page 1)
and posstbl) did not appreciate the irsluabli
utions thai this same   Ksutsk) has
•
movement     I certainly am    holding i
Ksutskv. vet of bun Lenin baa said
.  | ior
Hot l
Kautsk)  wrote 18 yaara ago .. *.
The Sodalisi Party of Canada ihould undofl^
I) strive to occupy, in the working class no
.1- the political expression of thai  movement,*
it.on beyond reproach \n*to**m**S
But the silly yapping! of some nco r< wi i"^
**ho cannot discern the historic <1""'" '.',,.lPhir,
Ceasar's wife and the charming spouse ot YoF^
the
rialism.
cannot help very much in   convincing
masses of the people" of the need for >,Kia''^"iti
That in our task here in Canada     I ■«'« JJ*     Rn
Next Issue: Article by John F. Maguire
:o:-
CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND    ^
Following, One  Dollar each—T. R,cM^ttfr 0
Stewart, L. Bart, A. Sobanski, Oscar   w
Larscn, O. Nederlee, A. Rendal. Chti. W'^
Local Ottawa, per P. T. Leckie, $5 J J.   _'  j*0,
ell, $3; Arne Manviek, $2; Local (Winni^-
3, per F. W. Kaplan, $5; Martin Ophui,^'    ^
Total from 28th June to 12th July "R,u WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE FIVE
CONCERNING VALUE
By "GEORDIE."                               most expensive part of the necessary supply of any time, the run of the facts will colorably bear such
                                        particular commodity.   On the other hand the mar- an interpretation
HI*, word "value" comes from a Latin word    gfnal utility theory starts from human   wants and For this reason it is my intention to enquire brief-
their satisfaction.   The amount of satisfaction to be ly into the   question as to what   conditions might
obtained by the consumption of any commodity is a conceivably give rise to the concepts I have mention-
naiter oi subjective utility. This latter diminishes ed, and what connection may be discovered between
Tvalcre" which means "to be able'' or "to be
-trong " It appears in the Italian as "V'alore"
and in French as "valeur," and is akin to such words
< -valiant." "valor." "valid." and "invalid." Ky a
vcrv natural transition this word came to mean "to
be worth/1 <>r "to be equal to." It will be readily seen
that, bj the use of this word comparison or relationship ia iet UP-
When vve say any object is valuable we mean one
0f two things, which must bc carefully distinguish
tl em.
:o:-
OPEN AIR SOCIALIST MEETING IN
CALGARY INTERRUPTED BY POLICE
A meeting was held on the evening of July 7th at
one of the street corners on 8th Avenue East, in
surmort of the candidate nominated by the Social-
directly a- the quantity supplied of the commodity
in question. This again depends on the scarcity or
otherwise of this commodity. The utility of the
last unit supplied (or withheld) is the final or marginal utility.
It will be seen that there is in this theory a fusion
  of the concepts of utility and scarcity      The con-
m]     In the hist place we may mean that the object    nection with the law of supply and demand will now
potts »Bie one of our many wants, that is to say, *H. readily >een. Roughly speaking, utility may be ist Party of Canada. Calgary Local No. 86. Corn-
it i- of use to us. In this case the relationship is |'mked up with demand and scarcity with supply. - ide Cassidy had attracted a large crowd and was
between thc object and the person who uses it. We 'j--u. opposing forces will balance at the point of expounding the Socialist platform in his vigorous
therefore -a>   that the   article possesses use-value,    final utilitv. thus fixing the value or price.     These    and lucid style,    when he  was   interrupted by the
two are. of course, considered practically identical, police, who pointed out to him that religious bodies
seeing that the whole action takes place in the fields had thc monopoly of street corners in Calgary for
of con-umption and exchange. The whole theory then propaganda. The Socialists would therefore
i- therefore a theory of prices. Since, however, have to desist The officer told them to go to the
good- cannot normally be sold below the cost, or par!: and hold their meeting, but as the hour was
perhaps I should say the expenses of production and far advanced the audience were requested to hear
competition prevents them being sold above, it fol- the rest of Comrade Cassidy's speech at the Social-
lows that the prices of freely produced commodities ist headquarters, 134a 9th Avenue W., opposite the
tend  to "coincide with  the    marginal cost of pro-    Palliser Hotel.    Here the large classroom was pack-
This form of value 1 have already dealt with tn the
chapter on "Use Value."
On the other hand, in saying that any article pos-
leate*! value we may be making a comparison between 5hat article and some other. The one ts said
to be worth or equal to the other ami may, therefore, he exchanged for it. This form of value is
known .i- exchange value and. inasmuch as all the
product- of labor, in certain proportions, are equal
to one another, may be defined as -the proportional ,j.u-tic
quantities in which commodities exchange with
each other. "Commodities'* are labor products
which have been produced for exchange
It i- important to note that the term "u-e-value"
refers to the qualities of the article, while exchange-
value   is a matter of quantity.
Let us now suppose tbat a certain farmer sells a
bushel of wheat for one dollar and with the money
so obtained purchases 10 lbs. of sugar. He has exchanged a certain quantity of wheat sixty pounds
—for a certain quantity of gold -2.VJ grains -and
that again for a certain quantity. lOtbs sugar. These
are the proportions which our farmer finds to be
prevailing oh tbat day. Some other day they may
be different. Incidentally, it will be observed that
what has actually happened is that wheat has been
.n
ed to the door.   Comrade Tree occupied the chair,
Let  us now return to the Labor Theory.     Ac- v:d Comrade Cassidy and Comrade Williams, the
cording to this theory, the determination of value candidate, held a meeting until a late hour.   No one
takes place in production.      So soon, however, as left the room till the close of the addresses, not-
thc commodity enters the market it becomes  sub- withstanding the fact that it was one of the hottest
ject to the operation of the law of   supply and de- nights of the season.
