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Western Clarion Aug 13, 1910

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 no. e ji. y)i
Vancouver, British Columbia. Saturday, Aug. 13, 1910.
snlnciiptiM- maa -ni aa
Pi* Tub        VI.00
The Ideals of Socialism in the Future Only
is there a Socialist Ideal? Yes we
think so, but its realization is for the
future, with modern ideals and ethics
Socialism has nothing in common. To
mention our ideal to a bunch of Socialists is to court damnation as a
heretic. Stern glances are bent upon
the unfortunate, jaws become bard
and crufel, a general aspect of intense
savageness prevades the air, and yet,
under their rough hides, most conceal
a heart of gold. It is to be noticed
that the most rigid revolutionist is at
heart the most Utopian of all. Nevertheless Idealism must be crushed
down and put away for there is no
more dangerous thing to our movement than an obsession to idealism.
The tragic figure of Robert Blatchford groping thru the idealist fog,
vainly calling for Socialism should be
a warning to us all. Here was a man,
kind, noble and after the manner of
modern morals, upright. A great
heart, a clear brain, a delightful style
of writing wasted, lost and also, turned against his own class and uncon-
clot-sly used for the master class, tor
ideals had choked out fact.
The establishment of Socialist production is our Ideal. To think that
poverty shall at last be banished, that
the ghastly horror of the city slums
shall cease to be, that woman unchained from economic dependance shall
lift her bead at last and live, that the
cruel fate of stringy old maidenhood
or crusty bachelordom shall face our
class no more, that the mothers of our
class shall lay themselves 'down no
more in agony beside the masters'
loom or upbn the floors of rotten tenements and bring forth puny slaves, to
think that the fathers of our class
shall live clean, free, wholesome lives,
the lives of human beings, is the
Socialist ideal and sure nothing finer
can be imagined.
But, why? why do we demand the
realisation of this ideal, from what
does it rise, where is its origin, do
ideals grow upon us or are they
breathed in with the air? Is there an
outside force, a director of morals and
ethics, or do they rise from our man
ner of living? The answer is, surely,
from our manner of living, It is our
hunger, our poverty everincreasing
our general class misery which drives
us to change. It is In the words of
Zola, the belly question. The chicken
within its egg prison knows in some
■ dim way that if it does not get out,
it dies. Does It reason and debate
upon ideals? To emerge Is to live, to
stay within, to die; the chicken and
the wage slave are alike in this respect, lt Is not a noble ideal to eat,
It ls a grim necessity.
The religionist claims a dual personality for humanity, a human or beastlike and a divine portion. The materialist conception destroys this Idea
altogether; lt cannot admit of the
ontside director of morals; It explains
what Is called the "voice within" or
"the still small voice" In a very sane
manner. The wage-slave father sees
his kids go hungry sometimes, sees
them ill clad, thin and sickly, knows
that they are not getting enough of
the things of this life and his conscience strikeB htm. Is this "the still
small voice of God within" or is it the
■-"oice of necessity. A she cat -will
brave anything in order that herself
and kittens may live. A she wage-
slave will steal or commit any "crime"
to feed her young. Has conscience
(as understood by the religionist) any
thing to do with either case? For
conscience would forbid the slave to
steal, but economic conditions say if
you cannot work, die and good riddance, while the law which we all must
obey says, take eat and live. The very
fact that "the still small voice" would
forbid the hungry to steal proves once
more Its origin, for lt presupposes
.the purely human law of mine and
thine in the means of production.
So much for generalizing, let us go
* deeper. The human brain is the seat
of all sensation, it is in this- reBpect
very like a photographic plate and
the sense ot seeing, feeling and hearing are the lenses thru which Impressions are cast upon it.   Seeing,
feeling and hearing are the only
things which can be impressed upon
the brain, they mark the limit of human intelligence and therefore form
the basis of our existence. You know
that you are hungry, you see and feel
that you are cold, you feel that certain
things eaten, stop your hunger, that
certain rags upon your back remove
cold, you hear the steam hooter which
calls you back to toil and you know
that by going to work you can, if your
price is high enough, still your natural
desires, and that you will cease to
hear the grumbling of your wife or the
howling of your children. These
things are actually felt by you, only
those things which can be "sensed''
by you are capable of being impressed
upon your brain.
From the outside then comes
through the lenses only things (or the
reflex of things) which you are able to
see, feel or hear, where then do ideals
come from? You cannot feel an ideal.
You never saw an ethic yet. What
does a moral look like? They are
then what we may call secondary
thoughts, and they have their origin
In the primal impressions. Above all
things, the living problem is the most
Important in human existence, it is
therefore perfectly safe to assume
that the methods of gaining a living
are flrst and foremost and most deeply
engraved upon the social brain. Thus
the ethics of the jungle are very simple, eat or be eaten, for the primal
thought produces them. The ethics
of modern society are very complicated, there Is much jawing over "right"
and "wrong". Justice has more faces
and complexions than we can count.
Religions are as plentiful as flies
in July. Why? Our methods of living
are more complicated, they are in a
perfect tangle. We have said that the
human brain is like a photographic
plate, and this is true, but it has this
peculiarity. Sensations are instantaneous; they are impressed upon the
brain as soon as felt, but the methods
of living in an era become engraved
so deeply that we are as a rule gaining our living under one system and
acting under the spell of our brain
impressions produced by a former
method. Thus to-day altho we have
social production, the vast mass of
humanity think In a capitalist or in
dividual manner. Only of late years
has the social method of production
begun to mould itself upon the brain
of society and in a few years more the
the transformation will be complete
and then we shall have social ownership.
"Demand cigars bearing this label,
which stands for a living wage." So
sayeth the advertisement of the cigar-
makers' union. Some of you think
I they're lying, but not a bit of It. Unconsciously they are telling the truth.
We would not accuse any non-Socialist
of "intentionally" telling the truth.
The cigarmakers' union und the carpenters' union, and the painters' union, ail want the same thing, "a living
wage," no more, no less. And they
get It—when they have a job. So
we can't see as they have any kick
How do we know they want only
a living wage? It they wanted more
than enough to live from day to day,
they would join the Socialist. Party and
put the exploiting class out of existence. And If they wanted less,—well,
I don't know how in blazes they'd get
it. For the whole working class has
reached the rock bottom.
Will the workers never learn that it
is useless to strike against a corporation the size of the Grand Trunk Railway? Strike-breakers galore can be
picked up at but little more than has
been paid to strikers. And for every
two passengers coming into this, the
Eastern terminal, is ono deputy-sheriff, who's duty It Is to arrest any
person seen looking sideways at one
of the scabs. These deputy-sheriffs
are hired and paid by the State of
New Hampshire. They are usually
big brutes, and, like their employers,
too lazy to work, who have been dry
so long that, they're glad to get Into
the Prohibition State once a day on
any condition. But this is the point—
these deputies are sworn in to assist
the Sheriff In one of the New Hampshire counties,' and they make their
arrests in Maine. They don't have
"jurisdiction" but what does that matter. The only kind of jurisdiction that
counts is that carried in the shape of
hand-cuffs, revolvers and cartridges.
And when the working-class has conquered the political powers, there will
be lots of precedent for sending the
Texas state militia to quell a capitalist
outbreak in Sasktchewan. (Say, Gourock, won't that be better than wasting
our time on the economic arm of the
Class Struggle?)
Meantime, President Hays of the
Gra,.d Trunk is enjoying a vacation in
his palatial summer residence on one
of the islan'Js in Casco Bay, untroubled
by any doubts as to whether he can
pay the butcher's bill, or the grocer's,
or the milkman's or the doctor's, or
the landlord's. And the slaves who
built. Mr. Hay's palace, also built
shacks for themselves, and pay Mr.
Mays or his class, for the privilege of
living in them. With such an equitable arrangement, is it any wonder the
Intelligent working class votes for
this  glorious  system?
Hereafter Address
Western Clarion
Dominion Ex.
B. C. Executive
instead of Box 836.
Ideals are changing, too. To-day
the "manly christian" is a well-developed type, the hard and fust narrow
Baptist, product of the petty trading
class is vanishing, ln Europe the
novelist has broken from the binding
chains of huckster morality and burst
out in a perfect shower of "exotic"
novels. The sickly conventionality of a
Dickens or a Miss Mulock disgust us
no more. The young man and woman
who dared not speak of the naked eye,
and who placed little pants upon the
piano legs, have gone. The early Victorian women who decorated their
pedal extremities with "funnel" drawers down to the top of their boots so
that men might think they had no
legs, have departed. These products
of "farthing dip" commerce are of the
The foregoing may perhaps be a narrow view but it's all the view we have
so far developed, but hope to do better
as time goes on. The idealist will no
doubt object to the statement that
morals and ethics have their origin in
the primal sensations and are only secondary things, but we would ask,
when did humanity move to change its
manner of living for an ideal? Are
wars waged for religion? Have they
ever been? Are revolutions fought out
for ethics? No; the food, clothing and
shelter problem ls at the base of all
movements; ideals reflect these conditions. Therefore avoid idealism and
stick to plain matter-of-fact basic
thought. '
"The soup's a bit thicker" about
sums up the answer to I.indsley's
enquiry as to the respective lot of the
worker in this and the old country.
This is due, of course, to the fact that
the proportion of unemployed being
less than in the old country the competition for jobs is not so keen and
so on the average the price of labor
power is higher. The competition is,
however, becoming keener all the
time and year by year the standard of
living is sinking and the time is not
far distant when the soup will be as
thin as- in the old country. It is
scarcely necessary to remark that the
laws of the market are operative here
as elsewhere, and the masters out for
profit here as well as all the world
over, and the soup thickens a bit or
thins a bit according to the demand
for labor power.
Acting on the advice of those pretty
little books one sees in the country, I
took the flrst employment that offered
on getting to this country and have
also at their advice, endeavored lo
"adapt" myself, to the following ex
tent—doing a .little farmwork (not
much, thank Hevlngs), working in the
bush, shovelling coal, marking billiards, driving a pen, working in a
sawmill and at my trade as carpenter,
drawing wages from 12VJ to 80 cents
an hour. Also did my share at the
sickening task of seeking for work
and am about as far ahead as when
landing ln Canada. About the only
real advance I have made ls ten years
nearer the grave. No, I forgot, I became a Socialist in Canada and that
figures big on the credit side.
