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Western Clarion Jul 31, 1911

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 THE
WESTERN
CLARION
jA   £gf     Vancouver, B.C., July, 1911
Published In the Interests of the Working
Class Alone
Subscription: $1.00 Per Year
50 Cents   Six   Months
25 Cents Three Months
FOR CANADA AND GREAT BRITAIN
Elsewhere 81.25 Per Year
ISSUED BY THE
Dominion Executive Committee
Socialist Party op Canada
579 Homer-Richards Lane
Kingsley, Printer. Vancouver, B. C. The hr dern Clarion,
PUBLISHING FUND.
A fund for the publication of Socialist literature has been
subscribed by a number of Locals at $10.00 each* Other
Locals are invited to subscribe in order that more literature may
*be published.   Below is a list of the pamphlets printed.
Locals subscribing to the Fund may obtain these pamphlets at the following rater —F'i"-cent pamphlets at $1.00
kper 100; ten-cent pamphlets at $6t00 per 100; "Value, Price
^ndProfit*9 $2.00per 100.
Price List of Literature
Manifesto of the S. P. of 0. \ J?° Per <*W
)   lon per doz.
Socialism, Revoluticn <md    \ 10c per copy
Internationalism / 75c per doz.
Value, Price and Profit     ^    Jo per copy
j    30c per doz.
The Proletarian in PoUtios \ £| Per <*>W
) 25c per doz.
Slave of the Farm, 5o per copy; 25c doz.
Socialism and Unio ism, 5c copy; 25c doz.
Struggle for Existence, 5c copy; 25o doz.
State and Government,  5o copy; 25c doz.
CHANCE OF ADDRESS.
Note that the address of this office is changed to
579 Homer-Richards Lane. Spartacus, the Gladiator.
OLD SLAVE REVOLTS
SPARTACUS THE GLADIATOR.
The outstanding feature which marked ancient civilizations frojn modern was the production of wealth by the labor
of cht^Pel slaves instead of, as now, by wage labor. The
position of these slaves was exactly that of the horse or the ox.
They were work animals and were, in effect, so regarded,
rather than as human beings. Unlike the modern worker,
whose services are bought from day to day, though thus his
servitude is also lifelong, they were bought and sold bodily
and were the actual property of their masters. As such they
were, like an ox or a horse, more or less valuable property and
represented generally a cash outlay. There was therefore an
incentive to treat them at least as well as horses or oxen. They
were housed, clothed and fed by their masters, of course out
of the wealth they had produced, and a certain standard of
housing, clothing and feeding had to be observed in order that
their efficiency might not be impaired. For the products of
their toil belonged to their owners, and the greater their productivity the better for the latter.
However, as these civilizations advanced, slaves became
so numerous as to be of little value. The incentive to good
treatment accordingly vanished, and the lot of the slave became
very hard. So much so that slaves were driven to the limit
of their endurance, as, when worn out, they could, like the
wage workers, easily be replaced. Further, the wanton
slaughter of slaves came to be a pastime. One of the forms
taken by this pastime was gladiatorial games, and the more
active, powerful and courageous slaves were picked out and
trained to fight with one another in the arena for the entertainment of the citizens.
a
■m. 4 The Western Clarion.
One of these gladiators was Spartacus.   By birth a Thra-
cian herdsman, he had fallen into the hands of the Romans,
and, about 74 B. C, was trained as a gladiator at the Roman
city of Capua.    Here his stature, courage and prowess had
brought him considerable fame, and he was a leader among
the gladiators.   With some two hundred of these he at length
formed a plan to secure the knives with which they ate, rush
-the guards, and escape.   At the last moment the plan was
betrayed and a move was made to arrest the plotters.    But
they became aware of it in time and Spartacus and some
-seventy of the most daring of his fellows succeeded in breaking
< out.   Out in the country they fell in with some wagons loaded
with weapons intended for use in the arena.   Seizing what they
required of these they made their way to Mount Vesuvius.
-Here Spartacus was elected leader with Crixus and Enomans
-as lieutenants.
It was not long before a detachment of troops was sent
-after them. These found them entrenched upon a precipitous
crag with but one way of ascent. Being nightfall, the soldiers
camped here, guarding the foot of the approach to prevent
^escape. However, during the night, the gladiators, twisting
'ropes of vines, let themselves down a cliff on the far side, and
making a detour, fell upon the sleeping soldiers. Taking them
'completely by surprise they slaughtered numbers of them and
put the rest to flight, capturing their arms and baggage.
Spartacus then issued a proclamation of emancipation for
all those who would join him. At this time the public lands,
which had formerly been tilled by the peasants on shares, had
been mostly seized by the rich, and the peasant had been
reduced to a miserable condition of poverty, while great estates
had sprung up, tilled by hordes of imported chattel slaves under
the lash of hired overseers. Consequently Spartacus' proclamation received a hearty response, and he soon found himself at
the head of some ten thousand desperate men more or less
armed. These he set himself to drill and discipline into an
army.
Against this slave army was sent a large Roman force
under the praetor Varinius. Varinius foolishly divided his
forces.    One of his lieutenants, Furius, he sent ahead with Spartacus, the Gladiator. 5
two thousand men, while another, Cosinius, occupied the town
of Salenae, where he, with cheerful confidence, proceeded to
take the baths. Spartacus was not slow to seize the advantage.
He surprised Furius and destroyed nearly his entire detachment,
and then almost succeeded in capturing Cosinius in his bath,
routing his detachment also.
The effect of this victory was electrifying. Slaves poured
into the camp of Spartacus and soon his army numbered some
seventy thousand. With these he quickly annihilated Var-
inius* main body. This left the field clear for Spartacus. He
captured city after city, gaining adherents everywhere and
seizing quantities of arms and supplies, until he was complete
master of the extreme south of Italy, where he spent the winter
in drilling and maneuvering his forces, evidently realizing the
dangers of idleness and luxury in such circumstances.
It had been planned in the spring to march upon Rome
itself, but this plan had to be abandoned owing to the jealousy
and defection of Crixus and Enomans. The latter, with a
large party, undertook an excursion for plunder westward,
encountered a Roman army and was killed and his force
routed. Crixus, with some thirty thousand Gauls, met the
same fate at Mt. Garganus.
Spartacus then conceived the plan of leading the army
northward out of Italy, whence the slaves might escape into
regions whose inhabitants had not been enslaved and expropriated in the Roman wars of conquest. On this march he
was constantly harassed by three Roman armies. However,
one of these he outmanoevred and defeated, capturing a large
number of Roman patricians. These, with* apt irony, he compelled to fight as gladiators for the entertainment of the slaves.
At the crossing of the River Po, his way was barred by a
second army, which likewise met with defeat. His army was
again augmented in numbers and the slave soldiers seem to
have lost their heads over their successes. They compelled
Spartacus to abandon the northward march to safety and
turned their faces again towards Rome. An army, under the
Consul Lentulus was met and beaten so disastrously that Len-
tulus was recalled and disgraced.
The Roman elections taking place about this time, a 6 The Western Clarion.
peculiar situation arose, there being no candidates for the office
of consul, as the new consul's first duty would be to lead an
army against the now dreaded gladiator. Finally Crassus was
prevailed upon to take the office. He appears to have been
at least a general of considerable prudence, for he devoted
himself to harassing the servile army without risking a pitched
battle. Not so his lieutenants, however, three of whom, successively, were tempted into attacking the slaves, against
orders, and were crushingly defeated. Crassus nevertheless
succeeded in herding the slaves down towards the sea.
Here accounts become somewhat obscure. Spartacus
seems to have conceived the idea of crossing to Sicily. To this
end he appears to have had some dealings with the sea pirates.
And, while they failed to cross him over, yet, somehow, through
their agency his forces seem to have been swelled to the enormous number of three hundred thousand. Hereabouts also,
Crassus seems to have attempted to shut in the slaves on a
promontory by means of a wall and embankment thirty-six
miles long. Through these entrenchments the proletarian army
broke one stormy night and again gained the open country.
Disaffection seems to have again broken out among them, and
fifty thousand, taunting Spartacus with cowardice, sallied forth
to attack Crassus, with the usual result.
The Romans had now been reinforced by the arrival of
Pompey with an army from Spain, and Lucullus was expected
at Brundusium with the Asiatic legions. Spartacus, by forced
marches, attempted to reach this port ahead of Lucullus, but
was too late and was checked in this direction. Dogged by
three armies, numbering in all some four hundred thousand
men, mostly veterans, under the three ablest generals of the
day, the slaves retreated into the mountains. Finally, at the
headwaters of the Silarus, they were forced to give battle.
After four years of fighting, Spartacus now realized that the
end had come. After a desperate struggle Spartacus and a
great part of his army were killed and the rest scattered among
die mountains to be later hunted down. Altogether some
260,000 workingmen were killed. Six thousand prisoners were
crucified along the Appian Way for the delectation of the Spartacus, the Gladiator.
patricians as they drove back and forth.
So ended one of the greatest class wars of history, of
which the historians make but scant mention. Alexander,
Hannibal, Caesar, have been extolled to all the world for
their generalship. Of Spartacus, who, leading untrained
workers and without the backing of a great state, was probably
the greatest general of them all, and a man of fine character,
we hear hardly the name. The reasons are clear enough. He
was a leader of slaves in revolt against their masters, and historians are historians of the master class. 8
The Western Clarion.
A MODERN GIANT.
It is said that iron and steel form the barometer of
industry. Certain it is that steel plays an all-important
part in our present-day life. So much so, that a half decent
attempt to handle the steel industry from any point of view
will find a ready buyer if placed on the market. And even
the most ridiculous productions may bring joy and money
to their author by chancing upon some editor who knows
that when his readers are interested' and not too well informed, they are rarely captious critics.
Very recently I chanced upon a case of this character
in an insipid magazine. It was a story of steel. Father,
mother and son comprised the cast. The father had been
a steel worker for forty years; the mother had slaved and
starved for him half that time; the son was an anaemic
youth who sold papers on the streets and smoked cigarettes,
but who steadfastly refused to obey the "old man" and
"go into steel." The mother, when the story opens, has
a premonition that something will happen at the mills that
day and tries to persuade the father to holiday. But all in
vain! The father makes a dramatic speech about steel being the life of him' and goes to work. A green cranesman
loses control of his engine during the shift, and the father
is brought home on a stretcher with one side of his body
minus limbs and most everything else scorched to a cinder.
Not yet dead, he sees his son, and with an effort he launches
forth into a brilliant oration on steel, which excites his son
and /starts (he boy's sluggish blood to actioi. The son
promises to "go into steel" and the old man dies happy,
mother being entirely forgot.
Having had the doubtful honor of being forced to "go A Modern Giant. 9
into steel" at an early age, and having seen many mighty specimens of manhood ground to miserable wreckage in my own
time, but a few short years, I can vouch for the blank idiocy
of the father's appeal, the son's acceptance and the mother's
apathy. The earliest recollections I have of industrial life
all relate to steel. Brought up in the steel center of Lanarkshire, I saw as a boy the crude processes then in vogue, which
were considered at that time miraculous. And since I became
old enough to take my place in the mills* there have been
changes of staggering proportions. These comprise the introduction of labor-saving devices on a monumental scale; the
elimination of costly rehandling of raw material, and of the
finished product; the curtailment of ruinous, time-consuming
processes; and, most vital consideration of all, the conservation of almost every last ounce of energy and degree of heat
through the introduction of gas and electrical energy.