A. HOLLINGSHEAD.
:o:-
ALBERTA NOTES.
Comrade Frank Cassidy came to Seal, Alta., on
mand,   resulting in prices    which fluctuate,    now
j-hovc, now below the cost of production.
So that we arrive at practically the same result
I far as the facts are concerned, with this import- ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
ant difference, however, in the interpretation that. June lst. and left on June 23rd for Castor and Red
according to one theory price and value are identi- Willow.      He spoke at 12 meetings and a few in-
csl while, according to the other, there may be, and formal ones while here, in six different places. They
.■cnerallv is. considerable divergence between value -,Vere all well attended with the exception of two;
and price. ne r,e,c* as many as three meetings at the same place
For example, let us take our illustration in which and the crowds that   came to hear him   increased
__                                       tjie farn-cr   sold his wheat   for a gold   dollar and with every succeeding meeting held.   History of
Ranged"for sugar ' I have explained elsewhere    boU£rht ,ut,ar. i„ this case we have assumed gold as the Class Struggle, past and present, was well hand-
Why the more complicated process ia used   At this    Uu< mom>v commodity. Now. the value of any com- -ed by Frank.   He stripped it of all its trimmings
••tv CXpressed  in the money   commodity is Us and exposed its naked form to his hearers. He satir-
Price is the "monetary expression of value. izerJ the "would be" nation lovers and empire build-
This definition would be agreed to by all schools of cr5  (rjut which in reality are nation haters, if any
•uiomics    Let us now    observe what    happens other country but the one they happen to be born
when something occurs which affects the supply of jn js mentioned), with unflinching logic and humor-
the demand  for some one of these commodities, 0us illustrations, which would draw applause from
wheat     It might so happen that because of an -;-0 class conscious and downtrodden, and made the
- -suimlv the price might be forced down to ninety blood boil in the coops of   reactionaries.     Kings,
ts or on the other hand, because of an increas- dukes, lords, including the small fry, such as bank-
\  I -mand it might be advanced to one dollar and Crs clerks, and even the Almighty himself, they all
*-nts     Now then, seeing that, according to the received their just attention from Frank turning the
l I      theory value is determined in production, we searchight of the materialistic interpretation of his-
should say that, in the one case wheat was selling torv upon them
*ent   below  and in the other ten per  cent \t an meetings questions were invited and floor
above its value
particular time and place we tind that 10 lbs. ot
sugar are equal to. or are worth, or are the value of
60 lbs of wheat, and that one dollar in gold ts the
value of either one of them.
Now the question we have to discuss is just why
this relationship should exist and what it is that determines or fixes their particular proportions, and
further, which is really the same question in a different form, what causes their proportion to vary
from time to time The conclusion we come to
Will he our theory of value.
A number of theories have been put forward to
account for the  facts.    There are: the Utility* th«
Cost of Production; the Labor; the Supply and l>
mtnd and the Marginal Utility theories
The Utility Theory may be dismissed at once.
Utility, of course, is important in view of the fact
thai no object can become a commodity which does
not possess utility or use-value, real or fancied. But
it is obvious that utility, in itself, has no part in the
determination of exchange value. I doubt whetncr
any one who was at all acquainted with the fac s
ever thought tbat it bad.
The others fall into two classes. The
Theory approaches the question from the point o
view of production. According to this theory value
is determined by the respective quantities of ItDor
required in the production of commodities; me
amounts of social effort involved in placing them
upoti the market Tn practice this becomes a question of the cost of production. In the case ot i
ly or competitively produced goods the market vaV
Will be determined, as a rule, by the cost^of produc-
moo
price.
On   the   other   hand, from the allowed in  opposition.    Frank answered  all ques-
"'"    [-'     ~ ,.- -nv theory which considers value to t|ons in the spirit asked. One school teacher thought
'     .  ■,.,,- wv the condition of the market, the sju. would show Frank up. or rather mop tbe floor
be QCicrmincu i*j   *»•« - , ,
1 amount of gold that the wheat exchanged tor with him. by asking and answering her own ques-
.i .    *088 or 23-2 or 25.52 grains, would be its tions. stating Socialism wanted to   divide up, and
1,1 be 90 or 100 or 110 cents sa-(- tjiat \* -u, wanted a system of government like
the one in Russia, then she hoped God would help
value, and its price woui
i- the case might be.^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^
i lints   such   as the foregoing, one out ot    prank     Frank in his answer drew down the house
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^fl ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 ^^^^^^^^^H  ^^^^^^^H ^km^km^km^km^km^km^km^km^kwMaWMm ^^^^^^^H ^^^^^^^1
many, which introd
Wil        »w      -"•■■ ***** ■ " I
duce so much confusion into the    \n a storm of laughter, and the lady went home sad-
Lab0f    discussion of  economic qu
estions. and  this is not    der but a whore lot wiser, no doubt wondering how
she ever came to have such erroneous ideas about
helped anv by the determination of bourgeois econ- she cver Ci
J-t, to ignore any theory of value based on labor. Socialism.    ^^^^^
theless as we have seen, the cost of produc- Literature was sold at our meetings and subs, for
•PCrf a commodity is a concrete, positive fact in tne "Clarion" asked for.    Keep Frank on the firing
t,on °  '              c8 and cannot be ignored by any ywe    He is a fine boy and a good propagandist and
prax ^ ^ ^ manufactUrcr. capable on the platform.     We shall be tickled to
The fact is that many modern economists are so    ,lave him w-tll us aga*n.   And lastly, we want to
tender Frank a   hearty thanks for his   efforts to-
•ion „, ,h0M commies produced under *****   £„ positio„ fa, society .hat mo,, of .heir work is
Inmly alive to their position as spokesmen for the
oralis, class and others are so influenced by <he.r
^•*\*n in society tha ^^^
On the other hand we
ipologctic
rroffi^r^rs-^e --^y _„, ******* **** •*. - «
BBBB        BBSS ..-_       .     . Hie cost OI  ..