So much for the lot ot a wage-slave
in Canada. As to the Socialist movement in Canada, it is very well, thank
you, and getting better all the time.
Don't you believe them when they tell
you the workers in Canada have no
use for Socialism, just put the following facts up to them: In this country
with a population of little more than
London and a Socialist Party only
about seven years old we have about
as many members as the S. D. P. of
the old country—which party is thirty
years old, and better than that, ours
is a real Socialist Party with no "dilution of the demand." The party is far
stronger in the west than in the eastern parts of Canada, it seems to me
because ot the fact that the most independent spirits, being driven west
and at last finding themselves up
against the Pacific and not being able
O'Brien Picnics and (Makes use of the Occasion
Last week I was at a Socialist pic- you farmers come ln for a meal and
nlc at Loughead Alta, a farming dis-:I proceed to unlock the dining room
trlct. The comrades are very busy, so
may not find time to report to the
Clarion. A number of he and she comrades sang several Socialist songs
fine. A number of young boys and
girls, comrades, gave Socialist resi-
tations. A number of speakers had to
confine themselves to a certain question. Being a farming district you
might expect it would be government
ownership  of  pork-packing establlsh-
door. The party I bought from cries,
"Hold, don't you touch that keyhole,
it is my property." But I argue, what
Is the use of this hotel to me unless
I can sell meals. He says, "I have no
desire to argue the question. Just give
me fifty cents for each customer and
you may use my keyhole." The same
takes place witn each bedroom.
Now I have the title deeds to that
hotel.   I have the privilege of hiring.
ments, creameries, elevators, railroads discharging and paying wages to cooks.
or the like, or how to get machinery
etc., at labor cost as per Appeal to
Reason economics. But it was none
of these.
"The way out of the present labor
situation." A local comrade gave the
opening address. The local M. L. A.
was next. He confessed his ignorance
of the question, and said he was there
to learn. I was next and said in part,
"The way out of the present Labor
Situation implies what every one who
knows anything already knows, viz.,
that so far as they who labor are concerned, there Is something seriously
wrong with the Labor Situation. The
problem set for us is to find out what
is wrong. We must deal with it wholly from the point of view of those who
labor. To those who do not labor this
ls a grand system;   it provides them
dining room girls, chamber maids, porters, bell boys, etc. But who getB the-
benefit of their labor? wby the party
that has the keyholes. He or those he
represents are the real owners of that
notel. My title deeds are a huge joke.
So, too, a small percentage of farmers may have title deeds to a piece
of land. But the capitalist class own
the elevators, railroads, steamships,
factories, mines ,ln short they own the
keyholes and farmers' title deeds are
a huge joke. You may have the privilege of hiring, discharging and paying
wages to laborers, but you do not get
the benefit; like me with the hotel.
You have the trouble of management
and tbe responsibility for which, ln the
last analysis, you just get a wage, and
not a very good one either. Yea, you
have the privilege of selling if you can
with all their heart's desires.    With catch a sucker;  very few ot you can.
them there is nothing wrong excepting
that an ever-increasing number ot
those who labor are becoming rebellious.
A powerful thlnkei of ancient times
set himself the problem of finding
the way out of the then, rabor situation. He watched the laborers use the
crude methods then in vogue to till the
soil, sow the seed, tend the crops,
reap the harvest, thrash and then when
to run any more, have simply got to
turn and fight,  and let me tell you
there is no comparison between these |-hey ha(1 the corn grind out the meal
western  men   and   the   average   city between two stones.   So be complained
dweller, they are far finer subjects for utterly that production was so slow.
propaganda, as they have proved by|He sai(1   as iong as production Is so
returning    three     straight     Socialist
members to parliament.
In the extreme'east we are also developing strength rapidly. In Ontario
we have about concluded a scrap with
an opportunist element we have been
bothered with for years, by getting
them out of the party. Having got
rid of these nuisances watch us grow
here too.
But* Comrade I.indsley, It is sad to
see that an evidently earnest comrade
like yourself has so little knowledge
of the movement (at least in one respect) In the old country, at the same
time you are enquiring about tho
movement in this country. You talk
in evident approval of a new movement started for a Straight Socialist
Party. You cannot do it. You cannot
start a straight Socialist Party in the
old country. That wns done years ago
and it is about time you heard of it.
It has "no confusion of the name or
dilution of the demand." It is called
the "Socialist Party of Great Britain."
It publishes a paper the "Socialist
Standard" that has no peer in the
English language save the "Western
Clarion." You can get further Information by writing 10 Sandland St.,
There being already a straight Socialist Party in the old country, there
can be no object in forming another
one if it were possible, which It is not.
If you and the Colne Valley Socialists
you mention are straight Socialists,
lt ls up to you to join the S. P. G. B.
and not make the confusion ln the
old country worse confounded by
forming another party In opposition to
a Straight Socialist Party already ln
existence.   Enough said.
As to your inquiry about Stitt and
Ben Wilson, I may tell you the former
has never been accepted by the S. P.
of C. and has never spoken under its
auspices. The latter has, but lt ls
to be hoped, never will again. We are
becoming increasingly alive to the
worse than uselessness ot allowing
free lance adventurers and speculators
taking our platforms on our behalf.
Well, write again, comrade but flrst
of all, write to 10 Sandland St., London.
slow there must be poverty. So according to this thinker the solution to
the then labor situation was increased
Since that time production has increased wonderfully, yet there is great,
poverty among those who labor. So
Mr. Ancient Thinker was mistaken.
What then is the cause of poverty?
Slavery. Wherever you find slavery,
there you will find poverty regardless
of the productive power of the slaves.
What is it that enslaves us? Capitalist property with its wage-labor and
labor market. You say farmers are
property owners, and therefore do not
work for wages. Indeed farmers sometimes hire labor for wages. So if il
is by wages that labor Is enslaved then
the farmer is a capitalist. I know thai
is the way 11 appears, Every slave
system curries with it a great deal
of deceit, without deceit there could
not be slavery, and each succeeding
form of slavery Is ever more deceitful
so capitalism Is the most deceit fill form
of slavery ever known.
You do not own property; you do not
hire wage labor. You are yourselves
wage laborers, appearances to the contrary notwithstanding. A very small
percentage of the farmers are free
from debt. When the place ls mortgaged It belongB to the party that has
the mortgage on lt. But even among
the few that are not in debt, they do
not own property. They slave early
and late to keep out of debt, slave early
and late to pay off the debt There ls
no difference In the slavery. Title
deeds do not necessarily imply ownership. The real owners of any property
are they who get the benefits of that
property. That farmers do not get
the benefits of the farms ls very evident. I mean by farmers those who
cultivate the soil.
Suppose I buy an hotel. The party
who is selling sayB I may have every
thing but the key holes. I think that
is a hobby of his and that key holes
have no value, so I do not allow a detail like that to interfere with the deal.
I pay the money. The title deeds are
transferred to me. It Is stated, there
ln that, I own everything In connection
with the hotel excepting the keyholes,
even to the keys are mine.    One of
only about one ln a thousand.   But It
does not matter to the capitalist class
which sucker Is on the land.   The fellow who bought or the one that sold.
True, it would appear that you sell
wheat, oats, hay, etc., but things are
■not as they appear.   If you were selling wheat, oats, etc., since commodities exchange in the market for their
value   you   would   receive   the   Social
equivalent of what you produce.   You
would be living in comfort and luxury.    But you do not own the farm;
so you do not. own lhat which comes
forth as the result of its operation.   It
belongs  to the real owner.    The real
value of wheal, oats, etc.,  ls  not expressed until  It has left the farmers
and is in the possession of the real
owners.   I know you are not hired by
the day, week or month, but the money
you receive when you haul wheat, oats,
etc. to town Is not the price of wheat,
oats., etc., appearances to the contrary
notwithstanding,   lt is your wages, the
price of your commodity labor power.
It would appear lhat wages are much
higher now than they wei;e ten years
ago.   Again things are not as they appear.   Wages is not the money you receive, it is what tbat money will buy,
and any housewife trail  tell  you she
cannot  buy  so much  wilh  one dollar
and fifty cents now ns she could with
one dollar ten years ago.    So, if what
you received  ten yenrBftgo  was ono
dollar and what yon receive now ls one
dollar fifty rents then your wages have
gone down, because the one dollar and
fifty cents will not buy so much as the
one dollar used to.
As Capitalism grows older it produces an ever increasing army of unemployed. Millions of our class stand
Idle in every civilized empire ln the
world. The number Is ever Increasing.
Millions more slaves than there are
jobs for. Competition among tho
Blavcs for jobs brings the price of labor
power (real wages) down, down to the
lowest possible point of subslstance.
The only solution is the abolition of
the wage system by the transformation
of capitalist property into the collective
property of the working class. Read
carefully the platform of the Socialist
Party of Canada.
Then a Rev., true to his training. Bald
everything without saying anything.
One she comrade read an article from
the Western Clarion by Comrade E. T.
Klngsley on the growth and development of modern society. It Is an excellent article and she Ib such a good
reader, It mado a fine Impression. Another local comrade made a very fine
impressive appeal to his neighbors to
study Socialism. We sold a number
of S. P. of C. manifestos and buttons
also took one sub. for the Clarion.
Had a real good time at the dance that
Published e»ery Saturday hy the
■Mlallat Party at Canada, at the Oaice
of the Wester* Clarion, Flack Black
Ba***nent, Its Hastings street, Vancouver. B. C.
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'*»» .i.VJJ '      ' '
think are their own, they would dis-
civer their actual absurdity. For Instance, an individuality, so far from
being anything to be proud of and to
preserve, is something to be ashamed
of and discard, for it is nothing else
than an euphemism for conceit, a conceit fostered by the bourgeois idea of
man being I lie master of his own destiny and the Lord of Creation, and
not a mere creature of circumstances
like an oyster or a comet. "Breadth"
is merely Ihe having of an inexactitude
of knowledge and vagueness of belief
and accrediting it to ourselves as a
virtue; and "tolerance' more or less
of a by-way to mutual admiration.
