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Western Clarion May 1, 1922

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 A Journal of
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C. MAY 1. 1922
The Genoa Conference
OF late days, the symbolical figure of France
has been completely metamorphosed—comparing the picture, by British artists, of
this erstwhile dame during war-time with the one of
yesterday. In the former was seen the pitiful sight
of a rather comely young woman, slenderly symmetrical, nailed to a cross, her bosom stained and
torn by hunnish hands. While in the background
Ave caught a glimpse oi" the misery, devastation, and
wanton waste of war. But in this latest picture,
France appears aa the Jew of Europe, stoutly defending the tenets of Shyloek. .Here the spectator
is obliged to fill in such details as the artists failed
to put in: the unrelieved famine conditions of Russia: the social cess-pool of Austria: the strenuous
labors of German workers to produce the goods for
reparation claims: the terrors of peace.
The imagery of British artists has been affected
by the painful experiences of their masters during
the tAvelve previous conferences which have taken
place since January, 1919. New political alignments>
in Europe have affected the economic interests of
their masters, so causing these propagandists to adjust their ideas to suit new conditions. Each conference, from the fateful one at Versailles to this;
gathering of brawlers at Genoa was heralded with
the wildest acclamations. Fulsome penegyrics, written by the grovelling sycophants of Grub Street,
were paid to French and British delegations attending these conventions. And that bovine animal, the
public, blissfuly content with its pasture, received assurance from the press that everlasting peace had
been established, and reconstruction would start on
the morrow.
But the conclusion of these discussions proved
that the problems, supposed to be solved, Avere further complicated and their solution impossible. By
the fact that each nation is only concerned with the
conservation and expansion of its own material interests, failing to submerge these in the interests of
their class as a Avhole. Never onee did they consider
the social nature of production, its international
character or the dependency of any single part upon
the whole: that an injury to any single part is an
injury to all.
In support of this statement of facts' I have taken
the following quotation from Dr. E. J. Dillon, writing in the "Fortnightly RevieAv" (NeAv York),
March, 1922:
 --•"- -"-f*"**f"-»**- I
"The special pleaders on the French' side do not perceive, that material well-being of the British people is
Avholly dependent on its foreign trade, which th© operation of the Peace Treaties has cut down to a minimum
and that, the tax-paying capacities of the nation are
strained to the utmost limits of endurance. What they
do notice is the unenviable plight in which- their own attitude has placed them in the Avorld, and the necessity of
making some sacrifices—the smaller the' better—for the
purpose of recovering their prestige and taMIng up the
threads of their policy anew.
"This policy consists in throAA-ing a military net-work
over most of the European continent, in the meshes of
which Germany is held fast, and compelling allies, friends
and enemies to pay for its up-keep.
"This scheme for political and military hegemony ls
perhaps the most comprehensive ever devised in modern
times. Among the achievements already to its credit is
the creation of a great Poland which, congruously with the
last military) Bill presented to the Legislature in Warsaw,
is to have universal conscription   (the Government of
Poland Avon out at the last election, 1921, on a program
against conscription—R. K.) and a standing army, of a
quarter of a million soldiers at the beck and call of
France, with an outlay of one hundred and fifty milliard
marks a year.
"The Little Entente, too, Which bids fair to become a
new Austria with Czeriho-Slovakia as its* centre is another
ofiishoot of the vast military system which has sprung
from the war against wars. Czecho-Slavakia is now linked
with Poland, by a politico-commercial treaty, by which the
former State promises its neutrality should the latter have
to fight for the possession of Eastern Galicia. France and
Poland ar© also partners in vast economic enterprises asl
well as military allies, and they are making arramglements
for the exploitation of Upper SUesia, for which France is
supplying the needed milliards.
"Next in importance conies the Northern Entente comprehending Finland, Poland, Esthonia, submerging' Lithuania. The Aland Islands have heien presented to Finlandi
as a pledge of friendship. France needs a foothold on the
Baltic as much as she requires Tangiers to Morocco and
Clapperton Island on the Pacific, to which Mexico lays
"In this masterly way most of the continental peoples
are become pawns in the hands of a political chess-player,
and Europe is being thrust back again into the maze of
tortuous diplomacy and governmental wars."
Here we have laid bare the baleful, vicious nature
of Peace as expressed under capitalism! Even five
centuries of industrial development, of arts and pretentious eulture, ethics and religion, exercise no
other influence on its character than to help hide
its plundering proclivities, as the feline tribe cover
their ash in. a thin layer of dust. The ego of this
thing stands clear in all its intrigues and artifices
for the conquering of poAver, political and economic,
Avhich it Avcilds as parsimoniously as unsocially.
As soon as the Genoa Conference had entered the
primary stage of discussion, the antagonism between
France and Britain Avas made plainly observable,
The British State is compelled to find a market for
German goods if the reparation claims of the British!
capitalists are to be paid. Here, certainly, is one
country which the Nemesis stalking capitalism has
made the disposal of its loot the most difficult thing
imaginable. For the reader must remember that
they enter (as some must) the British market as
German goods, of necessity, are produced as cheaply as possible—the outside marginal point. "When
imports, they immediately affect, industries engaged
in the production of goods for the home market.
British manufacturers are compelled to' cut their
prices in order to compete against these goods from
Germany. Still more ludicrous, Avheii! they are
shipped as exports they cripple the export trade of
the country. And against their entrance into the
United States market, Washington has passed an
Anti-Dumping Bill, in 1921.
France on the other side, experiences no difficulty
as yet in disposing of these goods as capital among
her numerous vassals.
At last, when the only market that can not interfere with British trade and profits is in sights-
Russia—tbe French engage in a heated controversey
over the German-Russian trade alliance, demanding
the annulment of this treaty and the ejection from
the conference of thc signatories. Forgetting that
in April, 1921, they, too, were secretly conferring
Avith representatives of Moscow for the same pact
(or a still worse one for Russia).
"We are told that from April 1, when the Trad© Bureau
for Russian Countries' was founded in Paris until the closing days of December (1921) pourparlers were carried on
in WarsaAV and elsewhere, at first between officials of the
French Ministry of Commerce, and subsequently between
the latter and members of the French Red dross, with a
-view to striking up a complete agreement between the
two Governments which would give Franc© special ad.
vantages and put Germany through another mill—this
time one of Franco-Russian contrivance. In consequence
of the Brussels conference, for instance, tihte Soviet ""©*•
presentatlves signified thei r willingness to recognise Rus-,
sia's pre-war debts and shortly aftenvards this recognition
was confirmed by the Moscow Government. Finally the
negotiations took a more precise form and cam© to a
head on the following basis: (1) Recognition of the Treaty
of Versailles by the Soviet Government (2) Recognition
of the Soviet Government by France. (3) Repayment of
Russia's pre-war d©bts to Franc© by the process of transferring to her Russia's indemnity claim against Germany,
congruously with Atricle 116 of the Treaty of Versailles
(which ruins as follows: 'The Allied and Associated Powers formally reserve the right of Russia to obtain from
Germany restitution and reparations based on the Principles of the present Treaty')*. (4) Franc© to receive 40%
of Germany's net profits on all her enterprises in Russia.
(5) The creation of a French commission to supervise
German enterprises in Russia. (6) A platina concession
to be given France in the Ural.
"What these conditions portend for Germany, who
seems willing to pay to the full extent of her capacity, it
would be superfluous to point out in detail. Among other
consequences, they would topose on her a fresh financial
burden, reduce her citizens Avorking in Russia to the level
of serfs, and utterly defeat the central object of the
Genoa Conference. But even if they be abandoned, it is
urged, what of the spirit which prompted them and also
conceived the attempt to found a federation of South
Russian Republics under the protectorate of France ln
June, 1921?"
Full of duplicity and as merciless to the beaten
and weak as nature, the intriguing character of capitalism is here unfolded. How then can peace be established; how reconcile the contradictions which
arise out of such a system; how smooth the antagonisms engendered by competition ? By their own
actions the ruling class of society today are destroying every prop on jwhich civilization rests; and
though society is far from being conscious of the
fact, the entire fabric is due to fall soon. Then, .out
of the ruins what; and Avho the builders? Ignorance destroyed this as in the past; will knowledge
consciously design the new?
Manitoba Provincial
Election, 1922
Local (Winnipeg) No. 109, S. P. of C. has
nominated Comrades George Armstrong and
Sidney J. Rose as candidates. Contributions
are needed to meet deposit (Provincial Govt.)
fees. These may be sent to the secretary of
Winnipeg Local:—
P. 0. BOX 2354,
The Origin of the World
By R. McMillan.
Noav listen to me carefully, and see if you can
understand what I mean. J, think I understand
Avhat I am going to say; but if I am not able to
jnake it clear to you, it is a sign that it is not
really clear to me. If there Avas only the force of
gravitation at work, the moon Avould fall into the
earth, for the pull of the earth Avould soon pull the
moon down. If there Avas only the force of gravitation at work, the sun Avould pull the earth towards
it, and Ave Avould tumble into the mighty flaming
sun, and all the world AArould blaze into nothing in
a very short time.
When I say "into nothing" I do not mean that,
because nothing is ever destroyed. You cannot reduce "something" to "nothing," no matter Avhat
you do. If you burn a ton of coal, you think! it has
been reduced to "nothing"; but that is quite wrong.