tune
the least favorable conditions; in other words, the
mar^ror^rror-MaVgina. cos." is .he cost o.    ^        ,„„,„. has arisen and has been genera..,-
production of those commodities produced under ^ ^  ^   eonomK condltlo„s of that
wards education of the slave-
Yours in the scrap,
£ Local (Equity) 87,
H. H HANSON, Secretary.
Seal Alberta. TAGE SIX
WESTERN      CUr.IO N
Materialist Conception of History
FOR   BEGINNERS
Lesson 17.
'FRENCH REVOLUTION."
IN Weirs "Historical Basis of Modern Europe."
(p. 105), he says: "It cannot be too often repeated that the French Revolution was not a
convulsive struggle of a people tortured beyond
endurance, hot the collapse of an effete social ays-
tem. Though the Lord ol tlie Manor no longer
resided amongst the peasants, they had to pay toll
at his bridges, tolerate the ravages of his pigeons
and game, bring their corn to his mill and grapcf to
his wine press, and dough to his ovens; nor could
they escape the requisition of thc church "
F. A. M. Mignct, in his    "French    Revolution,"
says, (p. 71): "The insurrection broke out in a violent and invincible manner.    A young girl entering
a guardhouse, seized a drum and rushed through the
streets beating it .and crying 'Bread. Bread.'   She
was surrounded by a crowd of women.    This mob
advanced toward the Hotel de Ville, increasing as
it went .... broke open the doors, seized weapons
and marched towards Versailles    The people rose
en masse .the national   guard and French   guards
joining against Ihe opposition of their commander.
Lafayette."     On page 88, 89, 91.   Mignct records
that when Talleyrand proposed to the clergy to renounce ecclesiastical property to the   nation after
the debate on this subject, the clergy rose against
the proposition.    And when this property was placed at the nations disposal by the decree of 2nd December, 178°, thc hatred of the clergy to the Revolution broke out from that moment.    Page 90: "When
the clergy saw the    decree of the 29th    December
transferring the administration of the church property to the municipalities ,it sought every means of
impeding thc operations of the municipalities by exciting as much as possible religious questions, and
it raised the Catholics against the Protestants for
the purpose of compromising the assembly and confounding the cause of its own interests with that of
religion.    When the Assembly completed the reorganization of France, the nobility emigrated to excite Europe against the Revolution.    Thc clergy,
discontented with the loss of its   possessions, still
more   than   with   the   ecclesiastical   constitution,
sought to destroy the new order by insurrections.
These  two elements prepared thc elements of civil
and foreign wars."    ip. 109.)
De Gibbin says: "Tbe French Revolution was the
result of economic csuses that had been operating
for centuries, and which had their effect 400 years
before in the Peasants' Revolt in England.   These
economic effects have been kept in the background
by historians, blinded by  the  increased wealth of
the richer portion of the nation, ignoring the fact
that it wa* accomplished by serious poverty among
the industrial classes.    Nor did historians perceive
the famous world wars in which England was engaged at the close of thc century and up to 1815
were necessitated by England's endeavor to obtain
the commercial supremacy of the world, after she
had invented tbe means of   supplying the world's
markets to overflowing-    Economic causes were at
the root of them all."   Another historian tells us:
'♦Prior to 1789, three-fifths of all the best land and
improvements and three-quarters of all the wealth
of the nation belonged to 500,000 clergy, nobility
and royalty, while the other 25,000,000 owned two-
firths lands and one-fourth property, paying all taxes as the above three   parties were all    exempted
Irom taxation; the people confiscated all this wealth,
telling it and putting the money in the treasury."
The same conditions   obtained in Mexico   and the
South American provinces of Spain.     Thc clergy,
nobles and religious orders owned the most fertile
land, and   Mexico followed the method of France
when they became a republic, by confiscating all the
property of these classes and dilorcing the church
from the State." •
The "Communist Manifesto" by Marx and Engels
says: "All property relations in the past have continually been subject  to   historical change   consequent upon chartge in historical conditions.      The
French Revolution, for example,   abolished feudal
property in favor ol bourgeois property."  The Revolution was welcomed in England until it appeared it \va« going to affect the I'.nglish nobility. Burke
said the overthrow of kingship in France would lead
to the same in England.    The World Peace Foundation | Feb.  1919) in a booklet on Anglo-American
relations, dealing with the French Revolution period
says': "Britain went to war to check the expansion
Of the French Revolution t<> other  countries,   and
especially to   prevent   the   tprttd of revolutionary
democracy on her own soil."    This lead to the Napoleon wars.    Napoleon passed the decree of Berlin
altera victorious struggle  with Russia and Prussia,
declaring a blockade and the seizure of all British
ships and exports, and alt the ships of other nations
if they called at a British j»ort. because Britain declared a blockade of the whole coast «*i  France and
her allies from Dantiz to Trieste     It was impossible to enforce this blockade even  by the immense
force at Britain's disposal.    Napoleon retaliated by
the exclusion of  all  British trade to and from the
Continent.    Britain  saw this might ruin her trade
and  issued an  order   in council, January. 1807, by
which neutral vessels voyaging to coasts subject to
the blockade were compelled to touch a British port
on pain of seizure.    The order in council brought
on the war with the United States, as they opposed
Britain's right of search on her ships.
