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Western Clarion Dec 2, 1911

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Subacrlptlon Frist *ft| M
PBR Y-SUK       Hl.Wtl
The Sole Instrument by Means of Which the Present
Ruling Class Maintains Its Economic Dominion
Qver the Working Class and Gathers Rich Profits
From Its Exploitation.
In* tbelr .struggles against the exactions ot their employers, many
workingmen are prone to overlook
one point of vantage possessed by employers, the possession of which renders their position invulnerable against
all attacks made upon them in the
Held of industry This point of vantage Is tbe State. True lt is tbat the
State had its Inception ln the needs of
a ruling class. It was born and has
grown to Its present maturity, as the
instrument whereby a ruling class
could hold in subjection those over
whom it desired to exercise authority.
It is a means of representation and
subjugation. It is an Institution inconceivable except in a society based
upon slavery In some form or other.
The present State is essentially the
instrument or means whereby capitalist property maintains its sway and
enforces its scheme ot rapine and robbery upon Its working class victims.
It is only by and through the State
that tho enslavement of labor can be
maintained and enforced. So long as
the State remains in control of the
capitalists, it stands to reason that It
will be used solely for the purpose of
conserving tho Interests of that class
in human society, by holding the workers In subjection to tbat exploitation
from which all profits arise.
The State Is not, as so many suppose, an Impartial sometnlng that
stands between warring individuals as
classes In human society for tbe purpose of preventing them from cutting
each other's throats. It is merely an
expression of organized force to be
F, used by ihe Individual or class that
may be in possession of it In such
manner as may best conserve his or
their interests. Every act of the State
is determined by the economic interests of he or they who are, for the*
tlmo being, in control of Its machinery
and powers. An excellent illustration
of this was afforded a few years since
in the persecution of the officials of
tbe Western Federation of Miners.
All the powers of the State were used
to effect the murder of men who had
dared to expend their energy along
|. the lines of a labor movement that
seriously threatened the right of Capital to rule and rob. Long established
forms of law and methods of procedure
were thrown to the minds and brute
force brazenly resorted to for tbe accomplishment of the end In view.
Tbat the contemplated murder was
not carried out was undoubtedly due
t, tbe fact that the interests behind
the scheme were held back through
fear of such uprising of labor as might
sweep the rule of Capital into oblivion.
Another equally splendid Illustration of the vicious class character
of the modern State is afforded In
tbe seizure and Imprisonment of the
McNamara Brothers. That this ls but
another attempt to effect the legal murder of men in the Labor movement
whose activities are along lines considered dangerous by ruling class Interest, must be patent to any one who
cares to follow the proceedings of the
case. The same brazen disregard of
all constitutional rights and previous established procedure; and the
same coarse and brutal determination
■ to accomplish tbe murder of the ac-
[ cused men ls evidenced ln the case of
the McNamara's as ln that of the W.
F. M. officials in 1907. The only thing
that will prevent is consummation will
be sueh an expression of working
class solidarity as will make such a
consummation too threateningly dangerous.
Be that as it may, however, the
fact remains that so long as the capitalists retain undisturbed possession
of the machinery of the State, the
workers will be clubbed, beaten or
shot into subjection whenever they
dare to seriously threaten the right
of their masters to exploit them to
the last drop of juice in their bones.
Determined and persistent assault
upon the political entrenchment of
capital, I.e. the State by tbe working
class will soon force Its surrender.
With this instrument ln Its possession
the working class can turn its powers
to its own purpose by relegatijig to
the lumber room of history that form
of property (capitalist) that today
curses the earth by grinding the men,
women and children of toll into pro
fit for capitalists. It might even be
considered a sort of just retribution
were a victorious working class to
deal out to the capitalists themselves
some of the State medicine that these
ruling class pirates now so lavishly
bestow upon their enslaved snd exploited victims.
The conquest of tho capitalist
State by the working class will open
the gateway for the transformation
of capitalist property into the collective, or common, property of the
working class. This will mean the
ending of tho wage slave system, the
last and most merciless and brutal
slavery the world has ever known.
With the ending of the rule of capital, 'the State wlll die out," as Marx
and Engels have said. With no longer a ruling class and a class to be ruled lt would no longer have a function to perform. It would become obsolete.
In the struggle against the exactions of their masters the workers
should never forget that the domination ot industry by those masters is
due solely to their control of the
State. By means of that control they
are always In a position whereby they
can make and enforce all the rules
of the Industrial game. This
Is what is commonly termed the
"l.aw." That ts why capitalists are
masters and workers are slaves. Also
that Is why the slaves always get tbe
worst of It in tbelr struggles for better Wages, hours and treatment In
But as the workers are many and
capitalists few, ' It would seem
that, a word to the wise would be
quite sufficient.   But it Is not.
B. T. K.
BOSTON, Nov. 14—The terrible
conditions prgvailing among | the
working girls of this city are strikingly described in the following article appearing in the Traveller, and
fully corroborate an expose ot Boston industrial and social "life published in The New York Call a few
months ago:
"According to social workers thousands of working girls In this city are
out of employment and approaching
actual hunger. There ls no work for
them in home, in factory, in department store, in sweat shop—anywhere,
They say Boston ls overrun with willing and intelligent young women who
are forced to accept charity or go
" 'In all my experience,' said Mrs.
Clara Locker, lieutenant major of the
local Volunteers of America nnd superintendent of the Working Girls'
Home, at 80 Warrenton street, 'I
have never seen such pitiable conditions among the working girls. From
our home hundreds of girls daily
tramp the streets enquiring for work.
They go from factory and home, they
haunt the employment bureaus, and
nowhere can they find the slightest
opportunity, skilled and intelligent
though they may be.
'"At the Working Girls' Home I
take care of over 500 girls a week. A
year ago I used to be able to find
them places, but now It Is a desperate
matter. They would starve If not for
our free lunches every day, and go
sleepless If not for free beds. At
present I know of do place in town,
be it store, factory or family, where I
can locate a single one of the hundreds of girls who are growing sick
and despondent because, of no work.
I feel utterly helpless.'
"Mrs. Locker believes that the suffering of the, unemployed comes from
the hard times. She cited many indications of this fact, where girls
have been engaged as cooks or servants ln houses and dismissed immediately after the first week when the
bouse was put ln order. Families,
who can usually afford a girl, say
they must have only one on rare occasions to clean their house, because
the high cost of living uses up their
entire income. She says many families employing servants have given
up their homes to live In hotels this
winter, that they may avoid the cost
of house maintenance.—New York
Opsn Letter to The Women's Political
Equality League.
Ladles,—On invitation from one of
your members I attended a parlor
meeting ot your league recently*, desiring to know your true position. I was
invited to become a member, on the
plea that other members of the Socialist Party had joined. I was somewhat
doubtful as to the truth df this'assertion, but no names were mentioned
and bo I could not prove tt for myself.
After listening patiently to a lot of
talk, I concluded that I, being a member of the Socialist Party of Canada,
could not possibly join, nor could any
one consistently be a member of both
your league and the afore-mentioned
revolutionary body.
You claim that votes for women will
change conditions under which women
work! And yet you talk largely of
upholding private property interests,
and dower laws and such like things.
You talk of Insurance for widows and
living wages, and uphold tbe system
that makes widows. You talk of
working girls In tones that proclaim
them as something of an entirely different calibre to yourselves,—and of
amelioration,—and an 8-hour day.
Ladles! you make me tired! You are
like a physician who tries to cure by
going after the effect, lulling pain by
the use of some powerful drug, instead of removing it by getting after
the root cause and changing the patient's diet or environment.
The vote will not then seriously
touch on the majority conditions of
women. They, like the men, are the
proletariat or property-less class. So,
I do not see where laws affecting
dowers and real estate would make
any difference. Why not busy yourselves and study causes, not effects?
Do not proclaim your inequality by
petitions, written ln cringing language to those In authority over you.
You will still be subjects, therefore
slaves, even when you do get the
vote. To a Socialist there ls no Inequality between the sexes. Rather
is the inequality in prevailing economic conditions. These conditions we
are studying and fighting; educating
ourselves for the Inevitable change
which will secure economic freedom
for alL
Yours for the revolution,
(By Watts.)
After a religious meeting had been
broken up on Sunday, a simple-minded boot-licking slave said: "It wasn't
fair." That's more than God could
* *   •
Wanted.—A Chinese translation of
Karl Marx's "Capital."
Where Is Shoaf? The MinerB' Magazine say the Appeal to Reason
knows. We've got a hunch they do,
* •   *
Speaking of the re-election of Samuel Gompers as president of the A. F.
of L., It looks to me as if the law of
evolution is a failure.
* •   *
Sir E. Grey says the relations between England and Germany are
"serious and delicate." The Canadian
navy and boy scouts can handle that,
* •   •
The royal parasite was escorted by
six great cruisers whilst on his way
to India. Will tbe cruisers return
with their flags at half mast? We
don't care.
* •   *
J. P. Morgan, in his usual haste to
get the almighty dollar, fell whilst
taking up a collection In his church
on Sunday. We would advise him to
be careful, as we don't want to find
him crippled when we get the chance
to make him do something useful in
Erery Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre
'The times are changed and we are
changed with them," has become hackneyed as a quotation from the Latin.