By all means let them call us dogmatic, fanatical, narrrow and and arbitrary, or what they will, and let us
try to live up to lt. Let us cheerfully
divest ourselves of our Individuality,
be thankful to be Tid of it and collectively turn to our task with as machine-
like precision as possible. Thus we
can achieve greater results . Let
us set ourselves and confine ourselves,
to disseminating among our fellow
laves  the  knowledge  lhat  they  are
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it
your subscription expires the
next issue.
8ATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1910.
All these weighty dissertations an-
.jf-nt the relative merits of various re-
jjlpes for the cooking of our hare seem
to us rather previous in view of the
fact that we are yet some little way
from catching it.
To us it does not appear so immediately necessary for us to decide upon
.the best method of overthrowing the
' wage system as it is to convince our
fellow slaves of the necessity for its
overthrow. When we are about enough
Of us bo informed it will be time
enough to decide upon the next move.
And we will have the by no means
negligible advantage of having a first
.band knowledge of the then prevailing
conditions which will determine that
move. In fact, strictly speaking it is
{those conditions that will dictate our
The trouble with us. now is that too
many of ub have nqt yet divorced ourselves from bourgeois ideas. We are
opposed to bourgeois methods of production but we use bourgeois methods
ot thought. We are prone to regard
ourselves as "makers of history," as
builders of the new social order, some
Ot us as potential statesmen and what
. not
It is time we came down out of
. our pet aeroplanes onto common earth
and realized that we have not a great
mission to perform; that it is not
pur part to devise ways and means to
.extricate the working class from the
capitalist morass and to lead their
hesitant feet on to the firm land of
the co-operative Eden; but that, environment having given us a distaste
for life under* a slave system and imbued us with a desire for its extinction, we are impelled to do what we
.can to that end. The achievement of
that object being manifestly Impossible until we have the numerical
Strength, our most immediate and
pressing necessity is to do our utmost
towards lmbueing our fellows with
our ideas. The ways and means we
bave to contrive nqw are not how to
compass the destruction of capitalism
Or tbe construction of the workers'
commune, but "now we may ourselves
the most efficiently serve as a factor
In tbe environment qf onr fellows such
tbat they too may be impelled to the
same end.
Individually we can do this as our
fancy, our circumstances, or our temperaments impel. Qut collectively
WO can accomplish more than Individually. Collectively, bqwever, to be efficient, we must work co-ordinately.
We must adopt some common line of
fiction and stick tq it. That la what
we attempt to do when we form a Socialist Party. We do lt Instinctively (to se the phraseology of bourgeois thought).
It cannot be too strongly Insisted
tbat to secure the highest efficiency
of such a party, co-ordination is the
first essential. Without co-ordination
the advantage of collective action Is
lost. The more thorough the co-ordination the greater the advantage In
This Is where we again clash with
the bourgeois Ideas which have been
Implanted ln us. Wo abhor "narrowness" and admire "breadth"; we despise "dogmatism" and worship "tolerance"; wo rebel against having our
"Individuality' obliterated and merged
Into a machine-like 'organization. We
want "freedom." "Autonomy" is our
fetich. But a machine-like, "dogmatic," "narrow" organization is precisely
tho very kind that will accomplish the
most work.
As a matter of fact, If people would
merely take the trouble to examine
their  own  ideas,  or  the  ideas  they
It  fell  upon  a summer's  day   ,
Two nigger laddies lost their way,
Within the jungle's awful gloom,
Alas, they faced an a horrid doom.
Their   empty  stomach's   smote  them
One snivelled and the other swore,
But suddenly they struck great luck,
They found a monster pile of chuck.
Said Jim, "come on, let's take our fill,
The sight ot this makes me quite 111."
But stay;   croucued right across their
A Hon roared In awful wrath.
"Hold on," said Jack, "to fill our maw
And yet avoid both tooth and claw,
The lion we must bind and slay,
It is the best and safest way."
that way's  too
"Oh  rot,"  said  Jim,
Come on, together we will go,
Don't be afraid for I suspect's
slaves and why they are slaves, and,That thai- lion's a mere reflex,
we need worry not at all about the
outcome;   there wll be neither peace
on   earth  nor  good-will  to   men  till
they and we are free.
Talking about war; last week a
soldier in Victoria leaned out of a
barrack window and shot an officer.
No doubt they will hang him, which
seems absurd, as a lot of money had
been spent training him in the gentle
art of killing. The difference, however, seems to be that he killed a
man whom he hated, ln his own behalf, which is criminal, whereas he
should have confined himself to killing
somebody he didn't even know on
someone else's behalf, which ls glorious. Then, instead of being hanged
he would have been given a medal,
and possibly allowed to starve to death
on the Embankment.
A great deal of gush has been worked off about the "horrors of war." We
have a hunch, after having read statistics, that the horrors have been
grossly exagerated. Peace has got
war skinned a mile for horrors. It
is not impossible that we would hear
less about the horrors of war if war
was a little less expensive. The capitalist heart responds readily when the
pocket book is pinched.
In the good old' days war was the
sport oi kings. It.was in high favor
and fashionable. Peaceful people were
rather despised as lacking courage and
manliness. War was of all occupations the most worthy and noble.
There was money in It.
Nowadays we are Inclined to lean
the other way. War and preparedness
for war have become serious burdens
upon the tax-payer, and we are beginning to perceive the inhumanity of
it. Peace talk is all the go. Even
Czars and Kaisers can now talk peace
without losing caste. Iu fact, war
would be quite abolished and disarmament the order of the day, were it not
that there is some small pickings of
profit for our best citizens    in    the
Come on you fool, don't make a fuss,
That lion never can hurt us.
Why man, your mind's a perfect bungle
How can the Hon wag the jungle."
So Jim the bold went right ahead,
And met the forest monarch, dread,
As he vanished in the maw of that
grim reflection,
Said the Lion, "that a step in the right
But Jack was wise and made no error,
First thing he caught the forest terror;
Then scooped the long desired "prog"
And gorged like a duke, the artful dog.
My moral Is plain, for those who prate
Of action direct and ignore the state.
Don't think so light of a mere reflection,
But draw Its teeth at the next election.
To the Daily and Weekly People: —
The So-called Socialist party of Canada, like the so-called Socialist party
of the states, despises, In Gompers'
fashion, the I. W. W. In nearly every
issue of an S. P. paper there appears
an article denouncing the I. W. W.
They are very bitterly opposed to industrial unionism; they call it a
A few weks ago, at the risk of demonstrating to myself once more that
it is futile to expect Intelligence from
freaks, or honesty from crooks, I wrote
to the paper a reply to an attack on
t..e I. W. W., by one of their "horgan-
My reply was printed in such a mutilated shape that_ I hardly recognized
that it was supposed to be my article.
Suppose, for the sake of not taxing too
heavily the thinking power of these
freaks and their freak editor, suppose Industrial unionism was what
they claim (without proving It to be)
building of battleships, in coaling and [a "dream," would that give them a
provisioning the same, and in army
and navy contracts generally. Moreover, capital has not yet become so international but what an advantage
may be reaped by one national group
of capitalists over another by means
of a war. Consequently we may discount peace talk about 99 per cent, and
expect war any time while capital endures and laborers can be induced to
What concerns us, however, is that
this peace sentiment ls taking a much
too prominent place In the Socialist
movement for something which is none
of our sentiment. These resolutions
in favor of disarmament and plans for
ensuring universal peace and so forth
which our leading lights discuss so
gravely, make us yred. There ls no
excuse for it at all. The destruction
of property is none of our affair. The
waste ot public money concerns us not
at all. It Is not our money. The
destruction of life Is a mere bagatelle
beside the annual slaughter on the
gory field of capitalist Industry. Furthermore we are not so sure that lt
is not a blessing ln disguise. If a
wage slave Ib fool enough to go fighting for his master, being killed is
plenty good enough for him. If he
lived he might not Impossibly be Induced to turn his rifle on his own class
at home should occasion arise. A dead
patriot is a pretty good patriot and a
safe one.
Besides It Is a moot point whether
wars are more likely to weaken or
strengthen the capitalist system. We
favor the former view. The more war
the worse for capital.
But what ls really very absurd ls for
us to declare either for or against
disarmament, just as if our declaration
would weigh a featherweight in the
balance. It Is none of our business,
and so the less we have to say about
lt the moro time we will have to
attend to what Is our business, the
awakening of our class to a consciousness of their enslavement.
licence to act as a bulwark for the
A. F. of Hell? Would that excuse
these greasy and Ignorant crooks for
remaining silent, In the name of Socialism, while the working class is being strangled by the scurvy fangs of
the labor fakirs?
Philadelphia, Pa., July 27.
Pamphlets Now Ready
PioleHtian in Politic!   The Slave ol
The Farm
Price Sc each 25c per dozen
Dear Comrade,
The following extract from the
"Colonist" may interest our "Christian-
Socialist" friends.
"It is the obligation of every Christian employer, a part of the essential Christian teacher of the brotherhood of man, to pay every employee a
living wage; that Is, a wage on which
not only the worker, but the average
family, can live under proper sanitary
conditions and with reasonable comfort. Normally the great bulk of the industrial work of our country should be
done by the heads of the families, and
wages should be adjusted not to the
cost of living of the unmarried boarder,
but to the family life in the home. The
living wage differs from time to time
and from place to place.   The obliga-
movement and have some Interest in
spreading the propaganda of the revolution which is to usher in a new
era for humanity. The question which
presents itself at once is "how or why
a man who professes to have been imbued with Socialism at one time ever
came to drift away from the movement?" To those of us who have a
rough idea of the fundamental points
of social economy founded as it ls upon
cold, hard scientific facts and figures,
it seems absolutely impossible to Imagine a man who has got even a slight
grounding in these facts to fall away
Into a condition where he can say with
perfect equanimity and sincerely "I
used to be a Socialist," and yet we
constantly meet men who have at some
time or olher belonged to so-called
"Socialistic" Parties or wjio have been
called Socialists, that now take no interest in tho movement whatever, and
their numbers are sufficient evidence
to us that there have been and most
probably, °'' certainly, we might say,
still arc large numbers who cannot be
depended upon to stand by the principles of Socialism in the future. Now
what does this mean? It simply means
that should we come to a serious position in our fight against the present
system of ownership, we should find
In our ranks a sufficiently large number of this class, upon whom we can
safely figure for no assistance whatever, to put the others in an excellent
■position for the long drop on a rope
or the uncomfortable side of a firing
squad. I am not In any sense exaggerating—far from it. This is a
serious matter and demands the attention of all comrades taking part in our
The question has been repeatedly
asked as to why we of the Socialist
Party of Canada confine our propaganda to straight class conscious and revolutionary lines. The answer to this
is perfectly plain and simple. Our
position is thst we do not want any
"sympathetic" members under any consideration. Sympathisers' and reformers' votes we insist on doing without.