Engels in his "Socialism. Utopian an'd Scientific,"
says: "The great French Revolution wa*. the third
n-prising of the bourgeoisie, but tbe tirst that had
entirely ca-*t off tbe religious cloak and was fought
out on undisguised political lines; it was the first.
too. that was really fought out to the destruction of
one of the combatants, the aristocracy, and the complete triumph* of the other ,the bourgeoisie. In
England the continuity of the pre-revolutionary and
post-revolutionary institutions, and the compromise
between the landlord and th** capitalist, found Ita
expression in the continuity of judical procedure
and in the religious preservation of the feudal forms
of tbe law. In France thc Revolution constituted a
complete breach with the traditions of the pa-t; it
cleared out the very last vestige of feudalism . and
created in the Code Civil a masterly adaption of
the old Roman law- that almost perfect expression
of the juridical relations corresponding to the economic stage called by Marx tbe production of commodities—to modern capitalistic conditions; so masterly that this French revolutionary code still serve*
as a model for reforms of the law of property tn all
other countries, not excepting England." (a, 2$,
Whitehead Library). On \i 43: The Revolution
was thc victory of the third estate, i.e., of the great
masses of the nation working in production and in
hade, over the privileged idle classes, the noble*
and th«* pnests. But tbe victory of thc third estate
soon revealed itself as exclusively tbe victory of a
small part of this 'estate' as tbe conquest of political
power by the socially privileged section of it, i.e.,
•he propertied bourgeoisie. And the bourgeoisie
bad certainly developed rapidly during the Revolution, partly by speculation in tbe lands of the nobility and of the church, confiscated and afterwards
put up for sale, and partly by frauds upon thc na-
«ion by the means of army contracts. It was thc
domination of these swindlers that, under the Directorate, brought France to the verge of ruin, and thus
gave Napoleon the pretext for hia coup d'etat."
When Russia signed a peace treaty with Napol-
ion, Russia forced Sweden to renounce her treaty
with England, and Napoleon had thc Russian and
Swedish fleets at his disposal. England, afraid that
Napoleon might force the Danish fleet on his aide,
took no chances, and the English fleet sailed for
Copenhagen and defeated the Danish fleet and took
this advantage without even a declaration of war.
It was at this time when France defeated Holland,
England took thc    Dutch colonies  Cat-    |   r
I lope. Ceylon ami Malacca "    ***
The Revolution ha<f so many different characte
i-ties in the various countries that hist
cral regard political events of cert
nonam ia gnj.
am epochi as th*
outcome of the will of ihe sovereign*.    They ia
to forget that a man b only a king becaass otfca
men consent to the arrangement . and thai Cccaeal
is based upon thc fact thai the sovereign fUrc;t?,
his pdKtkal power in accord with the eetntoaa* i»
tereatl of thc dominant class \\ h, d w< analv»
the political commotion- m Germany at the tine el
the Reformation, the English Revolution oi 1631
and tbe French Revolution of 17SLI. thev a!! coast*
tutc tlu transformation of power to the Capitals!
class. Historians overtook the essential difference
existing in tbese three events In t,.r ..-•• raohd
found itself in a position' of hopeless inferioritf
against feudal property and. having to re!-, oa ih
own resources in the contest against Icttttalina.il
attained incomplete success, ln England, the capital,
ist only acquired great wealth and BOOH sacteedejil
limiting the powers of the feudal imbihiv a- xttt «aw
by tbe provisions in the "Magna Charts," thus hy
the time they decided to jx-ssess themselves of political power thev found themselves confronted sWi
a weak adversary, and were thus a'»'e t« ...i- hi
victory over feudalism alone, without - Bg tbt
aid of thr people Hence nobles tnd capitalist!
formed the principal figure in the drama of tht English Revolution, while tbe people r*rrr.-;n- i B80>
tereated s-*-cetator* fh Prance on-thc other attf
the bourgeoisie never obtained wealth and power
to restrain tine excesses of the nobles. Thr nowf!
opposed a vigorous resistance to thr political demands of the bourgeoisie and the latter ioandtfctK-
selves compelled to seek an alliance with the SS>
pie. Therefore these conditions presented (hunts!
characteristics A* J.oria has iltttStrsttxl • -*■
g*  is*e tn Germany after the Reformation aeeeef
the help of the laboring people to d- *fcal the 806*
ity. but they had not the COUragfl «<• lee* an tlhatct
.»r accept it when the chance trosf The rVaietu
Rev.dt was a rebellion against tyrannical con "■
of centuries, against  the feudal ttooihl        M ***
urged on bv an impoverished clerg) cagei
gcancc. and burned the lords' castles, iwcarM | '
only the house of the laborer should h« *r'n *
earth During this revolt some of the towas WW
ed unfooked for assistance to the-" political Bptt>
ing-. and made common cause with thi peasas
The town of Strasburg received rebel*! as cm***
LTm provided tbe peasants with ttlOttey. Nafe»W I
I        f-1'fl
supplied them with provisions A learneci
named Conrad Mutian declared that the rerdll pn>
c. led more from the towns than the country, 0*
for a time it appeared like a joint attack W W*JJ
is.n But the capitalists withdrew their 00™
and discarded tbe peasants .and made an alWflm
with the enemy; as we *aw. Lothet thi pt»*»
the capitalist class condemned the rebellion.
the capitalist class saw the political power they
been on the eve of possessing   remsining * •FJ^j
privilege for .several more centuries in the w
the feudal class, although it Continued W '• ■     .
ifled and adapted to new times.   The tWfJ**   0j
war contributed to    hastening the    dissorow
feudalism, rendering the antiquated eCotW,^)ej|eJ
teni more acute, and the Napoleon war- CC-roPj ^
Prussia to abolish the last vestiges of fctfd*
freeing thc peasants, as free labor il '
tor
i of
capitalistic development. In 1748 the "■»*'■ ^
Austria, finding themselves oppressed ^-^-jej
holders predominated, did not hesitate ^V^-,-*!