Nevertheless so relatively short ls a
man's life and so gradual generally
the course of change, that ln a lifetime one will mark but little change
of any consequence. As a result,
things ln general take on a false appearance of fixity and stability. Hence
it is but natural that we should think
and express ourselves habitually in
terms of the conception that things
are now as they were ln the beginning and so will be, world without
Particularly is this the averago attitude towards "human nature." The
very expression implies human traits
and cbaractertstics, inherent and Innate, not only unchanging but unchangeable. ThlB human nature is regarded, on the one hand, as by nature
evil, and Man aB a "miserable sinner" doomed to eternal torment in a
hereafter, If not saved by one ingenious device or another, and on the
other hand as Intrinsically good and
lacking but the opportunity to blossom out iu Illy-like purity.
None of wbich is anywhere near
the truth. As Oscar Wilde has remarked, "the one thing we know
about human nature Ib that it
changes." Not only that, but, as lt
changes, human conceptions of good
and evil change with it. That which
Is good at one time Is evil at another
and that which is human nature here
is unnatural at the Antipodes. It was
perfectly good and human for tbe
Dyak to hunt heads, the Fijian to eat
human flesh, or for a Pharaoh to marry his own Bister, evil and inhuman
as such practices may appear to us.
So that not only are the attributes of
human nature not fixed and Immutable, but they cannot be said to be
either good or evil, as conceptions of
good and evil are mutable and transitory.
Moreover, these attributes are not
Innate and Inherent, but acquired and
evolved. They have grown on us.
While those of the traits which go to
make up human nature which have
any degree of permanence are not
peculiarly human traits, but are common to animal life generally, and
have been handed down to the human
race ln the natural process of evolution. Thus wltb the so-called "Instinct." of self-preservation. It Is not
an Innate Instinct but a characteristic
which has become dominant and persistent throughout the higher forms
of life, at any rate, through the simple fact of natural selection. Those
individuals who bave lacked this characteristic, who have been reckless of
life, have been killed off more rapidly
ln proportion, have therefore multiplied in lesser numbers, and so have
transmitted their characteristic of
recklessness to proportionately fewer
descendants than have those individuals In whom the tendency to self-
preservation was stronger. Consequently, with each succeeding generation, the tendency to self-preservation would become stronger and Its
lack less frequent. And so with the
sexual Instinct, the maternal instinct,
and so forth, all down the line.
Ab the human phslcal form has
been evolved by the selective processes out of the numberless types
produced by the constant tendency to
variation of the animal organism, just
bo have human mental and moral attributes been evolved by similar processes out of similarly varying types.
What applies to these more enduring traits of human nature applies also to the more transient. The avarice, for instance, which, In a greater
or less degree, Is a part and parcel of
the human nature of the day, and Is
frequently advanced as a potent argument against Socialism by those who
have no conception of Socialism, is
a comparatively recently acquired
characteristic. During the long ages
of primitive communism lt could
have had no existence. To the nomad
savage It would be inconceivable, for
to accumulate wealth such as then
existed would be but to accumulate
burdensome encumbrances. It Is only
with the advent of slavery that any
advantage can accrue from acquiui-
tivenosB and the transmission of avaricious tendencies becomeB selectively
dominant. And with the passing of
slavery their extermination would be
automatically Inevitable.
So we may return to the dictum of
Wilde that the one thing we know
about human nature Is that It changes.
It changes according as the conditions and circumstances of human existence change. Those characteristics
which are advantageous at any period
are the ones that then dominate in
persistence, and they are modified as
conditions are modified. "The times
are changed and we are changed with
"Can the workers accomplish their
emancipation through political action
alone, or must they exercise their
economic power?" Sickened unto
death with questions of this nature
fired at us Sunday after Sunday In
our propaganda meetings, after the expenditure of much grey matter In
cogitation on the subject, we wonder
if the ermine of stupidity will ever
fall from the shoulders of homo sap-
lens (wlso man).
Every class struggle Is a political
struggle. Economic power as a term
conveys no meaning, as an entity Is
non-existent. When defined by one
of the aforeBaid wise men a few
nights ago, lt was stated to mean,
power over the machinery of production. This Is political not economic
The only power possessed by the
worker is tbe power to produce
wealth, that of the capitalist, power
to control or appropriate the product
The contention put forth by some of
our enemies In the ranks of the workers, that the power behind the bourgeois and evolution was of an economic nature, is erroneous. Economic
pressure certainly urged tbem to secure political control, but external
pressure can in no way be confused
with Inherent power.
That same economic pressure will
compel the proletariat, which, by the
way, is not composed entirely ot
blanket stiffs, to take hold of the machinery of ihe state, that they may
control in their own interests the
tools used in satisfying the needs of
mankind. Let the method be what It
may, ballots or bullets, if the worker*
as a class are after the reins of power
the struggle will be a political struggle
San Francisco, Nov. 23.—Her dream
of a bright city world of lights, music
and happiness dispelled, her baby
dead and her spirit broken by a long
and fruitless search for work, Ruth
Jackson, young and attractive, and
once a simple country girl. Is dying
today as a result of a bullet fired with
suicidal Intent. PAGE TWO
iAfURDAY, DECEMBER 2nd, 1911
*-    -Published      .very  Saturday   by    the  80-
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CJC—Watch the label oh your paper. If
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ecrlptlon   expirea   the  next  Issue.
"Combination is absolutely necessary. But for tbe trusts, the States
would be twenty years behind their
present position. The principle applies with equal force to labor. Tbe
workers must organize and maintain
Industrial solidarity, to improve tbe
conditions of labor, to keep wages up,
to maintain the American standard of
living;—in a word, to advance the best
interests of civilization. The workers
should not, however, attempt to increase their progress along political
lines. They .should not be misled and
deceived by blatant agitators and
demagogues, and it is not likely they
will be."
Thus salth Mr. Furth of Seattle,
capitalist and eminent financier. But
he doesn't state his reasons. Let us
state them for him. He should have
"The workers Bhould keep out of
politics because I and my class are ln
tbem. As long as we are in control
of the political situation, we can pretty nearly take care of the workers'
industrial organizations and keep
them toddling along behind the motor
of civilization, in which we ride, getting nothing but the dust we raise
and the smells that float behind. We
recognize that in the political world
lies the source of our power. We
have a feeling that should Labor enter
that world lt would not be well for
us. Therefore anyone who advises
the working class to take such action
is a blatant agitator and a "demagogue."
Why cannot workers reason as cogently in their own interests as capitalists in theirs? Mr. Furth, and others
such as he, live solely by the efforts
of other people. Every dollar of their
wealth means that Labor bas expended so much energy for nothing. Energy that could and should be used to
supply the needs of Labor alone. And
yet, the majority of workers, instead
of retaliating in kind and calling Mr.
Furth a blatant agitator and a demagogue, will agree with him!
It is quite correct that the Socialist
should be regarded as a wild and dan
gerous agitator—by tbe capitalist, for
he seeks to stop the latter'getting a
great deal for nothing. But he should
be hailed as a wise and temperate
counsellor by the working class for he
only seeks to place that class in a
position for which it has long since
qualified, viz., In control of the earth
and of its products. He .asks Labor
to stop being foolishly generous and
wastefully prodigal; stop maintaining
idlers who make nothing but take
everything; stop the wilful extravagance of supporting useless capitalists
and retain the wealth lt makes for its
own use and pleasure.
THE 8. P. C. A.
"Our Dumb Animals," organ of the
S. P. C. A., says lt "speaks for those
that cannot speak for themselves."
We Socialists speak for those that can
speak for themselves, but won't.
Unnecessary cruelty to any living*
thing Is to be deplored. Many a well-
meaning individual, however, will
complacently eat a beefsteak that has
cost a human life or human sueffrlng,
and congratulate himself on the fact
that the beef was killed quickly. Many
a society lady will weep for an unfortunate horse when into the fibres of
her exquisite dress is woven all that
ls best of a youthful life. Their intelligence Is smothered in artificial
but  popular compassions  for  beasts.
Their contention is, of course, that
since workers are not dumb, workers
can kick if they don't like their condition. This is true. It Is the workers who should kick and kick with
some severity. The trouble is that
workers have a great deal more consideration for the wealthy than the
wealthy have for them. This kindliness Is unfortunate because It prevents the working class from taking
the only proper step to secure redress. That Is, to stop the payment
of rent. Interest and profit. This would
be cruel because It would take away
the excuse of a great many people for
being charitable, and also curtail the
time that "distinguished" persons now
spend on the "Sad Case of a Bereaved Jack Rabbit."
Every student should have handy
access to a good reference library. A
library whence can be quickly procured reliable data on the more Important facts and events of history. -
The Socialist student requires something different from the ordinary run
of libraries. He ls In the majority of
cases a workingman whose time is
limited. He cannot afford to search
through mighty volumes and tomes
to get at the vital facts of any great
historical epoch such as, say, the
Reformation. He wants his information "boiled down" so that in a few
seconds he can place his finger on all
that a THINKER needs to know.
This "long-felt-want" has been filled
by the Library of Original Sources,
The ten volumes of which this library
is composed make an Invaluable addition to the equipment of the thoughtful Socialist. One does not read
them for amusement, but for instruction. If you wish to get at the origin
of all great religions, revolutions, and
movements, such as Socialism, the
library will tell you ln return for the
expenditure of a minute fraction of
your time.
