BC Historical Newspapers

BC Historical Newspapers Logo

BC Historical Newspapers

Western Clarion Feb 11, 1911

Item Metadata


JSON: wclarion-1.0318875.json
JSON-LD: wclarion-1.0318875-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): wclarion-1.0318875-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: wclarion-1.0318875-rdf.json
Turtle: wclarion-1.0318875-turtle.txt
N-Triples: wclarion-1.0318875-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: wclarion-1.0318875-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

 HO. 618 f
Vancouver- British Columbia, Saturday, Feb. 11, 1911.
sntMCri-rtioD Price mi «■
Administration Dissected in Telling Criticism
Hawthornthwaite on the new Coal
Mines Regulation Act.
Williams, speaking on the "enforcement" of the existing Act flays McBride.
Owing to the large number of workers who will be affected by the new
Coal Mines Regulation Act, the reports of other speeches dealing with
matters of leBs Importance have been
left out to provide room space for
complete reports of the attitude of the
Socialist members towards this Bill.
Friday, February 3.
Hawthornthwaite resumed the debate which he had adjourned from
February 1. He referred to the fact
that the Government had on one or
two occasions shown a desire to enact
labor legislation, and the eight-hour
law ln British Columbia was one of the
best ever devised. The Bill before the
House was the most important one of
the session. He thought the government should have appointed a Royal
Commission to Investigate conditions
before bringing in the BUI, and
brought out all the facts affecting the
interests of employers and men, but
they had only appointed two officials,
Chief Inspector Shepherd and the
Deputy Minister of Mines, Mr. Tolmle.
The former was a political appointee
and he would deal with that later.
Mr. Tolmle might be a good citizen
and a faithful official, but he had no
practical experience of the operation
ot coal mines, and was utterly unlit
for the  position.    He  had  felt  sure
cessltiea of the case. No provision had
been made as to the thickness of the
seam. If it happened to be anywhere
from 9 to 30 feet thick crevices were
bound to occur, and the clause would
be no protection to the men. The
company could point to the Act and
say they had complied with it. The
Bill was more beneficial to the property owners than the men, and placed
the former In a position to do as
they liked. All through there were
evasions and alterations of no benefit
to the men. Safety clutches could be
eliminated by rule 30. Accidents frequently occurred from defective apparatus, but safety clutches cost money,
and need not be used in shafts where
wire rope-guides were used. The Bill
was the same all through. Clause 3
prohibited the employment of boys
under 14, but many were employed under legal age to-day under the existing
Act. In England in a recent explosion
the flrst body to be recovered was
that of a child under ag?. It was the
same lu British Columbia and the
Inspectors did not take steps to enforce the law; Children often had to
turn out at 4 o'clock in the morning,
and If required to work a double shift,
stay 16 hours underground. Clause 12,
allowing the men to appoint a check
welghman, looked well on the face of
it, but really the provision was Ineffective. If the man proceeded to use
his position to protect the men who
put him there, the next clause (13)
prevented him from doing so.    If he
men employed six years ago it would
have meant that for nine million tons
of coal raised last year, one hundred
and twenty-six men would have been
killed. He admitted that some inspec.
tors had been appointed of late in
whom the men had confidence, but
they had no confidence in the former
staff nor in many of the present staff.
In the recent inquiry into the disaster
at Extension Some of the officials had
advanced theories as to the origin of
explosions which were most absurd.
He agreed with the member from Newcastle that it would be a good thing
If the men were allowed to elect the
Inspectors whose duties it was to protect their lives.
In closing Hawthornthwaite said it
was not his intention to cast any aspersions on the officials of the Mines
Department, many of whom were his
personal friends. He had no personal
antipathy In the matter but this was
a vital question, and no matter what
their politics might be—whether Liberals, Conservatives or Socialists—he
would have no hesitation in dealing
with them. The House had the lives
of these miners in its hands and if
the members failed to protect them
they were practically guilty of murder
when an accident occurred.    He con-
respect was the same now. Before he
got through he would try to place certain facts before the House, and they
could judge if the regulations were
enforced or not. For that reason he
would direct his attention to dealing
with the enforcement of tne existing
Act. He contended that no phase of
the matter was of more vital consequence than that enforcement. He
would not deal so much with the new
Act as with things that were occurring in the coal mines of the Province.
The Bill before the House contained
no more vital principles than were In
the old Act, but It was better arranged
and was good in that respect, as far
as it went.