With idealists, reformers, christians,
fabians, laborists, professors of political and social economy, social-democrats, populists, muck-rakers, co-operators, disciples of public ownership,
one-step-at-a-time promoters, and a host
of other confusion mongers we will discuss matters, but it must and shall be
from across the line of party membership. It ls because of this stand on
straight and clear cut lines that most
of us are members of the Canadian
Party and if by any unfortunate means
a large number of the aforementioned
confusionists should get Into the party
and we of the revolutionary brand felt
It hopeless to try and obtain control
again we should most certainly pull
out and form ourselves again Into a
party having as its platform simply
the overthrow of the present system
of production and distribution. We are
irreconclbable and absolutely uninold-
able. You who read this and have Socialistic ideas or are half-hearted adherents to our one principle; we say
to you, If you are members of the party,
that the present majority want and
will stand for no halfway policy; if
you being ln the minority insist on
putting reform and opportunist measures in front of and obscuring the revolutionary basis you must get out
of the party or be put out; and should
you get In the majority, as I said before, we will get out with an alacrity
that may surprise you. And why do
we take this stand with the large number of so-called Socialists under these
headings? The reply is simply that
they are useless (or worse) because
tbey cannot be depended upon, any
more than the one I first Instanced to
take a decided stand when we come
face to face (as we soon shall do) with
the question of doing something definite and. radical with our social conditions, or, to put it In other words, they
are not ready for Socialism and to attempt to establish it before we bave
them alive to what it means would be
to bring down upon our heads just such
another calamity as regularly befell
tbe revolutionary slaves of the old Roman and Grecian empires.
If a man Is not fully alive to and
does not comprehend the fact that he
is a slave under present conditions to
those who control his means of existence and to whom he has perforce to
sell his labor power to obtain that
which he mUBt have to keep him alive,
how is it possible for him to take a
Socialist Directory
Every local of ttie Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head. $1.00-' per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, HojT 1688, Vancou-
.ver,   B.  C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1088 Vancouver, li, C.      •
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Ilali, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. . Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding tiie movement in the province. V. Dauby, Sec, Box 047 Calgary,
tive Committee. Meeta flrst and third
"Tuesdays In the month at 12 1-2 Adel
aide St. Any reader of the Clarion
desiring information about the movement in Manitoba, or who wishes to
join the Party please communicate
Willi the undersigned. W. H. Stebblngs,
Sec,   310  Good  St.,  Winnipeg.
LOCAL MARA, B. C, NO. 34- S. P. of C,
Meets first Sunday ln every month in
c...;.. i;  . i     i r... i       ii    ..       ....... '"-/nil
Socialist  Hall,  Mara 2:3T>  p.m.
1 Rosomnn,   Recording  Secretary.
LOCAL   LADYSMITH   NO.   10,   8.   P.   oi
C. Business meetings every Saturday
i p.m. lu headquarters on Klrst Ave.
J. IL Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith,
B. C
LOCAL MOTIE, B. O., NO. 30a ._„
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos, Roberts,
LOCAL ROSSLAND, NO. 25, 8. P. of C-
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
765 Rossland.
every   1
8   1
.   ni.,   in
i, i
tin, Set
of C. Meetings every Sunduy at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Burber Bluck,
Eighth Ave. E, (near postofflce). Club
anil Heading Room. Labor Hall,
Machin, Secretary. Box 647, A. Maedonald,   Organizer,  Box   017.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKlnnon's,
Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491, Gluce Bay, N. S.
from the standpoint of Christian ethics
which Is not so conducted that all employees shall receive a living wage."
Yours In revolt,
tlon remains unvaried, and no ludustry
can be counted as properly conducted hand ln bringing himself salvation from
these things, he does not understand
with any degree of Intelligence? If a
man does not understand that his poverty and the poverty of his class ls
caused by the fact that he is compelled to deliver up all he produces ln
return for a bare existence and that
when the market for his labor power
is overstocked he must perforce beg,
steal, live on charity or die, how can
he conceive of a way of escape from
or a change in these conditions which,
as we said before, he does not understand? If men do not understand that
the market (which they largely constitute) cannot absorb the products put
upon It (which they produced) on account of their wages being too small
for them to buy same, how can they
grasp the fact that the only solution to
our problem must be in a different system of distribution of the products of
Industry? If men do not understand
that they lose their Jobs because there
ls no market for the products of their
Some days ago Ihe writer, sitting In
a cafe in Vancouver, was asked by
the bend waiter what the button with
a red flag on it represented, and, upon
being told that It was the button of
the Socialist Party of Canada, unburdened himself of the remark at the
head of this article. The man was
as far as Intelligence ls concerned, a
very fair average specimen of the wage
slave, no better, no worse.
A very ordinary Insignificant remark
this; yet, upon very slight examination below the surface, presents a
question that has q vital significance
to all of us who are ln the Socialist
LOCAL    VANCOUVER,    B.  C,  NO.   1—
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 161 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 161
Hastings St. W. Secretary, Wm.'
P, of c, meets every llrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall,
J. Ollphant, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9,
Miners' Hall 'and Opera House at 8
p.m. Everybody welcome to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Hearquarters Sli1! First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake, 649 Athabasca Ave., Secre-'
tary. Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre. R.
Thomas, Secretary.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,   NO.  8,  B.  P.  Of  C.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826.
LOCAL   PERNIE,   B.   P.   of   C.   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting lirst Sun-lay ln each month,
same place at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
meets every Sunday ln Miners' Union
Hall at 7:30 p. in. Business meetings,
1st and 3rd Sundays of eacli month.
George Heatherton, Organizer; R. J.
Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
LOCAL VERNON, B. C, 38, B. P. of 0.,
meets every second and last Frlduy ln
each month. Chas. Clianey, Sec, Box
127  Vernon, B.  C.
S. P. of C-—Meets every Sunduy In
hall in Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorliam, Secretary.
C, meets every Sunday In Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. m. Socialist speakers
are invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
Propaganda and business meetings at
8 p. m. every Sunday evening in the
Edison Parlor Theater. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
B. P. of C.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sun
day in the month, at 4 p.m. in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chaa.
Peacock, Box 1933.
quarters. Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide
Street, opposite Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every Sunday morning
11 a.m. Propaganda meeting Sunday
evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.
Secretary, J. W. Hilling, 270 Young
B. P.
d  and
th.   at
OP C. Business meetings 2nd
4th Wednesdays ln the month,
the Labor Temple, Church St. Outdoor propaganda meetings, Saturday, .
8 p.m., City Hall; Sunday afternoon,
3 p.m., at University and Queen St.;
Sunduy night, 8 p.m., at Siluter and
Yonge St. Speakers' Class every
Thursday, S p.m.. at Headquarter*,
79 Church Bt. Secretary, Arthur
Taylor, 201 George St.
LOCAL   COBALT,   No.   9,   B.   P.   of   O.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. in Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited
M.    J.    Gorman,   Box
Business meeting
month, and propaganda
lowing Sundays at 8 p.m. in Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rlileau St. The usual
weekly lnsldo propaganda meetings
discontinued during summer months.
H. S. Oldham, Secretary, 123 Drum-
mond St.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at S p.m. in Macdon-
ald's hull. Union Street. All are wel
come. Alfred Nash. Corresponding Se.
cretary. Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer. New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross.
■Financial Secretary, office in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
fti*-ST  IN B.C. f|(^RS'
labor and that with the displacement of
labor by machinery the pay roll ls ever
becoming less, consequently the market less, consequently the number of
unemployed ever Increasing, how can
we hope to show them that a revolution ln the conditions under which they
work Is the only solution? If men do
not understand that the steadily Increasing number of unemployed is
daily decreasing their power and increasing their hopelessness on the Industrial Held, making it the immediate
economic interest ot one faction to hold
the jobs and of the unemployed faction
to get the Jobs by fair means if possible, and If not, then compelled to get
them by unfair means, for sell their
labor they must or starve with their
families If unfortunately (!) tbey happen to have any, how can they understand that by owning their jobs and
thereby controlling for their own interests what they produce, is the only
hope of solving this problem ot ever
Increasing misery?
Suppose for a moment that we had
all the reforms we hear so much noise
about, of what practical or, tangible
benefit would they be to the masses of
humanity? Granted we had old age
pensions, right-to-work acts, single tax,
eight hours' day, prohibition, female
prostitutes persecuted twice as badly
as  they are today, child labor laws,
free breakfasts, etc., etc. What about
it? How much better off would we
be? It ls the policy of the owning
class to keep the propertyless masses
fighting and squabbling over such '
questions. As long as they get a suf- <
flclent number of braying asses such
as old women reformers, politicians,
preachers and unfortunately these so-
called Socialists dragging these red
herrings  across  their  trail  and  you
d,  fools engaged in endless quack
ings, confusion and volcanic eruptions
of words, the capitalist class rejoici
and wax fat, quite safe in the knowledge that nothing serious will come ol
it. But let the red hot revolutionist
come along with his uncompromising
platform and immediately they sit up
—with very good reason too.
Stay with your guns you irrecon
cilables! Better a hundred who know
what they want and go straight for lt
than ten thousand babbling children
each with different pet theories endeavoring to each get most prominence by dint of loud shoutings and
endles wranglings! We, the majority,
of the Socialist Party of Canada do
know what we vant and make no
bones about lt. You ask what want
we? We simply want lt all, and no
appreciable difference is poslble ln
our condition until we do get it all.
Propaganda Meeting j
Sunday Evening, O o'Clock I
— ImmJ
Vancouver SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1910.