A press report made mention a
while ago of ..King George's great
bravery, It said he was absolutely
fearless and wasn't at all alarmed
about going to India. Later despatches bear this out, for we learn
from them that aside from six huge
battleships and several thousand soldiers, to say nothing of his wife, our
sovereign is going out to that far
country > absolutely alone and unprotected.
* e    •
Even if wie concede great capitalists superior mental ability, they are
clever only in one line—finance. Be
cause they are proficient in this form
of activity is the reason why they
own the activities of the reBt of us.
* •   *
The miner goes Into death-haunted
galleries, shafts and rooms to procure
light, heat and power for society
The lawyer mainly decides squabbles
between owners of wealth. He also
stirs them up so he can decide them,
He also helps to make laws that only
he himself has time to decipher.
Which does the most for society, and
which gets the most wealth?
* *   •
The worker appears In the labor
market as a lump of value. He is
purchased as such by the employer.
As a lump of value, or a commodity,
he gets what he is worth. He has no
kick coming then? Yes, he has.
When he has been purchased, he
ceases to be value, but a source of
value. No longer a commodity, but
a useful workman. The value which
he creates while he is working
much greater than his own value when
he stands ln the market. This latter
ls represented by wages. Everything
the worker makes over and above
what will pay his own wages goes to
his buyer. Buyers of labor-power are
no longer necessary in industry.
Workers, do away with the buyers,
and you wlll no longer be commodities but men.
e    e    *
Who will do the disagreeable work
under Socialism? There won't be
any. Work will be a pleasure when
there is no longer hanging over it
the threat of starvation if that lovely
modern product, the Bobs, can not
get a sufficient profit put of him who
performs It.
e    e    *
One out of every Ave electors In
British Columbia voted the Socialist
ticket In the provincial elections, 1909.
There will probably be another election next year. If we get busy we
can carry four or five seats this time.
Across the line, when a success Is
scored, they always say, "We did lt by
distributing literature." Comrades,
let us forget our differences for the
time being and plaster this province
with good, sound, revolutionary literature from one end to the other.
Over In Saskatchewan, also, tbey
are talking election. The comrades
there are not going to be caught unawares. Comrade A. Stewart writes
from Moosejaw that they are preparing for a vigorous campaign. Comrade Peters Is likely to be their candidate, they would like any speakers
who travel In their direction to call
and help out.
If you don't know, ask us. Send
in your knotty problems to the Question Department, and if we can't answer tbem we will get somebody who
Com. D. a. McKonsis, having- resigned,
all Dominion and Piovlnolal EsoontlTo
moneys ahould b* made payable lo a, I
Dedicated to Philosophers.
Oh, yes, the revolution Is coming, or
we should say, to be correct, "Wlll be
brought about." This correction reminds me. Happy philosophy! Enviable philosophers! Would tbat I,
too, were of thy species. What sublime tranquility! What dignified self-
consciousness as ye recllneth ln thine
armchairs. Verily, ye are more to be
admired, with thy latent power and
energy ready to arise and extend
thine arms to embrace the on-coming
Socialization ot the world, than Solomon In all his glory, for of the latter
nobody can bear witness, neither ia lt
written that every time he spat he hit
the stove, Oh, wonderful, scientific,
philosophical hair-splitters! Beware
of traitors-in thy ranks; for surely,
even as the world revolveth or Is revolved, shall autocracy creep Into thy
peaceful meditations, and democracy,
and liberty, and fraternity, and freedom to spit, and opportunity to discuss and criticize others before an
admiring audience, these fundamental
rights of man I say will flee as the
dew before the rising sun. So beware, 0 philosophers! Sit ye tight
beside thy stove-sides, for behold, the
revolution! Lo, the multitude stir-
reth and Bociety becometh agitated;
verily the storm breweth which shall
sweep away old systems and Institute
the glorious cooperative commonwealth. But pause a moment. Behold, among the multitude we discern
a few who appear to be making more
noise than the others. Wherever the
latter go the crowd appears to be
more than usually agitated. These,
even these, 0 brother democrats and
philosophers, must ye watch with unceasing vigilance. Beware these men,
for almost without exception ye shall
find them lacking perfection ln economics. Ignorant, ambitious, desiring
power and place, organizing political
machines, demanding worship, assuming arrogant aire, traitors to democracy, and worst of all, ye shall flnd
them threatening to disturb the chain
of thy all-correct reflections, causing
thereby the whole fabric of working
class philosophy to fall, precipitating
society back once more to the dark
ages and barbarism.
Among these agitators ye shall find
several wearing very white collars
and washed faces, engaged, when not
agitating In divers and suspicious
occupations known as businesses.
These ye will find refuse to offer their
brawn and brain for sale to the highest bidder as do the multitude of
slaves, proclaiming the meanwhile that
they benefit the slaves ln the slave
market by not offering themselves for
sale by the hour or day. By this and
various other means do they hope to
lead the working class astray and into
ever deeper quagmires for philosophy
and science teach us there are ever
lower phenomena even if we cannot
perceive lower conditions for the
wage-slave class with our ordinary
faculties. Yea, verily, of false prophets and ambitious upstarts have we
no end and the true faith ls endangered. Must-be ignorant and misdirected individuals sell papers and make
speeches upon which the seal of thine
approval has not been asked. Discontent and strife even do tbey stir up in
the' which the light of thine all-knowing and scientific Intellect finds scientific and economic inexactitudes that
shall be nailed high on the cross of
warning that the proletariat may avoid
such fatal pitfalls.
O, most learned philosophers! Vox-
ily art thou not upon the Bame plane
as ordinary mortals. The gods have
been good to ye and from your lofty
heights shall ye look down upon common struggling humanity! Criticism
and vomiting of words shall be thy
functions and thy days shall be prolonged on the earth.
Meanwhile, Papers shall be published! Salaries shall be paid! Meetings shall be held! Proletariat shall
be educated! Money, shall be raised!
Organization shall be proceeded with!
Is it not written that industrial and
social evolution shall between them
do It all? Ye shall sit on and spit.
Ye shall smoke on: and criticize. Ye
shall convene: and talk. Ye' shall
pass resolutions: also Issue Instructions. Verily ye shall do everything
under the sun for the cause of freedom, save and except work! Ye shall
sit in the high councils like thy relatives, the Pharisees, and shall critU
cally analyze the economics of struggling slaves -Striving to retain sufficient of the values they produce to
keep themselves alive.
W. W. Li
Following the lead of Gary, Perkins
and other financial magnates, the presiding Judge of the United States
Court of Commerce, Martin A. Knapp,
publicly declares that competition ln
the transportation Industry must be
abolished) a uniform freight rate
adopted, and the wages of the workers increased. If this cannot be done
by "regulation," then government ownership ls unavoidable.
This declaration was made at the
Houston Club of the University of
Pennsylvania before what the press
report calls a "distinguished audience
of railroad officials." It adds that the
Judge's remarks were enthusiastically
applauded by them.
The incident is but one of an ever-
increasing number demonstrating the
growth of the belief in the capitalist
mind that the age of competition is
about over, and that It is necessary
to prepare for the next stage of exploitation in the form of government
ownership. State capitalism, or
"State Socialism," all practically synonymous terms ln this case. The
drift in this direction is now too marl*
ed to be In the least questionable,
No doubt lt will meet with considerable opposition, just as the forma
tlon of the trusts a decade ago was
deleyed by the "individuality" of the
capitalists who afterwards, despite
their reluctance, were forced to form
these organizations. The next logical
step, government ownership, will further reduce this "Individuality" and
will ho doubt be-fiercely opposed on
this ground, with the additional ob
Jection to tho "Socialistic" character
of the proposition, which will then be
seen with much more clearness than
in the case of the formation of tho
During the great formative period
of trustification ten years ago, tho Socialists consistently und continually
dr^w attention to the fact that theBe
combinations carried industrial society nearer to Socialism, but wc wore
never able to convince the capitalists,
great or small, that this was the fact.
The greut capitalist saw in it nothing
but the diminution of his "individual
initiative" and the petty exploiter was
so blinded by rage and alarm that he
remained deaf to all reason and limited himself to general denunciation
of the new combinations as destroyers
of competition.
The next stage, however, that of
government ownership, will enlighten
all capitalists, both great and small,
to the "Socialistic" import of the new
move. And in all probability, the opposition to it will take the' form of an
alarm against tho coming of Socialism, which will at once give that question all the publicity needed to make
it the "issue ot the day" even with
the capitalists, who have heretofore
been able with tolerable success to
keep tt out of sight.
And it is well worth noting how
preparations are being made beforehand to formulate an ethic for the
workers under the new prospective
regime. The position taken unanimously by the New York ,./ess, for
Instance, on the street cleaners' strike,
to the effect'that workers In the public service are on nn utterly different
footing to those working for private
employers, that they have no right to
strike, their only duty is to obey, etc.,
and the reiterated insistence upon
this status shows that the capitalists
are looking out for a future in which
the number of "public" employes
under government ownership will be
enormously increased. And in insisting upon this status, they are taking
time by the forelock, so to speak, formulating a new ethic for the exploited, which they perceive will be needed under the new conditions of exploitation.