The matter of safety in the mines
appealed strongly to him. Some might
ask if his presentation of the subject
would be of any use, but his only motive was to Impress upon the Minister
of Mines (McBride) the necessity of
guarding the lives of the miners. * *
In the last ten years the death roll of
coal mines in British Columbia was as
In 1900, 17 killed; in 1901, 102, in
1902, 13'9; in 1903, 42; in 1904, 37; in
1905, 12; in 1906, 15; in 1907, 31; in
1908, 18; in 1909, 57, a total of 470
miners killed in the last 10 years.   In
fessed that he had no wish to work 1909 the 57 killed were 1 per cent,
underground himself, and drew a pic- of the total number employed in that
ture of the miners working thousands year. In a working life of 25 years
of feet under the earth in imminent the chances of a miner getting killed
danger of their lives, for a mere pit- would be as one in four. The loss of
tance. He hoped the members would life In the Crimean war, in actual fight-
be a credit to tbe House and a protec- ing, was not so great in proportion as
tion to the men. that in the mines of British Columbia,
Parker Williams resumed the de- and the Franco-German war was fin-
bate, after waiting to see if any of the ished with a less proportion of deaths
Government supporters were going to McBride had been in the Department
reply to the previous speaker, which than had occurred in the coal mines
none of them attempted to do. of British Columbia in the 10 years
After referring to their silence, he of Mines.  The miner in British Colum-
sald that one year ago he had pointed bia waa running more risks than the
out the necessity of enforcing the regu- combatants in those two wars, or in
lations under the existing Act in a any campaign in modern history,
rigid manner, and his position in that (Continued on Page 4)
when that commission was appointed discovered the scales were wrong, any
no good would result. The result of
their visit to Nanalmo was purely
farcical, persons appearing before
them representing no one In particular and expressing opinions fio good
to any one. With regard to the decrease in the number of Asiatics employed underground. The attitude of
the Socialist Party on that question
had been frequently misrepresented.
One of the stands they took against
their employment was grounded on the
fact that they were a source of danger
tb white men working with them in
dangerous employment. It took them
a long time to understand the work
and the language, and from those facts
alone lt was dangerous to. work with
them. McBride had said that the province had produced 9,000,000 tons of cosl
last year, a large amount and creditable to the number ot men employed
MeGuire, ln the debate on the resolution dealing with the price of coal,
had said that the coal owners made
a clear profit of $1.50 a ton. Sometimes questions arose as to the rate
of exploitation of Individuals and the
amount of profit in certain industries.
If tbey divided the profit on that
9,000,000 tons by the number of men
employed the enormous amount of exploitation could be realized: Tbat was
a matter of great Interest to tbe people engaged In the Industry, and
moved many to strongly emphasize
the necessity of stopping the robbery
as soon as possible.
The new Act was disappointing from
every possible standpoint. The promises of the Premier had not been realised. All the trumpeting that had
heralded the Bill amounted to nothing. It did not protect the men in
any respect. When the old BUI was
good for the men, the new one placed
them at a disadvantage. Many of the
new regulations would not have the
effect ot preventing accidents. The
clause regarding mining under submarine areas required a cover of not less
than 180 feet ot solid measures; owners were only compelled to give the
depth ot water and solid measures
overlaying the mine. It was ot greater
advantage to have more depth of silt
than of solid. In Extension a roof of
360 feet of solid conglomerate had
Woken down. In East Wellington,
■while taking out pillars under 450 feet
ot solid roof it broke down. The employers looked at the mattter from
their own standpoint, but those limits
■were of no benefit to the men, and
showed absolute ignorance of the ne-
action he might take could be construed as Interrupting the working of
the mine, and he would be prevented
from doing the very thing the men
put him there to do. The provision
was an absolute farce.
..Clause 18, dealing with the eight-
hour day, was one of the most Import,
ant sections of the Bill. Some years
ago the eight-hour Bill had passed in
the face of great opposition from the
employers. Previous to that there bad
been a considerable number of disastrous strikes. The Socialist Party
had then said that it the hours were
limited those troubles would be largely reduced, and such had been the
case. The men were more contented
and less inclined to take extreme
measures. The Bill before the House
practically destroyed the benefit of the
eight-hour day In coal mines. It was
abolished in changing the shifts. Employers who wished to take advantage
of the Act could work some of the men
from 8 1-2 to 10 hours if tbey wished,
and on one day of the week the clause
made the eight-hour day a complete
nullity. The chief Inspector and the
deputy minister had modified tbe old
Act to that extent. The exemptions
in the old Act had been extended to
an extravagant extent. Clause 18 also
provided that wben an accident occurred "to the mine" (which might be a
trivial one) the employer had the
power to do away with the eight-hour
He did not think tbat a mere boy
twenty-five years of age should be
allowed to take charge of a mine; he
would have it changed so that a man
before he could take a position of that
kind Bhould be at least thirty years
of age and should have had good practical experience. Also a shotman or
Are boss should be compelled to hold
a miners' certificate, as tbe safety of
bo many men depended on their actions. He would also like to see inserted a section from the English act
that no Inspector should be allowed to
hold any interest in any of the mines
of his district. If he did bo, how could
he do his duty Impartially. He would
also suggest that a number of men be
chosen as gas Inspectors one of whom
should go through the mine every few
hours and see that no gas existed.
He admitted that conditions in the
mines so far as the safety of the men
was concerned had improved. At one
time the Province was notorious for
the number of men killed in its mines
ahd In the proportion of deaths to tbe
Dangerous  Plainness
Advance Leaflet Prepares Way for Vigorous Work
"A political combination of the lower
classes, as such and for their own objects is an evil ot the flrst magnitude,
and a permanent combination of tbem
would make them supreme in the
country." Thus saith Walter Bagehot
ln the introduction to his "English Constitution" page 23.