King oi Prussia to dethrone the German ' n r^
conquer Austria with the hope of obtaining
supremacy in the new state. t>i 1 ity
The bourgeoisie insurrection tgtinal the n     ^
in England had a more glorious OUtCO«i<■■ .
time of Henry I., thc English bourgeois *
(Continued on page 7) WESTERN     CI/A RION
PAGE SEVEN
MATERIALIST CONCEPTION OF HISTORY      liancc of the people and remedy their weakness, the lard these opportunities to educate their fellows as
(Continued from page 6) bourgeoisie sought resource to another Caesar, and to the class nature of politics and the meaning of the
erful enough to   render   valuable   aid to the king    the second empire was established after one of the law applied to property right and slave control. To
against the feudal lords,    but it was not a   strong    most colossal insurrections of the   workers in the win these seats means a wider field and opportun-
jnough alliance    to weaken the   nobility, jor the    history of European civil wars    On the side of the ity to do that, to fail means more propaganda and
nobles united and imposed a . ■**' constitution on the    Parisian proletariat stood none but itself. The hour- educational effort'day in and day out wherever the
•ring.    But the increasing wealth of the commercial    geoisie had the aid of the aristocracy of finance, the opportunity offers.
classes and the progressive impoverishment of the    industrial bourgeoisie, the middle  class, the small        Comrades Frank Cassidy and Geo.   Armstrong
noj,les made it ttecesary to dispose of some of their    trading class, the   army, the slums   organized   as (M. L. A., Manitoba, and late jail   tenant) are in
land to   capital.     As one  historian,  Weir,  says:    Guards Mobile, the intellectual celebrities, the par- Calgary. Some effort has been made tocorrall Cont-
rfu introduction of money played a great pan m    son class and rural population.   Over 30,000 insur- Pritchard for Alberta election propaganda purposes,
ibolishing feudalism.    The commercial clasa com-    gents were massacred and 15.000 transported with- but he is loose somewhere on Vancouver   Island,
Dclled 'he nobility to admit  them to parliament as    out trial.    Again, like the former despotism, an in- recuperating, and can't be located,
garl? as 1295'    H found itself in a helpless nunoritv     itrument of the bourgeoisie,   the new government *    *    *
hut trained power when we saw the Batons weaken      overrode their interests until once more the bour-
»   hy the \N ar of the Roses, final!} leading up to the    geolsie with the people in their alliance overthrew        In this issue "Gcordie" presents to "Clarion" rcad-
1686'Revolution.    The French Revolution presents    *h,. empire and  acquired absolute   political power ers some matter he has had "on his conscience" (to
under the    Republic form of   government,    under be precise) a long time-    In this   issue   Comrade
which the political supremacy of property attains Stephenson makes happy and timely reference  to
the fullness of development. (The United States is the contributions of "Geordie" in "The Red Flag"
tn example.) and "The Indicator" days .and "Geordie's" article
Let us summarise the revolutions and their dif- herein also refers back to his writings then. Com-
ferent characteristics. In Germany the bourgeoisie rade Stephenson's persuasive eloquence in the
could not of themselves destroy the power of the "Clarion" (October, 1918) committed ''Geordie*' to
nobility ami dared not accept the proferred alliance a series of articles on economics to commence in the
ot the people, therefore the revolution was abortive '•Clarion" of November, 1918. Mr. Important Cen-
and feudal politics was allowed to remain in a mod- sor put a stop to that however, but only for a time,
ified form for the "Red Flag" and "The Indicator" later ear-
In England, on the contrary, the weakness of the    ried the series over a number of issues.
nobility   nnd  the  strength  of the   bourgeoisie en-        Now. the substance of these   remarks is that by
•till another character.    The growth of wealth and
,.,, of the French    bourgeoisie was tin. limited
•fid too gradual to allow them to combat the nobil-
;• with am vigor. Therefore they made no head-
--ray, although they, had a little representation two
-tnturief before the Revolution, until they sought
the aid of the people. Finding themselves m the
roinoritj and recognizing they could not take de-
| action against the nobility alone without pop>
u ar support, tlwy withdrew from parliament, de-
, led into the streets, and instigated the Revolu-
*j u a comparativel) easy matter when the effects
of the famine prevailed on account of the Intolerable
.Is of pr.xluction. whicii.prevailed because the abled them to possess the political power without these references now made the articles are required
capitalists were excluded  from the political power the aid of the proletariat, and effected essentially the to be consulted,   and while   ''The Red Flag* 'and
i organise agriculture ami industrial enterprize on 1688 Revolution. "The Indicator' 'are not forgotten they are unavail-
l rational basis.      Therefore not onlv   the people [n France   the relative strength of the nobility able.   "How then?"    reasons    Chris.—"why, let's
joined in hut the unproductive laborers of the old compelled the bourgeoisie to alliances with the pro- have a book."   Now, more than likely this will in-
regime, ihe priests who were now become poor and letariat to obtain political supremacy, and this gave cur "Geordie's" wrath, but Chris, must be encour-
hostile to thc old property svstem with the agitation a popular character to the French Revolution. This aged jn his exhortations.     He'll succeed too.   He
of the unproductive workers of the new regime, the had the effect of the   distribution of   wealth to be dwayg does
paid thinkers of the capitalist class, lawyers, doctors more equitable in France
and men of letters ; neither the peasants or the laborer-, led in the revolt Historians attributed the Revolution to the actions of the Encyclopedists without rcflectuig that the theories of those writers can
only be explained as the product of the times ifl
which they lived."