In burning the coal you set free the heat that Avas
in it, and change the black shining coal to gas, to
heat, to motion, to energy, to many possible things;
but the oxygen and the hydrogen, and the carbon
and sulphur in the coal, have simply changed their
form. They are not destroyed. You can never
destroy anything. Force and matter are quite indestructible. They cannot be destroyed; nothing
can be destroyed. Everything changes, but nothing
ever is or ever can be detroyed. Is that clear to
If this Avorld fell into the sun, then, it would be
destroyed as a world, though it.would still exist as
gas. But it would not have been destroyed. You
will need to think that out; but I do not expect you
are going to understand, in one lesson, what I am
trying to make plain. I only hope to set you to
thinking and inquiring further. You must not
believe what I tell you just because I have told
you. You must prove all things, and hold fast to
that Avhich is good.
I said that if there Avas only the force of gravitation at work, all things would fly together. The
earth and the sun would fly together, and the stars
Avould collide and smash up, and the entire universe
Avould. come to destruction—to final and hopeless
rest. They do not tend that way at all, and Avhat
keeps them from ruin is the existence of ENERGY.
1 do not knoAv what energy, is, any more than I
know what gravitation is; but I knoAv that it exists.
That is, I knoAv what it does.
Like matter and motion, like gravity and time,
ant or near, it is called gravitation; when it acts
between the molecules composing masses, it is
called molecular attraction or cohesion; Avhen it
acts betAveen the atoms, uniting them chemically
into molecules, it is called chemical attraction, or
I do not suppose that, it is very clear to you, for
when I recall the trouble I. had to remember the
difference betAveen atoms and molecules, between
electrons and ions, I knoAV that you will be all in a
state of muddle. But do not be discouraged. I am
not going to try and explain all those differences
here; that would be quite out of the question. What
I do want you to understand is that Jhere are tAvo
forces at work in the world; one we will call
"Force," and the other "Energy." But you have
also got to remember that names are nothing except signposts. They explain nothing. They are
only to shoAV you the path. Bear this in mind, that
there are two opposing forces in the world Which
keep things moving. One pulls, the other pushes.
One draws together, the other separates. Those tAvo
forces are what called the Avorld into existence.
Those are the giants of my story, but they are such
wonderful giants that I want to boAv down to them
and Avorship them, for they express, to me, all the
miracles of the universe.
There is nothing more wonderful auyAvhere than
the existence of these two giants. They are the
cause of all that is—of rain and rivers, of volcanoes
and earthquakes, of tidal waves and floods, and joy
and Avoe, and life. and death. They are so wonderful, so vast, so imponderable, yet so simple. We
talk, as if they were mysteries, and so they are.
But the simplest thing in the Avorld is a mystery.
Your pet lamb eats grass and drinks Avater, but it
changes the grass and water into lamb and avooI.
How! You eat the dead lamb, and change it into
live girl. Hoav? You eat lamb and green peas and
potatoes, and you change them into skin and hair,
into bones and muscles,-into toe-nails and fingernails, and into ideas and conduct and emotion—but
how? You are a miracle yourself—an expression
of the mystery of everything in the Avorld, even the
very simplest. You think that my friends, Force
and Energy, are mysterious. Yes, they are; but not
more mysterious than you are yourself.
Take a glass ot water and try to find out what
it is "imponderable."   Energv does the exact op- Ji.is, and yo,u will stand face to face with the mystery
* t* •• *"-i • •"» i •i • • -      '^^ n    j_ -i • TIT    J. ' 1 tt    a
posite of gravitation. Or, if you like to give it
the name Edward Clodd gives it, then it does the
opposite of FORCE. P'nergy drives things out;
force pulls them back. I have seen a burning mountain—a volcano—throAv vast clouds of Avhite-hot
boiling lava up into the air, for hundreds of feet.
What drove it up into the air like that was energy.
But it all came back to the earth very soon, for the
law of force was at work pulling it back.
of the universe. Water is composed of tAvo gases.
Do you believe that? It is formed from the gas
oxygen, which is a fiery, savage gas, and the light,
flighty gas called hydrogen. If you put some acid
into fresh water, and put electric wires into it, you
can separate the tAvo gases, and turn the water into
invisible gas. Is that Avonderful- Is it a miracle?
All Avater is composed of gas, and some man had
an idea of separating the sea water into its constifc-
For fear you think I am making this up out of   uent gases, and driving the ship Avith gas instead of
my OAvn head, let me quote Edward Clodd on thisL. steam, and doing away with coal.
subject, for he Avrote "The Story of Creation,"
and be is a very clever man. His book has gone
through about eight editions, and many thousand
copies have been issued by the R. P. A. in their
cheap sixpenny reprints, so it must be a good book!
Mr. Clodd says: "Motion throughout the universe is produced or destroyed, quickened or retarded, increased or lessened, by tAvo indestructible
poAvers of opposite nature—(a) Force, and (b)
Energy. For the present purpose Force is defined
as that Avhich produces or quickens motion, binding
together two or more particles of ponderable matter, and which retards or resists motions tending
to separate such particles. When force acts between visible masses of matter, large or small, dist-
Now listen to this: All living things are largely
composed of water. Edward Clodd says: "All
living matter is largely made up of water, the average proportion ranging from seventy to ninety per
cent.; but in the jelly-fish it is about four hundred
to one." That means that we are mostly gas, for if
water is composed of gas, and we are mostly water,
then Ave are mostly gas.   .
Let me go a step further, and tell you that all
matter—everything—is composed of gas, and all
the world and the things and people in it are all composed of gas. They came from gas, and to gas they
must return. But I had better leave you at that
for the moment, had I not?
Next Lesson: The Deceptiveness of Motion.
A Letter From
Dun ford Bridge,
Via Sheffield, England,
April, 13,1922.
Editor. "Western Clarion,"
Dear Comrade:
I suppose you Avill be wondering what has become
of me. and no doubt many will have formed the opinion that I have crossed the "great divide."
Sorry to say that tAvo attacks of the flu' followed
by complications have prevented me from being active but am noAv-sloAvly recovering, though not yet
able to go in again for propaganda. I noticed in
your latest "Clarion" an article on the Theatre and
it pleased me more than I can say, because I am a
member of the Actors' Association and have had the
pleasure of speaking at one or two of their propaganda meetings. It took some courage to explain to
a bunch of Avell known artists that they were "slaves
bought and sold at their cost of production," but.1
did it and with good results. The germ is iioav working and if you find class consciousness developing
among the pros, of this country, remember S. P. of
C. propaganda has contributed some littlei towards
this. There are thousands of actors! in this country
unemployed, all with good deliveries and nearly all
of them with nothing to deliver. Harry Quelch's
son contributes to flhe official organ, "The Actor,"
and he is doing good work in a quiet way. He has
recently been to Moscow and writes about the
Theatres of Russia. The book "Ten Days That
Shook the World" contains material for a thrilling
play. The "Commune" 'and othejr incidents of
working class history could also be staged and do
good work in the Avay of education. I know that
. many comrades Avould not agree with this method of
propaganda, but I express my opinion.
Was talking to Walter Newbold the other day
and he made the statement that. Britain was done
for. He has been assiduously engaged in research
Avork for some considerable time and he knows much.
The economic revolution in this country has proceeded much further than the working class is aware.
The master- class has a much better idea of the' situation than the slaves. The ignorance of the Labor
Party keeps it silent upon international questions
because it doesn't know anything about them. The
machinery of production is not being renewed, and
in comparison with that of other countries it will
sooii be old junk. Helplessness, apathy, and impotent misery are everywhere, but with t.hte exception of the unemployed organisations there is little
revolutionary life. The Communist Party is falling
to pieces; some of the leaders are no good and the
rank and file are as blind and foolish as the followers of the I. W..W.. I understand you have now
a "Workers' Party" in Canada. This I suppose is
the Communist Party "in disguise."
The S. P. of C. has ahvays fought (Capitalism)
by means of education. Other organizations try to
fight (the Capitalist Class) hy direct action, etc.
The system itself enslaves, and the system is not
the conscious work of the Capitalist but the result
of an unconscious development. Education, therefore, is primarily necessary before we can escape
from bondage.
At the same time Ave must remember that it is
effort and not argument that Avill finally decide. Jt
is the overthrow of Capitalism and the establishment of the co-operative Commonwealth that we
Avork for. This is our goal. The education of the
proletariat is a means towards this end.
Keep the goal in vieAv and never forget that we
are a political party, and let us always be prepared,
both individually and collectively, to display that
political initiative that is necessary to orient the
heads of our class in the right direction.
Newbold told me among other things that a certain well knovrai daily here is in the pay of the
French ruling class *   After Fashoda the French
* We suspect that the "certain Avell known daily"
referred, to is "The Daily Mail."—Editor.
(Continued on page 4)
:j      ■     ' ; WESTERN    CLARION
Chipping the "Rock of
Ages    ■
IN all political times ail countries have their enemies. The recorded instances of Avorld peace
are feAV—almost non-existent. DoAvn from antique ages race hatred has been taught, glorified and
perpetuated. .Egyptian tomb and pyramid, Babylonian obelisk and temple, Persian Mosque and Grecian
column—all testify to race hatred, as clearly as to
class struggle.