Tb''' Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Whereas, we consider the "Western
Clarion" the best "Socialist" paper
printed ln the English language, and
that lt Ib necessary for every person
that would be alive to his material
interest to read tho same, therefore be
it Resolved; that we, Local Brandon;
consider that every party member
should be a subscriber to the paper,
and should also endeavor to secure
other subscribers, and further, be It
resolved; that after this date, we shall
refuse to recognize any person as a
member of this Local who is not a
Clarion subscriber and sub-hustler.
Copy to be sent to Clarion.
Car-led unanimously.
Dear Comrade,—Not only are the
wage-slaves of New Brunswick beginning to awaken but many ot the
small farmers, who often have difficulty in making both ends meet, are
turning their attention to the study of
economics. I had the pleasure of ad'
dressing a meeting of farmers ln
Douglas Harbor, Queens County, N,
B., on the 4th ultimo, and ih no meeting of the proletariat could there have
been better attention given or interest
shown. Several books were sold.and
four of the audience signed an application for a charter. Most of the hearers were young men, and judging from
the way they took the speaker's exposition of Socialism, there will be a
Local organized before long In that
district. The ground has been pretty
well prepared by Com. F. H. Palmer,
who for some tlmeup to 1904 lived ln
British Columbia, and by his brother
Ernest Palmer and sister Mrs. Marlon
Palmer Purves, who have been hammering at the subject ever since.
Fredericton, N. B., August 1, 1910.
Moses Baritz, late ot Manchester,
England, lectured in this city the
other week end. Barltz proved to be
an orator of the cyclone species, differing from some others of that ilk
by the fact tbat he talks revolutionary Socialism. Coming as he does,
from the "dear old motherland" where
the working-class has been so successfully "led" and misled by leaders and
fakirs of every description. Barltz has
had* considerable experience with
these gentry whilst organizing for the
S. P. G. B.
The outspoken manner with which
our comrade handled his subject,
caused considerable heckling after his
lecture was over. Barltz was especially fine handling questions, and
many a poor mutt round here has felt
pretty small since he got "his."
Brantford Local learned how to sell
literature, too, at this meeting, so that
taking all things Into consideration,
we can recommend Barltz to any Local or group of unorganized comrades as a speaker. But don't forget,
if there are any sentimentalists
around that probably he will "antagonize" them, so look out!
W. B.
■*• Dear Mc,
You notice I've sent in some
subs, from Carson Quarry, so I'm going
to report how I got them.
The Provincial Executive have started sending the Winnipeg comrades out
to the towns around Winnipeg. Our first
stunt was to Selkirk, where Comrades
Stebblngs, Armstrong, Brown and myself went and handed out the dope.
We managed to hold the members
down for an hour and half after being
assailed by the town constable three
or four times and in the end he finished
up by getting so mad that he pushed
Com. Brown off the box, and as we did
not wish to make martyrs of ourselves
we got to arguing on the corner and
the constable had to pull the free citizens of Selkirk away from us until
at last our train was due and we left
the town with the promise to the people to come back some other time and
fight it out.
Our next trip was on Saturday, July
the 30th, when Corns. StebblngB, Chew,
Pickup and myself went to Tyndall
where In the evening we held a meeting and also at Garson Quarry. On
Sunday we went to Garson Quarry
again, and then on to Beausejour,
where we held two more meetings.
The meetings were all very successful
and wo got good attention. We distributed 300 Clarions, sold $2.50 worth of
literature and got four subs. The provincial executive hopes to carry on
1 these meetings, and also to send speakers to some of the bigger towns of
Manitoba according to the funds they
Yours in revolt,
For the last few weeks I have been
hunting for a master, a thing, you will
perhaps think not hard to find, in
these prosperous times; well I have
been out since the "Glorious Fourth,"
and only just managed to find one
yesterday, by coming across the line
(yet I failed to see it) into this coun
try. Now, as you know, it is necessary
for a "good slave" to look nice when
he goes onto a new job, so in order to
do so, I took a walk along, what I
have since been told, is the Oldman
River, in order to find a breakfast and
to wash my shirt. While seeking a
quiet spot I found a bit .of old paper,
and on picking it up my attention was
drawn to these words: "Platform,
Socialist Party of Canada." Now, as
I have already said, I have just come
from the other side, where I was not
only a discontented slave, but I was
also a discontented fighter of wage-
slave conditions, and for some time
past I have been unable to find anything on the other side to satisfy me.
How much this find appealed to me
you can judge by the enclosed order.
I am sorry to say It Isn't bigger, but
it will be the 15th of Sept. before I
can draw a pay, and I'd like to have
some more of this dope right away,
so please put me down for that amount and hurry it along. God bless
the stiff who had used it and left It
there, he most likely thought that was
all it was good for. Well I have got
the Platform along with me, it being
unsoiled, which I shall show you when
we meet—June 11 is the date—
whether of this June of not I can't
Yours in the Cause,
Passburg Gen. Del., Alberta.
'Liberty," the organ of the English "Anti-Socialist Union," indignantly denies the statement that the "council of the A. S. U. contains nearly 100
noblemen. It says: "To be quite accurate, the Council—and our critic had
the list before him—contains the
names of less than twenty, or about
one quarter of the number. The remaining three-fourths are representative largely of the great banking,
manufacturing, engineering, railway,
and newspaper Interests of the country. It would be difficult to estimate
the amount of capital they represent,
or the number of persons they employ. Their interests vary as do their
politics, but they are solidly united
in their belief that Socialism would
be absolutely destructive of the commercial supremacy of the country."
This winter I had the pleasure of
visiting England on one of the C. P.
R. cattle boats and whilst there made
myself a nuisance to the respectable
capitalist class. Poverty is acute in
the old land and job hunters are numerous. In fact many peddlars of labor
power are losing their eyesight finding a master and some have already
lost lt. I had the satisfaction of speaking for the S. D. P. of South Shields
while " 'ome" and dealt along the lines
of the class struggle, showed the fallacy of reforms, dealt with the movement tn Canada and appealed to the
various factions to organize on the
clear cut revolutionary basis with S.
P. G. B. I showed them how the
master class did not fear reform parties whose "ultimate aim" was the
ownership ot the means of life.
I used-the capitalist press to show
the skin game of the farmers, for in
glaring letters, you read "Go to Canada and get a piece of the earth," so
thought I'd show how the farmers
were slowly being pushed oft the earth.
This ls a reply by Mr. Obed Smith, who
twisted my article to suit himself; If
you think it worthy of publication publish It, If not, put it in the waste paper
basket. Perhaps some of you "practical farmers" will answer this through
the Clarion and tell Mr. Smith how
you enjoyed your winter holidays In
your yacht down ln the Southern
States with the money you "never"
got from the first grade wheat you
sold to the wheat trust.
•   •   •
Farming In Canada.
(To the Editor of the "Shields Daily
Sir,—I havo seen a letter in your issue of the 19th instant signed by Alexander Lyon of South Shields on farming in Canada, and beg to offer a few
observations thereon for the benefit
of your readers.
Will Philip W. Lackey please
write to his sisters, care of P.W.
Hogg, box 132, Lethbridge, Alta.
I Mr. Lyon's letter is one of those peculiar documents that have a thin
| strain of truth very carefully woven In
with a great many distorted imaginings.
If a man wants to work on a farm
in Canada, he can do so. If he prefers
to loaf in the city, he would probably
take the same chance there as he
would in South Shields. Most mechanics make enough when they are work
lng through the year In Canada, to
keep them in comfort throughout any
portion of the winter when their special trade may be idle, and even the
building season is now extended
through the winter in the principal
towns and cities.
Your correspondent evidently thinks
very little of his own countrymen,
when he points out how impossible
lt ls for them to succeed on a free
homestead. I shall have very great
pleasure In showing him a large number of letters from men who have started on a homestead with less than $50
and are worth large sums of money
A man starting with a homestead
does not demand modern machinery
unless he is more or less mentally unbalanced. He should start with a team
of oxen or horses and probably a second-hand plough, and, as his crop
area increased, of course he would take
on more and better machinery. But
your correspondent implies that before a man can start business on free
land, he must have silver plated harness for a pair of fine high-stepping
The provisions of the Canadian law
are evidently unknown to your correspondent. Its modus operandi provides that each railway company shall,
at each railway station, post up for
public information each morning, the
world's market price of wheat and
alongside this notice, a statement of
the cost of shipping the wheat from
that station to where the world's market price ls available. So that the
farmer has the advantage of knowing,
jbefore he has sold his wheat.what price
he ought to have obtained for it.
You will see, therefore, that the farmer ls absolutely protected by the
Government as far as the price of his
wheat is concerned. The only ques-
another evidence of what Mr. Lyon
does not know. There is in force ln
Canada an exemption law which provides that a man's farm, the buildings thereon, and sufficient live stock,
crop, etc., to keep him and his family,
can never be taken in execution by the
Sheriff for debt. It Is, therefore, not
necessary for me to deny what Mr.
Lyon says. The Statute in force is the
best answer to his silly statement.
I must deny that the Canadaian
Government is made up of the master
class, unless your corespondent is willing to admit that all Governments of
all civilized countries are the same.
Perhaps in no country in the world
is personal effort so requisite for sue
cess as in Canada, and every member
of the government has been a working laborer, manual or professional, before and since he became a member of
the Government. In other words, the
members of the Canadian Government
rather flatter themselves that they belong as much to the working classes
as any one.
Your correspondent Is wrong also in
the statement that the Salvation Army
gets a bonus for every emigrant. They
do not , nor does anyone else. All
booking agents—and the Salvation Army is only one of three thousand such
agents—do receive a bonus from the
Government on certain classes, but on-
tion may be as to whether the grade
he is selling Is entitled to second price
or third prlee. In this he has ample
protection, because, when a dispute
arises between farmer and buyer, if the
latter is only willing to give the former
third class price, a sample of the wheat
in question Is sent to the chief Government Grain Inspector at Winnipeg,
who decides whether it Is second or
third class. If It Is decided that the
wheat Is second class, the buyer has to
pay the farmer the difference in price.
Notwithstanding what Mr. Lyon has
to say to your readers, I fancy some of
your farmers would be only too glad
to have the Bame kind of business projection In England, and this applies
not only to the buyer of wheat from
the farmer, but the railway companies
also, whose rates are subject to the
Government Railway Commissioner's
approval, and which Commission, upon
complaint from any farmer, applies
a remedy, at the Government's expense. Of course, if a farmer has
bought more machinery than he can
pay for he must expect the implement
sellers to crowd him for his payment.