Uria quotes an impartial writer ij'uckcy. who
Mys: The six years preceding the Revolution were
peculiarly shameful of thc men of letters It is
difficult to fathom the degree of infamy to which
these men who made a business of writing were willing to descend. Philosophy, mathematics, drama,
romance, journalism, in fact all branches of the
intellect were engrossed by the encyclopedia monopoly.    \t the root of their ideas there was nothing
but vanity and wealth." Tbe people fought under seats in each of these town* hat ****** *«£
the bourgeois banner.and rendered valuable aid. but sary precludes ^■^L^^ °™
having accomplished their ends, the overthrow oi Socialist ticket. Comrade WillU«8 0 an old tune
the aristocracv. and having vanquished the court, member of Calgary local of the S P. of C. He was
the l-ourgeoisic suddenly separated themselves Horn    tour
The result of the Revolutions was: A semi-feudal
constitution in Germany; a capitalist state in England ; a popular regime in France-
P.ut capitalism is now established in all of these
countries, with their imperialisms.
Next lesson will deal with the results of the Napoleonic Wars.
PETER T. LECKIE.
 :o:	
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
We have received a cutting from the Rochester,
N Y.. "Abendost," printed in the German language,
concerning Comrade Leckie's "Economic Causes of
War." We suppose a translation will uncover the
usual eulogium. Comrade Mengel will translate
for us in next issue.
There are but three members left in Ottawa local,
yet the energetic Leckie has been for six weeks or
The Aberta elections will be   held in July 18th.
Comrade Frank Williams is the S. P. of C. candi-
umira , _ ,   X1     u „„j •    fLA    more conducting open-air meetings there, acting as
date in Calgary, and Comrade Mrs. Mellard is the p   r & s
S P of C. candidate in Edmonton-   There are five    bis own chairman.   Literature sales are good. Peter
lispenses wisdom and energy about as cheerfully as
anvbodv we ever heard of.
years in Ottawa, and with Peter T. Leckie was
a member of the Trades and Labor Council there.
the people and ceased to be I revolutionary party.
and began laying the foundations of their own political power,
hue* as the English   capitalists   were forced    to
place themselves under the dictatorship of ^**"™ ••"". J "7^1 cntrv to  the Alberta parliament
in order to offer an effective resistance to the nobtl- socialists.     Her entry to  tn   moe       P
sie likewise did the > .me lies now with thc slaves of Edmonton.
S                           English If these comrades are elected to tbat house they
The Prince Rupert comrades are on the streets
too. Comrade Ellis reports good meetings and
some literature spread around among the   heathen
ity, so the French liourgcoi
thing under Napoleon.    But ju*t    as thc
tiung under Napoleon,    nut jum    as -..■     —•-> -• nntwtnnities     eaaerlv
bourgeoisie *£ against their own  mature and    will be   admmed j>J^^^ cSS
restored the king, so also did the French   restore   grasped an
the monarchy because th
the new economic condition
French bourgeoisie, which obliged them
Comrade Mrs  Mellard has been a member of Edmonton local for a number of years.   Last spring,
returning to Canada from a visit to England she minds. Comrades J. H. Burrough and Jack Stev-
ind her husband were denied entry as "undesirable enson are attaining soap-box fame- Here's the very
Socialists." Her entry to the Alberta parliament ->est wav to deVelop speakers— open-air soap-
boxing. More Socialist propagandists have been
developed in that manner than in all the speaker's
classes even conducted. (The statistics are not on
hand—this is an observant "hunch.")
Z Z   or W« •***    when I- m*** himself .here     Comrade Harnng-
o„r The weakness of the    ,.,„ states our position on parliament, nicety when
.TlJea ,hem .0 call on    ,,, nJt (in this **»») «ha. we have never been so
when
so
_»d with what our members have done
hat they have done out of
are government paid Soc-
the Restoration became W ■£-*££   ^^^^^^^^
capital, the capitalist class could onlv resist will. tn.    ■ nar-ung
people's aid. and again for a secom
the aid of the populace in .he great Revoltttron of much concerned ».m, **n»
1W continued to be apparent in the future revolts ,„ ,,artun-en* as ith, - ha
in France.     When the aristocratic government of    t.   That t*m*ty-**y*
V   leslSl   linn   ->"-        i--i.il---"-*,      -- »  .,  .1        '» »
, am« the revolt    t0 the other.   Our judgment of their   conduct as
1    * a •• _^. a.    1. -. -»   a*, aa-h    *-*.w*s\*%-* rvr-
Vancouver, true to form in the summer time, has
its out-door meetings also. Comrades O'Connor,
Farp and others may be found on Columbia or Car-
rail corners almost any night in the week. The
co-operation of comrades will help to extend the
field of activities.   Comrades willing to act as chair-
• **************^******************-^**mm i to.   The    -socialist members of parliament has been prompt   	
of the bourgeoisie became a popular rcvoiut .    a*u made ^ wofk a§ literature sellers, etc., are needed
People reaped no real benefit or advantagetroiiithc    dl-^*!*   ^^^   condition,
second revol
Phillipe to th
reign, almost .-*-»...-.-* ...-.     - ...