When we consider the brief life of the steel industry, less
than half a century, and view the far-reaching and fundamental changes attending its growth, we can conceive without
unduly straining the imagination, of a time when some president
of the Steel Trust will announce that he can sell steel rails
at $5 a ton, and create less excitement than did Schwab's statement that they could be sold at a profit for less than $17 per
ton. When I first came in contact with steel, some twenty
years since, the smelting furnaces were capable of producing
a charge of about 10 tons. All ingots (oblong blocks of steel,
each about four feet by eighteen inches, weighing about a
ton) were moulded in a circle pit, the moulds standing in the
pit, and a small ladle containing the molten metal, moving
around on a pivoted engine. The ingot was allowed to cool
and was then wheeled on long-handled bogies manned by five
men, to furnaces built in rows. The ingot rested on a "peel,"
a long strip of iron about nine inches broad' not connected
with the bogie, but resting thereon; projecting a few feet over
its front end and reaching behind as far back as the handle
of the bogie, some eight feet. In "charging" the ingot into
the furnace, the "puller-up" pulled up two doors while the
"roller boy" placed the "roller," a round piece of piping on
a long bar, on a plate laid on the floor of the furnace; the 10 The Western Clarion.
end of the "peel" was then placed upon the "roller" and the
bogie pushed vigorously up to the furnace face; the ingot thus
entering sufficiently far to cast the preponderance of weight
into the furnace, the bogie was withdrawn and the "peel"
seized by all hands, pushed into the furnace until the ingot was
far enough for heating, the "turnover" then attacked it with a
long "paddle" and turned it over into its place in the furnace,
leaving room at the door for the next.
It took about ten men and boys to handle a furnace and
massive men must they be. Twelve hours of this in a fierce
heat was not inviting to your lightweights. Pay was, by virtue
of a restricted market, good. The "drawing" process was not
so laborious, but the heat was more intense. When the ingot
was a beautiful white, the bogie would be placed under the
furnace face and a pair of tongs (huge pliers) placed on
its end as the door was opened a few inches. A chain, operated by hydraulic power, was attached to the end. A boy
operating a lever drew the ingot out onto the bogie, which was
then hurried off to the "hammers," hugh steam affairs which
battered the ingots down into longer and thinner proportions,
cutting them with a "knife'" something like a butcher's cleaver
on the never absent long handle. The "hammer-men" were
also men of might, and a hammer's crew comprised about
seven men.
The piece, after passing through the hammering stage,
was again cold, and was taken back to another furnace and
reheated. From there, when hot, it went to the "rolls" and
was there rolled into rails, angles, rounds, or whatever character of steel was required. At the rolls the "billet," as the
piece is called after it leaves the hammer, is gradually pressed
into shape by being passed through graduated holes. As it
approaches its proper shape and section, it of course lengthens.
Some dozen men were employed in keeping the piece in motion and turning it over for the various holes; blocks of wood
and small rollers were placed upon the mill floor, thus obviating friction and assisting the manipulation of the piece
after it had left the rolls. The entire reducing process could
not be accomplished by one set of rolls, consequently there
were "roughing" and "finishing."   To carry the piece from A Modern Giant. 11
the roughing to the finishing, rails were suspended from the
roof, upon each of which a set of wheels ran, having a long
chain attached; upon this chain was a "hook," a long lever
affair which dips at the point of attachment to chain and then
continues for a foot or so. There were perhaps six of these.
The "hookers in" and "side hook" men placed their hooks
under the piece and then, putting their weight on the handles'
the piece lay suspended a few inches from the floor, a vigorous, simultaneous rush ("rush" best describes the action) and
the piece started to move. Once started, it could be kept in
motion very well until the finishing rolls were reached. As
laborious a process as one could desire; unwieldy, crude and
in no sense desirable; sometimes twisting the piece out of workable shape; sometimes the wheels baulking, and always requiring a large crew for the carrying over process alone. After
finishing it went to the saw. Here it ran upon dead rollers
and was pulled back and forward by another dozen or so
men.
The actual operation of the system was crude and inefficient enough, but the collecting of the raw material was
still more so. England being the country where the industry
was commenced, and she having no inexhaustible supply of
iron ore, is worse off in this respect than formerly; that is, comparatively. Westmoreland and Cumberland give the bulk of
native raw iron, the rest having to be imported from Spain,
Norway and Sweden. It is to the United States we must
turn to see the steel industry in its modern and most effective
operation. Vast deposits of iron ore are found in Michigan,
which can be worked with steam shovels and loaded direct
into railroad cars, which run down to the shore of Lake
Superior and are bodily hoisted and dumped wholesale into
the whale-back ore boats, which land the ore right at the
blast furnaces of Chicago, Gary, Ashtabula, Cleveland, Buffalo and other centers.
Let us select one of these and follow the process. At
Cleveland' Ohio, I had the opportunity of observing a not
entirely modern mill in operation. The blast furnace, instead
of reducing its product to pig iron, shipped the charge in a
molten state along a railroad of a few miles to the smelting
■■■ 12
The Western Clarion.
furnaces of the steel works. Here a huge electric crane lifted
the ladles, one at a time, and poured the metal into the smelting
furnace—a gigantic affair of some sixty tons capacity. To
witness this monster ladle, containing twenty tons of molten
metal being hoisted up and the contents poured out, with an
easy graceful motion, into a furnace of intense heat, is to see
something more wonderful than is recorded of the gods.
The furnace receiving the raw material in a molten state
does not require one-sixth the time and heat to turn it into
steel when the other ingredients are added. When ready, the
metal is run off into a ladle again, and this runs its contents
off into moulds, which stand each upon a small four-wheel
carriage. As soon as the ladle is empty a small locomotive engine, called a "pug," steams up and hauls the entire string,
carriages, moulds and their contents, to the "soaking pits."
The pits have replaced the old furnaces. At the soaking pits
an electric over-head crane strips off the mould and hurries
it away in one direction, at the same time seizing the ingot and
carrying it over the pit, lifting the lid off the hole, depositing
the ingot and replacing the lid. A marvel of simplicity and
speed.
The soaking pits are furnaces turned on their backs' but
instead of one door admitting several ingots, each requiring
to be turned over into its proper place, each ingot rests in
its own arch and a lid closes the aperture by which it is admitted and leaves. The ingot is charged up almost white hot,
The crane does everything necessary, there are only two men
on the job—the crane operator and the furnace man. Again
comes a saving in time, heat and space. The ingot is now
hot and the crane over the pit lifts the lid, digs down, catches
the ingot, lifts it out and carries it to a "chair." The chair
then proceeds to the "blooming mill."
This is the mill which had the many hammers of twenty
years ago. The ingot now weighs three tons. Instead of being hammered into billets, it is rolled, the rolls being pressed
down each graduating size by hydraulic power. As it becomes square, slab or bloom shape, "monkeys" (apparatus let
into the floor) spring up and move the piece into its required
position, live rollers carying it to and fro, and in place of A Modern Giant,
13
the army of hammer and bogie men, one or two men and several boys form the operating crew. Suppose rails are being
made: Instead of the passing back and forward, turning and
returning formerly necessary in one set of rollers, the piece
travels through a long string of rolls, each with a single hole,
one set of rolls carrying it on to another with one continuous,
effective motion. During the whole performance scarcely a
man is visible. The result is a hundred tons an hour, instead,
as formerly, a hundred tons a day.
Then, apart from the saving in the active operation, comes;
the conservation of heat and gas, which fomerly were permitted to waste their sweetness on the desert air. Now, as at
Gary, these forces are harnessed and power of such abundance
generated that the plant is not only supplied but the adjoining
cities also receive cheap and effective light and power. Gary-
I have not seen, but have read much about. Gary is the most
highly organized industrial city the world has ever seen. The
possibilities of what human ingenuity and energy can accomplish are typified in this city, ten years ago a worthless piece
of waste land.
Viewed in the light of this achievement, the extent of
man's ultimate productive powers is beyond computation.
Naked he came into the world, naked he found it when he
came. The gods saw it was good, and rested content, for
theirs was the power and the glory; but for man there could
be no such course, he must struggle incessantly, naked was he
and naked was the world. The fruits of that struggle lie
before us, but they are not ours to enjoy for we are slaves.
Only when the earth shall have become the common property
of mankind will we be able to enjoy them.
J. H. 14
The Western Clarion.
A POLITICAL OBELISK.
Hoary with the dust of many years, feeble and tottering,
yet still held in reverence by our rural friends, is this "no political action notion." The beloved of reactionary leaders and
standby of platform speakers of the G. G. A. and Co. This is
the first of those mental mummeries to come under review.
Honor to old age we have none; old age as a rule spells reaction, and it will come to us, who today in the pride of our
young manhood, are surging forward, will presently, even in
a little while, be dragging upon the coat tails of our sons and
wondering at their hot-headed talk. Particularly are we contemptuous of the no political action dotard. How old is the
wretch? God knows! for he renews his youth with each
successive organization born amongst slaves, of economic ignorance. The idea is in itself closely connected with the talk of
Magna Charta, already spoken of, for those whose business
it is to guide the slave revolt into the peaceful waters of reaction
always quote the great charter, saying, "Why go to the ballot?
Your rights are sufficient to do all you want to if you will
only demand them. Did not the barons wrest from King John
all the constitutional rights you need? And these are still
yours.
Now, fellow farm slave, let us put aside all conventional
notions, take off the smoked glasses of our school days and
look into this matter like real humans with real brains. The
writer has had the doubtful pleasure of gazing upon Magna
Charta once in his youth, but failed to be duly impressed. It
was burnt and written in Latin, and our Latin having never
got beyond Arbor Alta, etc., it must be owned it failed in its
historic mission, so far as this slave was concerned.
The facts are these: King J. was a little bit of a cuss and
seemed to be after the real political power (the barons) a little A Political Obelisk. 15
too hard. That he had economic reasons is certain, but those
gents in tin pants, headed by one particularly headstrong youth,
brought their liege lord to bay at Runnymede and made him
sign a charter of rights. Now whose rights? Can you for a
moment suppose that the barons included in the deal (for
which they alone fought) rights and privileges for a bunch of
slaves not yet born by some 700 years, and living in a country
not then discovered? Important as the western farmer is, for-
you know the cylinder of a gasoline engine is more important
than the gasoline, still is it not at least possible that uie tin-
hatted ones quite overlooked us? The political heeler of
the old parties will tell you that the charter holds good for all
time, just as any person who has not the evolutionary conception will say "It has been, it is, it will always be." Even were
such a thing true, even if the Magna Charta laid down an
iron and unbreakable law, rest assured it is not for your benefit
The ruling class does not direct a war and pay for it to benefit
the ruled. Things, however, cannot remain stationary; nothing
is, everything is becoming. Therefore, a charter drawn up
in the hey-day of feudal times and brought into existence by
and because of a feudal environment, can have no significance
for us. Place it in the dust pan and gently bury it. In plain
English, forget it.
The cry for no political action goes up every now and
then in the pages of the Guide, while others demand a farmer's
party or independent bunch. There are those who wish to
draw up a list of questions to be put to the old party nominee j
and if not accepted to turn him down in convention. A list
of questions forsooth! Since when, dear farm slave, have
you began to put up the election expenses of the old candidates?   He who hires the players, orders the play, is it not so?
Oh come out of the mouldy past and get wise. In reality,
however, the political action business is very much alive
amongst the heads of the farm unions. While openly disclaiming against it they yet use the thing for all it is worth. They
tried to hold it over Laurier, and now they are pestering Borden; what for? Something they cannot get. Our friend,
Mr. Hawkes, is a strictly no political action man and, incidentally, a good Liberal. Mr. Langley is of the Saskatchewan gov- 16
The Western Clarion.
eminent, and, of course, warns us to avoid politics in our business as one would the plague. The master class, of course,
recognize this, too* as a sound maxim, which is no doubt the
reason why they are so careful to own and control the law
making shops, saying with one voice, "damn the expense."