But while historical struggles are class struggles
—records of changing class dynasties—tne impulse
to race ha.te appears to be pedigreed, like an Ariosto
—or the more useful Jersey. The class struggle is a
product of politieal subjection—the only subjection
there is—but the antipathy of tribe to tribe is an
historic inheritance from, our wild ancestors, developed by them from their ancestral wild. Long before "Carthage delenda" "was chanted by the ped,-
dlers of Rome, or Sparatan Helot coveted Attic
wealth; as distant from the old empire of the Phar-
ohs as this is from Us, tribe fought tribe for pasture
and water-course; savage quarrelled and slew, for
the hunting grounds of the green forest. £*elf preservation is the basic principle of evolution, even in
co-operative society, Avhether animals or human,
and from this has been developed the. clear eye, the
nimble foot, the alert sense, the keen mind of living
forms. From the first has descended selfishness,
from tluvsecond the potential of race hate, both of
which are sharpened and accenuated to an abnormal
degree under the aggressive influence of political
In this way the psychology of modern commerce
mingles Avith our heritage of ancient milleniums,
and the appeal of capitalist greed chords AAdth the
latent instinct of being, In the same way—but in
more subtle fashion—at the passionate oratory of
the bourgeois patriot, rekindles the consciousness of
its dimly remembered reality. It is this subconscious remembrance of Gentile custom and conservatism that impels us away from innovations, from
things neAV and strange. It is this "sleeping" memory of the thousands of years of apparently static
savagery that causes us to turn a deaf ear to present reason, and, by apperception holds us, a ransom to the philosophy of the ideal. And it is these
very peculiarities, so naturally generated, which
militate against our real interest, which correspond
with the natural tendency to uniformity and which
operate so powerfully—and for a time so harmoniously—with the ambitions of class law and rule.
Nevertheless, present environment is more potent
than heritage, and by the same token, logical deduction more* influential than apriorism. Changes
(although slow) does come, and concept takes on
the hue of changing circumstance. The turn of circumstance produces the strangest combinations, and
conversely, those combinations induce new and unexpected circumstance. The Uav of yesterday is at
once the parent, and the enemy of the need of today.
And mechanically, the need of today will generate
the greater impulse and the dynamic antagonism of
tomorrow. The ally of the present becomes the foe
of the future, the association of interest the most
deadly obstacle tot continued association. The modern mummeries of ancient custom still hold us in
thrall; the siren song of country blends \vith the
old saga of the soil; the appeal of class interest
wakens the dormant instinct of a primitive estate;
the ethic of "right" calls.to the ethic of a lost communism. But the ancient traditions are now overlapped with the petty abstractions of bourgeois shop-
keeping; Gentile reverence has become commercial
sanctimoniousness; the spirit of kin fraternity appears as the Janus faced standard bearer of individualism; and the halloAved custom of class association—the creation of immemorial time, and mutual
comity—now garbed in Puritan prudery, lias become the vulgar providence of an unrestrained accumulation. So countless gradations of passion and
emotion; of culture and apathy; of ideal and self,
mingle inextricably together in a baffling play of
force and influence, without plan or conscious conception, and Avithout intelligent objective of ultimate
History screens the drama of the past on the
moonlit soul of present prejudice. Hence, the pasiti
appears A\dth colored edges, chromatic with time—
perspective; its unlovely idolatry, its appalling misery and stoicp,l cruelty, unrelated and spectral abstracts. Aud the juggling mind veils, even from
itself, its visionless inability to co-ordinate the theoretic and grasp the essential amidst the myriad manifests of flying change. We have seen race pitted
against race; class against class; creed against
creed; kingdom against kingdom, with constant
repetition Avithout perceiving the identical unity of
conflict. We have exchanged one slavery for
another; one government or god. or king.—all
social creations—for neAv forms and novelties, and
have scarcely glimped the prime principle in them
all. We have cast our image on the crystal vault-of
•heaven, and built shrines to its majesty. We have
invested it with a thousand forms, endowed it Avith
the most fantastic attributes, and do not, even yet
challenge its identity. We have burned and crucified, tortured and buried alive; sacrificed with
numberlessi devices, and Avith a ghastly ceremony of
fear for the tOAvering shadoAVs of man; man the sport
of all ages; the creature of. a moment, the slave of
his convention; whose life is, to the aeons of univ-
sal life, as a bubble bursting on the river.
So^we, in the image of yesterday confront the
future, complexing the problems of the present, with
concepts of the past, and—characteristically—looking to the "good times" ahead, draped in the habila-
ments of the storied '' what has been.'' But neither
the intelligence of evolved condition, nor the spirit
of the new age, nor the necessity of latest change
can accept the philosophy of the traditional. Today
is the day of science; of empirical test and demonstration, and surely if slowly is the neAv eoncept of
life and being, weft and Avoven on the throbbing
loom of experience into the web of daily existence.
We may not see it; we may not want it. That is
quite immaterial. The laws and forces of causation,
underlying the current and phenomena of matter in
motion, urge and impel, out of their inexhaustible
fountain of objective reality, the progress of wider
change, and further climax. It is not philosophy that
plans progress, nor wisdom, nor wisdom that gives
it effect. It is the substantial of change that originates and motives the entire process, and out of the
stormy experience of the ever varying phenomena
of the new, is wisdom thrust upon us, and out of
which may haply come the long dreamt of sovereignty of the intellectual.
It is the concept of progress that conditions the
strength and virility of philosophy. For to be wisdom, thought and reality must coincide. If they do
not, it means—the Avorld Ave have. Philosophy must
influence—in some degree—life and its conduct, but
it can only add lustre to that life, and beauty to
that conduct, when it is based on material fact and
relation, not on the gossamer Aveb of idealism. It
is this union of natural fact! and its cultural experience, Avhich can alone redden the AA'hite blood of
apathy; rouse the time-slave from the dormancy of
doubt, to the robust enthusiasm of perception, and
in understanding, take and control his oavu destiny,
to crown the ages with the greater man. R.
AFTER three years of Avar among tlie socialists
—war to the point of slaughtering each other
with light field artillery—the cry has gone
up among masses of Avorkers in Europe for a "united front.'' In obedience to it there met on April 2
in the Reichstag building in Berlin executives of the
three existent socialist internationales, the right-
wing Second, the centrist " TAVo-and-a-half" or International Working Union of Socialist Parties, and
the left-wing Third Internationale. There was also
present Serrati, leader of the powerful Socialist
Party of Italy, to speak for the socialist parties of
Italy, the United States, Argentina, and other groups
wliich are not affiliated with any of the three internationales.
After tAvo days of stormy meeting accord Avas
reached on seven points. The most important of
these is the appointment of a committee of nine,
three from each internationale, to call a world congress of socialist and labor parties. These points „
provide, among other things, for a rapprochement
between the Amsterdam International Federation
of Trade Unions and the rival one organized by
Moscoav; for public trials of the Socialist Revolution.-
ists prosecuted in Russia, no death penalty to be imposed on them; for international demonstrations to
be held against unemployment; for the eight-hour
day, and for aid to Soviet Russia.
The present movement for a united front is
largely the reaction of workers to a major drive
against them by their common enemy, . . . the
employing class. -Wage cuts, assaults on labor organizations, lockouts, unemployment, and all that
goes Avith the after-the-Avar economic slump are noAv
more living realities to the Avorkers than questions
of revolution versus evolution, dictatorship of the
proletariat, and the other issues that have split their
ranks in the last three years. What, therefore, the
Avorkers do in the way of staying united will depend largely on what the bosses do. The stronger
the attack on them, it Avould seem, the more they
will feel the need of unity for defense.
One of the first casualties of the war AAras the
socialist internationale, smashed not by direct capitalist fire but carried along in the temporary collapse of international capitalism. Most of the socialists ceased attacking their governments and ,
shouldered arms. A considerable number remained
loyal to their international principles, and despite
official prohibition representatives of these minorities met during the war in SAvitzerland. Most of
these internationalists formed the germ of what s
later, after the Russian Revolution, became the Third
Internationale. But among those who at first supported* the Avar internationalism also reasserted
itself, and, opposition to the rather docile collaboration Avith capitalists which Avas part of the war
■psychology. The anti-collaborationist parties withdrew from the old Second Internationale soon after
the Great War officially ended and the war among
socialists only greAv sharper. Tn Russia'Rolshevibj
fought Menshevik, in Germany Majority Socialist
fought Communist, and in Czecho-Slovakia the right
Aving fought the left Aving with every weapon from
revolvers to light field guns, from hand grenades to
poison gas; and this at a time Avhen their common
enemy Avas most disorganized. In almost every
country where there were socialist parties splits took
In ,the United States a growing party of over
100,000 members polling a vote ten times that number broke into something like fourteen fragments,
of which the largest counts barely 20,000. Soon to ,
complete the picture of disorganization came a third
international grouping, the ''centrists," most of
whom had been among the radicals during the war
but Avho Avere opposed to the dictatorial dogmatism
of the Russian leaders of the Third Internationale
This group gradually became a sort of bridge toward
unity of all the socialist forces. In time a sharp
shift in Moscow policy came to its aid. The Third
Internationalists, once preachers of "purity of doctrine," maneuvevers of splits, began preaching the
"united working-class front."
Those Avho see direct cause and effect between
the needs of Soviet Russia and the deeds of the Third
Internationale can make out a strong case. They
point out that when Soviet Russia Was being attacked by an international ring of capitalist troops
and diversion in the rear of those armies was needed,
the Third Internationale called for revolution everywhere. To achieve the decisive morale for such a
desperate step socialist parties had to be divested of
all hesitant ricrht-Aving^ and centrist elements; hence
a program of splitting was ordered and effected.