The reason given by Walter why he
thinks It would be such a great evil,
is because we are such ignorant devils.
You see, not having the wherewithal
we were debarred from finishing our
education at the University, consequently our stock of Latin would be
too meagre to enable us to even draft
a bill. We would be so ignorant of
Latin phrases that we would be forced
to blurt right out what we proposed ln
a few plain English sentences. That
would let the man in the street know
what the law was all about, and maybe,
knowing what it meant he would kick
like blazes, and legislation would be at
a standstill. For, Walter Informs us
farther on, page 48, "the whole truth
as to laws cannot be spoken out," because he says "all Important laws affect large vested interests, they touch
great sources of political strength, and
these great Interests require to be
treated as delicately, and with as nice
a manipulation of language, as the feelings of any foreign country."
I hope you wage slayeB who still vote
for these manipulators wlll note where
the quotation marks come in. They
are not the utterances of a Socialist,,
but the statements of a Liberal writer,
a recognized authority on Parliamentary affairs.
Parliaments abhor plain talk so
much that they use a foreign word to
condemn it. It is gauche you know,
and that is why our gentle-spirited
Comrade, Parker Williams, ls described by the capitalist preas as "lowering
himself considerably ln tbe estimation
of the House" as though Parker or any
man, would give a "hoot" for the estimation of a house which quotes dead
languages and mumbles in ambiguous
The Clarion has often told you fellows in all kinds ot plain talk that
lt you would combine politically your
troubles would disappear. You combine
Industrially in the hope of being able
to force your masters to give you or
rather, let you keep a trifle more of
the wealth you create. Every little while
you go out on strike with a "whoop "
and go in again with your tails between your legs, sadder, madder, men;
when all you have to do ls to combine
politically, and, as Walter says, "it
would make you supreme in tbe country."
How does it strike you, friend, this
Idea of Walter's, to once and for all
put an end to your whining like a cur,
aud walk up like a man to the polls
and plump for supremacy? Do you
think you could stand It? We are
told that Tomson's colt swam the river
in order to get a drink out of a creek
where lt was accustomed to drink, and
maybe some of you fellows are so used
to the old dinner pail, that this opportunity of plenty right beside you does
not seem to strike you yet. Well,
think It over for a winter or two.
At the beginning of the nineteenth
century any kind of a combination
used to scare the capitalist class into
fits, and so in 1800 a law was passed
making combinations of workers illegal, and so bad was the scare that all
kinds of secret societies were put under the ban. But bless gracious, honey,
that was over 100 years ago. The capitalists soon found that as long as tbe
workers had no vote, they were quite
harmless. Stress of economic circumstances brought on the Reform Act
of 1867, whereby many of tbe workers
received the franchise. This started
the scare once more, and Bagehot
seems to have got it along with the
rest. By and by, however, the ruling
class found the worker took a long
time to know he had a vote, and even
when he became conscious of that, he
did not know the power of it. So the
rulers sat easy once more. And my
industrial unionist friend, there they
sit and you may combine industrially
till you are all tied up in a knot, and
you can strike, and hoot, and howl,
till you are blue ln face, tbey don't
care one little dam. But combine politically; scratch up your X for the Socialist candidate at the polls, and as
Walter says, "it will make you supreme." Think it over for a Winter or
two, while you are doing nothing.
The growing intensity of Industrial
problems, the uncertainty of the average man's hold on the means of sustaining life and maintaining himself
and family in comfort, and the ever-
increasing difficulty of dealing adequately with social evils so rampant
in all civilized communities, is daily
compelling .thinking men to give more
and more attention to the analysis of
social conditions presented and the so.
lution proposed by Socialists.
Are the social problems of the day
of any importance to you?
Do you think our present social system is the last word in social evolution?
Are you satisfied with a condition of
affairs which gives ah abundance of
the good things of life to a small number of the human race; a comfortable
livelihood to another comparatively
small number; to tbe largest number,
about 60 or 70 per cent., an existence
with only the smallest chance of making provision against, sickness, accident or old age; and to from 10 to 20
per cent, a precarious existence, with
a chronic shortage of both the food,
clothing and shelter necessary to maintain life.
This Ib the condition of human society today.
This leaflet ls primarily addressed
to the third class mentioned — the
working class—the class who by tbe
daily expenditure of their labor-power,
on the natural resources of the earth,
produce all the good things of life,
and when In regular employment only
receive, on the average, wages sufficient to keep themselves going from
week to week.
Having given some consideration to
the fundamental causes of these conditions, we are desirous of placing before you for your consideration some
of the literature bearing upon this
subject, with a request that you will
give the matter your attention, and in
the hope that if the tacts. presented
convince you that our present social
system presses heavily on tbe working class and should be changed to
one in which all able-bodied persons
should take their part In useful pro-
Miction and all waste be eliminated,
to the end that a comfortable livelihood will be assured ito all and that
with the minimum expenditure of time
In labor, you will, in time, do what
you can to enlighten others', and help
forward the movement aiming at the
establishment of such a social state
that our present life will appear mean
and poor ln comparison.