Under their "government ownership" of the railroads and other great
industries, thoy will insist on applying to the workers ln such Industries
the same rules they Insist upon now
for the street cleaners. The employes
wlll be given clearly to understand
that they bave forfeited tho right to
strike, as the "government ownership" In question has transformed
them into "public" servantB. The suggestion of Judge Knapp, that their pt'y
be increased somewhat, is evidently
Intended as a measure to reconcile
them to the new conditions.
However, no matter under what
form capitalism may be disguised, il
wlll still spell slavery for the workers, and there is little cause to fear
that the latter will accept the dictum
of the combined capitalists, disguised
as the "government," that they shall
have nothing whatever to say regarding the conditions under which they
labor. The class struggle Inherent in
capitalist society, no matter whal
form it may take, ls too stern a fact
to be set aside by Sophistry of the
kind that declares the workers have
forfeited their right to strike.
As for us Socialists, it Is probably
little use ln protesting that "we don't
want State Soolallsm." This Ib the
capitalists' move, not ours, and we
have practically no power to prevent
lt, even If It were against our ultimate
Interests, which It is not. The new
regime Is a "step to Socialism," not
one that we have taken""" but one
which our exploiters will be forced
to take. It will be our move after
the capitalists have made theirs, and
lt Is not now difficult to Bee that- this
State capitalism,. aB Engels says,
brings conditions to a head where the
ultimate social revolution becomes
not only possible but the next Immediate step ln the process of industrial
evolution.—N. Y. Cull.
Socialist   Party   Directory
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. R. I.
Matthews Secretary, 5i» Homer-
Hlchards lane.   Vancouver, B. C.
fcxecullve Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday,   R.   I.   Matthews,    Secretary.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada-
Meets every alternate Monday In Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite post-
olfice. Secretary will bo pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement In the province. F.
Danby,   Secretary,   Box   647,   Calgary,
Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; ao If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wUh to get any Information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
210 Qood Street,. Winnipeg,
eeutlvo Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada, Meets every first and third
Saturday In the month. 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters, Ms*u Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. L. Budden,
Secy., llox 101. Nnrtli Battleford, Sask.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every t:ccond and fourth Sundays ia the Cape Breton oillce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace nay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Bux
■101. Glace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL   FBBNIE,   B.   P.   of   0„   HOLDS
educational meetiiiK.s in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting lirst Sunday In each
month, same place, at 2:110 p.m. David
Hiitnn. Secretary,  Kox 101.
LOCAL   QBEENWOOS,   B.   C,    NO.    9,
8. P. of C., meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hnll. Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C.
Primerile, Secretary.
LOCAL  LADT3MITH  NO.   10,   S.   P.  of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., in headquarters on I-'irst Ave
Parker Williams, Sec, Ladysmlth, B.C.
LOCAL BOS8LAND, NO. 36, 8. P. of 0.,
meet's in Miners' Ifoli every Sunday nt
7::io p.m. 10. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
liox 074. no-island Finnish Branch
moots In L-'Inlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 |i.m. A. Babble, Secretary, P.O.
Mux r, I.   Itossland.
LOOAL  MICHEL,  B.   0.,  NO.   IS,   S.   P.
uf I'.., holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Ciuhan's Hnll. A hearty Invitation is
extended to nil wuge sla\es within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held tho llrst
ami third Sundays of each month at
10:30 n.m. In the same hall. Partv
organisers take notice. A. S. Julian,
eecond Sunday, 7:30 p.in.. In McGreao:
Hall (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts,
LOOAL  NELSON,   B.   P.   of  O.,  MEETS
every Friday evening at S p.m., In
Miners' Hull, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
No. IB, S. P. OP C.—Headquarters
Room 3, Dupont Block, over Northern
Crown Rank. Propaganda meeting
every Sunday, Crystal Theatre, 8 p.m.
Business meeting every Mondav, 8 p.
ni. II. w. Spurko, Recording Secretary: If. Gilchrist. Organiser; J. C.
Williams. Financial Secretary.
S. P. of C., meets every Sunday In
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorhnm, Secretary.
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,   B.   0.,    NO.    7,
S. P, of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary,
LOCAL SANSON, 8. O., XO. 38, B. T. OP   I
C.    Meets every Tuesday ut 7:80 p.m.
in   the  Sandon    Miners'   Union   Hall.
Communications     to  ' be     addressed   i
Drawer K. Sandon, B. C.
No. 61, meets every Friday itlght at
8 p.m. In Publio Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
LOOAL  VANCOUVEB,  B.  0.. NO. 1,  B.
P. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 138
Water Street. F. Perry, Secretary, 618
Hornby St.    .
Mnnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 8287
Mali) Street.   Secretar;-, Wm. Mynttl.
LOCAL VBBNON, B, O., XO. tt, B. T.
ot C. Meets every Tuesday, 1:00 p.m.
sharp, at L.  O.  L. Hall, Tronson Bt.
W. H. Ollmore.' Beoretary.
Miners' Ball and Opera Houso. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrat
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on -Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.|
Secretary, Jas. Qlcndennlng, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta, Visitors may recelvi
Information any day at Miners' Hal
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
P. of O. Headquarters 622 First St?
Business and propaganda meetings'
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room Is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p*m. dally.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer, W.  Stephenson.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at I
p. ui. at Room 26, Mackle (Block
Eighth avenue and Second street W,
Club and reading room same address,
Frank Tipping,  Secretary,  Box 647.
every  Sunday,    Trades    Hall,  8  p.i)
Business   meeting,   second   Friday,
p.m., Trades Hall.    B. Simmons, secret
tary. 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, **ossnr Ave. Propaganda meet'
lng, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second nnd fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class. Friday at 8 p.m,
Secretary, T. Mellalleo, 2-9 First St.,
Brandon, Man.
S. P. of 0. Meeta flr.it and third Sundays In the month, at 4 p.m., In
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock,  Box 1983.
OP C.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. ni., In the Trades Hal!
Economic Class every Sunday, 3
I). McMillan. Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask.; A. Stewart, Organizer,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves weir
S. P. OP O Headquarters 628 ti Main
Street, Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting every
Sunday morning, at 11; economic class
Wednesdays, at 8 p. ni. Secretary'*
address, 270 Young Street. Propa:
ganda meeting every Sunday evening
In Dreamland Theatre, Main Street, at
8 o'clock.    Discussion  Invited.
Business meetings first Sunday in
month In Labor Hall, 44 Bank St. A
Ct. McCallum, Secretury, 140 Augusta
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. In Macdon-
aid's Hall. Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce In D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
tho Capitalist class.   The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
.So lunj* as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
theii' control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
syi lorn, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
tho worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we/call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Parly of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
program of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production-(natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into, the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
?,. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its gdiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism ? If it wifl, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Capitalism giveB wealth to Idlers
and trouble to tollers. Socialism will
reverse the proposition.
Not that everybody will have to
toil all the time. If that were the
case, we don't want lt. Everybody
will, however, have to work a little
before he can enjoy idleness.
Dante's "Inferno" ls being exhibited
over the country by means of the
moving picture machine. A Pittsburg,
Pa., steel worker, after viewing tbe
diabolteal scenes, turned to a bystander and remarked: "Hell? Why tbat
looks like heaven to me!—Appeal to
Reason. SATURDAY, DECEMBEfl 2nd, \li\
Meeting held Monday, November
27th. Present: Comrades Pritchard
(chairman), (Kingsley, Karme, Mengel, Peterson, Thaley and tbe secretary.
Correspondence dealt with from A.
H. Qrewar, St. Catherines, Ont.; A.
Farmilo, Edmonton, and F. Hyatt, St.
John, N. B.
Charter issued Local St. Catherines,
Ont Secretary's salary railed to $20
per month.
Warrants ordered drawn for secretaries' October salaries, $30.00; December rent, 115.00; express charges,
Local St. Catherines, Ont., charter   ,....:.... $ 5.00
Local Calgary, Alta., literature. 27.00
Local Brandon, buttons    2.00
Meeting held November 27th.
Correspondence dealt with
Local Oreenwood, Local New
minster and Comrade Bossley.
Comrade D. O. McKenzie tendered
his resignation as secretary, which
was regretfully accepted, the committee realizing that his mind was made
up on the matter. The committee expressed Its great appreciation of the
work Comrade McKenzie has done In
the party's Interests during the past
few years.
R. I. Matthews was appointed secretary at a salary of $15.00. It was
provided that $25.00 per month be allowed for editing the Clarion. This
makes the secretary's total salary
$60.00 per month. He was empowered
to secure, an assistant whenever
Warrants ordered drawn for secretaries' August, September and October salaries, $90.00 and for assessment turned ovf r to convention, $5.00.
Minutes of recent convention ordered published and sent to all locals for
Local  Port  Moody,  donation $7.60
Local Vancouver, Lettish, stamps 2.00
Local So.  Fort George  5.00
H.  Norn.an,  dues  2.00
The expulsion of Austin McKela,
Felix Mynntt and John Malm by Local
Sointula, for supporting a capitalist
candidate in the last election was sustained.
Next meeting, "December 11th.
The following are the respective
statements of the Contributions to the
Campaign fund and the Election expenses of E. T. Kingsley one of the
candidate." lor the Vancouver electoral district for the election held on the
21st day of September, 1911 as furnished to me by his agent.
Returning Officer.
Candidature   E.  T.   Klngsley.   .Statement of. Expenditures.