But this is a condition which, I fancy,
even Mr. Lyon will admit, happens
in commercial circles elsewhere than
ln Canada. But saying that the farmer ls driven off his farm is only
ly on those classes.
In conclusion, I ara pleased to agree
with Mr. Lyon on one point. That is,
if. anyone lias a good job in- England,
no officer of tho Canadian Government
would ever suggest he should leave it.
But there is no reason why Mr. Lyon
should place Incomplete Information
before your readers on a subject of
which he knows so little.
I am in receipt of very urgent appeals from all over Canada for men
to work on the land, and if there were
boats to carry them and we could get
ten thousand to go over in the next
few months we should be very glad |g nothing in Man's industrial machi-
to guarantee them work on the land nery DUt, his greed and sloth; his heart
and wages, and board and lodging the
year through.
Now it is open to Mr. Lyon to induce
those who have no work and who are
able and willing to go on the land, to
apply to the Government officers and
get this guarantee.—Yours, etc.,
Assistant Superintendent of Emigration, 11 and 12 Charing Cross, London,
S. W.
Professor Marshall once said "The
poverty of the poor is the chief cause
of that weakness and inefficiency
which are the causeB of their poverty."
That sentence caused me much worry
in days gone by, but since then thanks
to Socialist literature I know why
such as Professor Marshall always
argue in a circle. The following quotations from George Bernard Shaw
may interest some of the readers of
the Clarion. Shaw is not a Socialist
as we understand Socialism. He is a
Fabian, but unlike the Prof, quoted
above, he tells the truth as he sees
"No elaboration of physical or moral
accomplishment can atone for the
sin of parasitism."
"We shall get Socialism in spite
of the Socialists."
"The love of fairplay is a spectator's
virtue, not a principal's."
"Do not waste your time on Social
Questions. What is the matter with
the poor is poverty. What is the matter with the rich ls uselesness."
"A gentleman of our days is one
who has money enough to do what
every fool would do If he could afford
It, that is consume without producing."
"We are told that when Jehovah
created the world he saw that it was
good.   What would he say now?"
"A modern gentleman Is necessarily
the enemy of his country. Even in
war he does not fight to defend lt,
but to prevent his power of preying on
it from passing to a foreigner. Such
combatants are patriots ln the same
sense as two dogs fighting for a bone
are lovers of animals.-
"The fatal reservation of the gentleman Is that he sacrifices everything to
his honor except his gentility."
"The true diagnostic of modern gentility is parasitism."
"Man is the only animal which esteems itself rich In proportion to the
number and voracity of its parasites."
"When domestic servants are treated as human beings it does not pay
to keep them."
"Ladies and gentlemen are permitted to have friends in the kennel,
but not ln the kitchen."
"When a man wants to murder a
tiger he calls It sport: When the
tiger wants to murder him he calls lt
ferocity. The distinction between
crime and justice is no greater." .
"Except during the first nine months
before he draws his flrst breath, no
man manages his affairs as well as
a tree does."
The dialogue between the Devil and
Don Juan takes place In Hell. According to Shaw, Hell Is a pleasant
place whose Inhabitants often exchange visits with those In Heaven,
a dull place from which the inhabitants of Hell are glad to return.
The Devil: One splendid body Is
worth the brain of a hundred dis-
peptic, flatulent philosophers.
Don Juan: You forget that brainless magnificence of body has been
tried. Things immeasurably greater
than man ln every respect but brain
have existed and perished. The megatherium, the icthyosaurus have paced
the earth with seven-league steps and
hidden the day with cloud-vast wings.
Where are they now? Fossils in
museums, and so few and imperfect
at that, that a knckle-bone or a tooth
of one of them Is prized beyond the
lives of a thousand soldiers. These
things lived and wanted to live; but
for lack of brains they did not know
how to carry out their purpose, and
so destroyed themselves.
The Devil: And ls man any the
less destroying himself for all this
boasted brain of his? Have you walked up and down upon the earth lately?
I have; and I have seen man's wonderful Inventions. And I tell you that
ln the arts of life man Invents nothing; but In the arts ot death he outdoes Nature herself, and produces by
chemistry and machinery all the
slaughter of plague, pestilence and
famine. The peasant I tempt to-day
eats apd drinks what was eaten and
drunk by the peasants of ten thousand
years ago; and the house he lives in
has not altered as much in a thousand
centuries as the fashion of a lady's
bonnet in a score of weeks. But when
he goes out to slay, he carries a
marvel of .mechanism that lets'loose
at the touch of his finger all the hidden molecular energies, and leaves
the javelin, the arrow, the blowpipe
of his fathers far behind. In tho
arts of peace, Man is a bungler. I
have seen hla cotton factories and the
like, with machinery that a greedy
dog could have Invented if it wanted
money instead of food. I know his
clumsy typewriters and bungling locomotives and tedious bicycles; they
are toys compared to the Maxim gun,
the  submarine torpedo boat.    There
is in his weapons. This marvellous
force of life of which you boast Is a
force of Death. Man measures hlB
strength by his destructiveness. What
is his religion? An excuse for hating
me. What is his law? An excuse for
hanging you. What Is his morality?
Gentility! an excuse for consuming
without producing. What is his art?
An excuse for gloating over pictures
of slaughter. What are hi! politics?
Either the worship of a despot, because a despot can kill; or Parliamentary cockflghting. I spent an evening
lately in a certain celebrated legislature, and heard the pot lecturing the
kettle for its blackness, and Ministers
answering questions. When I left I
chalked upon the door the old nursery
saying: "Ask no questions and you
will be told no lies." I bought a sixpenny family magazine, and found it
full of pictures of young men shooting
one another. I saw a man die: he was
a London bricklayer's laborer, with
seven children. He left seventeen
pounds club money; and his wife
spent it all on his funeral, and went
into the workhouse next day. She
would not have spent sevenpence on
her children's schooling; the Law had
to force her to let them be taught
gratuitously; but on death she spent
all she had. Their Imagination glows,
their energies rise up at Idea of death,
these people; they love it, and the
more horrible it is the more they enjoy u. Hell is a place far above their
comprehension; they derive their notion of lt from two of the greatest
fools that ever lived—an Italian and
an Englishman. The Italian described
it as a place of mud, frost, filth, fire,
and venomous serpents: all torture.
This ass, when he was not lying about
me, was maundering about some
woman whom he saw once on the
street. The Englishman described me
as being expelled from Heaven by
cannons and gunpowder; and to this,
day every Briton believes that the
whole of his silly story is in the Bible.
What else he says I do not know; for
it is all In a long poem which neither
I nor anyone else ever succeeded In
wading through. It is the same in
everything. The highest form of literature Is the tragedy, a play tn
which everybody ls murdered at the
end. In the old chronicles you read
of earthquakes and pestilences, and
are told these showed the power and
majesty of God and the littleness of
Man. Nowadays the chronicles de
scribe battles. In a battle two bodies
of men shoot at one another with bullets and explosive shells until one
body runs away, when the others
chase tbe fugitives on horseback and
cut them down as they fly. And this,
the chronicle concludes, shows the
greatness and majesty of empires and
the littleness of the vanquished. Over
such battles the people run about the
streets yelling with delight, and egg
their Government on to spend hundreds of millions of money in the
slaughter, while the strongest Ministers dare not spend an extra penny In
the pound against the poverty and
pestilence through which they themselves dally walk. I could give you
a thousand instances, but they all
come to the same thing; the power
that governs the earth ls not the
power of Life, but Death; and the Inner need that has nerved Life to the
effort of organizing itself into the
human being is not the need for
higher life, but for a more efficient
engine of destruction. The plague, the
famine, the earthquake, the tempest
were too spasmodic In their action;
the tiger and the crocodile were too
easily satiated and not cruel enough;
something more constantly, more ruthlessly, more Ingeniously destructive
was needed; and that something was
Man, the Inventor of the rack, the
stake, the gallows, and tbe electrocu-
tor; of the sword and the gun; above
all, ot justice, duty, patriotism, and
all the other Isms by which even those
who are clever enough to be humanely
disposed are persuaded to become the
most destructive of all the destroyers.
Don Juan: Pshaw! all this Is old,
Your weak side, my diabolical friend,
is that you have always been a gull:
you take man at his own valuation.
Nothing would flatter him more than
your opinion of him. Ho loves to
think ot himself as bold and bad. He
Is neither one nor the other: he Is
only a coward. Call him a tyrant,
murderer, pirate, bully, and he will
adore you, and swagger about with
the consciousness of having the blood
of the old sea kings in his veins. Call
him a liar and a thief, and ho will only
take an action against you for libel.
But call him a coward, and he will go
mad with rage; he will face death
to outface that stinging truth. Man
gives every reason for his conduct
save one, every excuse for his crimes
save one, every plea for hla safety
save one; and that one is cowardice.
Yet all his civilization is founded on
hia cowardice, on his abject tameness,
which he calls his respectability.
There are limits to what a mule or an
ass will Btand; but Man will suffer
himself to be degraded until his vile-
fieaa becomes so loathsome to his oppressors that they themselves are
forced to reform It.—'Man and Superman."
"Did lt ever occur to you what a
marvelous thing it ls to be a man.
To think that within this coarse exterior a vital spark burns with celestial
Are, a Life that ages have but' strengthened, and the future shall not destroy.
If you could but bring yourself, as I
am, into harmony with the Infinite,
your thoughts alone would make you
all powerful. By faith you can call to
your aid Mind Forces of incomprehensible power, and thus allow your Spirit
to rise on the wings of the Everlasting,
free, free, because "
"Hey, you, sixty-three, cut out the
loafln', you get that job done this afternoon or hunt another Job, see!"
'Alright, I was only looking for a
monkey wrench."
• •   •
Members of Parliament should never
be taken for a Socialist Party'. The
Party consists of those workingmen
who have organized ln Its name. Its
strength is measured by the extent
of their desire and determination to
be free from Capitalism. Its success
will be the reward ot their efforts to
convince their fellows of the necessity
of owning the machinery of wealth
production, and thus ridding themselves of parasites for all time to
a   a   a
Spain ls on the eve of civil war.