In this leaflet It Is not proposed to
attempt to explain the alms of the
Socialist movement. We are simply
Issuing this to say that during the
next few months tt is our Intention
from time to time to leave for your
perusal a leaflet on the subject. We
ask you to spend the ten or fifteen
minutes necessary to reed theae leaflets carefully. If after reading these
you are sufficiently interested to desire further information on the subject, we Invite you to attend the meetings held every Sunday evening during the winter months in one of the
local theatres, and urge you to secure
the following books and pamphlets,
and read them:
"Introduction to Socialism,"
(5c); "Industrial Problems" (26c;
by N. A. Richardson.
"The Common Sense of Socialism" (25c); by J. Spargo.
"Modern Socialism" ( 25c );
"Principles of Scientific Sodal-
Ism" (35c); by Chas. H. Vail.
Publisher: C. H. Kerr ft Co.,
118 West Kinzie St., Chicago.
"The Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Canada" (25c); "A
Proletarian ln Politics." Published by the Dominion Executive
Committee, Box 1688, Vancouver,
B. C.
These books and many others are to
be obtained at ithe bookstall at the
Sunday evening meetings or any evening at the Party headquarters.
After    reading    these    elementary
party will be glad to advise the enquirer as to more advanced books, or
Messrs. Kerr will be glad to send aa
explanatory catalogue on request.
We also recommend subscribing to
The Western Clarion, the Party's official organ, $1.00 per year.
There are a number of books on
Socialism iu the Sociological section et
the Public Library.
Visitors are always welcome ait the
Party headquarters, and members are
always glad to discuss the' subject
with enquirers.
The Party have a library of works
on Socialism, which is constantly
being enlarged. Tickets, costing 50c,
entitle the holder ito borrow books for
a period of one year, and tbe money
realized is used to increase the library.
Membership ln the Party is open
to all who believe in tbe principles ot
Socialism. The membership fee ot
Victoria Local ts 50c per month, and
this Is used to maintain 'he Party
headquarters, and for propaganda!
Sooner or later, economic conditions will force this subject upon ths
consideration of the working class.
We ask you to consider the subject
now, and be prepared in time. Thst
present conditions cannot last ls the -
positive conviction of all students of
social conditions. Don't delay year
preparations for the inevitable change
until a crisis Is upon us.
Yours sincerely,
Victoria Local of the Socialist
Party of Canada.
"Workers of the World, unite; you
have nothing to lose but your chains ;
you have a world to gain."—Karl Marx.
Dear Comrade: —
The fight goes merrily on. Lsst
Sunday we bad Fitzgerald with us and
he delighted the audience to such an
extent that they coughed up $25, and
also bought 111.60 worth of literature.
Our expenses have been considerably
curtailed since we left the Grand and
took to tbe Crystal Theatre, and,
should the collections maintain their
average of the last few weeks, the
state of the exchequer wlll enable us
to carry on successfully the literature
distributing campaign. Regarding this.
It would have been far more preferable to us to have had some Party
leaflets (the printing of which was
suggested by Comrade Ed. Fulcher)
Instead of the Kerr's matter which we
are using. Enclosed please flnd eight
subs. Yours, ever tired (of capitalism
840 Johnston St., Stall 19, Victoria, B.C.
books on the subject, members of the
Comrade Editor: —
Would you Insert the following In the
Clarion as a notice:
Information Is requested by Calgary,
Alta., Local No. 4, as to the whereabouts of Comrade Jacob Klilur. Any.
one knowing anything of him, communicate with tbe undersigned.
Box 647, Calgary, Alta.
Local Vancouver No. 45 wishes to
announce that Port Moody Finnish
Comrades will play "The River
Drivers" (Tukkljoella), at headquar.
tors, 2237 Main street, on Saturday,
February 11th, 8 p.m.   Admission 50c.
Let those who do not believe that
life has a material basis try to live
without eating. Metaphysics stand ln
about the same relation to materialism
ss the shadow of a steak on the wall
does to the porterhouse on tbe plate.
The Socialist tangles himself up as
little as possible with slave organizations, or those whose business lt Is to
"Pabllahed    avery    Saturday    kr_th*
Wist Party of Canada, at the OIBoe
the   Western- Clarion,   Flack   Black
■naent, 166 Hastings Street, Vanceu-
r. B. C.
Tn Tear, BO oanta for Six Months,
SS oasts far Three Montha.
Strictly In Advance,
■•■dies  at  6  or  more  coplea,   for  a
at at not less tl-an three months, at
rate of ane cent per copy per Issue.
ASTertislnir rates on application.
If yeu  receive this  paper, it ls said
Mm ra
Ik making remittance by cheque, ox-
■anaje must be added. Address all
■BSBtnleatloni.' and make all money
■Sara  payable to
la 1SSS Vancouver, B. O.
be glad to get rid of plenty of sour
punk that nobody will buy. Of course
men cannot work very long on prison
fare, but that doesn't matter; the staff
can easily be replenished from the
crowd of "won't works" that never
grows less. It may cost a little something to furnish each played out slave
whose "sentence has expired" with the
price to get out of the country. It Is
a beautiful scheme, the Province
shouldn't let it drop.