Hall  Rent    $292.50
Deposit    $200.00
Printing        97.50
Speakers' Fees      30.00
Travelling and  advertising     19.95
Telegrams         1.30
Refreshments (agents)       11.00
Total $652.25
Election Agent.-
NOTE—Statement  of  contributions
to campaign fund was published last
Secretary of Vancouver Campaign
Fund begs to acknowledge receipt of
$20.00 from-Britannia Mines comrades.
Regular Meeting held Nov. 21, 1911.
Present—Comrades Tipping, Anderson, Mrs. Anderson, MacLean (chairman), and the secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting adopted as read.
Communications read and dealt with
from James Blades, J. Casick, Com.
MacNell, and Locals Ersklne, Marker
vllle,  Green  Valley,  Edmonton  and
Eagle Hill.
Moved and seconded that a special
appeal be made to all Locals throughout the province with a view towards
raising funds for the purpose- of placing an organizer In the field. Carried.
The financial statement was as follows:
Local Linda (charter   and   supplies)     ! $ 7.90
Local Edmonton, due stamps...   7.50
Local Green Valley, stamps and
supplies     10.00
Local Calgary, stamps and supplies    10.00
Local Markervllle, due stamp...    3.00
Buttons   '.     1.50
Total    $39.90
' Expenditures.
Western Clarion  (card) $ 3.00
Dom. Ex. Com  47.00
Total    $50.00
FRANK   DANBY,      >
* Secretary.
(The Working Class.)
By Karl Kautsky.
Specially translated for The Socialist
Party of Great Britain and approved
by the Author.
In large capitalist concerns we flnd
on the one hand the capitalist who
possesses the means of production
but does not himself take port ln production; and on the other hand the
wage-workers, the Proletarians, who
possess nothing but their labor-power,
by the' sale of which they live, and
whose labor alone creates the products' ot the large concern.
In order to obtain the number of
wage-workers necessary to satisfy the
requirements of Capital, It was, as we
observed, ln the beginning essential
to rely upon the aid of force. Today
such aid Is no longer needed. The advantage the large concern has over
the small enterprise suffices to expropriate and throw upon the labor
market year by year a sufficient number ot peasants and handicraftsmen,
who together with the progeny of the
already "freed" wage-workers more
than satisfy the capitalist craving for
"new human flesh"; and this happens
not only without infringing the laws
of private property—but on the contrary by relying upon those laws.
That the number of Proletarians
continually increases rapidly ls so
obvious that even those who would
like to make us believe that Society
is governed by tbe same conditions
that prevailed a hundred and more
years ago, and who are painting the
future of small enterprise in the rosiest colors, do not venture to deny It.
Just as tn production the large capitalist concern has become the dominant form of Industrial enterprise, so
in States and Society has the industrial wage-worker taken the most
prominent place within the working
class. This position was occupied
four hundred years ago by the peasant, nnd a hundred years ago by the
petty bourgeois.
The Industrial wage-workers are
already ln all civilized countries the
largest class; tt is their conditions
and views, which increasingly determine the mode of life and thought of
the other sections of labor. But that
means a complete revolution in the
prevailing conditions of life and forms
of thought among the great mass of
the population; for the conditions of
the wage-workers, particularly of the
industrial Proletarians (and under
the capitalist mode of production
agriculture becomes also an industry),
differ totally from those of former
categories of labor.
When the peasant or handicraftsman was the free owner of his means
of production he commanded also the
full product of his labor. The labor-
product of the wage-worker, however,
does not belong to him, but to the
capitalist, the purchaser of labor-
power, the owner of the necessary
means of production. It is true that
the wage-worker is paid for his labor-
power by the capitalist, but the value
contained in his wages by no means
equals the value of his product.
When the industrial capitalist purchases the commodity labor-power, he
naturally does so with tbe Intention
of utilizing lt In a profitable manner.
We have seen that a certain amount
of labor creates a certain amount of
value. The more the worker labors,
tho greater (under otherwise equal
conditions) will be the value he produces. It the Industrial capitalist
would let the wage-worker, whom he
has hired, work only so long as to
produce a value equal to the wages he
receives, the employer, would make no
profit. But even If the capitalist
would like to pose as a benefactor of
Buffering mankind, capital calls for
profit, and the capitalist does not turn
a deaf ear to this call. The longer the
worker tolls in the service of capital
beyond the labor time necessary for
producing the value of his wages—
that ls to Bay, the greater surplus
there Is left-Jrom the total product
created by him after the value equivalent to his wages is deducted, tbe
greater is the surplus value (aB this
excess value Ib called) the greater is
the exploitation of the worker, which
finds a limit only ln the exhaustion
of the exploited, and—In the possible
resistance offered by him to the exploiter.
To the wage-worker private property In the Instruments of production meant therefore from the outset something altogether different to
what is signified to the handicraftsman or peasant; for while to these
two it was originally the means of
securing to them the complete ownership of their product; tt has been for
the wage-worker, and ever will be,
nothing else but the means of exploiting him, of depriving him of the
surplus value which he has created.
The wage-worker from that standpoint is anything but a lover of
"private property." And in this connection he not only distinguishes fefffr
self from the property-owning peasant and handicraftsman, but also from
the handicraftsman of pre-capitalist
These journeymen formed the transition from the master handicraftsman to the Proletarian, Just as the
concerns in which they were employed ln larger numbers form the transition from petty enterprise to large industrial concerns. Yet how different
they were to the Proletarians!
They were treated as members' ot
the master's family ana they had the
prospect of becoming masters themselves. But the wage-worker Is only
a hireling and condemned to remain
a wage-worker. In these two points
ls summed up the cause for the difference between a handicraftsman and
a wage-worker.
As the Journeyman belonged to the
family, he ate at the same table and
slept ln the house of his master, and
the question ot shelter and food did
not exist as far as he was concerned.
His wages in money were only a part
of what be received- from his master
for, his labor-power. The wages served less the purpose of satisfying tbe
most necessary wants (which, as has
been pointed out, were supplied by
living with the master) than for the
purpose of obtaining comforts or of
saving, of accumulating the means
required for setting up as master on
his own account.
The Journeyman worked together
with the master. When the latter extended the hours of labor unusually,
he was himself as much affected thereby as his assistant. There was therefore no strong deBlre on the part of
the "toaster to extend the working
hours to the point of exhaustion, and
even where that was the case, such intention was very easily restrained.
Whenever • the master endeavored to
make his own- conditions of labor as
agreeable as possible, tbe Journeyman
too, benefited thereby.
The instruments of production,
which the small master required,
were so few and simple that the
craftsman did not need considerable
means to set up as master. Every
handicraftsman consequently had the
opportunity of becoming a master; in
fact, he already anticipated that position, and as he had to save in order
to obtain the means to this end, he
was as decided a defender of private
property as the master craftsman.
It is necessary to point out that
here the conditions of handicraft are
being considered as they originally
arose in pre-capitalist times.
Let us now compare with them the
conditions of the wage-worker.
In capitalist Industrial concerns
wage-workers and capitalists are not
active together; and although, In
the course of economic development
the' industrial capitalist has acquired
a separate Identity from the merchant
proper, and although the capitalists of
commerce and those of industry have
become two distinct sections, the Industrial capitalist, strictly speaking,
still remains a merchant. His activity as capitalist—as far as he at all
plays an active part in his undertaking—is limited, like that of the dealer, to the market. His duties are to
purchase as suitably and cneaply
as possible the necessary raw materials, labor-power, etc., and to Bell as
dearly as possible tbe goods produced
in hlB concern. In the sphere of production he has to do nothing else but
to see that workers perform the largest amount of work possible for the
smallest, wages possible; that the
largest amount of surplus value be
squeezed out of them. The longer
they work, the better for him. He
does not get tired If the working
hours are too long, he does not perish
if the mode of production becomes
a murderous one.
The capitalist is therefore far less
considerate concerning the life and
limb of the worker than was the master handicraftsman. The prolonging
of the working day, the abolition of
holidays, the introduction of nlght-
wprk, the compulsion to work ln damp
or overheated workshops, or places
filled wtth noxious gases, etc.: these
are the "improvements" which the
capitalist Industrialism has brought
to the worker.
The introduction of machinery has
still further increased the dangers to
the health and life of the worker. He
ls now chained to a monster which
seizes upon him with gigantic strength
and maddening speed. Only the closest, never-faltering attention on the
part of the worker attending such a
machine prevents his being caught
and crushed by it. Safety arrangements cost money, and the capitalist
does not introduce them, unless he Ib
compelled to do so. Economy is
above all the main virtue of the capitalist; and that demands his limiting
the space In his factory and finding
room In it for as many machines as
possible. What does It matter to htm,
If by so doing he endangers the workers' safety. Workmen are cheap; but
large, commodious premises are dear.
But the capitalist method of applying machinery change the conditions
of the workers in yet another manner for the worse.
The tools of the handicraftsman
were inexpensive, and seldom required
such-   considerable    alterations    as
would have caused them to become
altogether useless. It is different with
the machine. That costs money, much
money. If it becomes prematurely
useless, or Is not worked to Its full1
capacity, lt will bring the capitalist
loss instead of profit. But the machine wears out not only in use, but
also when standing still. On the
other hand the increasing application
of science upon the economic domain, resulting as lt did, ln the Invention ot the machine, has the effect
of continually producing new Inventions and discoveries, sometimes of
greater, sometimes of leu significance, and constantly causing, now one,
now another kind of machine, at times
even the entire plant of a factory, to
become inoapable ot keeping up with
competition, and thus to lose their
value before having been completely
used up: Owing to this uninterrupted
evolution in the technical aspect of
machines, every one is ln danger of becoming valueless before being used up.