If you will but use your eyes, in every bunch of grain-growers you will find agents of the master class political parties, and
it is from them the cry against politics in the union arises. With
the Alberta government financing the U. F. A. to a large
extent, small wonder such notions abound. But, candidly, fellows, do you think it wise to take your master's advice all the
time? He tells you to match your dollars against millions,
telling you to try, try, try, again, knowing full well you cannot
succeed. They know where your real strength lies and they
- also know you do not. Their efforts are bent upon keeping
you from a knowledge of the truth and they are mighty in
action; the press, the pulpit, the schools are theirs; you are
■ theirs, aye, and that willingly. Gentlemen, your strength does
not lie in "economic action," it does not lie in trying to build
'elevator systems or in watching legislation; no hope is there
for you in even suggesting new laws. The real road to victory is along the road the masters have trod these many years,
even the despised political action. Let us repeat, it is hopeless
to match your puny strength against the overpowering might
of the big capitalists, as sellers of commodities, but upon the
.political field you are invincible.
Understand us! A farmers' political party is doomed to
failure. In the cities are equally strong labor organizations,
and you, my friends, who hire a man now and then, are the
most expert labor skinners on earth. These are your foes as
even the managers of the Guide understand, for they have
stricken the legend "And friend of labor" from off their front
page. You are driven to reduce the value of farm produce
by the iron law of social evolution and the writer believes
that every substantial decrease in their value reacts upon wages.
Go, if you will, gentlemen, and organize your Farmers Political Party. Entice the farm slaves of 160 acres or a little
more, to support you with a carefully baited hook of rights,
defy the power of the masters, if you can, you hucksters of A Political Obelisk.
IT
modern industry and you shall have wasted your powder. The
savage competition which even now writes your doom upon the
wall, will you destroy it with legislation? The inexorable,
development of the giant machines; will you become modern
luddites and smash them up? Could you decoy the farm
slaves into voting a house full of your men into the house, yet
your real power would be nil.
In order that any class may gain real political power
the economic conditions must be ripe for such a move and today is not for you. Small business must go and we will show;
you why at some later writing. Fellows of the farm slave class ;„
this to you: Your mterests are with the other workers' no
matter where or how enslaved. Do not listen to the siren voice;
of the old political heeler or heed the seductive call of the
small capitalist independent Farmers' Party. United upon,
the political field you are 99 to their one. Victory awaits
intelligent united action; in the name of freedom, act.
A. Budden. 18
The Western Clarion.
ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION.
The reading of the history of mankind from the materialist standpoint shows the trend of industrial evolution to have
^continually been in the direction of a more perfect, complete
-and powerful organization of the powers of wealth production,
i. e., more efficient economic organization.   The purpose lying
.behind this development, and in obedience to the irresistible
force of which it has been pushed forward, is, evidently, that
of enabling mankind to supply itself with the material requisites for its comfort and well-being with the least possible expenditure of human energy.   Men, either as individuals or aggregations of individuals, have been but instruments in the
hands of the underlying forces that have pushed humanity
along the pathway of material progress.    That they have
^turned things to their own advantage in many cases, and away
from the really proper and beneficent purpose of the general
well-being, is undoubtedly true, but that the ultimate outcome
of all of the turmoil, agony and travail of past and present
times will be the eventual uplift of the race to a greater degree
of comfort, happiness and general well-being, would seem to
-be equally beyond question.
The organization of the powers of wealth production,
i. e., the economic organization of human society, is rapidly
approaching that degree of perfection where it can no longer
be held in subjection and subservience to the whim or caprice
of anything less than the whole people acting together in the
■common interest. In fact it can no longer be kept from performing its proper function of providing human society, even
down to its humblest unit, with the material requisites to a full,
,rfair and healthful existence, in return for services rendered in
-lhe interest of the commonweal.
There is evidence upon every hand to show the near ap- Economic Organization
19
proach of the collapse of the present or capitalist control of
the economic organization and its assumption by human society as a whole for the common good. That mis impending
change will be effected by the action of the working class does
not in the least alter the facts in the case. The victory of the
working class in the impending conflict with the capitalist class
merely signifies the application of the benefits arising from the
highly developed and powerful economic organization, to all
of the members of human society, instead of to a favored few
as at present.
To effect this change, so imperatively demanded by the
needs of the hour, necessitates the conquest, by the working
class, of that sole point of vantage from which the ownership
—and therefore control—of economic organization and power
can be dictated and enforced. This point of vantage is government, the organized power of the state. It is this power
alone which today withholds, from all but a favored few, any
participation in the benefits arising from the powerful modern
economic organization. It is the power that holds intact the
present or capitalist form of property in the means of wealth
production, and thus preserves to the capitalists the control of
economic power and the absorption of the wealth arising from
its exercise. It is the power that holds the working class in its
present condition of economic bondage, or wage-servitude. It
is the power that must be broken before the present economic
organization of human society, the product of centuries of development, can be put to its proper use of lightening the burden
of toil upon the shoulders of the individual man.
Individual zealots, who are carried off their feet by sudden waves of enthusiasm brought on by Utopian visions of glorious prospects opened to their admiring gaze by the magic
wand of their own conceit, would build what they term "economic organization" in which the workers are to be "drilled"
for the task of "taking over and successfully operating" the
industries, when capitalism shall, by some mysterious process,
have been overthrown. These worthies, however, overlook the
fact that the only possible, or even thinkable, economic organization already exists and the workers have grown up with it;
have been drilled into its operation, and today are operating it .20
The Western Clarion,
"with all the measure of success possible under its present form
' of ownership and control. That these workers have little or
no participation in the accruing benefits, does not arise from
iheir lack of ability to operate, but in the capitalists' power to
apply these benefits to other purposes. The action by the working class that is necessary in order to deprive the capitalists of
• the power to thus appropriate the fruits of industry to their own
purposes, has already been mentioned and needs no further
elaboration.    It is so palpably self-evident that it could not
* well escape the notice of any one with his eyes open.
. wt 'a-. '
E. T. Kingsley.
TO MAKE IT EASY
Let everybody who likes this Clarion get one
yearly subscription.
ANYBODY CAN GET ONE
"Owing to the shortness of the time, this issue is a
little late.    The next will be ahead of time. Woman and the S. P. of C. 21
WOMAN AND THE S. P. OF C.
The Socialist Party of Canada gives little or no attention
to the woman's share in the social revolution. This may not
be altogether unwise for the women of the Dominion as a
whole take little or no interest in the Socialist movement.
Most of the women of our class ape the capitalist class in all
they do. Their ideas on religion, morality and everything else
are just what our rulers would like them to be. If the saying,
"The hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that rules the
world" is anywhere near the truth, then the ignorance of the
female portion of the community will provide that barrier
which will permanently keep us in Employment The question is, what can be done to arouse the class—consciousness of
the women of our class?
At the present time their offspring come into the world
with slavery in their very blood. Surely, all working women
must feel, when they read and see what goes on amongst the
capitalist class, that their position is only that of commodity
breeders. Observe the poor slaves who are waitresses in the
restaurants slaving day after day serving the fodder to their
fellow slaves. Think of the girls in the factories and the
laundries. Remember the departmental stores with their numbers of female slaves, often paid so little for their labor-power
that they work overtime at another business and burn the
candles of labor power at both ends, to enable them to live. If
these women once have the principles of Socialism clearly explained to them, I cannot help but think that they are bound
by their environment to understand and embrace the "party of
liberty."
When first I joined the S. P. of C. I was of the opinion 22
The Western Clarion.
that the comrades snubbed the women in order to keep them
out. I believed in doing all I could, everything and anything
in order to get members of my sex into the movement, but I
have learned since then that this is hardly the thing. We want
women in the party; the more the merrier, but we want Socialists first, and we must not encourage them to have a voice in the
direction of affairs until they are mentally equipped with
knowledge sufficient to understand what they are doing. For
years I have been almost without female companionship because
I rarely found one of my own sex worth talking to. When
I think of the few Socialists I have met who are women, I feel
ashamed of my fellow slaves who wear petticoats. Some of
those who profess to be Socialists are so infernally conventional
that I long to kick them out of the movement. It is a pleasure
to note that there are a few noble exceptions.
Whoever forgets Comrade Mrs. Marsh of Ottawa when
they have once met her, the Comrade of Morris, the one living
link between the Canadian movement and the family of Marx.
She still is working as ardently as ever in the cause. There
are some grand women in Regina who quietly work and study
alongside their husbands, preparing for the time when they
can assist in the education of their fellows; but they are all too
few. If any of the comrades marry a non-Socialist woman
they are not likely to be happy, especially if they happen to
bring any slaves into the world. A Socialist has ideas on early
education that a non-Socialist won't tolerate. Misery is the
result, generally, of all such unions. Most of our young men
realize this, and in conversation with me many of them have
told of the hunger they feel and the desire they have to meet
with women who are likely to be comrades as well as wives.
Religion seems to cling to a woman longer than it does to
a man; perhaps it is that a woman goes to church, more especially when she has anything new to go in. She is orthodox in
many things and always goes with the fashion. A daughter
of the proletariat is only happy when she is a cheap imitation of
the bourgeosie. The sight of some of them is enough to make
a real red sick. And their conversation—ye Gods! What a
pleasure I have in shocking them. The best that I can do in
this direction I always freely give.   And generally in such a Woman and the S. P. of C. 23
manner that they throw up their hands in holy horror and speak
of me ever afterwards as—impossible.
It is very hard in Canada for the revolutionary woman.
She has not only the same fight as her male comrades, but in
addition she has to meet the opposition of her whole sex. She
is ostracized. However, it is pleasant to know that the comradeship of the men more than compensates for this. I have
travelled all over the Dominion and am personally acquainted
with most of the men in the party, and therefore know from
experience that every daughter of the proletariat, who has
sound instincts in the direction of revolution will be treated as
a comrade and an equal. No real Red asks for anything more
than this. In the Socialist movement sex or age can make no
difference. It is a question of understanding, and woman as
a whole is so ignorant that she does not yet possess that knowledge that entitles her to membership in our ranks.
In some of the older countries there is an upward tendency, though the female suffrage movement, in the main,
springs from a desire to perpetuate permanently woman's follies and slavery to capital. But here in Canada my sex have
not yet been able to organize and associate much outside the
religious and dress fixing circles. You can judge the state of
woman's mental development by the novels she reads and the
clothes she wears, particularly on her head. It is also amusing
to get hold of one of the many weekly newspapers published
in the average small town. The "ladies" whose husbands receive about $50 per month, have a cheap imitation of a society
column, "Mrs. Smythe will receive so and so," "Mr. Jones is
on a visit to so and so." When the Socialist tells these female
asses they are only slaves and simply exist to breed slaves like
themselves they join in the ranks of the enemy, straight away.
This may be accounted for by the fact that most non-Socialist
women regard their husbands as "wage-producing machines."
Woman is supposed to be economically dependent on a
man when she can catch the sucker. And so long as she holds
this idea she will be a novelette reading nincompoop and ho
good to us. She is a willing slave to capital and, if she is
active at all, she works to support its institutions and keep her
poor husband's nose to the grindstone.   I know that the class u
The Western Clarion.
struggle is felt more keenly in the world of woman than in the
world of man. Women are by nature more cruel to each other
than men are, but as a rule my sex don't seem to have brains
enough to grasp the cause and perceive the remedy. When a
man becomes a Socialist he remains one—he can't be anything
else. I have known women whom I am sure have grasped the
truth of the proposition and yet have afterwards receded. A
prospective non-Socialist husband can accomplish wonders in
this direction. I once knew a woman who had read Darwin,
Haeckel and Clodd, and she married a church parson. She
saw to it that her children carefully said grace before meals
and prayers before going to bed, although she confided to me
that she did not believe in religion at all.
If a woman marries a man who has the "loan" of a "good
job," she will do all she can to prevent him from becoming a
member of our party. Even when he has made it plain that
he is ripe for revolt, she will frequently encourage and influence
him in the direction of joining some capitalist outfit where she
thinks she will be able to look down on her fellow slaves. The
women are more responsible for the different castes in the slave
ranks than the men realize. It is humorous to note that when
shop girls give a dance they sometimes have it carefully printed
on their cards, "No servants admitted." We have all observed
the deplorable spectacle that the would-be revolutionary husband presents when his half-baked better half is a member of
the party.