Later Soviet Russia came to need alliances with
capitalist governments and found the Third Internationale a source of embarrassment, as illustrated
in the case of Turkey. Soviet Russia wanted an immediate alliance with Turkey. Th(> Third Internationale, on the other hand, was committed to a
(Continued on page 8)
*mm*aaM0*mm PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A tammaX at HJjtorr, Bcsnomleg, FkUowyb-f,
and Ourrent Brents.
Fvbttakt-i fariea a month by the Soeullrt Party of
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
fctwi at O. P. O. aa a na-atrpmpar.
 Ewen MaeLood
Oaaada, SO moss $1.00
rtraifm, IS iuuM $1.00
...If thia acmber ia ea yarn addreaa label yaw
Rn7iabi«riptioa expiree with next ittma. Beaew
WVI   pramptij.
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 1, 1922
THE business of shamming an Allied united
front in the battle of Avits and words at Genoa
brings to mind again Mr. Wilson's Avonderful
phrase concerning "open covenants openly arrived
at." French efforts to clog the wheels of the diplomatic machinery having met with a considerable
degree of success, Mr. Lloyd George, failing in all
other measures to control the recalcitrant member,
actually threatens to rise and tell the truth. It
works. The French have made a passable pretence
of unity, and the press scullions have not yet recovered from the unusual shock of possible reality.
So the conference proceeds.
As everybody expected (whether they admitted
it or not) the Russians have presented a bill of expense against the Allied governments. Its amount
is 300 billion francs (gold).* This sum, in the main,
covers the counter claims of Russia against damages caused by Denekin, Yudenich, Kolchak, Semenov, Wrangle and sueh other blood spillers as the
Allies have sent against Russia. This, as against
the proposals of the London financial "experts,"
. has not yet been disposed of in any settlement. With
it is bound up the question of pre-war debts and
plans for future capitalist excursions into Russia,
the actual basis of which is not yet disclosed definitely. British and PVench antagonism lies in this
quarter. "The Nation" (N. Y.) April 26, comments
upon "this deeper issue—the real battle of Genoa"—
'"The keenest struggle of the Conference, and that about
which least appears in the newspaper dispatches, is .between the French policy of dividing Russia into zones for
economic exploitation by her neighbors and tiheir financial
allies, and what has hitherto been the British policy Of
aiding Russia through an international consortium, which
would be virtually a scheme to use Germany to exploit
Russia for the benefit of the Allies."
"The Province" (Vancouver), April 26 (cable
service, New York Times) in a dispatch from Genoa,
"Sentiment here (Genoa) drifts back to. the London con
sortium plan under which there would be established an
international stock corporation which Avould undertake at
first to develop ports and transport expenditures being
protected by a first mortgage on improved property. Of
course under this plan the Soviet would not control. It
might participate, but the people who put up the money
and did the Avork would run the business "
There we have the argument. Thc Soviets have
been driven to the desperate need of aid from capitalism. Britain and France are divided on the oppor"-
tunities offered by the opening up of Russia as a
field for exploitation and as a market for goods.
Their mutual distrust over Russian policy is shown
in connection Avith the Russian-German trade agreement.
Whatever happens at Genoa, Soviet Russia is
definitely committed to the policy of concessions to
capitalist enterprise. The Soviet note, addressed
(March 15, 1922) to the British, French and Italian
governments contains the following:
"The Council of the People's Commissaries considers
as a pratical problem the application in Russia, in the
interest both of that country and of the rest of the world,
of the technical capacity and material resources of foreign
States, where industry has been more fully developed.
The Council of People's Commissaries have, therefore,
guaranteed, by a decree of November 23, 1920 (Code of
LaAvs, 1920, article 421), the property of those holding concessions in Russia against any sort of nationalisation,
requisition, or confiscation, and has given them various
privileges Avhich will allow them to carry on .their business
without hindrance. )
"The re.estabrfshment of property in industry, and of
private initiative in production generally, naturally involves the same principle in commerce. A series of decrees of the Central Executive Committee, and of the
People's Commissaries, has established full liberty for
private commercial transactions, the ban on private trade
having been removed (C. of L., 1921, articles 149, 212 and
350)"—(From "Russian Information and Review," published by the Information Dept. of the Russian Trade
Delegation, London, April 15, 1922).
Soviet Russia has not adopted that policy ■willingly but through sheer necessity. At Genoa, in,
meeting with the paymasters of the unscrupulous
mercenaries already mentioned, Chicherin is under
no delusion concerning protestations of friendliness
toAvards the Russian people. After violence; robbery. The Allies are now in a race for advantage in
directing the process of profit production. If the
Genoa Conference does nothing else it will shoAV that
to be the sole interest of the capitalist class.
Russ-German Pact
NEXT issue Ave hope to present the substance
of the report on the recent convention of the
S. P. of C. (Alberta) locals held in Calgary.
The report is prepared by Comrade W. R. Lewin, but
as it is rather lengthy and would occupy overmuch
Clarion space it will require summarising. Some
nineteen resolutions were considered. These will be
summarised as briefly as possible consistent with the
# *       *       #
The articles now appearing in the Clarion, "The
Origin of the AVorld," by R. McMillan are causing
many comrades to write asking if the book is obtainable. We hope to be able to lay in a stock at a
later date, but have none on hand noA\\ When we
get them we shall have them listed along \yith our
other literature.
We made some remarks concerning our bankruptcy in Theosophy in last issue which we noAv
cheerfully retract. We idly reckoned without Comrade Harrington Avhom we now fall back on (as
usual).    Jack threatens to give us an article on
Theosophy for next issue.
# *       *       *
The Clarion needs more readers and more subs.
Try it!
Wm. Churchill $2; Wm. Clarkson $1; W. Wasson $1;
Mrs. Annie R03S $1; "B. L. J." $2.
Above, C. M. F. oontributions received from 13th to 27th
April, inclusive, total $7.
Continued from page 2.
worked to help along the growing antagonism between Britain and Germany, and now the same
bunch is assisting the United States and Britain in
the direction that the clash of economic interests is
driving them.
1 should just like to drop into the Headquarters
in old Vancouver but I am tied here in a most peculiar wav. My mother has been in bed for months
and she does not desire me to return to Canada
until she either recovers or goes the way of all flesh,
but I long to be with you and to take my part in the
fight. It would do Lenin good fo tour Canada as
Cassidy did and as I and others have done more
than once. The Russian episode has slightly overbalanced us. We are now getting the correct perspective and realize that the S. P. of C. has built
even better than it kneAV.
So long, Boys! You have your faults, but I take
my hat off to you. You.are the soundest bunch of
reds it has been my lot to meet. Remember me to all
and give everybody my address.
THAT Lloyd George's scheme to divert the
Teutons into Russia and thus avoid trade rivalry should have been forstalled by the Germans themselves, thus depriving him of a diplomatic
victory which would have been of great assistance
to him in bolstering np his Avaning popularity at
home, could hardly meet Avith the approval of that
erstwhile astute politician.
That the basic idea of Lloyd George's present
diplomatic strategy was to make Russia available as
a stable market for Germany, and by so doing aid
Germany in her task of recovering sufficiently ttJ*
pay her debts • remove Russia as a bankrupt burden
on the back of the entire Avorld by letting Germany
take over the job, and at the same time eliminate
from the foreign markets the danger of German's
undercutting competition Avhich today has them in a
state of demoralization and which is the biggest individual factor in preventing Great Britain from
going back to normal conditions, is revealed by Norman W. Baxter in a special cable to the Philadelphia
"Public Ledger" and the Rochester "Herald" under date of London, April 15.
He further goes on to say: "The mere threat of
German competition today is responsible for 70 per
cent, of the uncertainty and shakiness that exists in
foreign markets. This is due not so much to what
Germany actually is placing in the markets in the
Avay of deliveries but because every time there are
prospects of a big order the German bid is entered
at a figure no one else can meet. The effects of this
have been naturally to muddle the markets. Buyers holding off in an effort to determine the price
levels and monthly figures of British exports tell
their own story of what the result of this has been
to the country. This menace to trade, real enough
in its reactions, hoAvever, can be countered if a market can be found for Germany Avhere not only prices
but deliveries also can be made so that at one stroke
Germany ceases her activities and finds some outlet
for her productively."
"War animosities prevent the expansion of German trade in every direction on land but Russia.
The German merchant marine, AA'hich made Germany
felt in foreign markets in the tAvo decades that preceded the war, is so impoverished that there is no
feasible outlet there.
"German capital is eager for the Russian experiment, British financiers and the government are.
said to have assurances of this from Stinnes, Rath-
enau, Simons and others AA'hose visits to London
recently have been more or less periodical. In fact
the present Georgia policy is the outgrowth and development of the plan for Russian reconstruction
that Herr Stinnes and Dr. Rathenan offered to private capital when they first arrived last fall to
negotiate with British financiers.
"It first came as an idea invoMng private re-
cources of Germany and Britain and; it was hoped,
the United States, but it has groAvn through pressure
and development into the keystone of the diplomatic triumphs Premier Lloyd George hopes to bring
back from Genoa for the stabilization of post-war
So the treaty between Germany and Russia is
looked on with disfavor. The very purpose Avhich it
was determined to accomplish with a great flourish
of triumpets has been quietly accomplished Avithout
any intermediary to claim the distinction and profit by the transaction.