This circumstance affords the capitalist sufficient ground for using up every
machine from the moment be purchases it as speedily as possible. That is
to say, the application of machinery In J
production is a spur to the capitalist
to extend the hours of labor, to carry
on if possible, an uninterrupted production, and to Introduce the succession of day-and-night-shifts, which
means that the abominable practice of
night-work becomes a permanent institution.
Wben the application of machinery
first began, some idealists declared
that the millenlum had come, that the
machines would relieve the worker
from his labor and make him a free
man. But in the band of the capitalist the machine bas become the most
powerful lever for the purpose of making the labor-burden of the proletarian
a crushing one, and his servitude unbearable and murderous.
But it is not only ln respect of the
hourB of labor that the wage-worker
under the capitalist mode of production is worse off than the handicraftsman. The wage-worker does not eat
at the table of the capitalist nor live
at his dwelling-house. He may dwell
in most miserable quarters, feed upon
refuse, why, even be ln a starving condition, yet the comfort of the capitalist ls not ln the least disturbed-thereby.
The meaning of tbe terms "starvation" and "wages" used to exclude one
another. Then the free worker could
only fall a victim to starvation if he
was unable to flnd work. Everybody
who worked .had also to eat The
capitalist mode of production merits
the distinction of having reconciled
the two contradictions,—"starvation"
and "wages"—and of having made
"starvation-wages" a.permanent Institution, and even a mainstay of present
2.   WAGES
Wages cannot be so high as to
make it impossible for the capitalist
to carry on his business and to live
from tt. For under these circumstances it would be more advantageous
for the capitalist to give up business
altogether. Hence the wages of the
worker can never rise high enough
to equal the value of his product. They
must always leave a margin, a surplus
value, for only the prospect ot this
margin induces the capitalist to buy
labor-power. Thus In capitalist society wages can never rise so high
that the exploitation of the workers
comes to an end.
But the margin, the surplus value,
is greater than Is generally supposed.
It consists not only of the profit of the
manufacturer, but also much that is
reackoned as cost of production and
sale, viz., ground rent. Interest on Invested capital, discount for the merchant who disposes of the goods produced by the Industrialist, taxes, rates,
etc. All this comes out of the surplus
value which the product of the worker yields above ills wages. This margin must consequently be considerable
if an undertaking is to prove profitable.
Wages can, therefore, never rise sufficiently high to enable the worker to
receive in his wages anything approaching 'he value he has created.
The capitalist wage Bystem means under all circumstances exploitation ot
the worker. It is impossible to abolish exploitation so long as that system exists, and even where high wages
are being paid the exploitation'of the
worker must be extensive.
But wages hardly ever reach the
highest possible point, more often,
however, they fall to the very lowest.
That point is reached when the wages
of the worker cease to purchase his
very necessaries of life. If the worker not only starves but starves quickly, his work ceases altogether.
Between these two limits wages
fluctuate, becoming lower as the cub
tomary wants of life of the workers
decrease, as the supply of labor-power ln the market Increases, and as
the power of resistance on the part
of the workers decreases.
Generally wages must, of couree, be
high enough to keep the worker In a
(It state to work, or better said, wages
must be so high as to ensure to the
capitalist the measure of laborpower
needed by him. Wages must hence be
high enough to make It possible for
the worker not only to maintain himself in a fit state to work but also to
reproduce children flt to work.
The economic development shows
the tendency—so favorable to the
capitalist—of reducing the cost of
maintenance of the workers and of
thereby decreasing wages.
Skill and strength were in times
gone by indispensable tq the worker.
The period of apprenticeship of the
handicraftsman was a very long one,
and the* cost of hit maintenance was
considerable. Progress ln the division
of labor and ln machine construction
caused special skill and strength ln
production to become superfluous. This
progress makes It possible to replace
skilled by unskilled—that ls cheaper
—laborpower; It makes lt alio possible
to replace the labor of men by that of
weak women, and even children. Even
in manufacture this tendency was perceptible; but only with the introduction ot machinery begins wholesale
exploitation of women and of children
of tender age, exploitation of the most
helpless of the helpless who fall victims to revolting ill-treatment and
spoliation. Here we get acquainted
with a new characteristic of the' machine in the hands ot Capital.
The wage-worker who did not belong to the family of the employer
had originally to receive in his wages
not only tbe cost of his own maintenance but also tbat of hla family if he
were to be in a position to reproduce
his species, to regenerate his labor-
power. Without this reproduction of
labor-power the heirs of the, capitalist
would flnd no proletariat to exploit.
But if the wife, and, from early childhood, also the children of the worker
are 1n a position to provide for themselves, the wages of the male worker
can almost entirely be reduced to the
cost of maintenance of his own person without the slightest danger to
the reproduction of labor-power. And
the labor of women and children has
the further advantage of their being
less capable of resistance than men.
Moreover, through their entering the
ranks of labor the supply of labor-
power ln the labor market ls tremendously increased.
The labor of women and children
does not only lower the cost ot maintaining the worker, lt reduces also his
power of resistance and increases the
supply of labor-power—in short, lt haa
the effect under any of these circumstances of causing the wages of the
worker to fall.
(Continued Next Week)
From the wretched slave who rises
before the break of day, hurries
through squalid streets to the dismal
sound of the "hammer," engages for
eight, ten or twelve hours, and for a
pittance wage, In monotonous work
which affords him no Interest, no
pleasure; who returns home to find
his children gone to bed, has his supper and worn out and weary, soon
retires himself, only to rise ln the
morning and pursue the same deadly
round and who leads a life thus monotonous, Inhuman and devoid of all
dignity and reality, simply because
he Is haunted to It by the dread of
starvation; to the big commercial
man, who, knowing that his wealth
has come to him through speculation
and the turns and twists of the market, fears that lt may at any moment
take wings unto Itself by the same
means; who feels that the more
wealth he has the more ways there
are in which he may lose lt, the more
cares and anxieties belonging to It;
and who to make his position secure,
Is, or thinks himself, continually forced to stoop to all sorts of mean and
dirty tricks; over the great mass of
the people the same demon spreads
Kb dusky wings. Feverish anxiety Is
the keynote of their lives. There Is
no room for natural gladness or buoyancy of spirits.—Edward Carpenter.
The story of Liberty's struggle Is
the history of the world—and, In many
ways, lt is a monotonous history.
Mankind always makes progress, and
always tn the same way; there In:
some one who dares to think and dares
to speak a little beyond his fellows,!
and for those leaders In .thought there
have always been the cross, the gibbet and the guillotine, and that which
they said that day, and for which they
were hanged, awhile after becomes the
unanimous and triumphant thought of
all the world—Brand Whltlock.
Subs,   are   slackening  off   slightly.
Getting ready for another spurt very
likely.    There are a couple of examples for you here:
Local Edmonton, per A. Farmilo.. 22
F.  Tipping,  Calgary  14
W. Bennett, Vancouver     8
W. K. Bryce, De Maine, Sask     2
A. Stewart, Moosejaw, Sask     2
G. F. Jamleson, John Evans, City;
Peter Atkinson, Fernle, B. C.i D. McMillan, Moosejaw, Sask.
Sub. Cards Issued.
6        3
Year   mos. mon.
C.   Lestor     6 6 6
Loc.   Brandon     100
Loc. Victoria   50
Wm.  Watts     o 10
J.  N.   Hlntsa  10
Clarion Maintenance.
Loc.  Edmonton    $16.00
Per  F.   Perry        2.60
For yeara the coming of the flrat
snow storm ha* been the signal for the
editors of Chicago's department atore
papers to write editorials begging contributions for'the destitute.
This year 1* no exception . The Tribune begins Ita editorial pace by saying. "The flrst touch of cold weather
reveals suffering. It la to be hoped It
warms the charitable impulse of those
who wish to stand between mea and
women and the long tooth ot want and
the sharp claws ot distress."
That there ls ample Justification for
thla whine, goes without saying.
Thirteen hundred families or over
6,000 men, women and children have
already begged tor assistance from
the Cook county poor relief.
At the present time the destitute
and perishing applicants are coming
in at the rate of 100 families a day.
On one day over 600 families were
given temporary assistance,   and   ao
far over 1,600 pair of little children's
shoes have been distributed.
Families are Deserted.
One of the most significant and
heart-breaking Incidents la the sudden
desertions of the husbands and
The desertions occur chiefly among
the low-paid foreigners from southern
Europe, who ln desperation fly before
the northern snowblasts to the warmer southland,
Seven hundred men have ao far deserted their families since the flrat
snow tell and complaints of new desertions are being made to the county
agent at the rate of forty a day.
The true reason for these so-called
desertions is that the unfortunate and
needy women and children con not at
a rule obtain the slightest aid from
organized charity if the head of the
family, the out-of-work husband and
father, is living with hla family.
Being unable to get work, aa the
last, resort he deserts his family In
order that they may live, even though
lt be through organized charity or
poor relief.
All Big Cities Affected.