The influence of women in the movement who are not
thoroughly grounded will in the main be reactionary and disruptive. Many of them simply join to enable their husbands
and friends to have a double vote in the field of disorganization.
They are better hands than the men at forming caucuses and
intrigue generally.
To sum up, the attitude of the S. P. of C. regarding
women is in the main correct. Capitalism must grind them
lower still before they are moulded in the texture of die army
of the right. As I have stated above, the true revolutionist
loses all sight of sex. The female slaves have not yet risen to
the height of their male comrades in misery.   Until they do so Woman and the S. P. of C.
25
they are a drag and a fetter to our advance. I have observed
lately amongst the younger female slaves signs of the dawning
of the light. It is best that the men should be merciless in their
attitude towards the slave supporters of capitalism, whatever
sex they be. A woman is a man—that's all. When the times
turn more and more in our favor, as they are shortly bound to
do, the women will be clamoring for admittance into our organization, and although I sympathize with the loneliness of my
male comrades, my experience and the fact that I am a woman
causes me to say with all the emphasis I am capable of: The
price of admission to the S. P. of C. must be a thorough
knowledge and understanding of the proposition.
1
RUTH LESTOR. 26
The Western Clarion.
EVOLUTION.
In Man's reflections upon his natural surroundings it is
but natural that Man should have always figured largely. For,
of course, Man, and Man's affairs, are of primary importance
to Man. But, while this state of mind is natural and excusable enough' its consequences have been peculiar, not to say
ludicrous.
Out of it the conceptions have arisen of the earth as a
planet particularly adapted, if not specially designed, for
human habitation; of the solar system as a source of light and
heat for the human race; of the animal, vegetable and mineral
kingdoms as his larder, lumber yard and treasury; and so
through the entire catalogue of substance and phenomena.
Even Man's gods have been superhuman men, and superhuman always in the characteristics of the type of Man that
conceived them. Moreover, while Man, with a humility frequently sincere, but always spurious, has conceived it his duty
to serve his gods, actually, the sole duty of the gods has been
to serve Man. The gods create the universe for Man. The
dry land and the waters, the birds, beasts and fishes, the forests, the fruits and flowers, all for Man. Even heavens and
hells. And always the gods' great purpose has been to watch
over and to sway the destinies of Man.
Now, however, these conceptions are beginning to melt
away in the light of a clearer understanding of Man's relationship to the universe. Hitherto, and largely yet, the
universe has been a dual one—Man and the universe. But it
is beginning to be perceived that Man is a part of the universe,
and even dimly realized that he is no very important part at
that.
In the immensity of even what is noted of the universe Zvolution.
27
the Earth is of less consequence than a mote in a sunbeam.
The importance of Man in the "scheme of things" may therefore be surmised. Humanly, Man is of prime importance;
cosmically, of no^e. So far from his surroundings having
been created or evolved fer his advantage, it is his surroundings
that have evolved him. The light of day is not that he may
see, but he can see because there is light; in fact, that he has
that very faculty of se*.-ng is due to the action of light. And
similarly with all his faculties and characteristics.
The process through vhich this has come about is termed
"Evolution," or we may call it, simply, "Change," or, scientifically, "Metabolism." This process can be roughly conceived of as comprising two phases, that of building up and
of breaking down, of anabolism and of katabolism. But this
not in any dualistic sense as being two warring or even conflicting processes, but merely as relative terms applied to two
aspects of the one process when compared with one another.
To draw any line between them is impossible and even to
differentiate between them purely  arbitcuy
This process is universal md continuous, and is the process whereby all phenomena occur. It being clearly understood that this is not to be taken ais signifying that evolution
is in any sense a cause of the' occurrence, but that it is the
means or manner of it.   Not n  o but how they occur.
The evolutionary process cannot be conceived as having
"beginning" or "end." Individual phenomena, forms and
objects may be said to have Ibeginnings and ends. Nevertheless' the beginning or end of any of these is not a beginning or
an end of an evolutionary process, but a continuation of it. At
most, merely a change of phase from breaking down Co building up, or from building up to breaking down.
To search for beginning-! is therefore in vain. The most
that can be conceived of is cycles of change—to strike an
alternation of anabolism and katabolism. But that such cycles
do occur does not predicate that evolution is a cyclical process.   It can only be said that cycles do occur.
Thus it has been observed that in a certain quarter of 28
The Western Clarion.
the "heavens" a collision of two bodies appears to have occurred whereby they have been reduced to a fiery vapor,
scattered over a wide expanse. In another quarter are seen
what appear to be nucleii forming out of just such vapor.
Elsewhere, suns emerging from the nucleus state. And on
all sides worlds in various stages of cooling off, down to cold,
dead moons, a collision between any two of which would
resolve them both again into fiery vapor.
In an arc of some such cycle the Earth may be said to
be. Viewing it as.a self-contained world, it is in process of
evolution. Its parts and substance are continuously changing
and interchanging, building up and breaking down. In the
course of this process the various forms and substances evolve.
A characteristic of one of these we call "being alive." Like
the others it is in process of evolution. Within it metabolism
is taking place. Its environment gives that metabolism direction. Brought forth in simple form it grows more and more
complex.   It's most complete form is Man.
Man's ancestry fades into a species of ape. The ape's
through various mammals and marsupials to the reptile.
Thence, through fish, worm polyp and zoophyte, to the simplest product of evolution the manifestation of whose metabolism we call life or aliveness, and that itself into others
whose manifestations we do not call life.
Man is therefore not "Nature's masterpiece." He is
merely an incidental and transitory product of Change. He
is not designed for the fulfillment of "some high purpose here
below." His function in Nature is unimportant except to himself. The prospect of an immediate obliteration of the human
race would be an evil prospect only from a human viewpoint.
Indeed, it might be said that from any other viewpoint it
would be quite the reverse.
"Man's purpose" in life is to enjoy life to the fullest
possible extent. To satisfy his wants, of whatever character,
with the least possible difficulty. The impulse to do this has
been the driving force which has brought us to the present
state of civilization, and is the driving force hastening us
towards a change that will at length render the satisfaction of
human wants and the enjoyment of life comparatively easy. Demand and Supply, 29b
DEMAND AND SUPPLY:. ~       3
There has come into our hands a circular issued by the *
Colonial Intelligence League (for educated women); also a
letter from its Vancouver representative, Miss Dorothy Davis.
The circular is of passing interest.   It states the object of the
league to be the selection of able, competent and efficient workr
ing women from the supply in the old country, and shipment:
of them to colonial employers on demand.   For a merely nominal fee employers can at all times secure qualified female
labor with a guarantee.   Cheapness is not promised, but from
the fact that the league claims to have an unlimited supply in.
sight, we may draw our own conclusions.    Miss Davis says *
the league has already procured for shipment one hundred
choice specimens out of four times that number of applicants!.
The "Mother Country" is prolific.
This undoubtedly means effective competition with the*
Salvation Army, since that agency has never been over-discrim—
inate in its procurations. Besides, the C. I. L. has for President,
H. R. H. Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein, and nineteen many-syllabled vice-presidents. The list of vice-presidents ends up with "and others." Names too short for mention, probably.
The purpose of this association is, of course, benevolent.
It aims to make life easier for the girls, and also smooth matters out a little for employers. The latter can rely on such a
well recommended organization supplying them with none but
capable, willing female employees, of good character. Some
of us might be inclined to doubt whether any enterprise could
advance the interests of both the employers and their servants.
It can be done, however.   So long as men and women are so •-30
The Western Clarion.
utterly slavish as to possess no higher ambition than to be sold
into somebody's service, then by all means let the transaction
be facilitated. Also if the Colonial Intelligence League sees
a chance to make a good thing out of the handling of good
British work-women then there is no reason why it shouldn't,
although we would hesitate to suggest that as its real object.
It would have been impossible for Virginia slave traders
to have thus operated to the benefit of all parties. That is one
of the earmarks of modernity and the essential difference between chattel slavery and working for wages. They could
not do it because they took free men and women from their
homes by force and compelled them to enter into slavery. It
is impossible that those who were thus torn from all that life
■held dear could have enjoyed their part of the bargain. Such
a condition can only arise where slaves hold it as an evil to be
separated from a master; where they willingly, even anxiously,
•seek the service of rulers.
Doubtless Miss Davis would be somewhat shocked at
a characterization of her activities as those of a slave trader.
Yet there is no possible way out of it. Take her own words
for it.
"We therefore invite applications to us for women-
workers of all sorts, besides those already enumerated, dispensers, expert poultry and flower farmers, dairy women, milliners, governesses, confident that our guarantee as to their ability and general character will prove wholly justified."
What possible objection could be taken to this as an
auction poster? It must not be surmised though that we regard
this as iniquitous, or a nefarious traffic in any way. This is
a trading system, and as long as human wares are up for sale
mere is no reason why a third party shouldn't deal in them.
When, queries the village idiot shall we all decide that we
are no longer for sale? The fact that capitalism has preceded
mem will assist in bringing some of that old country "supply"
to a decision. What We Need,
31
WHAT WE NEED.
"The emancipation of the working class must be the work
of the working class itself."—Karl Marx.
How many of the so-called "followers" of the famous
Economist have failed to grasp the full significance of these
words.
The Western Clarion has entered on a new phase of its
existence. Amongst its subscribers there will be all kinds of
opinions as to what should be its policy, and it is safe to argue
that a large number will be of the opinion that it ought to be
made more entertaining, more amusing, full of articles that
will interest the beginner.
We are living in an age when it has been proved beyond
the shadow of a doubt that specialization pays. The man who
confines himself to putting shingles on a roof can skin the face
off a man who tries to build a whole house, when it comes to
shingling.
We have so-called Socialist papers today who seem like
the Apostle Paul—"to try to be all things to all men." Those
papers no doubt do a certain amount of good, but, in the opinion of the writer, what is urgently needed amongst Socialist
papers is one that will confine itself solely to education. A
paper that one will always feel confident on taking up that he
will be wiser on laying down. Not a paper that will deliver a
tirade against the church, but will explain the function of the
church in capitalist society; not write columns denouncing the
trade or industrial unions, or give them "taffy" in order to get
their "sympathy," but will give a logical explanation of their
existence and the impossibility of their functioning as weapons
for the workers' emancipation. In other words, a paper for
Socialists.
It may be contended that that field is already covered by .32
The Western Clarion.
-ii
classic literature, but anyone who has been reading the Clarion
for any length of time or who has spent a spare hour in a Socialist headquarters, must admit that one man may read a book
a dozen times and then discover that he failed to grasp the
meaning of the text, till he got into a discussion with someone
who knew less.   (This latter phrase was stolen.)
The writer feels confident that he has as much brains as
the average, but the first time he tried to read "Value, Price
•and Profit," it was like so much Greek, a language he never
tried to learn. In fact, not one man in a hundred will bother
drying to study such a book. The initial work must be done by
those who have already grasped the rudiments of economics
and are able to intelligently start their fellow workers on the
right road.
How necessary a knowledge of economics is to the agitator was* demonstrated to the writer the other evening. He got
into an argument with a member of the I. W. W. who had
just got off the soap-box. The writer tried to show him that a
•shortening of the working day from ten hours to eight did not
necessarily mean the employment of more men, as in lots of
trades the men could be speeded up to do as much in eight
as they had done before in longer time.
"Well," he said, "to carry that to its logical conclusion,
if a man can do more in eight than he can do in ten, he ought
1 to be able to do more in six than in eight, and more in four
than six, etc." It did not seem to enter his cranium that because a man can satisfy his hunger by eating a loaf of bread
it does not logically follow that he would feel still better if he
swallowed a bake-shop.
There is a limit to everything, even the speeding up of
slaves, and when' the limit has been reached the hours will cease
-to shorten.   Whyr?   Subscribe to the Clarion and find out.
CHECHACO. In the Pen.
33
I
IN THE PEN.
8
Some ancient philosopher is credited with the saying that
"Those whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad."