The necessary condition for the sue.
cessful manipulation of capital is a
well-stocked labor market. This presupposes that a number of men must
at all times be out of work. The capitalist knows this as well as we do,
therefore he constantly screams "Vagrants!" "Idlers!" "Shiftless-"rascals,"
etc., in order to distract attention from
one of the reasons for his own existence.
Watch the label on your paper. If this number Is on it,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
Il   i s=aas i ii
We have suggested in these columns
Hhst there were a number of unemployed in Vancouver. In fact, we were
sander the impression that several
worthy individuals ot our acquaint-
-ttce had been unable to flnd employ-
SMXtt for quite an extended period of
time. According to later advices, this
«as merely an hallucination—a fig-
vent of an imagination carried away
"fcy tn unexpected invitation to a re-
nesl of pork and beans.
"Unemployed" is distinctly an unscientific term, there is no such thing
ear condition. Every man out of work
ts s vagrant and, moreover, a prospective criminal—dangerous to the
peace and welfare of that portion of
lhe community sanctified by property.
At least, so says the Daily Province,
and It ought to know, being BUpplied
with an amazing amount of information that no one else would be able to
secure. For Instance, it says that the
wsgrant "hears street ioraitors proclaiming the pernicious doctrine that
imroerty is a sin, and that the opera-
She classes are wage-slaves." The
analy Street speakers we ever heard
talking about "sin" were connected
with the Salvation Army and other
snch search-parties for Christ, and
certainly no one could accuse them
of acumen enough to perceive that
they were wage-slaves .themselves, let
alone anyone else.
According to the Province, it is this
way: "A vagrant with nothing to do
sad with a tendency to Idleness ls a
poor addition to the ranks of ithe city's
j-opulation." This refers to those Idle
persons who have become somewhat
crippled financially filling contracts for
the G. T. P., or digging coal in some
either worthy cause. It Is necessary
to point this out In order to avoid con-
tosion with those other people who
"have nothing to do but are ,not vagrants, technically, because their pockets are lined with the great unraveller
ot all legal entanglements.
In Bhort, a man with no money and
ao Immediate prospects of getting any,
is liable to "provide himself with a
pistol and a mask, and endeavor to en.
sfch himself by forcible means." He
tt, therefore, a menace to the com-
■unity and should be severely dealt
with. Thla would make a fine rule
applied to the whole of society—I'
snrerybody who is apt to do something
ito the future which the .rest of us
wouldn't like ls to be punished In advance, it is quite time we all got busy
psssing sentence on each other for
Ibe crimes we might commit.
The punishment suggested for being
discovered in Vancouver without, money gives the key to the whole situation. It ls proposed <to establish a
sock quarry on the Admiralty reserve,
opposite Barnet, in which those who
tad no place else lo go might labor
•Sir the good of their country. You
see, a. city can always use all kinds of
sock. It is very desirable that this
Ttiek be procured cheaply as possible.
Nowadays there are two methods by
which a municipality can supply Itself
with rock. One is to hire labor (or
let contracts, practically the same
thing), paying tho prevailing rate of
wages. The other Is to arrest the
labor, accuse it of an "Inclination to
idleness," make sure that lt has no
-noney, or friends with any, then set
a to work at the reck business.
Anybody with any brains at all can
easily see which Is the best plan of
the two. The latter costs nothing,
«r next to nothing. Any old kind of
a trough building" will do to herd
tbe bunch Into and ithe bakeries will
As Marx has pointed out, no sooner
does the bourgeoisie, or a section of
it, achieve a revolution than it begins
to become anti-revolutionary. This
feature Is becoming more and more
pronounced as time goes on. The Portuguese revolution is a case in point,
which, we are confident, will become
more plainly manifest in the near future. The dethronement of a dissolute
and innocuous youth is no more to a
"monarchist" party than the loss of its
pictorial donkey would be to the Democrats. Already, from current reports
it appears that the republicans are finding themselves confronted with a
choice between allying themselves with
the riff-raff of the monarchlal regime,
or putting their "republican principles"
in their inside pockets and maintaining
their hold upon the reins of government by armed force. The choice which
cowardly bourgeois politicians will
make is not hard to guess.
Spain appears to be in even worse
case, for there, as was pointed out
in these columns at the time of the
Ferrer affair, the "revolutionary" bourgeois dare not even begin a revolution
for fear it will go too far. Without
the assistance of the workers the petty
capitalists cannot wrest the powers of
state from the present Incumbents,
weak as has become the position of the
monarchists. But if they arouse the
workers to revolt on their behalf, can
they repress them again themselves
when the monarchlal clique has been
overthrown? The prospect does not
seem Inviting evidently in spite of all
the braggadocio that Is ever and anon
indulged in by some "prominent revolutionary leader."
In Mexico the issue the revolt
against the tyranny of Diaz (which
appears to be some tyranny, all right)
is of course a matter of doubt, but the
prospects for the success of the "anti-
re-electlonists" seem fair, so far as can
be judged at this distance. Certainly
a regime such as that of Diaz cannot
continue indefinitely, as it is, for one
thing, compelled to draw, for its instruments of coercion (the army, police
etc.), upon the ranks of the very class
which it oppresses.