P^pertv. Rut tbis king, also attaining ***** weal"j
and a division in the bourgeoisie class, transformed
himself into an absolute monarch. This act called
forth a new resistance and another alliance with tne
People, which resulted in the revolution ot IHW,
"hich began in a bourgeois and ended in a socialistic revolt.   To shake themselves again from the ai-
ution as it resulted in rising    LouU    gg^JjX ^tern..   Tbe law-makers
^e t'\ro"°-;v,u^VofCi Lvernme.it for    of his time developed a hostile regard for his "co- If the numbcr on your addrc8s   kbel is m your
: realized the ideal of a gove _    oin,ration" and the consideration he gave to the law    subscript-on cxpires ^ next is8ue If it is less
as thev saw it.   His "Proletarian in Politics   (now ^ m ^ subscfiption hag already expired md
out of print) was a speech delivered in the Alberta ^ ^ ^ counting ^ dayg m y0Uf dol,ar arrivC3
Legislative Assembly,  explaining to the slaves of ^
Mberta his mission in life.     Perhaps the Alberta *-       ^    	
elections   will Rive   Comrades Williams and Mel- :o: ••AGE EIGHT
Literature Price List
Conraunrt Manifesto. Sing's eopies, 10e; 91
aooita. 12.00.
Wtgs-Lsbor snd CspitaL Singis eopies, 10s; »
eopies, $2.00.
Ths Present Economic System, (Prof. W. A.
Boagar).   Single eopies, 10c; 25 copies, $1.50.
Capitalist Production. (First Nine aad Had
Chaptere, "Capital," Vol. 1, Marx). Single eopiea
(eloth bound), $1.00; 5 eopiea, $8.75.
Soeialiam, Utopian and Seieatine. Sin-rl* eopies,
15c; 25 eopiea, $3.25.
Sieve of the Farm. Singlt eopiea, 10a; 25 sepias,
$1.60.
Manifaato, S. P. of 01, ana*rla espy, 10 osntsi II
Copies  --$8-00
Evolution of Man. (Prof. Bslseae). Shagla
copiet, 20e; 26 eopiea, $3.76.
The Nttura aad Utea af Sabotags (Prat T. ▼eh-
leo).   Singles eopiea 5 eenta, 25 espies $1.
Ancient Society (Louis H Morgan), $2 15
Tslue, Price and Profit (Marx)—Singlt eopies, lit;
25 eopies, $3.25.
Introduction   to   Sociology   'Arthur   M.   Lswia),
$1.75.
Civil Wsr in France (Marx)  Sic
Life tnd Detth (Dr. E. Ttiehmaaa)  SOe
History of the Paris Commune (Liassgaray) ....$1.50
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\\ E S T E R N      C L A K I O X
ONE OF THE REASONS WHY MR. CAPITALIST IS SO INTERESTED IN RED CROSS
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In Shansi. where famine has Wen decimating
thc population for months, ihe \inerican Red Cross
has just obtained permission to begin the construction <»t a much needed highway that will tap an immensely rich coal district and enable a large section
oi* North China, hitherto without roads, to reach the
outside world with its products when ianiine conditions shall have been relieved This highway Will
be of great value tO China because ol the mineral
resources of the count r\ through which it passes.
It is said by the engineers in charge that the mountains in the vicinity arc teamed with a tine grade of
coal, which crops out right beside the highway, so
that no further road work will be required to get out
the fuel. Once the road ia built, the natural keenness and thrift of the Chinese arc relied on to de
vclnp the mine- and market the product.
As a reminder to the Chinese, markers are being
set along thc Shansi highway, telling in Chinese
characters that the road is American-built, as a
memorial to the enduring friendship between the
two republics.
The Red Cross is a useful institution. It tinds
ont all kinds of "interesting places" suitable for exploitation.
Anglo-French troops ar-* engaged in driving oui
the Polish insurgent- from the neutral /one in Upper Silesia. The popularity oi the British troops in
German districts has not cscajwd notice. Flowers
were strewn in their path and they were welcomed
like conquering her<»es of the Fatherland. In ten
years, it is predicted, an Anglo-German alliance will
supersede the present Entente. Stranger things
have taken place. English alliances, naturally, are
dictated solely by English interests. It was Germany, not France, that threatened the economic
supremacy of industrial England before the war
Today the wind has set in another quarter. We are
doing today what we did before 1**1-4. We are seeking to avert war by an agitation to promote friendship. But friendship does not come that way. If
England desires to improve the relations between
herself and thc United States, she must get at the
roots of the trouble, which are economic The two
countries must reconcile their conflicting economic
rivalries. Mere idle hatter about the priceless benefits of friendship will not prevent trouble, if the
economic life of England is believed to be endangered by the economic rivalry of her Western competitor for the world markets—The Statesman.
 :o:	
Washington. July 12- Approximately $1.5*00,-
000.000 has been appropriated for extension of the
naval program by the 5 countries which are expected to discuss disarmament, it has been disclosed.
The T. S. leads with $500,000,000. Great Britain is second with $422,000,000; Japan is third with
$250,000,000; France is fourth with $175,000,000;
and Italy fifth with $73 000,000.
Como'etion o.' the present building programme
will show the five countries armed on the oceans as
follows:
Ocat Britain,955 ships; United States. 608 ships;
Japan. 221 : France. 253; Italy, 245.
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•UBBOBIPTIOV rOBM.
WBiTHJI OLABIOB
A Journal of History, Eeoaonrues, Philosophy and
Current Bveatt.
(Mfleaal Organ of tha Socialist Party af	
Issued twiee-e-month, st 401 Psnder 8treet Bast,
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Bate: 20 Iesuse for One Dollar (Foreign, 16 iasass).
Makt all moneys payahle to B. MacLeod.