This condition obtains ln alt the'
large cities throughout the United
An extended investigation of nearly
400 miles through Illinois discloses a
condition   of   widespread -unemploy-»
The railroads throughout the state
have laid off about one-third of their
freight operators and are compelling
the remainder to work overtime.
In the small towns factories bave
been closed down for montha and ln
the towns of four to Ave hundred Inhabitants nearly half of the workera
are Idle.
The Dixon shoe factory waa gobbled
up by the "trust" and then It shut
down, throwing nearly 800 persona
out of work.
The coal mine owners are forcing
an artificial scarcity.so as to maintain
the fixed prices and consequently the
miners are working only two or three
days a week.
16,400 Idle Coal Care.
The last bulletin of the American
Railway Association reports that on
October 26th there were 16,400 idle
coal cars and a total of 46,000 idle
freight cars.
Throughout the state unemployment
is 40 per cent, greater than during the
Christmas season a year ago.
A short time ago the Western Electric laid off over 2,000 men in Chicago on account of the bualneea depression.
Out of 12,000 machinists in Chicago,
3,000 are idle and many others are
working only part of the time; In fact,
conditions have not been a* bad for
Many Out of Employment.
"Industrial conditions this year have
thrown an unusually large number of
men out of employment here In Chicago," said Charles H. Wacker,
president of the United Charities of
"Insufficient earnings, coupled with
sickness, accident, and death, have
added to the number needing help.
Last year the United Charities of
Chicago expended $244,963.68 ln the
nine district offices of the society, aiding 13,352 needy families. Thla year
our calls are fully 40 per cent, greater
than last. Cold and want have already
fallen on many homes and our great
organization is battling with this widespread distress with at; almost empty
treasury."—Dally Socialist? '
Why get heated and annoyed trying to convince a man who went lie-
ten to  reasonT
Why not let us convince him fer
you?. We are not cloee enough te him
to lose our temper.
Cut out the coupon printed below
and mall today. If you don't eub-
•crlbe yourself, now le the time.
Ratee: 91.00 per year, SOc fer •
months, 25c for 3 months.
Address: The Western $ Clarion,
Vancouver, B. C.
Many a head Is merely the base
block of a silk hat.
The Socialist Party and its paper,
the Western Clarion, both exist for
the same reason and object—the education ot the working class as to its
Slave position in' present day society
and to point the way out. A paper
run with that sole object can never
be a "popular"1 or "attractive" paper
any more than a scientific periodical
such as tbe British Medical Journal
or a book on arithmetic can be "popular" or "attractive."
The Journal mentioned ls run with
a serious purpose—that of furthering
the science ot medicine and surgery,
and the book for the purpose of teaching the soience of numbers, arithmetic.
The Claripn alio exists for a serious
purpose—that of furthering the study
of the aoience of Socialism. Such a
paper will, not (ot itself) commend
itself to the average worker, who
wants something lighter and "easier
to read," less serious, and altogether
This is where YOU come in, my
fellow party member. YOU are the
one who has to do the Job of interesting your fellow-worker to the extent
that he will be as eager for the Clarion's weekly advent as you are. YOU
are the one who has to ask him what
he thought of such and such an article
ln the Clarion, and if you find he has
not read it, to peg away at him until
he does, and if he' informs you he
"can't make head or tail of it," YOU
are the one who has to do the simplifying for him until he has reached
that point (which YOU took some
time to reach) where he can continue
further study unaided. This will
mean some work and much patience
on your part; this will mean using
some of your spare time that your
inclinations would lead you to spend
ln some more "attractive" way, but
If you want to prove yourself a REAL
revolutionist and a man of backbone,
you have got to do SOME of this sort
of spade work or prove yourself a
spineless weakling and incur the well-
merited contempt of every REAL
Socialist who is aware of your existence and false pretensions of being a
Don't say you "can't do it." You
CAN do it; others can do lt better
than you .will at the start, probably,
because they have kept themselves in
practice, but it's safe to aay they
didn't dp better at THEIR start than
you will at your start. You "haven't
the opportunity." Nonsense! You
have some opportunity, not so much
8B some, perhaps, but you have some,
and if you have but little, it is the
part of a despicable weakling and
cowardly shirker to decline to do anything because you cannot do much.
It's like this, comrade—your work
counts (If you DO work), and though
you may not yourself see the result,
someone else will reap lt sometime,
and what does lt matter who gets or
sees tbe results of your exertions, so
long as there are results. Now for a
few, a very few, figures. It is necessary that the Clarion receive at least
a hundred new yearly subscribers or
renewals, or their equivalent, every
week, ln order to put lt on a safe, self-
sustaining basis. This should be easy,
but' we must not be satisfied with this,
but get more, many more, bo that
OUR paper may be doubled in size.
Thla has been impossible to do up to
now for two reasons: (1) Not enough
subs.; (2) plant too small to handle
an eight-page paper. The little printing business which handles the Clarion la moving into larger premises at
the end of the year and putting ln a
larger plant, and If you roll in enough
subs, there ls no doubt an eight-page
Clarion will appear as the flrst num
ber of 1912. Comrades, send along
your subs.; locals, send In your bundle orders and let's have the eight-
page Clarion quick,
Instinct sees in his own country great
fields for exploitation and with the
help of the wealthy Chinese succeeded
ln starting a revolt of the masses
against the Manchu government and
against foreign capitalists. We shall
flnd out when the new state of affairs
gets working that China is one of the
best and cheapest fields of exploitation
known and that ln the space of a tew
years a great revolution ln production
will have taken place.
What of tbe struggle of wage slaves
In fully developed capitalist countries
that have the use of the ballot but do
not use lt Intelligently? They resort
to strikes to try and keep up the
standard of living which they themselves (only they don't know It) are
lowering by their Inventive genius
whereby they are able to produce a
greater amount ot commodities in a
shorter time than they ever did before, thereby throwing thousands out
of jobs, raising the cost of living and
the competition for Jobs becomes more
They are now resorting to the general strike which has been tried lately
in England and they say they work.
Well, we will grant they did, but why?
Simply because the Government were
unprepared to cope with lt, -but they
are ready right now for the next one.
All the forces of Government will be
used against the workers.   Laws have
been passed.    Paid murderers  (soldiers) will be there to start riots so
as to have something to practice on.
They will also be used  to take the
places of strikers, and drive the slaves
back to work.   Two thousand London
police have been armed   with   automatic revolvers and the other cities
and towns are doing the same.   What
can   the  strikers    do    against  such
forces?   Nothing but go back to slavery, flnd out where the power lies, bow
to gain that power, tell their fellows
and some day not far distant, not by
strikes, not by bullets, nor by    reforms, but by the class conscious use
of the ballot, used intelligently to elect
revolutionary members of the working
class to parliament, where lies all the
powers of Government, to destroy that
Government and put in its place   a
true democracy whereby the workers
shall own and control the machinery
of wealth production, so that all lhat
is produced shall be for the use ot all
To the average worker the political
upheavals all over the world have
very little meaning and there seems
no real issue behind them, but to the
student, of working class economics
they signify the struggle for existence,
the struggle of the worker on the one
hand and the struggle of tbe capitalist on the other.
What does the present scrap ln
China and Mexico signify to the student? It shows him the struggle of
the capitalist class to obtain new
markets and fields for exploitation. lie
Is not led away by the capitalist press
to believe that the fight of the people
against autocracy ls tbe main Issue;
be knowe that the people are being
goaded on by tools of the capitalist
class who lead them to believe that
their condition will be bettered by
overthrowing the Monarchy. Take
Mexico for Instance. The rebels have
barely laid down their arms and elected a new president than strikes lake
place all over Mexico, but the state of
affairs which wlll give the capitalists
a freer hand has been made possible
by the people and now the master
class will step In, backed by the American forces of Government.
China for the Chinese, was the slogan that led to the scrap there. The
crafty Chinamen who have traveled
abroad and got the American business
(Continued from laat issue)
- If a serf registered a complaint
against a member of the ruling class
he was immediately challenged to
trial by combat. The knight, because
of his nobility, was entitled to be
mounted on a war horse, to carry a
spear, a sword, a mace and any other
weapons he could hitch on to himself
ln the way of knives, daggers, etc.
The serf, because of his servile condition, was not allowed to mount any
weapons other than a stout Btick and
the sabots or shoes he wore at his
work ln the field. Needless to say
God wbb always on the side of the innocent, nor does history record many
such contests. These instances are
merely quoted here to show the social
position of the serf.
Under Feudalism production is
wholly agricultural, the serf producing Just about sufficient for himaelf
and his seigneur. Exchange, where it
does take place, is the exception.
Growing up ln the heart of the Feudal
system however, were the progenitors
of that class who were to perform its
funeral ceremony, the townsmen or
bourgeolse, the craftsmen,    artisans
being the best known ln England, the
Jaquerie in France and Peasant revolt in Germany. The lure of city life
was inducing the serf to fly from, the
land and could they but live in a city
for a year and a day they could not
be taken back to the land. The exodus was so great that to counteract
It the land owning class placed laws
on the statute book, stating that no
person' who had lived on the land for
the first twelve years of his life should
be apprenticed to a trade. But the
making of laws ls a useless proposition In the face of opposing economic
conditions, oa witness the Black
Introduced Into Europe from China,
by way of the trade route, lt made Its
appearance ln Venice, then Cologne,
then Hamburg, from thence lt Is an
easy step to England, All over Europe It- wiped out 25 millions of people, while ln England one-third of the
population were carried off by lt. The
effect of this was to leave a shortage
of laborers. Wages, now a well established Institution in society, ranged
high. In spite of law after law the
laborers continued to receive higher
wages, a better standard of living
than they had ever had. Penalties
such as the loss of an ear or even
death Itself could In no way be made
operative, and this condition of affairs
obtained until the increase in population brought things back to the normal. This is the only time in history
when there were more jobs than men,
and it will probably be the only one
till class rule is abolished.