From my own experience in His Most Gracious Majesty's
house of correction during the last eleven weeks I am thoroughly convinced that he spoke the truth.
I was unlucky enough to fall foul of the arm of the law
in the struggle for existence in that city of tin-horn capitalists'
Prince Rupert, B. C. The poor old gentleman who is forced
to earn his bread by being the mouthpiece of the exploiting
class in that burg, after receiving his orders from the Prince
Rupert Club, sent me down for the above term, and I have
been forced to the conclusion that the "gods" must have a
special enmity against the government of British Columbia,
and, among the instruments which will help to destroy this
cursed capitalist system are the jails and some of the guards
who run them.
Here before my vision rises the form of "Sandy." What
would I not give to have the power of description with which
some of the revolutionist pens are endowed. From a physical
standpoint Nature has been fair to him and even the worshippers of Venus would not say she had been really unkind. But
from an intellectual viewpoint she has treated him badly.
When one sees the low, receding forehead, the prominent jaw
and the features generally, the observant individual classes
him as a victim of Dame Nature's love for atavistic experiment
I have studied him in all his moods, when I was supposed to
be at work dusting the corridors, and he seemed to me to compare with some great lighthouse which was short of oil; the
vital spark seemed very feeble and at times even flickered. 34
The Western Clarion.
In Emma Goldman's latest book, "Anarchism and Other
Essays," she has a few pages on the "psychology of violence,"
in which she shows how individuals are goaded to acts of
violence by oppression. She's right. I have seen Sandy bully
and insult prisoners and goad them to such a pitch that I am
sure if ever they catch him outside they will split that skull
of his even if it is solid bone. One of his pastimes is sneering
at the men about the charges they are in for, or waiting trial for.
For instance, there was a man named Murphy awaiting trial
on a particularly offensive charge. Sandy used to jeer him
about it in the hearing of all the prisoners. One of these, taking
a pattern from Sandy, Murphy used a little energy on his
face. He went and reported it to Sandy and' in spite of it
being the other fellow's fault, Murphy got six days in the
"Black Hole."
The "black hole" is a concrete chamber in the lowest
basement, about five feet wide and six long. It is situated at
the end of a long passage down which hardly any air can
filter and there is no ventilator. When a man gets sentenced
to the "hole" he gets bread and water three times a day; he is
in utter darkness and silence; he uses his bucket for sanitary
accommodation and it is emptied, sometimes once, sometimes
twice in three days. During his first three days he is not allowed to wash his hands or face, and sleeps in blankets on the
concrete floor. After the first three days he is taken to his
cell in the wing, allowed to wash and remains there for one
day. Then if he has more black hole to do, he goes to it
again. At first I thought the break of one day in the black
hole sentence was to prevent men from going crazy in the darkness and solitude, but I found I was wrong. They are forced
to let a man out after a day or two or he would die of foul air!
I was sent down to scrub the floor after a "three-day" man
had been in there. The door was wide open and he had been
out of the hole for half an hour, yet the stench and closeness
of the atmosphere was so vile that I was made sick.
Now, when poor Murphy got his sentence, another man
had just gone in that morning, so he was shut up in his cell
for seven days, waiting for the "hole." During that time he
had five minutes "liberty" each day to wash his face and In the Pen. 35
empty his bucket. When Murphy was sent to the hole, the
other prisoner had just come out and the other guard said to
Sandy, "how about scrubbing it out?"   Sandy's reply was,
"That's good enough for that  ."    And further, this
creature, with his microscopic intellect conceived the idea of
shutting Murphy up in his cell for another six days after he
had done the black hole sentence—and he would not have
got out then if he had not asked the governor. British justice
says a man is innocent until he is proven guilty. This man
was still awaiting trial. Even on the day he went up for trial,
Sandy would not let him shave, whether it was to make him
look tough, and so prejudice the jury, I cannot say.
One day one of the guards caught a man rolling a cigarette and shut him up in his cell for punishment. The cave-man
came around and, on finding out what the trouble was, this
prehistoric bonehead took it upon himself to report the affair
to the warden, though it was not his case. He passed a remark in the hearing of the prisoner to the effect that he wanted
to get a smack at that b——, "he burnt my boards last year."
It appears that this prisoner was doing time about a year before and was working in the furnace room. In this room were
stacked some boards which were used to cover the fresh paint
on the steps while awaiting inspection. Sandy had missed
three boards and accused this slave of burning them. On that
accusation he was sentenced to three days in the black hole.
But as luck would have it, his time was up the next day, so
he escaped. Sandy had remembered the incident, and so got
his revenge.   Delayed, it is true, but doubtless very sweet.
Of the other guards, one was worse than Sandy because
he was more ingeniously cruel. He made medical experiments
on the prisoners who could not very well object. The others
were more or less ordinary human beings.
The Governor does not bother the prisoners much, in
fact, he never comes into the wing except to lead the grand
jury through. His other duties must be very heavy for he
has to read the correspondence which passes through his hands.
He must also be an epicure on bread, because when a prisoner
wrote describing the bread as sour the Governor told him his
letter would not go because it was not true.   But I noticed 36
The Western Clarion.
that the baker who brought our bread was not the same one
who served the Governor's table* nor the butcher either.
Referring to the food, I want to state right here that it
is rotten. I have known the bread to be sour for a week
straight, then sometimes just stale for a day, then sour again.
The porridge, which one gets twice a day, is so old and musty
that half the prisoners have a chronic revolt going on inside
their stomachs all the time, and to encourage that condition,
once a week the mush is doped with some aperient. You never
know exactly which night, but it is generally in the middle of
the week. I think it is saltpetre, but I am not sure. If ever
anyone examines the food in this hell-hole, he should never
give the officials any warning of his intentions or it would be
all off. And if he asks questions of the prisoners he will never
get any information, as the poor devils are afraid to say anything, because there is the black hole and the loss of "good
time."
I might describe the penitentiary at New Westminster
at greater length, but believe this to be quite sufficient to give
the reader an idea of the miserable conditions prevailing there.
However, I do not expect that slaves will ever get any better
treatment as long as they permit the system which necessitates
such institutions to exist.
R. Gosden. A Coronation Soliloquy.
37
A CORONATION SOLILOQUY.
On the 22nd of June another king was crowned at Westminster. In the slave-pen where I perform with many others
for ten hours a day, there were signs of something in the air on
the 21st.
There is working near me a slave with whom I have many
times reasoned. He is a Yorkshireman, one of these hard-
headed north countrymen, in fact I might say wooden headed.
He is a Conservative in politics, and worships the old institutions and aristocracy from afar. At my presentation of modern society he was agreed; at my showing of the trend of industry he was agreed; but at my solution, the obtaining by the
workers of political power and producing for use and not for
profit, and then enjoying the wealth they alone produce, he
said indignantly it could never be. Pressed for a reason why
it could never be, his answer amounted to that "You could
never get enough to think that way."
On the morning of the 21 st all the slaves were promptly
on the job, for was not tomorrow to be a holiday? Looking
up from the job a few minutes after the buzzer blew, I espied
on the window against the "Conservative" a little flag, one of
those with the Canadian emblems on it. So the flag of "freedom" flew from the slave-pen all day, and it is a symbol of
freedom—to hunt a master, also a sign of utter lack of any
class feeling on the part of many of the slaves.
About ten o'clock, around comes the manager, the son of
the man who has the controlling interest in the firm. He wears
a fine rose in his coat. He smokes a cigar the like of which our
Yorkshireman has never tasted. The manager's father, mother
and sister have been in Europe some time, also with them went
their motor car and its driver.   I saw the manager's eye rest on 38 The Western Clarion.
that flag for a few seconds, a smile passed across his face,
mingled with a look of satisfaction, and, I could almost say, the
words he thought were: "All's well, all's well."
Sometime after, from my viewpoint of the window, along
came some farmers' wagons; looked like manure wagons to me.
Seated in these were some women and children coming in from
the country districts to see the city decorations, and have a look
through the big stores. From the manure wagons there streamed several flags, and swathed around the body of them, to hide
their hard wear were sundry bands of red, white and blue. A
fitting decoration for farmer's manure wagons, we will admit,
which remark on my part did not meet with the entire approval
of our "Conservative" slave.
After the noon hour, about half-past three, along came
the school children from across the way. Each one had on a
coronation medal, some of them needed shoes and clothes
pretty badly, and some there were who looked as if some good
wholesome food would not have been amiss. But what matters, have they not got a medal? and does the flag not fly at
the window? Behind these came some young "heroes," the
school cadets, with their red coats generally too big and long,
putting me much in mind of the monkeys I have seen with organ
grinders. Another remark of mine to the effect that these were
being trained to shoot perhaps workingmen when on strike
met with a very stony look.
Of all the cant, humbug and hypocrisy this country is the
limit. In the morning it's "love one another"; in the afternoon
it's "kill one another." ' All I hope for is that these lads trained
in the use of arms will use them, if necessary, to overthrow a
system that is productive of such snivelling twaddle.
The time was fast approaching for the slaves' release,
when slowly moving down the track towards Montreal came
the usual cattle freight. On top of one of the cars sat half a
dozen two-legged cattle who were making their trip to England
to see once again the land where they were born. No! they
had not made their fortunes; they were going to look after
the cattle underneath. A cheap way of making the passage,
you know—and the flag was still at the window. A Coronation Soliloquy. 39
The buzzer blew at last, and as I made a bolt for the
door I noticed the flag had been taken in, the "hard-headed"
slave was going to put it on the place that he called "home."
Why?   Because he could not afford too many decorations.
It is so! A very funny way I have of looking at things,
but then I am one of those blamed Socialists.
BARTI.
CAPITAL.
Labor creates all Value.
The laborers labor for hire.
The condition of their employment is that their labor shall
create a value greater than their hire.
The value their labor creates in excess of their hire is Surplus Value.
Surplus Value accrues to the owners of the means of production.
Means of production used to appropriate Surplus Value
are Capital.
The purpose of the Socialist Party is to abolish Capital
by making the laborers the owners of the means of production,
in order that they may appropriate all the Value their labor
creates. 40
The Western Clarion.
MORALITY.
•» ♦.
That the discussion of such questions as "justice,' morality," "goodness" and other such abstract quantities should
have formed the principal part of the discourses of the old
Greek philosophers is not to be wondered at, for a purely superficial knowledge of history and a slight examination of the
moral code at any one given time will afford anyone not
grounded in the materialistic conception food for unlimited
speculation.
The student, endeavoring to solve for himself some of
the phenomena of society, after casting off the mental shell,
the outcome of generations of prejudice and ignorance, comes
face to face with a field for observation that at first affords
amusement on account of humanity's petty vanities and gradually unfolds a knowledge of human actions bringing a mental
poise and satisfaction from which he would not part at any
price.
Today we have presented to our view a moral code and
legal system built upon the basis of private property bolstered
up by a specially adapted type of religion with government
to enforce it. These we accept, with an occasional individual
exception, unconditionally, and with never a thought of questioning, quite satisfied in our crude minds that the Divine has
ordained this special line of action, and it being written, therefore must be so. One of the first features of this question that
forcibly strikes us is the fact that with our primitive ancestors
there was no such thing as a moral code. Their ethical standard was simply that of sharing and helping themselves to al they
required from the common stock, providing there was plenty,
and starving together in case of dearth. Theirs was a simple
life, lived naturally, digging for roots, hunting other animals,
gathering wild fruits, providing naturally for females and young
as long as they needed caring for.   What did they know about 1
;
Morality'* 41
mine and thine? Living and roaming about in companies, they
knew of no such thing as private property and, it is safe to say,
could have formed no conception of its meaning had it been
possible for someone to have endeavored to explain.