And France is rattling her sabres anew* and further disclosing (if that were necessary) that her ulterior object is to reduce both Germany and Russia
to a state of vassalage, for she has systematically
opposed any measures that would make for the rehabilitation of Germany and she is consequently
furious at the strengthening of both Germany and
Russia against her full designs.
(Editor's Note: A concession has been granted
by the Georgian Soe. Sov. Republic to a company
formed by the former owners of the Putilov Avorks
(Continued on page 8)
Economics for Workers
THE Nominal wage is comprised of the Dollars
and Cents the worker finds in his envelope,
but in itself it does not give any conception
of the real, or relative wage.
The real wage is the purchasing power of the
money Avage, and real Avages may fall Avhile money
wages rise, Avhile on the other hand real Avages may
rise while money Avages fall - for instance, if commodities that go to maintain the worker fall faster
than) nominal wages, real Avages rise.
The Relative Avage is the proportion of wages to
the total production. Relative wages may fall while
both nominal and real wages rise. The above statements are best conveyed to the worker's mind by
the folloAving tables. The first table shows an increase of nominal and also real Avages, from 1860 to
1891 in the United States.
223 Commodities and wages equals 100 in 1860.
Commodities 100' fell to 94.6.
Wages 100 rose to 168.
This shows wages rising from one dollar to one
dollar sixty-eight, while commodities fell from one
dollar to 94.6 cents. The nominal and real wage
therefore have risen.
The folloAving sIioavs that nominal wages increased while real wages fell in England amongst the tailors from the years 1777-9 to 1801.
Wages: 21/9d. (1777-9) rose to 27/—(1801)
Purchase poAArer (1777-9) 36 loaves of bread ; Purchase power (1801) 181A loaves.
Nominal Avages have increased since the golden
age of English laborers but foodstuffs have risen
faster. We find that 15 week's labor in 1495 could
buy move than 52 Aveek's labor in 1593.
Nominal AA'ages increased during the Avar but real
Avages fell in most cases. The London "Times" of
14th Feb. 1920 gave the folloAving figures I have
Living increased  136%
Nominal wages increased 130%
The purchasing power had fallen; therefore, real
Avages fell.
The United States Bureau of Labor Statistics
shows real wages have fallen, although nominal
Avages increased, thus:—
Year. Wages Living Costs.
1914 102        103  ■
1915 102        105-1
1916 106    -   118-3
1917 112        142-4
1918 130        174-4
1919 191        199-3
In 1920 wages fell to 189 although living had
gone up to 216.5, a result of a glutted'labor market
of unemployed.
The only period in which nominal Avages increased
the real wage is in the first table, from 1860 to 1891.
The reason for this Avas because of the large development of mechanical appliances, lessening the value
of commodities and producing and distributing Avistih
greater facilities with the introduction of steam
boats, railroads and every other facility of transportation and communication, and this condition especially in the United States made a demand for Avorkers
so we had increased money wages alongside falling
prices.. When we come to the subject of prices I
Avill give more detail of this great industrial development.
If we take the purchasing poAver of wages in
Canada since 1914 avc Avill find that nominal wages
have risen while real Avages have fallen. The wage
of the carpenter at $2.50 a day was a higher real
wage than Avhen he received $7.00 a day.
The following are some of the things that could
be purchased with the carpenter's wages of $2.50
and $7.00.
$7.00 Contrasted with $2.50
13 lbs. bacon 17lbs.
112 lbs. flour • 140 His.
210 lbs. potatoes 255 lbs.
20 lbs. coffee 20 lbs.
10 lbs. butter 20 lbs.
24 lbs. lard 28 lbs.
35 lbs. prunes 50 lbs.
Two pairs overalls three pairs
46 lbs. rice 50 lbs,
5 work shirts 6 work shirts
This is the only way to find out the real wage;
by finding what the nominal Avage Avill buy. A great
deal of confusion arises by looking afy dollars and
cents alone.
When prices and living was the principal topic,
a letter appeared in the Ottawa daily press by a
farmer, saying that it Avas the high wages of organised labor, making it hard for the farmer to
obtain labor unless he paid exorbitant wages, AA'hich
caused the high price of butter.
The farmer advanced the argument that 30 years
ago butter was 15c a lb. because labor demanded
only $1.50 a day, and this was the cause of dear
butter, selling at 55c a 11). 1 Avrote the press, showing the fallacy of the farmer's contention, from the
viewpoint of real wages. A labourer Avith $1.50 a
day, when butter sold at 15c a lb., Avas worth, in
wages, 10 lbs. of butter a day, but at the time of the
discussion the labourer had only $3.00 a day, and
instead of quoting butter at. its market price of 55
cents, I gave the fanner the preference and called
it 50e a lb. to make the illustration clear. Then
Mr. Farmer Avas not paying the labourer as high a
wage, because, expressed in butter, he only got 6 lbs
a day instead of 10 lbs. 30 years ago.
We had this same foolish reasoning cropping up
when they discussed the proposed Fixed Rent Bill of
Labour Minister Rollo of the Ontario Parliament,
I hope I have made Real and Nominal Avages
clear. Let us noAv take the Relative wage, i.e., the
proportion of wages to total production.
We saw both the nominal and the real wage increased betAveen 1860 to 1891, yet in that same period
thei Relative wage fell.
Capital. Product.       Wages.       Year.
100 100 100 1860
546  . 397 168 1890
Hero we have the product increased 297 per cent,
while wages increased only 68%. The capital had
increased 446%, which shoves proof of what Marx's
opponents called the great contradiction, Avhen he
pointed out greater exploitation although a fall in
profits, because profits are declared on the total
capital.. This !. will elucidate on the lesson on profits. The above table, then, points out a decrease in
relative wages,
The Steei Industry of the United States shows
this relative Avage decrease, and in the 1880s nominal Avage fell also.
Ton pro- Profit
Year,     duetion per man.    Average wage,   per man.
1870 66 $153 $332
1S80. 81 304 360
1890 260 460 405
1900 395 50G 900
■From a book entitled "Railway Nationalization
and tin* Average Citizen" by Wm. H. Moore, (Toronto. 1917) 1 have draAvn the folloAving table, shoAv-
ing the decrease in Relative Avages in Canada, in
manufacturing industries.
1900 1910
$481,000,000  * $1,166,000,000
$128,000,000 (Avage increased)
$685,000,000   increased Avealth, Avhich means five
times the increase of the Avages).
The High cost of Living Commissioner of Canada's report, 1915: while it sIioavs Avages ros© 40%,
the Relative Avage declined, in proportion to total
production, from 23.5 in 1900 to 20% , 1910.
Therefore, Relative Avages fell.
Once the Avorker has a grasp of the Avage system
he will use his knowledge for its abolition, instead
of merely carrying on the struggle to increase wages.
The condition from 1S60 to 1890 Avhen real and
nominal Avages rose 1 don't think will ever repeat
itself. You had a young and vigorous system, with a
large undiscovered world to open up markets, giving an impetus to trade ami the cheapening of commodities. You had wages rising while commodities
fell because of the industrial booms, which had
longer periods of life than industrial activities have
today. The population of England r<ise, from 20
million in 1821 to 45 million by 1911, as; a result of
this industrial development. ,
We have said that thc labourer, on the average,
like every other commodity receives the value of his
labour-power. This can be well illustrated by tinfoil OAving:—
From 1S90 to 1899 in England prices fell 5%,
Wages rose 2 %.
From 1900 to 190S prices rose 6% while Avages
fell 1%.
A 7 % improvement at first, With a 7% retrogression in the second decade.
That kills the lie that prices depends on Avages.
From 1875 to i896 (in England) prices kept falling
Avhile Avages kept vising;, and yet, as Ave saw in the illustration of relative wages, total profits increased.
I think I have given enough illustrations to explain tlie Real, Nominal and Relative wage', and to
study classes I advise the enlarging of the tables I
have given as a beneficial method for the students
to grasp the subject, as it is hard to grasp in the abstract.
Between 1896 and 1914 prices rose in Britain
35%, and in. Canada 50%, with nominal wages rising so slow that real wages fell 30%.
The figures given by one of the U. S. A. economists are.-—
Money wages, 100.3 in 1890 rose to 187.4 in 1918,
Avith food prices rising from 101.9 in 1890, to 266.6
in 1918.
Wage money increased 87 4%..
Prices increased 164.7%.
So Ave have a great fall in real Avages.
WE introduce you to number 866, not to let
yon know that Ave have a licence for anything, nor to cultivate your interest in any
patent medicine cure-all, but lo direct your attention to the fact that 866 is the number of this Clarion
The point is that if you recerve the Clarion by
mail and the number on your address label is 866
your subscription expires with this issue
If you do not receive the Carlon by mail you
ought to.   In any case, you'll send ;i sub. right away
Here and Noav, because avc need it.   That is the reason for these constant prayers.
Here folloAV   subscriptions   received   since   last
Following, $1 each: J. Gaudy, J. R. Larson, P. Chad-
wick, W. Lindsay, W. Ridoiit, J. M. Wilson, W, Rowker, W.
McQuoid, 1). Oliva, T. Smith, H. Oppikrfper, C. Bowie, J.
W. Collf-tte, J. T. Stott, J. G. Smith, T. Twelvetree, V.
K. Bryce, J. IT. Greaves, L. Sickle, E. Simpson, J. W. Jamie-
son, 0. Fraser.