These Berts escaping to the towns
formed the nucleus of the great army
of free laborers. Tbe change in the
method of production causes a great
change in the relationships ot men.
Heretofore only the superfluous products were exchanged, now wealth is
produced for that specific purpose.
Traders travel from town to town,
from country to country, from continent to continent, peddling their
wares. Through men coming in touch
with each other, what has been the
knowledge of a few becomes social
knowledge. The historical events
known as the Renaissance and the
Protestant Reformation, the Invention
of the telescope, the mariner's compass, gunpowder, and printing, are all
of them the direct outcome ot this
economic change.
The same    cauBes ' sent Columbus
and Vasco dl Gama out to discover
new worlds and new    trade routes.
Max Nordau remarks ln one of   bis
works that a cheap food was necessary for thla new form of slave, something to take tbe place of his brown
bread, mutton and ale, and lt was no
incident that resulted in the discovery
of the potato.   Accident or no accident the lowly spud has played its
part.   A world market ls being established,  ships  of all  sues  carry  the
product of the workshops all over the
world seeking    buyers.     Capitalism
steps upon the historical stage as a
revolutionary   power   manifesting itself, however, more through commercialism, the  circulation of  commodities, than ln the production of them.
From now  on, all schoolbook history is a story of the struggle of the
bourgeoisie for political    supremacy
and the maintenance of that supremacy since it has   been   .established.
Their economists   and   philosophers
flnd their life work in helping to overthrow the rotten   Feudal   system in
tbe name  of  liberty,    equality,  fraternity.   All arguments are twisted or
turned to flt the needs of bourgeois
expansion.   Lamark, for instance, the
flrst naturalist to maintain that organic life has been subjected to a slow
process of evolution, was coid-should-
the wealth he produces belongs to his
Take them all three together, the
Blave belonged to his master, who fed
and clothed him, and being of some
pecuniary value be was cared for.
The serf did not belong to any individual, he.belonged to the land, but
the land belonged to his seigneur, bo
what ls the difference? All he got
was his feed. Our free laborer belongs to no one. He does not belong
to the land, but he must go to the cap
ltalist for a job or starve. All he
gets ls enough to eat, some place to
sleep and some rags to cover his
nakedness. The product of their toll
in each case belongs to the master
class. There ls no difference. The
free wageearner of to-day it the lineal
economic descendant of the slav6 and
the Bert. Since the establishment of
the factory system competition has resulted in the perfecting of the-machine and the centralization of wealth
once more.
The productive process once individual ts now social, till to day no man
can say he produced anything, having
only contributed towards the value of
any commodities he may have, and in
the production of Individual ownership ot the tools has given place to
class ownership, and no capitalist can
say what is his, any more than the
laborer can say what he produced.
We Socialists recognize that changes
take place in organisms, in society as
in all others. Already tbe economic
change has taken place. Capitalist
appropriation is an anachronism in
the face of socialized production. The
mode of production, as Engels says, is
in revolt against the mode of exchange. With the perfecting ot the
machine the capitalist class ceases to
function. They are of no further
service in social progress. The utility
of slavery has also passed away.
The time has come when class distinction and property rule, having
played their part ln the scheme of
things, must go the way of all obsolete institutions, and to the propertyless working class Ib intrusted the historic mission of administering tbe
blow that will send the whole totter-1
ing mass into the scrap heap of forgotten things. Born ot capitalism,
heir to slavery of all the agos, Ishmael
of civilization, the proletariat will
prove a fitting instrument of the movement of history for transforming the
baelB of society from capitalism to
Socialism, and by the brain and sin
ews ot labor will arise a new social
order, wherein privilege and poverty
will have no place and wherein all
will have an equal opportunity to lead
a full and free existence. This is the
social revolution, as inexorable, as in-'
evitable as the dawning of to-morrow.
Know Why
Socialism is Coming
Don't be a socialist unless you know why you are' one. Know why
Socialism is coming. Trace the economic development of civilization
through from slavery to the present and know why socialism ia
Victor L. Berger says:
"A few eocialiet phraaee ie not sufficient to malt* tv aoientlfio ■
eoole-li.t.  In order to know   WHY SOCIALISM IS COMING, •>
eoolallst ahould have an Idea of evolution, he must know history' '
ho muet know something of economic development.
We ae soolavliets aro vitally interested In tha) development of
civilisation.  History for we le not a collection of shallow village
tales, the story of ooronatlone, weddlnge and burials of kings,  for ,
ue the true* lesson of history Is ths story of progrees of mankind by ,
gradual steps  from  brutal elavery to  enlightenment, oulture I
and humanity. — *   "J
The manner In which one eyetem has grown-out of- another,-j
feudalism out of elavery and capitalism out of feudalism la most"
euggeetlve of the manner by which the Socialist Republic will':
gradually develop out of the present eyetem.
To show how the Socialist Republic will gradually develop out ]
of the preeent eyetem, the Library of Original Sourcee hae been 1
published.   It ie a treasure mine." 1
The Library of Original Sources]
(In the original documents—translated) I
clears away the bigotry and superstition that has accumulated around religion, law,]
government, education, etc.—brings to light the naked truth and shows wh^ aociml-u
ism in coming.  This wonderful library gives the authoritative sources of knowledge"
in mil fields of thought—socialism philosophy- science, education, etc The rock-bottoir
facts which for centuries capitalist writers have deliberately kept from the people*
Thousands of the Comrades In e-.ll parte of the United Statee e-.nd
Ce.navda ht\v© secured this library on our co-.opere.tlve pltvn, n.i\-tJ
without a single exception e-.ro enthusie-atio over It.   Letters
like these come pouring In wllh every mall.
John Sp*rffo: "t7Most helpful.   Ought       Fred Warren:' "Most important production;   a
Local could not make a better investment.
The most valuable part        /
to be in every library.'
Waiter L-ohrei-iiz- Wash.: "A boon to
workingmen who have not time nor
money to get a college education."
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and    merchants.      They     produced' ered snd pride of place   given    to
wealth, not for their own use, but to
supply the wants of others. The
weavers, the hatters, the armorers,
the silversmiths, busied themselves
with their special crafts and the product of their labor they exchanged for
money. These towns were the cradle
of modern industry. They were still
within the power of the nobility, how
ever, but as they acquired wealth they
bought themselves free from the exactions of the ruling class. During
the Crusades they supplied the Barons
with the necessary funds for outfitting
their expeditions, in consideration for
which the Barons relinquished their
right to exact services or taxes. In
this way, and by playing the nobles
against the king and the king against
the nobles, they gradually extended
their power until they practically established a number of republics within
the nation.
The same rot set in, in the Feudal
system that preceded the fall of all
the slave systems. Continual wars
amongst the nobility resulted in the
centralization of wealth Into the hands
of a few landowners. Tbe country became settled so that tbe function they
had at one time performed, that of
protecting the serf, was no longer necessary. Payment In service and kind
had long since been commuted to
money payment, and with their Increasing wealth they became luxurious and vIcIouh. Leaving their lands
to the care of bailiffs they flocked
around the body of their king and are
forever after known to history as
courtiers, a parasitical class such as
the capitalist is to-day.
All over Europe revolts of the peasantry took place.   Wat Tyler's rising.
Cuvier, who could prove to the satisfaction of the bourgeois that a series
of cataclysms had taken place in the
history of this earth and that all
changes must be interpreted from that
standpoint. The bourgeois wished for
a cataclysm of this nature and such a
theory was right in their mitt. After
the revolution, with the power ln their
hands now, Cuvier is a dead one and
Jean Lamark, with his gradual process, is the greatest of naturalists.
Progress was slow, however, until
the invention of the steam engine,
power loom, the mule and all the
other machinery that appeared at that
time as it Some one had rubbed an
Aladdin lamp. Factories spring up like
mushrooms; the chains fall from the
neck of chattel slave, the land no
longer holds the serf in bondage.
Free at last. His freedom is at bottom nothing better than his last condition. True he can wander around,
but he must go where the tools are,
into the cities, and here he becomes
organized under the machine.
He can now produce more wealth
than in any other historical period.
How does it affect him? As a slave
he was compelled to go to work by
the man with the club, the soldier;
nov he comes of his own volition and
asks, aye, begs, for a job. As a slave
we saw already that he Just got
enough to eat out of what he produced. What does he get now? Precisely the same. He is paid a wage,
and no matter how big it may be
stated in dollars or shillings or francs,
lt is Just enough to keep him alive,
to reproduce the energy he has expended no he can come back ln the
morning for another dose of lt.   All
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Lewis  50
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The Evolution of Property, Lafargue    50
The Evolution of Man, Boelsche.    .50
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Tho End of tho World, Meyer
Science and Revolution, Untermann   	
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Life and Death, Telchmann 60
The Making of the World, Meyer   .50
Human, All Too Human, Nietzsche    60
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