In their sexual relationship they knew no such thing as
monogamy, or even of marriage as known to modern society;
the females were free and on the same plane as the males. No
male had any private property rights in any one female as we
conceive of it today, which meant that a universal system of
polygamy and polyandry, as we would call it, existed. What
mattered it that no child could tell its own father? The task
of providing material sustenance for the children and females
devolved, as we have pointed out before, upon the stronger
members of the tribe as a body, no single person being called
upon to shoulder the economic burdens of any number alone.
Descent was traced if necessary through the female, which does
not seem so very unreasonable considering the female's part in
the process of reproduction.
Here we have the demonstration of the truth that all our
moral ideas are founded upon and have sprung from the
material basis of society. That we form our conceptions of
morality from the way we procure our living; that self-preservation being the first law of nature (speaking generally) our
moral ideas are governed by economic conditions and that the
materialistic conception of history is the only conception with
which we as enquirers can deal. Moral and ethical codes are
without exception purely and simply the outcome of the institution of private property; without private property in the
means of life and of life reproduction there can be no conception formed of a moral code. Today society chooses to
look upon its pet moral ideas as inviolable laws that always
were and always will be, unmindful that our present code has
been in existence, comparatively speaking, a very short time,
and that humanity's ideas upon this subject are changing continually contemporarily with changes in the economic basis
of society or the way we obtain our living.
With the necessities of life at the command of the tribe,
all common property belonging to me as much as to any other 42
The Western Clarion.
i
i
individual member, how can I be guilty of breaking a moral
law relative to stealing, seeing I have as much right to them as
any other? The idea of stealing cannot be formed. With
woman free to co-habit sexually with any man she chose, and,
inversely, free to refuse, how can we form the conception of
sexual immorality, and how would it be possible to have a
condition of legal prostitution under the cover of the law, such
as we now have in so many cases, and call it marriage? The
idea of a moral code under such an economy is untenable, and
to institute one we must find a change in economic conditions.
This we have in the institution of private property. We find
a moral code provided to protect this institution along with its
corollary, government, and the majority sinking into a state
of propertylessness and slavery with woman doubly so, being
sexually enslaved by man and economically enslaved by the
propertied class. This condition of affairs for the majority
would have astounded our primitive ancestors in the days
of their freedom had it been suggested to them.
But the eternal laws of change know no rest in the evolution of human society^any more than in any other phenomenon
in the cosmos, and the human race, increasing in numbers, were
gradually driven to breeding animals caught and domesticated,
also to till and cultivate the ground in order that their material
wants might be satisfied the more readily and easily. With the
introduction of these occupations we find man able to produce
more than sufficient to keep himself alive, consequently the opportunity for the strong to enslave the weak or captives taken
in war and the introduction into society of a class of parasites
known as the master class, living upon the fruits of the toil of
others and looking down upon the slaves with contempt from
that day to this; a contempt which is no doubt richly deserved
today more so than ever before.
From this time on we find morals; morals being inconceivable apart from private property and a master class; a code endorsed or presumably gotten up by a specially constructed God,
deviations from which on the part of the slaves can be treated
by the master class with sword and extermination if necessary.
There can be procured divine revelation to order and the mat- Morality.
43
,
■
ter promptly settled, to the satisfaction of the masters at least.
The claim of the materialist that religion, although possibly not originally introduced by a ruling class, has always
been used by them to assist in keeping a slave class in subjection, is not without foundation, for we find that in every religion great prominence is given to obedience and acceptance
of what portends to be divine law regarding the rights of property, rulers, priests and kings. The unknown always has an
air of mystery and awe, so naturally our remote ancestors clad
natural phenomena with a cloak of superstition and reverenced
that for which they were unable to account. At the time of
the institution of private property it was only to be expected that
those who controlled would use all the instruments they coultl
to keep the slaves in subjection. The unknown, and presumably almighty, was harnessed to the new order, divine sanction
was arranged for, also interpreters in the form of a priesthood
who could produce more divine sanctions as required. By the
addition of a few tricks the embryonic minds of the common
people were most acceptably hypnotized from the ruler's viewpoint, in which condition they remain to this day. Praiseworthy and beautiful codes of ethics were also served up from
time to time for digestion and assimilation by the slaves; for
pious reflection and canting hypocrisy for the ruling class; certainly not for serious application by the latter.
The grotesque position of the ethical codes alongside the
institution of private property in the means of the sustenance of
life is really too absurd to call for much consideration here.
The slavery of the propertyless requires all the divine support
and sanction that can be brought to bear upon the matter and,
even with that, signs are not wanting that the masses are becoming restless and a few are even becoming heretical enough
to question the divinity of it all. Ruling class property is moral
today and has been since its inception, for the rulers have had
the power to make it so, but the time is rapidly approaching
when the slaving masses will be compelled by economic necessity to use their power and wipe class ownership out of existence, whereupon this which is today perfectly moral will become, by the exercise of the power of those who are now slaves,
absolutely immoral, and we shall look back upon it with more
v 44
The Western Clarion.
deprecation and much more repulsion than today we look back
upon chattel slavery.
Emancipation from wage slavery for the masses, together
with the release of woman from our present conceptions of morality, the outcome of our present economic system, will mean
as much, if not more, for woman than for man, but she, owing
to her training and acquiescent nature, will be much slower than
man to grasp the meaning of it. Man being, as a rule, more
directly brought in contact with the economic problem of providing, will be compelled to take notice and search for a solution before woman, whose nature is more inclined to endure
than to make a fight, but who will be quite ready to fall in with
the new order of society as soon as she realizes that it means
deliverance from the present yoke of bondage.
We cannot foretell exactly how these changes will take
place in society, but we can readily perceive that when the work"
ing class becomes conscious enough to take the reins of power
that a number of things now quite moral will be very immoral,
and vice versa. In what light, for instance, will we look upon
the private ownership of the land and natural resources? It
will be very decidedly immoral. How will we regard capitalist class ownership of the machinery of production and transportation, all of which have been made by the working class,
with its consequent exploitation of the workers, who must have
access to them in order to live? So immoral, I fancy, that we
will lose no time in removing such a blot from our moral standing as a community. With woman's economic freedom and
consequent admission to think and have a right to consideration
in the structure of society, what so immoral as her present
position in society?
That we should be accused by capitalist society of immorality in pointing out these facts is all we expect from them,
for from their point of view our propaganda is decidedly immoral, but we do not worry very much over any accusations
coming from this source, in fact we are rather proud to plead
guilty. That universal condemnation should be showered upon
us from all branches of capitalist society is sufficient evidence to
us that we are not far from being strictly moral from a working
tm Morality.
45
class standpoint. Having a fairly clear conception of the materialist basis of society, we can hardly be expected to rush with
open arms to greet die Christian Socialist, Fabian, Idealist, or
any other morality exponent or visionist, for we realize their
lack of foundation and have no ambition to be identified with
them. A movement built upon present day conceptions of morality is a grotesque phenomenon from a scientific point of view.
For me to take the life of a venomous snake, tiger or any other
animal dangerous to my existence, is perfectly moral, but what
about the snake's and tiger's point of view? Do you think
their conception of morality would coincide with mine in the
premise? And so it is all through the organic world, including
human society. As Socialists we are in revolt against our enslavement and exploitation by capitalism, and intend in self-
defence and self-preservation to throw the system off our backs
at the earliest possible moment, not being very particular as to
how we do it, wiping out capitalist ownership and possibly—
yes, and most probably—putting those who stand in our way
out of it.   Immoral?   Maybe, but we do not care
W. W. L
NOTICE.
The time for an expression of opinion upon the HaW"
thornthwaite affair has been extended to August 15. 46
The Western Clarion.
LEST WE FORGET.
"That it may please Thee to defend and provide for the
fatherless children and widows, and all such as are desolate
and oppressed."
Socialism is essentially a working class movement, and
Socialist speakers therefore usually confine their efforts to
placing the philosophy of this science before workingmen from
various standpoints.
While it is indispensable that a student of Socialism
should thoroughly understand its growth and outcome, yet the
way in which he conveys his message to his hearers must be
determined largely by their ability to grasp his meaning readily
and to apply his arguments to their own cases.
Although Socialism is a science, it has its "everyday"
viewpoint, and I venture to beg leave to place before readers
of the "Clarion" what I may call the sentimental side of the
question, which may appeal more forcibly to those not of a
scientific turn of mind.
I have headed this article with the words of part of the
English Litany, which are repeated by thousands of so-called
Christians in all parts of the world, a large percentage of whom
are of the capitalist class.
How many of these very men will more or less deliberately take advantage of the "fatherless children" and employ
them in their factories, knowing well that they must work or
starve, and paying them a wage barely sufficient to keep them
alive? Her bread-winner gone, the widow is compelled, in
hundreds of cases, to support herself on the earnings of her
children.
Child labor is cheap, and in this age of machinery chil-
3 Lest We Forget.
47
dren can take the place of men in many branches of industry.
The incessant clamor of shareholders for greater dividends
compels the capitalist to cut down expenses to a minimum, and
the pocket of the worker suffers in consequence.
Who can tell how many bright young intellects have
been stunted and ruined by the conditions under which they
have "developed"?
In New York in 1909 a case was discovered which is as
a drop in the ocean to the thousands of such which are unexposed.
A child 18 months old was earning 50 cents a week in a
tenement sweatshop. What chance had that child of growing
to womanhood fit to reproduce her kind? There are over
80,000 such children (not so young, no doubt, but still children) in the United States today, and the evil is rapidly growing in Canada, which is only right and proper if Canada is to
become part of the republic which flaunts the statue of "lib*
erty" on its front doorstep, and enslaves millions of men,
women and children.
I venture to assert that there are hundreds of intelligent
children sacrificed to the god of greed who would, under
decent conditions, become a credit to their families, and who
would perform lasting services to science, their country, and
the world, had they the opportunity.
How many smug magistrates repeat, parrot-like, the
formula "50 dollars or three months" when some unfortunate
girl is dragged before them in all her poor tawdry finery because she sold the only thing she possessed to buy bread?
How many smartly dressed "ladies" will draw their
skirts—silk skirts—aside as she passes, whose money-grabbing
husbands may have been directly responsible for her downfall, by paying her a wage upon which she could not live?
This week the Montreal "Star" published a glowing
account of the coronation, and on the same page informed its
readers of the "rescue" of a would-be suicide who had had no
food for two days, and had tramped the city in search of work
with an empty stomach.   "Desolate and oppressed" he sought 48
The Western Clarion.
to end his misery, only to find that the same cursed capitalist
system which denied him bread could compel him to live.
Is it nothing to you, men of Canada? Will you not
strike a blow for your wives and children? How many cf
you can say with certainty that your family would be provided
for in the event of your death by accident at your work?
It is your duty to yourselves as men, to apply the means
to abolish this hell-born system, and the Socialist Party is the
only party which commits itself to apply it. It is your bounden
duty, therefore, to join forces with that party, and eradicate
an order of things whose adherents and supporters grow fat and
luxurious on the sweat and blood of "the fatherless children
and widows."
I remain, Comrade, yours for the revolution,
BHAI.
i
I What We Want.
49
■■■4
ik
I
WHAT WE WANT.
By Wilfred Gribble.
It's very simple. What the Socialists want is all the
means of production for all the workers. The Socialists want
all the coal mines in order that the workers may dig all the coal
they want; all the railways, in order that they may convey that
coal to where they need it.
Nothing puzzling about that, is there?
The Socialists want all the iron mines for the workers,
in order that the workers may produce iron to turn into steel in
order to build railways, locomotives and cars to convey coal,
iron, wood, food, and, in fact, everything, to wherever these
things are needed. In fact the Socialists want the workers to
own all the mines, all the railways, all the forests, all the factories, all the mills—all the means of life—in common, so that
they, the workers, may produce plenty for themselves, because
they need to and choose to, and not because a certain few (as
at present) give them permission. Nothing hard to understand
about this proposition, is there?