However, should the revolutionists
win out. What next? Mexico will be
rid of Diaz and the most prominent
and best hated of his supporters, and
probably, for a time, the peon may at
least escape some of the more extreme
and outrageous pains of enslavement.
But wc feel safe in predicting that,
almost with the accomplishment of the
revolution, the Liberals will be compelled to combine with their quondam
foes and turn upon their own supporters.
For this ts the reign of Capital and
Capital must be served if it is even
tolerated. Diaz has attracted Capital
to Mexico by giving Mexico a "stable
government"—a government that can
,"iarantee and protect Capital in its
tile deeds and profits. Diaz has made
Mexico a paradise for Capital by sparing no pains i to teach the laborer his
proper station in life and to see that
he lives down to lt. So Mexico has
been "prosperous," from the capitalist
viewpoint. And It will and must be
the capitalist viewpoint that any successful revolutionary Liberal group
must take. Law and order will have
to be restored. The extortionate and
absurd demands of the laborer for a
share of the "liberty" for which he
has fought and for more ot the good
things which he produces must be summarily disposed of. Strikes and disorders must be repressed, and "security" and "reasonable returns" must be
guaranteed capital If the country ls
to continue "prosperous."
Nevertheless, a new regime in Mexico would hardly dare to be so flagrantly oppressive as the old, and consequently would at least leave the
workers ln a slightly better tactical
position" for the achievement of a revolution in their own Interests when
they become sufficiently enlightened to
attempt ono.
prize ring, but he hasn't much brains
—hasn't enough in fact to know his
own name, which ls pithecanthropus
^rectus, short for upright ape-man.
With all due respect to our dead
ancestor, It must be said that he seems
to have been more or less of a brute
beast, chiefly more. If he appeared on
earth ln these days he would be probably shot for a gorilla.
Like the rest of tbe beasts, he evidently rustled his living wherever he
found lt; killing other animals, grubbing for roots and climbing for fruit.
His chief peculiarity was that he walked on his hind legs, If not with grace,
at least with more or less ease. So
that Satan could some mischief find
for his Idle hands to do.
Of course, as he didn't keep a diary,
it is purely a matter of assumption
what he did do with his idle hands,
but it is a pretty safe guess that he
used them to help him rustle his living, and in doing so he evidently got
started making things, of necessity
such things as would be of use to him,
clubs, grub-sticks, spears, and so forth.
As generation after generation would
use these "tools," crude as they were,
they would become more and more de.
pendent upon their use and would
constantly be under an incentive to
improve them so as to acquire further
advantages in the procuring ot a living.
At the same .time each generation
would have the advantage of the experience of prior generations, while
the making and use of tools would
endue them with increasing skill in
their use and contrivance, and would
further stimulate itheir brain powers,
until, ultimately, they would be so
metamorphosed that their disinterred
remains would occasion no debate
among the professors as to their classification as man or ape.
Thence on, man's history has been
one of the development and extension
of his tools, and few are the directions
in which he has not extended it. He
has made a tool of earth and sun and
rain to produce him food and clothing.
The cataract and the lightning are
adjuncts to his millstone and shuttle.
The ocean Is his highway, the bowels
of the earth his treasury.
But with the growth of his tools has
grown his dependence upon them.
Without them he cannot live. He has
created them and become a slave to
his creation. They now direct him,
and not he them. Rich or poor, master
or slave, none can escape the bondage
of what has now become one vast Inter-related tool. They must obey its
mandate or perish.
i'eaacu the business of Manufacturer*,
*a***gi»eero ana others who realize the advisability of baring their Palcnt buaine-4 transacted
sty HzpeiU. PrelHoiiiaryadvlce tree. Charge!
wndemti. Sar Inventor'a Adviser sent upon
arnnest. Markm Si Marion, New York Life Uldg,
Sbwtic.il i and Washington, U.C, U.S.A.
Conceive an earth, flowing with milk
and honey, if you will, but peopled
only by apes and ants and alligators
and such like, or, If your fancy pleases,
by plesiosaurs, dinosaurs, lcthyosaurs,
IguanodonB, pterodactyls and other
weird beastles with hard names to
On this earth the ape-man appears.
Ho haB a muscular development which
would  make  him  a  fortune  ln   the
2.   The relative form of value.
(a) The nature and Import of this
In order to discover how the elementary expression of the value of a
commodity lies hidden ln the value
relation of two commodities, we muBt,
n the flrst place, consider the latter entirely apart from its quantitative aspect. The usual mode of procedure is
generally the reverse, and in the value
relation nothing Is seen but the proportion between definite quantities of two
different sorts of commodities tbat are
considered equal to each other. It ls
apt to be forgotten that the magnitudes
of different things can be compared
quantitatively, only when those magnitudes are expressed in terms of the
same unit.
It is only as expressions of such a
unit that they are of the same denomi.
nation, and therefore commensurable.
Whether 20 yds. of linen equal 1 coat
or 20 coats, or equal X coats—that is,
whether a given quantity of linen is
worth few or many coats, every such
statement Implies that the linen and
coats, as magnitudes of value, are expressions of the same unit, things of
the same kind. Linen = coat is the
basis of the equation.