Following, $2 each: S. Smith, Jop. Hubble, R. E. Shaw,
H. C. Mitchell, Wm. J. Kennedy.
W. H. Sheffield, $4.50; M, A. Lovis, ?lf,0; h \y. Speed
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Above, Clarion subs, received from April 13th to 27th
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Book Review
The Revolutionary Crises ot 1918-1921 in Germany, England, Italy, ar.d France. By W. Z. Foster. The Trade
Union  Educational  League, Chicago. 64 pp. 25c.
lOLLOWING upon the Great World War,"
to make use of a piece of much battered
phraseology, vrhat is conceived as "The
Labour Movement" became invaded Avith a horde of
"new" writers of history, new interpreters of Marx.
Under the golden glow of The Russian Revolution,
without any effort to understand its innumerable
problems, "copyists," romanticists of the first magnitude, and chasers of illusion have abounded on
every hand. Marx is brought up-to-daite, quotations
from almost forgotten letters, cynical and biting, intended to apply to a set of circumstances and people
of half a century ago, are resuscitated and groomed,
trotted out Avith every appearance of having suffered
a literary "dutch-cut," and made to apply to events
and conditions of modern limes in the most incongruous fashion.
*       *       #        *
The little brochure under review is from the pen
of the well known Federated Press correspondent,
author of "The Ste*el Strike," etc., W. Z. Foster,
and, as one might readily suppose, deals in the order mentioned Avith the 1918 and subsequent ebullitions in Germany; the failure of The Triple Alliance at the time of the great Coal Strike in Britain;
the seizure of the metal plants by the Italian metal
Avorkers in 1920. together Avith its terroristic after-
math; and the strikes of 1921 in France.
Much valuable data appears in the work and
from this standpoint it possesses value, but the inability of the author to analyse and sift his data,
peeps unmistakeahly from every page. It is, perhaps, history as it must now be written ("following
upon the great. Avorld Avar") by the high-priests of
"the movement looking towards leadership of the
masses, but it appears to me to be exceedingly false,
nevertheless. The .lonrnalist overwhelms the historian: The Materialist Conception of History is
ignored, and the neAv point ofvieAv, demanded by
change of circumstance, is pressed unrentingly upon
the reader. This, far from being "new" is the
"Great Man" theory, favorable to the development
of the system of the bourgeois, Avhich came to rest
with Herbert Spencer; Foster's pamphlet pullulates
with it. The workers are noAv routed, dejected and
despairful in the several countries dealt with, because of poor or false leaders; because the AArrong
kind of men were in office in the Trades Union, etc.
Not a single whisper concerning the political ineptitude and immaturity of those very masses-upon
Avhose shoulders must rest the responsibility for the
successful consummation of The Social Revolution.
«       *       *        *
In the section dealing with Germany, Foster in
a brief footnote tells us Iioav the Trades Unions,
through a general strike, brought to naught the
Kapp-putsch of March 12th, 1M0. This surely is
significant in a. work v. hich holds the vieAv that Eberts, and his associates, were able to hold power
solely through tin* actions of a few false leaders. The
Avorkers could stifle a monarchist coup-d'etat in the
interest of this same Eberts, but could not destroy
Eberls in their own ink-rest. An ansAver to this
problem would constitute a much more valuable contribution to the much needed education of the Avorkers than many of the arguments used by Foster.
A little more vigorous analysis of the tragic
March "action" of 1921 would have been commendable. The introduction bears the date ofi Dec. 15th,
1921, and yet this terrible chapter in the recent history of the German Working Class received scant
mention in. a footnote (p. 9). The Commune of
Bavaria is aho untouched. Like the Paris Commune,
the mad "March Action" of last year in Germany
is a brilliant example (if examples Ave be seeking)
of hoAV not to do it. At least, it could afford many
lessons for the neAv leaders on this continent, Avere
they not too busily  engaged  in  Avorshipping^ the
spectacular to examine details.
That Scheidemann, Eberts, Noske, et. al., acted
as they did, should cause no surprise to any one acquainted with the history of the movement and the
careers of these men. But, when Karl Legien and his
labor lieutenants drew up and signed, together Avith
Hugo Stinnes and his associates, a document covering conditions of labor, etc., (a trade union agreement) on November 15th, 19]S, six days after the
downfall of the monarchy, the German Revolution
Avas settled. Such is history according to the new
idea !   Let me quote:
".The doom ol' tbe German Revolution ay-is sealed by
the majority Socialist leaders when they drafted the
Stinnps-Legien agreement. Knowingly, intentionally, in
signed contract Avith the exploiters, they sold out the already "accomplished revolution tor a mess of pottage—a
handful of reforms--and re-established the rule of the
capitalist class.
"This grcac treachery, besides ruining the German revolution, seriously if not fatally, compromised the cause
of the Avorld revolution itself. If Germany had gone into
a real revolution—and it surely would have done' so had
it not been for the attitude of the Majority Socialists—all
the countries in Eastern Europe must have followed suit,
ln all likelihood the great movement would have SAvept
across the continent and put an eml to the capitalist
system generally." (p. 1G).
Would that discernible indications in the mental
outlook of the workers existed to justify such glowing optimism! Apart from having evidently travelled Europe Avearing highly colored spectacles, Foster packs more than the average human's share of
that "hope which springs eternal."
Space forbids any extended quotation, but the
foregoing is folloAved on p. .1.7 with a sample of
superb fatuity, to which I direct especially the attention of those who desire to peruse the pamphlet.
The fact of the matter is that the Avorkers are
enslaved today, not because of bad leaders, nor for
the lack of good ones (according to all the signs a
bountiful crop of the latter should shortly be harvested), but because they are victims of masterclass ideology, held in tradition's vise-like grip, vieAv
things and events from their masters' standpoint,
think ir. their masters' terms of reasoning, and oppose on all sides, if not agressively, at least with a
stultifying apathy, the efforts of such propagandists
as are Avilling to assist in revealing the basis of their
subjugation. It is a most peculiar form of reasoning
that concludes that a Avorking class Avhich noAv
quiescently votes for its slavery, will, without the
"stress of conditioning circumstances," as Ross has
it, shoot itself out of it.
The second chapter, "The Failure of The British
Triple Alliance" is sung also on top C, fortissimo.
The information might be serviceable to the Avorking class Avere it not strangled with the weeds of
bourgeois ideology mentioned heretofore. Most of
the matter is well known to the student, from the
incident of Tom Mann's demand for a unified industrial organisation in Manchester in 1910, doAvn
to Frank Hodges' informal speech in the Parliament
Buildings, April 14th, 1921. In a footnote (p. 27)
our author tells us that he Avas in, London all through
this crisis ami can bear Avitness to the revolutionary
tenseness of the situation. Had he passed through
any of the industrial struggles of the last quarter of
a century in Britain he could have felt a precisely
similar tenseness. Or had he been in South Wales,
or in some portions of the industrial north, he might
possibly have gained fuller information. But I
doubt it! A historian with preconceived notions
points as inevitably to his manufactured objective as
the compass needle to the magnetic north.
Still, ai ray of light appears to pierce the gloom!
During the crisis, Ave are told, Avhile the employers
and government representatives conferred with the
"defective" leaders, a temporary transport system
Avas built up and "tens of thousands of men (many
of whom, sad to say, were befuddled workers)"
sAvarm*-d into Lloyd' Georges' Defence Force. And
"tens of thousands of befuddled workers" armed to
the teeth and backed by the poAvers of State, drenched in the concepts of private property could well be
depended upon to defend property against any movement of even two million * Avorkers Avith nothing in
their hands and many of them possessing heads cluttered Avith master-class furniture.
An analysis of the vast complexus of factors
comprising this great crisis, of far greater value to
the worker than this exquisite journalese,,, can he
obtained by taking together Comrade Kirk's article
on "The Coal Strike," and Walton Newbold"s "Collapse of the South Wales Coal Industry," both of
AA'hich have appeared in the "The Western Clarion."
* .     #       *       *
The chapter on Italy contains some fairly interesting reading, albeit of the diluted peruna type.
Here and there faint evidences of struggle 'twixt the
historian and journalist percolate the nauseating
story of human frailty as personified in these latter
times by the false "leaders" of the Avorking class:
the historian vainly resists the efforts of the journalist to drown him. The story of the rise of the
Fascisti is dealt with in fairly good style, although
much of the eeonomie background of this boisterous
movement is omitted. The sieznre of the metal plants
by the workers in Italy in the Fall of 1920 is a matter of history, carried to us for the most part by the
ordinary press despatches. Foster deals AAUth this
situation from the barren standpoint of the old political writers: names and dates are giveiy; the political gerrymanderers are made to strut across the
stage, the real Avirepullers appear undiscovered.
In "The Nation" (Ncav York) .of March 8th,
1922, appears an article by Arthur Livingston, under the heading of "The Italian Bubble Bursts."
Here we find a piece of economic -writing, giving an
insight into the real moving factors of the Italian
situation, Avhich at least might profitably be perused
by our "new" historical school. Not unlike other
countries where large scale industry has thrown its
shadow, Italy, under the impelling urge of the war,
developed neAv industries, based on steel. These
new "war" industries Avere "political" in a sense
that the old time and trusted, and fairly stable business enterprises of former years could not be considered . to be. Behind this ucav industrial chain
Avere the Peronne brothers, imitators of Hugo
Stinnes. Its financial source Avas the Banca Italiana
di Sconto (Italian Discount Bank). We recommend
our readers to look over the article for themselves.