This world is a world of plenty. No denying that! Why
do not all the human race have plenty? Can you answer that
question, fellow worker? We Socialists say it is because a
small class own the mines, the railways, factories, and so on,
and when it suits them, they allow the miners, the railway men,
the factory hands, to work, because it suits them, and for no
other reason, not because these workers want work in order to
get wages in order to buy food, but because the owners can
get profits by allowing the workers to have a job. When they
no longer can make profits out of a worker's labor, they dis- 50
The Western Clarion.
charge him. "Right to work" to the contrary notwithstanding.
He has no choice in the matter. They have the power to discharge him.   Why?
These owners, these capitalists, are but human beings,
with a head, a body, two arms, and two legs, just the same
as the workers, no bigger, if as big, as the workers, certainly not
as bodily strong, on the average; from a useful standpoint, not
as intelligent, and in point of numbers, pitiably insignificant to
the working class. Yet they are up and the working class are
down; yet they control and the working class are at their mercy; yet they "toil not, neither do they spin," and live in security on the best of everything, while producing nothing but
trouble for the working class, and the workers, who produce all
useful things, live lives of anxiety, insecurity and want, in a
world of plenty. Can you say why, non-Socialist fellow
worker?    We Socialists can.
It is because the capitalist class owns and does not work
and the working class works (when given permission), but does
not own. On the one hand we have the owners, who, by virtue of their ownership, are born to enjoy, bred to enjoy, educated to enjoy, and enjoy the best of everything throughout
their lives. On the other hand we have the working class, who
are born (bred like cattle) to work, bred to work, educated
to work and go on working, or, looking for work, all their lives.
All this, mark you, in a world of plenty.
Come now, what's the remedy for poverty in a world of
plenty? Does it lie in the hands of the ruling class? Oh,
no; they don't suffer from poverty, and therefore have no incentive to do anything effectual for the workers. Does it lie
in the church or its (various) teachings?
Oh, no; the church, the handmaiden of the ruling class,
has been chloroforming the workers too long; for hundreds of
years, many hundreds, they have been fooling the workers
with a celestial mirage. "Look up, brothers and sisters," its
priests have said; we have been looking up, and the ruling class
have grabbed everything in sight.
No, the hope of the working class does not lie in the
church, its teachings, or its "priests in slavery's pay." Does
it lie in the Liberal or Conservative parties?   If so, how is it What We Want.
51
that as both parties have been in office many times, they did
not settle the matter for good and all when they were in?
How long, you workers, will you trust to these broken
reeds? We Socialists, who have studied the matter, we Socialists who are enslaved workers like yourselves, tell you that your
only hope is in yourselves, that you have to study, you have
to train, you have to organize for the definite, avowed, uncompromising, unmixed purpose of depriving the capitalist class of
their class property in the means of life, converting that property into social property, so that we may all be citizens, equally
owning and equally controlling the means of life, all with an
equal right to work, and an equal right to enjoy.
How shall we do this? Well, what stands in the way?
—the powers of government which stand as guarantee for the
present form of ownership, behind that government stands your
vote, behind your vote is your ignorance of your class interests.
What other explanation is there? You are far, very far, the
more numerous. You are, potentially, far stronger than the
capitalists. But you don't know how to use your strength.
The way to use your strength is to get together and act together to dispossess the ruling class, but you will not do this
unless you educate yourselves on class lines. This magazine
will help you to do this. Read it carefully, and we Socialists
know what the results will eventually be. 52
The Western Clarion.
PUERILE REFORMERS.
Many people cannot grasp the deep significance and
world-wide influence of the Socialist movement. Such are
the superficial thinkers, to whom the social problems present
themselves as being the result of individual shortcomings and
the solution of which problems lies in the regeneration of the
individual. Their viewpoint is so narrow that they cannot
perceive the underlying social causes of these present-day
evils and the necessity of a social solution.
Talk to these people about the Drink Traffic and they
immediately suggest "signing the pledge" as a remedy. Speak
of Unemployment and you call forth an eulogy of thrift and
the blessings of "putting a little bit away for a rainy day."
Casually mention Prostitution, and they wax eloquent on the
wonderful influence of self-control and the marvellous results
accruing from the policy of breaking-up the segregated quarters. For Crime and Criminals they offer the softening influence of the sublime character of the lowly Nazarene or the
chastening effects of the cat and the gallows. Right away
through the whole gamut of present-day social evils they
fail signally to bring forth a true solution for any of the problems.
Of course, it must be admitted that the Drink problem
would be solved were all to sign the pledge and, in fact, so
would all earthly problems be solved were human beings, by
some magic stroke, suddenly to become angels. The temperate man, the thrifty man, have an advantage over their intemperate and prodigal fellows, but to advocate thrift and
temperance as anything else but an individual solution shows
a lack of understanding of the whole question. It is somewhat
like the fan who went to the ball game and who was unable to
see the game properly owing to the big crowd and the poor
formation of the ground.   The following day he hit on the Puerile Reformers. 53
idea of taking a camp stool on which to stand and thus
overlook his fellows. The crowd around grumbled exceedingly. The wise guy on the stool turned round to them and
said: "Why not be like me and bring a stool to stand on."
That crowd took his advice and the very next game they all
brought stools and the wise fan lost his advantage. It was a
case of "as you were." Here you have an instance of an individual solution being a failure when applied to the whole.
Thrift, Temperance, Self-control cannot solve the un-
•employed, or any other problem* because they leave untouched the great fount from which these evils spring.
Whilst you have a system of society which leaves in the
hands of an owning class all the means by which wealth is
produced, so long will you have extreme riches for the
few and extreme poverty for the many, and a study of past
history shows that where such conditions obtain all manner
of vices (so-called) are to be found. The reformers, bursting with moral (?) indignation may preach, prate and
palaver until Gabriel shall blow his horn, yet until the root
of these evils is cut out, so long will they sprout and germinate.
"But," many ask, "are not these moral reformers,
Salvation Army, etc., doing a little good meanwhile?" Sure.
At least the Army is. Especially in this burg, for do they
not gather a great crowd, by means of their silver band,
every Sunday night for the Socialists to address and show
up die fallacy of reform? Yes, even the S. A. does good.
At any rate that is the opinion of
"TIRED." 54
The Western Clarion.
Organizers' Department
EASTERN TOUR.
My last report from Glace Bay was botched. I suppose
the printer could not decipher my scroll. The Maritime
Executive decided to have me two weeks in Cumberland
County before the election. Had they known our comrades
were not running candidates, they would have kept me in Cape
Breton until after the election.
There are no locals in Pictou County, but I had three
good open-air meetings. At New Glasgow, I was about to do
the religious act (collection) when the weather man interfered.
Comrade McKay gave me $15.00. At Westville it was a
cold night, but by passing the hat I got $1.83. Fine night at
Stellarton; got $5.48.
In Cumberland County I spoke at eight good meetings;
did not get any financial assistance.
In New Brunswick I had one miserable meeting and nine
good ones. Got $3.50 from Newcastle Local and $3.00 from
Fredericton Local. Declined financial assistance from Comrades Fillmore and Mushkat; thoy had already done more
than their share. The former kept me at his house, and the
latter paid my hotel expenses.
In McAdam the Machinists* Union paid for the hall.
Had three good open-air meetings in Montreal, and got $15.00
from the comrades there.
C. M. O'BRIEN. Organizers9 Department. 55
SLOCAN DISTRICT.
Comrades,—Since last report I have done quite a lot of
street work. Am just now going through the Sandon district.
Had a nice little meeting yesterday at Silverton and also was
invited to take the floor at the W. F. M. last Saturday. Today I go up to the Van Roi mine, seven miles out of Silverton,
where there are about 70 men, and will put up a propaganda
spiel there. Tomorrow will visit the Westmount property and
do all I can. I am endeavoring to get the comrades of this
section interested in district organization and am meeting with
considerable success. Sandon Local of the S. P. of C. threw
in $15.00 to me for organization work and to lighten the drain
on the treasury.   More anon.
DESMOND.
THE RANCHER.
At Regina trains loaded with gas tractors were being
delivered at short intervals all this spring. Winnipeg custom
house is said to have entered for duty $1,500,000 worth of
gas tractors during the first three months of this year. During
the first three months of 1910 twenty-five thousand horses were
imported into the three prairie provinces. The number brought
in for the same three months of 1911 was less than five thousand. Every gas tractor displaces twenty-five good work horses
and reduces the number of men and the costs of operation by
about two-thirds.
Big capital has at last begun to come into its own in
the domain of agriculture. If present indications hold out,
then the Canadian prairies will afford the finest kind of opportunities for the productive employment of the largest capitals.
In the low-lying valleys of Southern British Columbia
large capitals find an avenue for robbery and exploitation by
another method.   Acquiring large areas of bench and bottom 56
The Western Clarion.
lands, securing the available water for irrigation, Burning and
ditching the water to the postage-stamp ranches of five and
ten acres, selling the lands at road-agent prices, leasing the
water in perpetuity, the mission of capital to go out and return
with its historic increase is here again exemplified.
The Similkameen and the Okanagan have been heralded
over two continents as the sum of all that is desirable in the
line of fruit ranching. When the pioneers of the small ranch
had made their purchases, it was the apparently obvious course,
if an early income was to be had, to plant tomatoes, strawberries and other crops that would give a quick return. They
do not do it any more. The market on the prairies and the
freight rate cannot apparently be made to harmonize so as to
afford the man in the valley any return for his product. One
old fellow who has reached the scrap-heap age for a wage
plug, complained to me that he had to let three acres of the
finest tomatoes that he had ever seen grown, rot on the ground.
At another point they can them when they cannot sell them
ripe. Strawberries in season are seldom found on the tables.
One quotation is 15c per box, another is 35c, but there does
not appear to be enough grown to make a market price. "There
are plenty of strawberries grown, but the fellow who raises
them lives upon the ridge and has not brought them down."
Verily, verily, the criticism of society is society itself.
The big endeavor is now to get the postage-stamp set out to
hardy apples and trust to more or less control of the season for
marketing and the efficacy of the car-lot rate. In the meantime small fruit farming looks to have no past, no present, but
to have a hope for the future. If it were not for the hope that
rises eternal in the human breast, men would go bughouse or
get into the revolution. Meantime the booster boosts until the
boosting becomes a knocking.
J. D. H. Editorial. 57
EDITORIAL
A WORD TO THE WISE.
In the preface to his "Critique of Political Economy,"
Marx, in referring to the earlier days of French Socialism and
Communism, speaks of them as "those days when anxiety to
go ahead greatly outweighed knowledge of facts." It was
the realization, on the part of Marx and Engels, that no great
movement in the interest of the working class could be based
on mere enthusiasm, or on an emotional desire to "assist the
poor," which resulted in the production of the monumental
works credited to those names.
The workers are held in the bondage of master class
teaching. That teaching must be combatted by a stern arraignment of facts and a merciless analysis of conditions, however disagreeable the result may be to some. Over-enthusiasm
at the expense of hard study results in an under-estimation of
the enemy's strength and a consequent playing to a certain extent, into their hands.
To the policy of drilling its readers in the fundamentals
of social activities, the Clarion was committed by its founders.
From that policy we do not intend to depart in this magazine
form. It does not follow, however, that the presentation of
the lighter side of life will be entirely absent from its pages.
Our aim is to give the Comrades, and the new readers which
they secure, a magazine devoted to matters in which the Socialist Party and the working class arc vitally concerned. This
will be done in as attractive a manner as possible.
The present issue undoubtedly has its shortcomings. For
these we do not apologize, knowing that the majority of Party
members are fully aware of the facilities with which it is produced. In order that future issues may be gotten up in a manner worthy of the Socialist Party of Canada, it will be necessary for us to have new readers. That is, unless we cater to
public opinion and indulge in commercial methods generally,
which we will not do. There must be a transfusion of the
blood of commerce from seekers after truth to the veins of the 58 The Western Clarion.
Western Clarion, and you Party members are the surgeons.
Go to it. Of this number, Local Vancouver has undertaken
to sell 200, and Local Victoria 50.