The Holy Church ls entering Into an
alliance, holy or otherwise, with the
Carlists for the purpose of overthrow-
porting the Government/ This ls the
respect the church has for the "Law"
when its sources of wealth are ln danger. As Marx has it, "the Established
Church wlll more readily pardon an attack on thirty-eight of its thirty-nine
articles, than on one thirty-ninth ot
its Income.'
• *   •
Moses Baritz ls away In the lead
this week—eleven captives to his bow
and  spear.
• •   •
Five from W. H. S. Winnipeg, nothing new for that energetic worker.
Wm.  Watts,  another  firebrand,  also
gets six In Winnipeg.
• •   •
Desmond picks up two down the
Old Man River.
• •   •
John Harrington gets busy at Coal
Creek, three entries In the race for
freedom to his credit,
• •   •
Two subs and an order for O'Brien
pamphlets from Geo. W. Kelly, Creston,  B. C.
a    •   •
Roy Addy, Pltcox Alta, renews, he
also wants another slave to get a
good thing.
• a   a
A bundle order and a sub. from V.
Frodshain, will keep things going ln
a    a    a
O'Brien is never idle, he passes the
dope to three more slaves ln Frank
• •   •
Wm. Voss, Winnipeg, places seven
names for the Manitoba Executive or
der and renews his own.
a    •    •
Two per H. Norman, Vancouver.
a   *   *
Local Fernle per David Paton, Secy.,
pays up a card and a bundle.
• •   •
Two go to Hillcrest and one to So.
Vancouver as a result of C. Steen's
a   •   •
Local New Westminster renews its
bundle. There's something besides lacrosse in that town.
a    a    a
M.  Wayman,  Montreal,  wlll   assail
the citadel with a bundle.
•   •   a
Wm. McQuold, an Edmonton slave,
says   anybody  who  doesn't   like  the
Clarion, doesn't read It.
a    •    •
For the information of those who
wiBh to send the Clarion to slaves tn
other lands, the subscription price la
the same as the local rate.
•    •    a
The following have done what they
could, go thou and do likewise:
a    a    a
J. C. Burgess, Calgary, L. Godwin,
Vernon, B. C; T. It. Legge, Brandon,
Man.; Wm. Stafford, South Wellington, B. C; Lome Wilkle, Windsor,
Ont.; II. H. Stuart, Fredericton, N.
B.J R. M. Alexander and J. Sohagat,
Trade Marks
_^^^^^^^^^^ Copyrights Ac.
tlnynntt nmning nnltrlrh nnd [lean-hit inn tuny
qnlettly n-eertnln mir »,nnitnti free wliotlier an
Invention la prnhiUily patent tibia, ('ummtnilrtt.
tloni-irlcMjrmiiitlik'ntlnl. HANDBOOK onPalenl*
sent freo. Olrte-t nttem-v tor Bocnrma puuuiti.
rutnnta taken tlinmeli Muiin A *:■'. reoelT*
Ip-rfctl notice, wltliuut chargo, In tb*
Scientific American*
A liRndfnmal-f UluiitntM wr-f-skly. I-an****** <itr-
cul-tliuM of any I'-ii-nili-i*- Juuriii-,1. Tut in* for
-runA'U, JS.Tr. n jimr, |mmUku iwpald. -Bold by
all iwwtrt.tn.lirt.
The labor done by a machine and
that done by a human being both consist of simple movements in series.
By a scientific study of these movements resulting in their better coordination and adaptation to their purposes, machinery has been greatly improved. May not the same thing be accomplished with the human laborer?
That this plan is not only possible, but
has been carried out in a large scale
may be greatly Increased by its general
adoption is asserted by an editorial
writer in Industrial Engineering (New
York, June). The subject was first
broached several years ago by Frederick W. Taylor, the writer tells us.
He says:
"Briefly stated, Mr. Taylor's method
involved a study of the various operations In a job, timing these operations,
changing the conditions in accordance
with his time studies, until the minimum time in which the best worker
could perform them was determined,
and then compelling all the workers to
conform to the methods of the most
skilled operator, and to equal his time,
by means of bonuses and penalties.
"Every operation is made up of a series of motions on the part of a worker.
In nine cases out of ten, 10 to 50 per
cent, of these motions are unnecessary,
and many of the remaining motions are
so made that much time is wasted. If
the standard operations, to be performed in a standard time, are performed
by meana of standardized motions, the
worker will attain an efficiency hitherto undreamed of in most industrial
work. These standard motions can be
determined only after a careful study
which eliminates all useless movements both of man and material, and of
the conditions surrounding these movements. The problem is a far larger
one than appears at flrst glance. It involves the provision of facilities for
supplying the worker with his material
in proper quantities and at the proper
place; it involves the provision of proper tools; it involves the provision of
proper surroundings for ttie worker;
and, perhaps most Important of all,
it involves the employment of workers
of the proper physical constitution to
carry out to the letter the instructions
given them for making the standard
Recent experiments on "motion study," by Frank B. Gilbreth, the writer
goes on to say, show how the adaptation of standard motions to bricklaying
haa so increased efficiency that men
can lay more brick and earn more money than under the old order of things.
And bricklayng is a trade so old that
it was thought nothing new could be
learned about It. Bricklayers 4,000
years ago laid brick ln much the same
way as today.   We read further:
"It may be objected that Taylor's
time studies and Gilbreth's motion studies are nice theories, worked out at
the desk and on paper, but which
would fail utterly when put to the test
ot practice. Nothing could be farther
from the truth. Mr. Taylor has worked out his system in a score if shops
—some of the largest and most successful in the country among them.
Mr. Gilbreth is a successful contractor,
and his men all work acording to the
Btandard motions developed by him.
The ideas of both have withstood tbat
most rigid of all tests—commercial
use. The fact that both systems are
enforced by a system of bonus payments for good work, and penalties
for poor work is immaterial. The important fact is that tlK-y accomplish
the object lor which Ihey were designed.
"Motion study, time study, and all
other investigation-! of a lllte sort,
have a wider scope than is apparently
indicated above, Properly carried out,
and applied, they will rid the country
of its greatest waste—industrial warfare. The loss due to useleBB motions,
to Improper speeds and feeds on machines, to Improper tools and surroundings and to other cause;), is enormous.
It is Insignificant when compared to
that caused by strikes, by limitation
of output, by loafing oil a job, and by
the numberless other evidences of the
antagonism between employer and employee. The present-day methods ol
overcoming these losses are but compromises and do not reach the root
of the trouble. Most employe™ do not
know what their men are capable of
accomplishing. They install a piecework system, leave It to the men to
find out the way to Increase their output, and then, in a panic at the large
wages the men are earning, cut the
rate, with the usual result of dissatisfaction and trouble. The employer
owes it to himself and to bis men
to study his own work, to standardize
the operations and the motions for
performing these operation?. He owes
it to himself to instruct his men in
these motions, to reward them when
they fulfil his instructions, and to penalize them when they do not. Under
these conditions, waste and industrial
warfare will disappear. They have
done so wherever these methods have
been used, and they will do so again
"In our opinion, the stopping of Industrial waste, both of labor and material, iB the most serious problem in
the country today. That It can be
stopped by proper management along
the lines indicated above, we firmly
believe. It Is our intention to devote
a large measure of our space to this
problem from now on, and to secure
the most advanced writers on all phases of this subject to handle the problem. We believe we can perform
no more important mission."—Literary
The methods resorted to by Social
reformers In order to bolster up their
slimy tactics.are just as despicable as
the rest of the capitali;-i tactics. Recently It has been a haait In Fir opn
to quote Marx as being ir favor of
all and every action of trickery adopted by scheming "Labor" men. Erg-
land has been the special hunting
ground for that kind of gang. Now,
forsooth, we have a man who writes
us "a biography of Marx,' tr liuciug
Marx for all he is worth, even stoe -
ing to call him "an opportnr I i of n
very pronounced type." That good
person is named Mr. John Spargo of
the so-called Socialist Party of ihe
U. S. A. He has an article In 'lie July
issue of the "American Journal of
Sociology" entitled "The Influence of
Karl Marx on Contempora :■ Social-
Ism." The periodical is itsei ana that
has a wide circulation (?) i"in i ig
members of the working <*: ti. It Is
a cheap journal. The pin. i^ fifty
cents per issue. The principal sou-
tributors to the journal ar. capli.al'ets
professors who are suborne.i to c,l eat,
deceive, defraud, to malfor n tho truth
and to Constantly disguise facts ;i thi
interest of their paymasters. Mr.
John Spargo has consciously r :v>-
consclously fallen into the <an ;> where
he will find a similiarlty of iueas and
intellectual attachment. Upon examination one can see what the ulterior
motive of Mr. Spargo is, >s is en
deavorlng by falsification and deliberate distortion, to justify the reform
attitude taken up by the party that
he and others like him belong to In
order to give himself an ii'*;iortati e
he writes as "a biography ot Mar: ."
He quotes Marx's famous phrase VI
am no Marxist." Had he have proclaimed himself truly, he would have
repeated that phrase and then we
would have a faithful estimate of his
ability to set on record his authority
to write or act as the "biographer" of
Marx. Mr. Spargo is an individual
who with his capitalist paymasters
have exploited the working class
movement to line his and their pockets. No wonder then he must go to
one of the most foul journals in order
to teach the working class, Why did
he not write to the New York Call
Sunday Edition? There he would
have appealed to some deluded members of the working class, instead of
trying to convert (?) the so-called
intellectual element that buy a 50
cent scientific journal.
Now, to the lying article. (Before
quoting Spargo let lt be said that the
effort made by him is the strongest
that can be made against Marx in
order to support the Compromising
attitude of the reform parties who
parade as Socialist organizations).
Quoting the dogmatism of the Marxist
he says:
"It is precisely that of theological
sectarianism: "Marx is the only true
prophet, his book the one and only
true gospel, and every question to be
decided by an appeal to its text."
And that is just what Spargo has
done. He has appealed and quoted
words and sometimes sentences of
Marx; and in order to crush the real
Marxist, has acted as the theological
sectarian he so bitterly denounces in
the above quoted passage.