The Ansaldo Iron and Steel Company, the name of
the Peronne adventure, was the concern whose plants
Avere seized by the mctial workers in 1920. While
the struggles and trials of the Avorkers at all times
must call for a sympathetic treatment on the part of
those professing Avorking class aspirations, no good
purpose can be achieved by making the wish the
father to the thought. As Lissagaray in the Preface
to his "History of The Paris Commune" says: "He
who tells the people revolutionary legends, he who
amuses them with sensational stories, is as criminal
as the geographer Avho would draw up false charts
for navigators." It appears to me that this is what
Foster is inclined to do. Livingstion/s article, referred to, demonstrates the natural hostility betAveen settled and old business and thc speculative
or neAv Avar business in Italy. Concerning the "revol-
tionary" episode that crowds Foster's mind, Livingston says: "The proletarian seizure of the factories Avas, in its political and juridical episodes, a
counter-attack of 'safe and sane' industry upon
'political' and 'now' industry. The steel operators
were" tricked into resisting the demands of the Avorkers on promise of support from all other manufacturers; who at once pacified their laborers with
reasonable concessions, knowing avcII that the steel
industries would not be able to folloAv suit." The
Avorkers were permitted by Giolitti to seize the metal
plants in the interests of ihe. Banca Commerciale, a
rival financial concern to the Banca Italiana di
Sconto—such is the charge that Peronne newspapers
launched against their economic and financial rivals,
after the event.
HoAvever, Ave find in Foster a work that the "Revolution" was knifed merely by a handful of reactionary leaders.   How about Italy's geographic posi-
* The three industries covered by th«| Triple Alliance
employ two million workers. WES T1RN     CLA RION
tion? Her long coast-lino, capable of easy bombardment by both French and Britisb tax-gatherer's battleships! I merely introduce these interrogations
as indicative of many equally pertinent: of problems
that would have demanded attention even if the
"bad" leaders had been substituted by "good" ones.
Italy is not Russia. Many of our friends are apparently unaware of Lenin's rebuke to such visionaries. Russia, at the time of her November, 1917,
coup-d'etat, had over half the army (the other half
Avavering and demoralized) and almost, all the navy;
a peasantry wanting land, workers wanting bread,
and all wanting peace—and no political group capable of meeting the situation, or handling affairs.
Opportunity knocked and the Bolsheviki opened the
door. Furthermore, Russia possesses vast tracts of
territory eminently suited for military manoeuvr-
ings, especially retreats, a form of Warfare in which
troops are saved while their opponents perish; and
many other physical characteristics denied to Italy,
Britain, or even Germany: her southern ports are inland, her northern ice-bound for about six months.
Besides, the, system of, the bourgeoisie had not developed as in these other lands. Its resistance Avas
weak. When the chain of capitalist economy snapped under tlie strain of unrestrained credit extension, etc., due to the war, it burst at its Aveakest link.
Many other points croAA^d in upon a treatment of this1
matter, but 1. must forbear.
*        *       *       #
The chapter on France, like the preceding ones,
contains information ruined by the confused outlook of the author. It is a trifle amusing to see
"left-wing Socialists, Anarchists (Emma Goldman
take note!), Syndicalists, and Communists" lumped
together indiscriminately as "revolutionary elements." We get a re-vamping of "principles"
enunciated in the earlier chapters. An onslaught
on dual unionism recurs in the work like a major
theme in a Wagnerian opera. The I. W. W. is attacked and not explained. One might ask as to the
economic background of this movement in America,
which, in any case, so far as unionism goes, has done
more perhaps than any other body to drag the labor
viewpoint into the limelight. The rise of the I. W.
W. was contemporary Avith vast development work;
railroads, and other pioneering Avork in the capitalist sense, caried on by virtue of the migratory worker. Such worker, faced by conditions that meant
further exploitation, resisted as best he kneAV. His
instance, to carry any weight, had to be organized -
the A. F. of L., Avas lacking in form if not in other
eleinenls to accomplish this job With any possibility
of success. From such a material environment greAv
the I. W. W. Its dangerous and confused vieAvpoint
cannot be nullified by,denouncing its entire history
as a mistake. It must be explained and the Avorkers raised in their knowledge of political life to a
real understanding of their slave status and an understanding of the character of the State.
The paragraphs under the sub-head of "Noyau-
tage" constitute an exception to the re-vamping already spoken of. A footnote tells us that this
term is derived from the French Avord noyau, signifying core, lfeart or interior group. These noyaux
or nuclei abound in all the trades organizations. A
reading of this section breeds the suspicion that Foster did some excellent copy-Avork in launchingjiis
Trade Union Educational League in North America.
Tt seems to be a pup of Noyautage.
a       a       a*       a
The conclusion of the Avork is a delightful "neAv"
Communist vesper hymn: a piece of bare-faced optimism unsupported by reality. It is a splendid
specimen of the kind of reasoning Avhich is developed through "contact with the masses"—from afar
off! We are informed that "the Avorkers are placing at their head real fighters, men Avho, when the
next crises comes, will not coAver and cringe, but "will
go through with the proletarian programme, even
as Lenin and his group did in Russia." The fact is
that'the present Russian programme is a. capitalist
one, imposed npon Soviet Russia by conditions beyond her control.
Anyway, the definite use of the present tense is
hopeful enough in all conscience. I would like to
second the motion.   But, alas! the workers at pre
sent, despite wide-spread unrest, are busily engaged
in filling out football coupons as a possible route to
Besides reaching the masses, Iioav about the technical engineers (brought so forcibly to our notice
by Veblen) 5 Russia demonstrates that we must
have at least some of these Avith us.
No, no! There is no royal road to emancipation. -
Socialist concepts must become peiwaise; the masses
conversant Avith their position and determined to
rid themselves of it. To talk of establishing Communism Avithout Communists is puerility in excelsis,
and "action" undertaken under the influence of
such cock-and-bull ideas Avill surely bring its oavu
tragic consequences.
The need of the" time is not new righteous leaders, nor melodramatic calls for "upsurges," but the
spreading of a knoAvledge of Socialism amongst the
masses. A perusal of this book •will convince one
also of the need of knowledge of Socialism amongst
some of its newly-arisen protagonists.
A Horrible Example
SEVERAL times of late we have delivered ourselves of some observations on the baneful effects of imperialism on the citizens of -the imperialist State, pointing out the manner in Avhich it
perverts the minds of humane and intelligent persons, transforming them, quite unconsciously and
against their better nature, into apologists for the
most outrageous and despicable forms of exploitation. A striking example of this lies before us in an
editorial on India in the "New Statesman" of London, a periodical normally Avell-informed, realistic
and logical in its treatment, of Avorld-affairs. We
here find it delivering itself of a farrago of evasive
nonsense that Avould do credit to a diplomat. The
main point of the editorial is the identification of
• i '*m
British rule m India with "democracy." By maintaining its hold, on India, even, if necessary, by the
use of fovce to the uttermost against the native population, Britain is serving the purpose of democracy •
whereas if she withdrew, the result would be chaos
and barbarism. It would thus appear that the Government that staged and condoned Armitsar, hangs
on in India because of a humanitarian fear that if
left to themselves the Indians might set to murdering one another.
• A few quotations will sIioav the tenor of the argument : v
The A^ithdraAval of the British power Avould be the end
of tlie British peace, and with it would vanish all possibility of a democratic India.
Abdication would be treason to democracy.
For our part we place democratic principle above nationalistic sentiment, and we believe that the democratic experiment ought to he tried.
(The British must not leave India) until Ave have had
time to create the machinery and the personnel Avith which
India might defend herself against enemies within aud
without her gates, and achieve an actually stable form of
In Western Europe we all believe very profoundly in
the doctrine of 'free speech': it is the very foundatien, not.
only of our liberties, but of our ability to develop a coherent national consciousness. But we have no right lazily to
assume that 'free speech' amongst the illiterate millions of
Iudia means the same thing, and has the same practical
sanction, as among ourselves.
This is the sort of self-deception that might be expected from a Curzon or a Churchill; though at this
late day, it Avonld seem a bit crude for even the most
hardened Tory to try to Avork the derisible Wilson-
ian phrase "safe for democracy," in apology for
the most ruthless large-scale imperialist exploitation
that has ever been seen in the world. The idea of
democracy is no more contemplated by British rule
in India than by American rule in Haiti and San
Domingo, or by French rule in Morocco, or by the
action of the higlrwayman who menaces unarmed
pedestrians with his gun Avhile he snatches their
valuables.    What a grotesque sort of democracy,
which can find no better use for such men as Mah-
afma Gandhi and Lajuat Rai. than to keep them
locked behind prison bars.!