But the two commodities whose
identity of quality is thus assumed, do
not play the same part. It Ib only the
value of the linen that ls expressed",
and how? By its reference to the coat
as Its equivalent, as something that
can be exchanged for it.
In this relation the coat is the mode
of existence of value, Is value embodied, for only as such is lt the same
as the linen. On the other hand, the
linen's own value comes to the front,
receives independent expression, for it
ls only as being value that it is comparable with the coat as a thing of
equal value, or exchangeable with the
To borrow an Illustration from
chemistry, butyric acid is a different
substance from propyl formate. Yet
both are made up of the same chemical substances, carbon (C), hydrogen
(H), and oxygen (O), and that, too, in
like proportions—namely, C4, H8, 02.
If now we equate butyric acid to
propyl formate, then, ln the flrst place,
propyl formate would be, ln this relation, merely a form of existence of
C4, H8, 02; and in the second place,
we should be stating that butyric acid
also consists of C4, H8, 02.
Therefore, by thus equating the two
substances, expression would be given
to their chemical composition, while
their different physical forms would be
If we say that, as values, commodities are mere congelations of human
labor, we reduce them by our analysis,
it is true, to the abstraction, value; but
wo ascribe to this value no form apart
from itheir bodily form. It is otherwise in the value relation of one commodity to another. Here, the one
stands forth ln its character of value
by reason of its relation to ithe other.
By making the coat the equivalent of
the linen, we equate the labor embodied in the former to that ln the
latter. Now, it is true that the tailoring, which makes he coat, is concrete
labor of a different sort from the weaving which makes the linen. But the
act of equating it to the weaving, reduces the tailoring to that which is
really equal in the two kinds of labor,
to their common character of human
In this roundabout way, then, the
fact ls expressed, that, weaving also,
in so far as it weaves value, has nothing to distinguish it from tailoring,
and, consequently, is abstract human
It is tbe expression of equivalence
between different sorts of commodities
that alone brings into relief the specific character of value-creating labor,
and this it does by actually reducing
the different varieties of labor embodied in the different kinds of commo.
dities to their common quality of human labor In the abstract.
There is, however, something else required beyond the expression of the
specific character of the labor of which
the value of -the linen consists.
ftuman labor—power in motion, or
human labor, creates value, but ls not
Itself value. It becomes value only ln
its congealed state, when embodied in
the form of some object.
In order to express the value of the
linen as a congelation of human labor,
that value must be expressed as having objective existence, as being a
something materially different from the
linen itself, and yet a something common to the linen and all other commodities.   The problem is already solved.
When occupying the position of
equivalent in the equation of value, the
coat ranks qualitatively as the equal
of the linen, as something of the same
kind, because it is value.
In this position it is a thing in which
we see nothing but value, or whose
palpable bodily form represents value.
Yet the coat itself, the body of the
commodity, coat, Is a mere use-value.
A coat as such no more tells us it is
value, rthan does the flrst piece of linen
we take hold of. This shows that when
placed in value relation to the linen,
the coat signifies more than when out
of that relation just as many a man
strutting a-out ln a gorgeous uniform
counts for more than when ln mufti.
In the production of the coat,, human
labor—power, In the shape of tailoring,
must have been actually expended.
Human labor is therefore accumulated
In it. In this aspect the coat ls a depository of value, but though worn to
a ithread, it does not let this fact show
And as equivalent of the linen in the
value equation, it exists under this
aspect alone, counts therefore as embodied value, as a body that Is value.
A, for instance, cannot be "your majesty" to B, unless at the same time
majesty In B's eyes assumes the bodily
form of A, and, what Is more, with
every new father of the people,
changes its features, hair and many
other things besides.
""Hence, In*the-value""equatlon, in
which the coat is the equivalent of the
linen, the coat officiates as the form of
value. The value of the commodity
linen is expressed by the bodily form
of the commodity coat, the value of one
by the use^alue of the other.
As a use-value, the linen is something palpably different from the coat;
as value, it is the same as the coat,
and now has the appearance of a coat.
Thus the linen acquires a value form
different from its physical form. The
fact that it is value, ls made manifest
by its equality with the coat, just as
the sheep's nature of a Christian is
shown ln his resemblance 'to the Lamb
of God.
We see, then, all that our analysis
of the value of commodities has al
ready told us, is told us by the linen
itself, so soon as it comes into communication with another commodity,
the coat. Only It betrays its thoughts
In that language with which alone it
is familiar, the language of commodities.
In order to tell us that Its own value
is created by labor ln its abstract
character of human labor, it says that
the cost, ln so far as lt is worth as
much as the linen, and therefore is
value, consists of the same labor as the
linen. i
In order to inform us that its sublime reality as value Is not the same
as Its buckram body, it says that value
has the appearance of a coat, and consequently that" so far as rthe linen is
value, it and the coat are as like as two
peas. We may here remark, that the
language of commodities has, besides
Hebrew, many other more or less correct dialects. The German "werth-
seln," to be worth, for instance, expresses in a less striking manner than
the Romance verbs "valere," "valer,"
"valoir," that the equating of commodity B to commodity A, ls commodity
A's own mode of expressing its value.