Perhaps by no one is the class nature of society more
clearly revealed than by those writers who devote themselves
to giving advice on proper conduct to employees. A good case
in point is a recent article in "Success," entitled "The Exceptional Employee." The writer indulges in the usual platitudes
anent working hard, having one's employer's interests at heart,
etc. But he gives vent to a new opinion, a rather startling one
if taken seriously. His idea is that every employee who does
not succeed, in other words, become an employer or an executive head, has something wrong with him. This works out
rather peculiarly. For instance, the C. P. R. has, say, seventy
thousand employees and one president. Now, out of the seventy thousand there are probably a very few who would not
like to be president. Therefore there is something wrong with
all that great army of men.   Poor C. P. R.!
Let us quote another charming sentiment:
"If you think more of your comfort and your ease and of
having your little pleasures as you go along than of your great
life purpose, you need not expect to make any great dent on
the world."
And what is your "great life purpose"? To submerge
yourself in the affairs of your employer, of course. To think
only of his business, work cheerfully overtime, get around before time, always be smiling and looking bright—as though you
liked it—conduct yourself, as it were, in the manner of a homeless pup trying to squirmingly ingratiate himself into the good
graces of a new master. If to dent the world requires that a
life be made hard, comfortless and dull that somebody else
should have ease, comfort and pleasure, then the world is much
better off undented.
The expression of such sentiments is of value to us. It
assists in showing clearly just where the workers stand in present society. It proves them to be merely draft animals existing
solely to work for their owners and masters. That is why so
many experts are devoting themselves of late to discovering the Editorial.
59
best methods of feeding and treating the working class so as to
get the greatest productive capacity and the greatest possible
returns on invested capital.
Signs are not wanting that a Dominion election will be
sprung this year. Even now, Liberal and Conservative camps
manifest great activity in preparation for hostilities. The prime
issue will, of course, be the Reciprocity Agreement. Between
these two, the working men of this country will be asked to vote
, for the same thing for opposite reasons. Liberals will ask them
to vote for Laurier, Reciprocity and cheaper commodities. Conservatives will ask them to vote for Borden, Protection with
Preference and—cheaper commodities.
Ever since capitalism got into full swing, politicians have
gone about promising cheapness to buyers and dearness to sellers. At every election since working men secured the franchise,
they have been led around on promises of "cheaper and better
living." And all the time, nothing has been getting cheaper
except themselves. Tariff-tinkers have been at work for many
moons. Political parries have marched their battalions to alternate victory and defeat at the polls since before you were
born. Prices have fallen and they have risen. Kings have
been crowned and they have died or decamped. Wars have
been fought and eternal peace sworn between nations. During
all these performances, the worker has gone right on working
to supply himself with the necessary sustenance to enable him
to go on working. Or perhaps a part of the time he has devoted to hunting a job. However, he has been nothing but a
wage-worker right along, always in the same position with mayhap a slight change for the worse.
Reciprocity, therefore, cannot affect him as long as he is
subject to wages. It is a question between property-owners
only. The more or less enviable position he occupies in the
matter is tint of being the property. And he will continue to
be the property whichever side wins out. Every worker who
takes sides in this struggle with either of the old parties does so
as a slave who is proud of it and who not only likes to produce
wealth for his masters but is also anxious to work overtime helping them to divide it. 60 The Western Clarion.
The only issue that should command the attention of working class voters will be placed before them in this and every
other election by the Socialist Party. Whether the present
form of property ownership, based upon ownership of the bodily energies of Labor itself, shall continue, or whether it shall
be abolished and the earth placed in possession of those who
toil—that is the only question in which working men can concern themselves as men and not as willing slaves.
TAFT AND TRUSTS.
Teddy acquired quite a reputation as a trust-buster, with
as little grounds as there was for any of the other reputations
his press agents furnished him. He busted no trusts. But,
under the Taft administration, a trust or two, if not busted, has
at least been ordered to bust. We have never been personally
acquainted with many presidents, nevertheless we have a
hunch that Taft, if he is the fattest, is also about the ablest
president the United States has ever had. We have thought
this ever since he placed himself squarely on both sides of the
conservation scrap by declaring himself in favor of conservation—not of a policy of conservation which would lock up
"our" natural resources for some dim distant posterity, but of
one that would adequately conserve them and yet allow each
generation a reasonable use of them. To which neither the
most rabid conservationist could take exception without committing himself to a complete locking up of the resources, nor
the anti-conservationist without appearing to desire an unreasonable use of them.
Since then he has neatly dished the bold, bad, insurgent
Republicans with the reciprocity proposal. They were ready
to take issue with him on his attitude towards the Payne
Tariff, but they are unprepared to support, and in no position
to attack him on this measure, echoing, as it does, their own
thunder.
So the prospects for his renomination as Republican candidate are good. The prospects of his election, however, have
yet to be made good.   It looks to us as if Taft would do the Editorial. 61
job. And the recent anti-trust decisions seem to be part of the
performance, the Democratic victory of last year having demonstrated the necessity for a Republican record.
This crusade against the trusts is certainly absurd. Possibly that is why it is so popular with people who are absurd
enough to be Republicans and Democrats. The only ones
who have cause to howl about the trust are its competitors.
The trusts may be unlawful under the Sherman Act, but they
are in perfect accord with the laws of economics. So much
so that, were they dissolved, they would of necessity combine
again somehow. They are the direct product of the very competition which it is sought to re-establish by abolishing them.
They are also in direct line in the evolution of capital, from
the individual to the firm, to the joint-stock company to the
merger of companies, the trust.
The charge that they raise prices, which seems the ground
for their unpopularity, is quite baseless in reality. We have
no doubt that they would raise prices if they could profitably.
But it would not pay them to do so. Undoubtedly they prevent prices falling as far below value as they would under
purely competitive production. But, on the other hand, they
cannot but, indirectly, prevent them from rising above value
to the same degree. They doubtless attempt to co-ordinate
supply to demand, but they must also, with much more care,
co-ordinate price to demand. For them the ideal price is one
that will yield the greatest possible profit on the greatest possible number of sales. Such a price that it could go no higher
without effecting a sufficient falling off in the number of sales
as to reduce the total nett revenue, and that to set it lower
would not effect a sufficient increase in the number of sales to
yield an increased nett revenue.
The fact is, so far from monopolistic production raising
prices above value, the more monopolistic production becomes
the less prices fluctuate and the more closely and continuously
they conform to value. Moreover, the trust is the best friend
we have among our enemies. It is socializing and organizing
industry to a degree unattainable under free competition. And
the more highly organized and social production becomes the
nearer are we to social ownership. 62
The Western Clarion,
Socialist  Party Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party of
Canada should run a card under this
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries
please note.
DOMINION EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, 279 Homer-Richards
Lane, Vancouver, B. C.
BRITISH     COLUMBIA     PBOVINCIAL
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688, Vancouver, B. C.
ALBEBTA  PBOVINCIAL  EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada.
Meets every alternate Monday in Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will fce pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement in the province. F.
Danby,   Secretary,   Box  647,   Calgary,
-j	
MANITOBA PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee: Notice—This card is inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good Street, Winnipeg.
SASKATCHEWAN PBOVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every flrst and third
Saturday in the month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters, Main Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. A. Gildemees-
ter, Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
LOCAL LADYSMITH NO. 10,  8.  P. of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., in headquarters on First Ave.
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith.
B. C.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
MARITIME PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace taxy,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL   PERNIE,   S.   P.  of  C,   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting flrst Sunday in each
month, sfcjne place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary, Box 101.
LOCAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   C,    NO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G. Johnson, Secretary.
LOCAL BOSSLAND, NO. 35, S. P. of C,
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m.   E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
LOCAL  MICHEL,  B.  C,  NO.   16,  S.  P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in
Crahan's HaU. A hearty invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the flrst
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. in the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
Secretary.	
LOCAL MOYIE, B. 0., NO. 30, MEETS
second Sunday, 7:30 p.m., in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts,
Secretary.
LOCAL  NELSON,  S.  P.  of  C,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 pm., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
LOCAL NEW WESTMINSTER, B. C,
No. 15, S. P. OP C.—Headquarters
Room 3, Dupont Block, over Northern
Crown Bank. Propaganda meeting
every Sunday, Crystal Theatre, 8 p.m.
Business meeting every Monday, 8 p.
m. B. W. Sparke, Recording Secretary; H. Gilchrist, Organizer; J. C.
Williams. Financial Secretary.
LOCAL PRINCE BUPEBT, B. C, No. 53,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday in
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.	
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,  B.   0.,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
LOCAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 36, S. P. OP
C. Meets every Tuesday at- 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
LOCAL  SOUTH  POBT  OEOBCtE,  B.C.,
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. in Public Library Room. John
Mclnnis, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
Organizer. The Western Clarion.
63
LOCAL VANOOUVER, B.  C, NO. 1, 8.
P. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Main Street. F. Perry, Secretary. Box
1688.
1 m,
LOCAL VANCOUVER,  B.   C,   NO.   45,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
Main Street.    Secretary, Wm. Myntti.
LOCAL VEBNON, B.  C, NO. 38. 8. P.
of C. Meets every Tuesday, 8:00 p.m
sharp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St.
W. H. Gilmore, Secretary.
LOCAL VICTORIA, B.  C, NO. 3, 8. P.
of C. Reading room and headquarters,
1319 Government St., Room 2, over
Collister's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at Crys-
tal Theatre.    T. Gray, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     TKQ7~9.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendenning, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
LOCAL BRANDON, MAN., NO. 7, 8. P.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Ilossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class, Friday at 8 p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieo, 249 First St.,
Brandon, Man.
LOOAL LETKBBIDGB, ALTA., NO. 13,
S. P. of C. Meets flrst and third Sundays in the month, at 4 p.m., in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock, Box 1983.
LOCAL EDMONTON,  ALTA., NO. 1, 8.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer, W.  Stephenson.
LOOAL MOOSEJAW, SASK., No. 1, 8. P.
OP C.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. m„ in the Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, 3 p.m.
W. Harrison, Sec-Treas., General Delivery, Moosejaw; A. Stewart, Organizer, South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves
welcome.
LOCAL CALGARY, ALTA., NO. 4, 8. P.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and reading room, Labor Hall. Geo.
Rossiter, Secretary, Box 647.
LOCAL REGINA, SASK., NO. 8. MEETS
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. in Trades
Hall, Scarth Street. Business meetings second and fourth Fridays at 8
p.m., Trades Hall. Secretary, B. Simmons, Box 1046.
LOOAL WINNIPEG, MAN., NO. 1, 8. P.
of C. Headquarters, 528 1/2 Main St.,
Room 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate
Monday evening at 8 p.m.; propaganda
meeting every Wednesday at 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh Laid-
low. Room 2, 528 1/2 Main St. Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young St.
LOOAL OTTAWA, No. 8, 8. P.  OP O.
Business meetings flrst Sunday ia
month in open air, followed by a picnic during summer months. Propaganda meetings every Saturday night
at 8 p. m., at the corner of McKenzie
Avenue and Rldeau Street. AG. Mc
Callum, Secretary, 140 Augusta Street.
LOCAL GLACB BAY, NO. 1, OP N. 8.
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
Street. 64
The Western Clarion.
68 YEARS*
EXPERIENCE
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Designs
Copyrights Ac.
Anyone sending p sketch and description may
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tione Bt.riotly conlldontiul. HANDBOOK
sont free. Oldest agency for seourutgjpatont*.
Patents taken through Munn <fc Co. receive
gpcciol notice, without charge, in the
Scientific Biteilcatt.
A handsomely illustrated weekly. iArgest dm,
cnlation of any scientific jounie.1. Terms for
Canada, $8.75 a year, postage prepaid. Bold hy
al) newsdealers.
gCo.8e,B™**wNewY(jri[
n*\~a.   OS* P *"*■*♦    *t?mmt\tw,atnr   ■**■   r\
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654

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