Let us look at the origins of this great British-
made democratic influence upon India. The original
British establishment iii India Avas the usual chartered company intent on large profits for its shareholders. The company's first step Avas thc securing
of concessions from native rulers. Backed by British governmental poAver. it rapidly progressed to the
usurpation of authority in various Indian States,
though for a period it retained the native rulers as
figureheads. Sometimes the company Avould encourage some powerful prince to descend updn his
Aveaker neighbours, slaughter them, and add their
territory to his OAvn domains. The British Avould then
deprive him of his loot, in payment for their assistance," and in addition levy increasingly heavy tribute on him until in despair he committed some
overt act against them and avus in his turn gobbled
up by the exponents of "democracy." The enterprising young imperialists avIio spread British rule
over India freely utilized corruption, bribery, assassination, thieving, forgery, false treaties, double-
dealing, in pursuance of their ends. Democracy
seems out of this picture. It seems, indeed, out of
any picture that can be drawn of India since the tirst
days of British rule. However, the term Avas so horribly misused during the Avar that today it may
mean almost anything. ^
The "NeAv Statesman V disparaging reference
to the illiterate millions of India is perhaps lifted
from the "Morning Post." In a single generation-
after being freed from Turkish rule, Bulgaria achieved a good degree of literacy, and in a few decades
the people of Finland, despite the blighting effects
of Russian control, raised themselves to the position
of possessing the most widely diffused literacy of
any people in Europe. If, after a century and a half
of British rule, the masses of India are still illiterate,
this unfortunate condition can scarcely be held as
a reproach against the natives themselves. Out of
the fat, revenues Avrung from this land of misery and
starvation, the British rulers appropriate for educational purposes scarcely enough to purchase one.
lead pencil per capita for the child population, Avhich
vAVonld not go far towards providing for .school-
houses, textbooks and the like. Voluntary native
schools are forbidden by the British raj, so the only
hope of any instruction for the average child in
India lies in precarious attempts at educational bootlegging. "Beware above all things popular education!" is our of Hie Russian Tsarist mottoes rigorously adopted by the imperialist rulers in India,
It is not. of course, free speech among the illiterate
that Avorries the Anglo-Saxon masters. The natives
Avhom they gag and incarcerate are not drawn from
the inarticulate mass, but are men like Gandhi and
Lajpat Bai, who would be mclcomed as comrades hy
the choicest spirits in any civilized society, men in
comparison Avith Avhom most of the leaders in the
British Government or our oavii would be rated as
virtually illiterate.
It distresses us to behold our contemporary becoming a devil's advocate in matters such as these.
We are not. opposed to the British brand of imperialism any more than to the American or any other
variety, and if avc refer frequently to the British
product, il is only because it happens to be thc most
conspicuous line in the market. It is obvious that
llu British people can not themselves be free until
they have cast off the spell of imperialism that their
masters of the black art have avovch over them. For
us in America this is peculiarly a thing to be taken
to heart, for our own imperialist adventure is aa^II
under way, its Oriental enterprises have just received the sanction of a treaty duly ratified by the
Senate, and already the sorcerers of privilege are
busy with their incantationsV)ver the underlying
population that must yield the cannon-fodder. It
is by no means inconceivable that in the course of
events the American people may be dragooned into
a Avar against the British people "to make India
safe for democracy," Avhile our cousins across the
sea are called to the colours against us "to preserve
democracy in Tndia." ("The Freeman," N. Y.) 'AG! EIGHT
Analyzed and contrasted from the Marxian and
Darwinian points of view. By Bishop William Montgomery Brown. D.D.- Its bold recommendations:
Banish the Gods from the Skies and Capitalists from
the Earth and make the World safe for Industrial
Seventy-fifth thousand now ready. Pp. 224.
Cloth edition, De Luxe, $1.00.    This whole edition of
2,000 copies is a Christmas gift to the sufferers by-
famine in Russia.   Every copy sold means a whole
dollar to them and much education to the buyer.
New   paper   edition,   25,000   copies,   artistic  design,
Publishers, 1C2 South  Union Street, Galion, Ohio.
Or from
P. O. Bos 710, Vancouver, B. 0.
very beautiful, one copy 25 cents, six, $1.00..
"It will do a wonderful Avork in this the greatest
crisis  in all  history."—Truth.
Socialist Party of
We, the Socialist Party of Canada affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principle* and programme
of the revolutionary working olaea.
Labor, applied to natural resource*, produces all
wealth. The present economic system la baaed upon
capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to tbe eapital-
iet olass. The capitalist ls, therefore, maater; th*
worker a slave.
So long as tho capitalist class remain* ln possession
of the reins of government all the powers of the State
will be used to protect and'defend It* property right* ln
the means of wealth production and ita eontro* of the
produot of labor.
The capitalist system give* to the capitalist an •▼•**-
swelilng stream of profits, and to the worker, an mrar-
lncreasing measure of misery and  degradation.
The Interest of the working class lie* ln setting Itaelf
free from capitaliat exploitation by th* abolition of th*
wage system, under which thl* exploitation, at the point
of production, le cloaked. To accomplish thl* neeeselt-
atee the transformation of caplrtaUat property ln the
means of wealth production Into *oolally ooattrolled •oon-
omic forces.
The irrepressible conflict of Interest between th* *ap-
ttaliat and th* worker necessarily expresses Itself a* a
struggle for political supremacy. Thl* 1* th* Class
Therefore w* call upon all worker* to organls* under
the banner of the Sooialist Party of Canada, with th*
object of conquering the political powwr* for th* purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follow*:
1—The transformation, as rapidly a* possible,
of capitalist property ln the meana of
wealth production (natural resources, faotor-
toriee, mill*, railroad*, *t*.)t Into oolleotlve
means of production.
2—The organisation and management of Industry
by the working class.
Si—The establishment, a* speedily as possible, of
production for use instead of production for
(This is as handy a way as any to send your subs.)
Western Clarion, P. 0. Box, 710.
Vancouver, B. 0.
Official organ of the S. P. of C.   Published twice
a mouth.
Subscriptions: Canada, 20 issues, $1; Foreign:
16 issues $1.
Enclosed find
Send "Western Clarion' 'to
(Continued from page 4)
in Petrograd, in conjunction Avith a German-American syndicate reported as controlled by Stinnes,
Krupp, and the Roekfeller interests. Thei concession consists of over 320,000 acres of forest land.
The exploitation of this are involves raihvay construction, power plant, mills, a canal and a port.
Other concession of a similar nature are being negotiated. This is "the present Georgia policy" referred to above).
(Continued from page 3)
program of fomenting revolution there. Turkey
told Lenin he must choose between his desires as
premier of Russia and as member of the executive
committee of the Third Internationale. Whereupon
the Third Internationale quietly called oft' revolution in Turkey for the time. But the same dilemma
'could not be so easily resolved in tlhe cases of. England and other more publicly situated countries.
It became whispered about, therefore, that Soviet
Russia to save itself was getting ready either to
ditch the Third Internationale or so to modify its
program that it would no longer hinder an alliance
Avith capitalist governments. Trotzky's speeches at
tho congress of the Third Internationale last July
indicated the neAv drift, and at a meeting of its executive committee on December 18, 192.1, a neAv program of "Twenty-five Points" Avas adopted. This
time instead of ordering an offensive of revolution it
stressed the defensive against "the frank endeavors
on the part of the capitalists to reduce wages and
lower the Avhole standard of life of the Avorkers."
Later, immediately after another meeting of an enlarged executive committee cf the Third, the report
came over ncAvs-ageney wires from Moscoav that the
Third Internationale Avas ready to give, up independent existence and, joining in an all-embracing
internationale, content itself with leading the left
Aving. This report has not been denied by the Third.
As it had been instigator of much of the split in
socialist and labor unity—it created the "Red"
Trade Union Internationale in opposition to what is
called the "voIIoav" Trade Union Internationale of
Amsterdam—it would; seem that the fate of any organization it joined Avould depend irt some measure-
on Avhat Soviet Russia needed.
Such momentum has this movement acquired
that the spectacle is, presented of the leaders of both
extreme Avings being pushed together by their fol1-
loAvers, feet braced and sliding but impelled forward nevertheless. In 1920 Zinovicv, chairman of
1he executive committee.,of tlie Third, Avas calling
the leaders of the Second "confidential advisers of
the* bourgeoisie and reliable hangmen of the working class" and declaring "ruthless Avar" on all.
right-Aving and centrist elements as traitors to the
cause ot the proletariat. In 1921 he Avas complaining of "the refusal of the leaders of the Second,
'Two-and-a-half,' and Amsterdam Internationales to
accept one or other of our practical suggestions"
for unity of front. In October, 1921, Arthur Henderson, speaking for Second Internationale, although
nominally only as a member of the executive of the
British Labor Party, wrote in regard to a movo for
an all-embracing international, "We do not propose . . . to invite the communist parties because their methods are so diverse as, to make cooperation impossible." Less than six months later
executives of the Second sat down to meet with those
of tlie Third.
It is true that in many quarters so much hatred
has been generated by three years of internecine
Avar that there is still considerable opposition in
manv quarters to the sudden movement for peace.
t Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
April 30th J. D. Harrington
May 7th W. A. Pritchard
May 14th S. Earp
May 21st  T. O'Connor
May 28th  R. Kirk
126—2nd Street West.
April 30th  S. Earp
May 7th H. Adie
May 14th C. Stephenson
May 21    . S. Earp
May 28th H. Adie
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion.
In France, for instance, a peculiar situation has resulted. When at the behest of the Third Internationale the Socialist Party split at its congress in
Tours in December, 1920, the left-wing leaders of
the party Avere the ones to cry, "Divide!" Today,
again at the behest of the Third, these same leaders
are crying, "Unite!" But the m/iderat elements or
the right wing of the Communist Party of France,
Avhom previously they had converted to hatred for
the center and right wing that broke away from
them, now refuse to love suddenly the enemy they
had been taught to hate; hence they are opposing
the movement for unity.—"The Nation" (N. Y.)
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