The attempt to appear superior to
the members of the working class
causes him to sneer and snigger at
tnem because they haven't been so
treacherous and parasitical as himself.
He writes lhat Marx never expected
the workers to fully understand the
materialistic conception of history
and tho theory of surplus value. To
men like himself as a paid hack of
the MacMlllan Co., he and not the
workers were to understand. Says
the late Yonkers Snge, referlngto
"He was not, so foolish ns to believe
that a great, movement could be founded upon a corect understanding of such
subtle and difficult theories."
Was there ever an attempt made
like this to sweep away the foundation
of scientific Socialism? Could it have
been so neatly done by Max Hirsch,
Charles Peace or W. H. Mallock, or
other supporters of the capitalist
system of robbery? If there was no
surpluB value there could be no robbery of the wage-slave. If the wage-
slave does not strive for his emancl-
jatlon it is because of his Ignorance
of surplus value. If you take away
the surplus value theory and it disappears, there is no need for the
abolition of wage-slavery. As, however, the movement must be founded
upon the recognition of surplus value
and Its ramifications, Mr. John SpaVgo
standB denounced as a perverter of
truth, as a malevolent and debased
adherent and supporter of the capitalist system.
Marx knew Socialism and Its propagation had to have a real foundation and basis. Engels in "Socialism,
Utopian and Scientific" says at the
end of Section I: "To make a science
of Socialism it had first to be placed
upon a real basis." That, too, after
a number of pages of showing the
wild cat schemes of the various Utopians previous to Marx and Engels'
famous communist manifesto. How
in the name of Marx could you organize to overthrow wage-slavery unless
you knew exactly how it was cauesd.
At the end of Section II, Engels goes
on to write of the discovery of surplus
value, says: "It was shown that the
appropriation of unpaid labor is the
basis of the capitalist mode of production.".
The organization of the workers to
.ibolish  the system  whereby surplus
| ^ alue goes into the hands of the cap-
jitalist must have  a  foundation,  and
when Spargo says  "Marx    was    not
! foolish enough to believe," etc., he Is
I writing what he  knows to be  abso-
lu-ely  without  foundation.    One   can
see that Spargo is attempting to re-
■n >uld and upset the Marxian theory,
for he refers to the theory of value
Im  the   same  way   as  the  capitalist
agents,  Jevons,   Cairns, Hirsch    and
\5allock. The utility theory has been
exploded so well to make Spargo stop
his: foul and deliberate misrepresentation.   But never mind he may think
lie master class will look upon him
'i'. ,i nicer light if he, as a "Socialist,"
I ware to "explode" the Marxian theory
of value.
I   Spargo   says   in   Section  5  of  his
'a tide:    "The value of a great many
j commodities  is  determined  by  their
j hiurginal utility, quite irrespective of
the social labor actually embodied in
jt'ie"i necessary to their reproduction."
'Tact   is   an   assertion   unbacked   by
[evidence of any kind.   As desirous of
asserting and proving his statement,
BpargO  fails  to   adduce  anything  to
support his false notions of economics.
Mallock did, as any gentleman would
do. quote in support of his contention.
But Spargo, the "biographer of Marx"
hasn't the manliness to do that.    Is
it because he cannot?
.'pargo says he is a Marxian. Well,
lei us see what Marx himself said.
He wrote in "Capitals," English Edition, Vol I, page 79: "If the communi-
tie's want of linen, and such a want
has a limit like every other want,
should already be saturated by the
products of rival weavers, our friend's
product is superfluous, redundant, and
consequently useless." Marx analysis of capitalist production shows
as"clearly as ever, that there are 2
forms of labor, one being useful, and
the other useless. The useful form
of ablor is that which expresses Itself
in the production ot useful commodities, or in other words, commodities
that '.have utility. Where labor is
used in production of useless products—they have no utility—It Ib useless labor and creates no value. That
ls the Marxian system of economics.
Spargo denies that, and is an Anti-
Marxian. He is undoubtedly a psuedo
Socialist In a movement where he Is
soaking the wage plugs.
Now let us get to one or two more
points of misrepresentation.
On page 34 Spargo quotes from the
Communist Manifesto that Marx was
in favor of reforms, still on the platforms of some of the so-called "Socialist" parties. Let one thing be clearly
demonstrated, and that is no one
would deny that both Marx and
Engels advocated reforms in 1847
when the famous Manifesto was printed. But let it be even more carefully
understood that they both repudiated
them when they wrote tne Preface to
the German edition in 1S72. .They are
correct now, never mind 1S72. They
speak "although In principal still correct in practice antiquated. The
preface ends with this, showing that
they were more concerned about Its
preservation as a historical document:
"But then, the Manifesto has become
a historical document which we have
no longer any right to alter." In spite
of that Spargo attempts to show that
Marx was a reformer after he had
finally analyzed capitalist methods of
production. To quote Marx again in
"Value, Price and Profit" speaking of
the trades unions:     •
"They ought to understand that,
with all the miseries lt imposes upon
them, the present system simultane
ously engenders the material conditions and the Social forms necessary
for an economical reconstruction of
Society. Instead ot the conservative
motto, "a fair day's wage for a fair
day's work I" they ought to inscribe
on their banner the revolutionary
watchword, "Abolition of the wage
To return now to the Communist
Manifesto, again Spargo distorts the
facts.   He says:
He (Marx) speaks of the "flrst step
in the revolution" being the struggle
for political democracy, the attainment of the franchise by the proletariat. That accomplished, the proletariat is to wrest, "by degrees" the
control of the social productive forces
from the hated bourgeolse."
That paragraph ls a deliberate twist
of what the Manifesto does say and it
shows to what despicable depths the
reform gang will go. As Spargo still
thinks he's a "Marxist" let me quote
the Manifesto accurately on page 44
Standard Socialist Series:
"We have seen above that the flrst
step in the revolution by the working
class Is to raise the proletariat to the
position of ruling class to win the
battle of democracy." "The proletariat wlll use Its political supremacy
to wrest by degrees all capital from
the .bourgeolse, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands
of the State i.e. of the proletariat
organized  as the  ruling class?."
There Marx and Engels clearly state
that "wresting" "by degrees" will be
when the workers are the ruling class
and politically supreme. That is
when the capitalist class have been
ousted from power. Spargo with the
facility of a quack would have you
believe that the proletariat must act
in that way before it has political
dominance. In which case it means
assisting the capitalist class as the
S. P. of U. S. A. are doing by supporting reforms in the platform of various
freak organizations. The case Spargo
presents Is one that is used by the
capitalist against the working class
and its sincere political party. The
attempt to call Marx to aid and abet
in the perpetration of misery is a new
idea perhaps, but it need not take
long to expose.
He again goes on the reform stand
in order to show Marx was wrong
regarding the concentration of capital
and industry. He refers to his theory
of agricultural concentration. Spargo
says: "It is now recognized by all
thoughtful Socialists that this forecast
has been completely belied by the
actual facts of agricultural evolution."
Personally I don't pretend to be an
expert like Mr. A. M. Simons, one of
Spargo's confreres in the 'U. S A.
Mr. Simons is certainly one who has
studied farming in America and in
his book "The American Farmer" he
says on page 116: "The killing, dressing and packing of meat is an Industry
that Is typical of a class closely connected with agriculture which has
to-day reached the most intense phase
of capitalist concentration. During
the present generation this industry
passed from a subsidiary farm occupation to one of the classic examples
of mechanical perfection and tonstifled
management of industry.
On page 120 he says that, every day
that passes, sees the whole of society,
including agriculture, brought under
the control of fewer and fewer individuals."
Your Marxian "biographer" has the
facts thrown at him. But finally let
us quote A. M. Simons again. He
says: "That this general direction of
the social organism is towards concentration, no one, save those who
like the anarchists are wholly blinded
to the facts by preconceived theories,
will dare deny."
The fact that all reactionaries take
up the attitude assumed by Spargo.,
Edward Bernstein, another "Shining"
light of "Socialism," does the same
thing in his "Evolutionary Socialism."
Bernstein is frequently quoted by the
capitalist political economists, to attempt to disprove the scientific truths
of Marxian economics. The anarchists stand by Spargo and Bernstein
in their theory of decentralization rather than concentration. All reformers have desired a broadmlnded platform. Tolerance is a word amounting
to a fetish with them. The fact is
glorified that the German S. D. P.
allow Bernstein to remain a member
though he totally disagrees with Marx.
That's nothing. Spargo, himself, belongs to a party that harbors a lot of
crooks and grafters. He stated so
after the debacle at the Mayoral Election last year in New York when he
wrote to the New York "Call," on
"What is the matter with the Socialist Party?"
To'sum up let me say that Spargo
has defamed the memory pf one of
the world's greatest men, he has misused phrases deliberately, he has
twisted sentences to suit his pocket
and his party. The instance of the
Communist Manifesto wherein Spargo
tries to show Marx was not a revolutionist. The instance where he takes
up cudgels against the theory of value.
The instance where he shows Marx
was "wrong," all of which were attempted years before Spargo made
such a fine thing out of the movement,
show the hideous back-biting, lamentable depravity he has fallen into.
To conclude let me quote from Marx,
in the Misery of Philosophy:
The petty bourgeolse always speakB
of one side, and the other side. Two
opposite contradictory currents dominate his material instincts and interests
consequence his religiouB, scientific
and artistic views, his morality, in fact
his whole being. If he is besides, a
man of intellect, he will very soon be
able to juggle with his own contradictions and to elaborate them ln striking
noisy if sometimes brilliant paradox.
Scientific charlatanism and political
compromises are inseparable from
such a point of view.'
That, Mr. Spargo, is justly applicable to you. Instead of being a
"biographer of Marx," you have been
his revller and traducer. You have
acted as scandal-monger. You are am
example of the lowest kind of manhood, to dare to take advantage ot a
man's work by not proving any assertion. By distorting passages. By
giving an interpretation to words that
Marx never meant, and changing sentences to suit your knavish purposes.
In spite of all your puny efforts, Karl
Marx will stand as the man whose
works are an absolute impregnable
citadel against j your antiquated "intellectual" bow and arrow.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains In possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production aad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the. working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free frem capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for It; lt it wlll not, the
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests ot the working class alone.
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