For. _ — eaeteecd herewith
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of
Canada
w>. th* toefcUU* tarty or .**«*,-* tttim <•,«- .,•„
l*:,.o to. ar-.l -nipport or   lh* pri**..**-,;-., tad *ra*no-l
ot lt>* revolutionary   working ri***
Lfcbor. *ppll**-d   to n*tur*l    r-**ourt***,    aramtMM   tfl
-»#**mi        Tht- prcwar-l avono-nt1,-- *-.»-?,„ m  ttmti
■ «flt»ll->f  <--*i---r«h1*> of  tha   fi-nan* of pro-JiKlU.n   eo
■jut-nlly   *ll tha pr->.tu( la of labor Mfl-Ef to *j-j *%M*tM\
Ut   tUMM       Tho OSptttltM    I*.   maa**atm*\\   m*«!»r    ra*
mt rWar a •lav*.
fl« lonu ao lh« capitalist ctaa* r*****Umm lr, \«~*»oa*.ot
of th#> r«*ri-> of ir-v-m-n-i," all thr H**MI at t*-,» Hut-
• tll b* u»«l to protect and »1->f«-r-*l ita -.---"-M-rtj rifhti in
th* ni«*»n* of wrtmlOi production ami it* eot-trot of7?»
prtxljct  of labor.
Tho r-*,**-ttal'«t •Y-itoni fttr-r** to th*. <-*-.;*»lin u ***••
-.aalltr-*- »tr«-*jij of *irofrta, arxl to tha worker. 4.-, aaag,
it.. rat* trig mMiur* of mlaory *.»wl   •!«-«-*»U'   -
Tha in!art** ot lb* wortrtr-f ciaam ''.*■* m Mttttj \****t
ttro fr»-n capitaliat axplnltar* b> tl-.a alK-lili*.-! 0f --,,
**t*am t»>»lam. ut-da-r which thin fpt*rtt*UltHl »t tk* *****
of produ--tIon. U <-|o*Jt»d To a« <"->nii>lt».'t ihi* r.f-atit-
-tt-»» tha t«-«n»for-m*lion or rar-MaJiai •>r**>(>-'-t> |a ->»
BMMM of waatth production into KM**)*J.\y BMtrf 1--'. «<«-,
mtmm*  forraa
Tr»* trr**ir«***lbla conflict of !nt«<r"»l l»aiw-*n **■.* -ai-
ttaJtat and tha wort-,*r nocoaaansy <-t:'-*•»»* itw • ** »
Mrufftc for p«>lltl<-»l »opr-*fna<-> Th « ia 1-* "U»i
fO.rtigaie
Thorotorr. V*J "•»'! avl! wor*t*r* to MaWltM Wata* 'M
Utilt'r of tha »ot-t*Htt Tartr *f'*r<«'» Witt Iti J'^'cl
o*. roo-juertn* in* potnwml po-acr* tmt th* M4n-o*« tt
ot-titnc up arwl anforrtm tha **0*MMSc f*******»**amt tt
t.'.a wo-i-lnc <**»*>*.  »* follow*
1 m Th* trmnafor«*• 1*011. *• m.pf<l:j at **-a-*SMll
.■f <~aplt*il**i ttt**Po'Oj \m Um mmmmt *t
• <• • produ ti-*n iMlur»i r*»^t-r<r-a. f*c'.«f-
tnria*. twill* raiiroada. *t<- ' inio MUmUN
m«-*rMi of production
J- Tba a-rawntt-wlloo *»d matt,**omot.\ rf mm*m*t*
ay tba wortainc claaa
Th» a*l»b*teh*w*ot. a* **?*mtiir ** PSWaSb tt
pr-«*l«ction f-*»r ut* *n*t«*»d >-f r*¥1d"'"1^'- tl
prom
THE "WESTERN CLARION" ON SALE AT'.
CALGARY,  Alta.—Alexander   New*   Sttai W
1 lightb Avenue  West.
labor News Stand. 8M» 2nd St  East —
MONTREAL— . .
Popular Booh and Stationrry Storr, I6SI Dw
rrinrs St. West
EDMONTON—Labor News Stand. lOJ^-lfli-tS*
NEW Vv-fcSTMINSTBR—Newa Stand, B C t%
IVpot
SH ATTLE-Raymer'a Old Book Store 1330 lat M
SAN  FRANCISCO—Marxian   Kdua'ional   Qat,
:rVt PnltOO Street.
TORONTO—I)  Goodman. Blind News Agtat,cat
Queen and Chestnut Sts
VANXXHJVER       Columhia Nov. Stand, corse?
MaMing* and Columlna Sts
lohn Crern. Carrall Street
W. Love, Hastings Street East
BUFFALO, N. Y-Onward Book Storr. 14 Chinn*
cry Street
CHICAOO-Walden  Book   Simp.   W   Hy***-
Court
BOCHESTRRt N   Y--Froletanan Party, S*) S<
Paul Street
TACOMA-Raymer's Old Book Store, 1311 Pto*
Avenur
P. R. Htffer. 1151** Broadway
DETROIT EDUCATIONAL SOCIETY-* ***
laide St. Eaat, Detroit, Mich
PORT WILLIAM -   Stewarts Book Sto'«.
Victorit Ave.
Band,.
• ••i»,*tt»tittt,M****at*****«tt»»«*tttMMti
*•>••«» tttia
isaaea at-
ECONOMIC CAUSES
OF WAR
By FBTBB T. LBOKI
VOW BBADT.
Prafaet ay tha aathor
182 PAOBS.
Par Copy. * °*Bta
«p, SO eenta sash
Past Paid.

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