Paris viut blen une messe.
By meanB, therefore, of the value
relation expressed ln our equation, the
bodily form of commodity n becomes
the value form of commodity A, or the
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head. |1.00 per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,  B.  C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. Q. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in the prov-
- ince. F. Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary,
"••Hr41! y**.OOUTB», B. 0., XO. 45—
* innlsh. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
.Westminster Avenue. Secretary. Wm.
VERNON   B.   C,   Xo.   38,   S.
of O.
Meets every Tuesday,   8  p
at  L.  O,   L.  Hall,  Tronson
W.   H
Oilmore, Secretory.
(Continued on Page 3)
Committee: Notice—This card is
inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested in the Socialist
movement SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
' wish to get any information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good street, Winnipeg.
LOCAL   FEBNIE,   B.   P.   Of   0.   HOLDS
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting llrst Sunday ln each month,
same place at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box lot.
LOOAL    OBEENWOOD,   B.    C,   XO.   B,
S. P. of C, meeta every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G. Johnson,  Secretary.
LOOAL   LADY8MITX   XO.  10,  8.  P.  Ol
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. in headquarters on First Ave
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmlth,
B. C.
LOOAL VIOTOXIA, XO. 8,   .«. P. OP 0
Headquarters and Reading Koom
628 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre.
T. Gray. Secretary.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     XO.     »,
Miners' Hall and Opera House—Propaganda meetings at 8 p. in. on the flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T,
Machln, Secretary. Box 647, A. Maedonald,  Organizer,  Box  647.
P. of C. Hearquartera 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday ad 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room ls open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake, 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Btssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
LOOAL MICHEL, B. 0., XO. 18, 8. P. OP
C, meets every Sunday ln Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. in. Socialist speakers
are invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
LOOAL MABA, B. C, XO. 34, 8. P. Of C,
Meets flrst Sunday in every month in
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Roscman,   Recording  Secretary.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts,
LOOAL  NANAIMO,   XO.   8,   8.  P.  Of  O.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
A.  Jordan, Secy.  Sox 410.
LOCAL   XELBOX,  8.  T.   Ot  0.,
every Friday evening at 8 p. m., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson. B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday in
hall ln Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOOAL   XBTBLSTOXB,   B.   ft,   XO.   7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. T. S. Cassidy, Organizer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell. Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders* Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
54 Rossland.
LOOAL   VANCOUVEB,   X.  O, XO.  1.—
Canada.      Business    meetings    every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Westminster Ave.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
headquarters and public reading room,
Show building, Hamilton street. Business meetings every Saturday night at
8 p. m. Nell McLean, secretary, John
Mclnnls, organizer. Comrades contemplating coming to Fort George are
earnestly requested to write for 1 *
liable information.
8. P. of C.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. In
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
WAX.—Meet*   every   Sunday,
Trades   Hall,   Scarth   St.     Secretary,
Ben Simmons, P. O. Box 1046.
Socialist speakers will be greatly appreciated.
of C. Headquarters, 528 1-2 Main
Street, Room No. 2, next Dreamland
Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at 8 p.m.;
propaganda meeting every Wednesday-
at 8 p.m.; economic clnss every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh
Laldlow, Room 2, 628 1-2 Main Street.
Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young
LOOAL     XO.     34,     TOBONTO,   ONT	
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice St
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every 2nd and 4th Wednesday; propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3
and 8 p. m. By arrangement with
Toronto University popular scientifto
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the wia^er. Address all communications to Secretary, No. 10 and 11
Alice St.
LOOAL BRANTFORD, Xo. 13, 8. P. Of O.
Meets at headquarters, 13 George St.,
every Thursday and Sunday nights.
Business and Speukers' Class on Thursdays; Economic Class on Sundays,
Wage workers Invited. A. W. Baker,
Secretary, 9 George St. W. Davenport, Organizer, 141 Nelson St
LOCAL   OXTAWA,   XO.   8,   8.   P.   of   a
Business meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Robert-
Allan hall, 78 Rldeau St, John yona,
Secretary, 43 Centre St.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sunday
'n the Cape Breton offlce of the Party,
Commercial Street, Glace Bay, N. S.
Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491,
Glace Bay, N. S.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's hall. Union Street All are welcome, Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G, Rosa,
Financial Secretary, offlce ln D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review ln Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For |3.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
coplea of any one Issue.
For |3.00 we wlll mall the Review   one  year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 Weat Klnzle St., Chicago.
Dlatrlot of Xew WeetmlaaUr.
TAKE notice that David Stewart Ryan
of Vancouver, occupation miner, Intends
to apply for permission to lease the following described land:—
Commencing at a post planted near
an unnamed Island about two miles from
the south end of Texada Island on the
east Hide, thence west 40 chains, thence
south 60 chains, thence eaat 40 chains
more or less to the foreshore, thence ln
a northwesterly direction to point of
commencement, containing 240 acres,
more or less.
Dated November 2nd, 1910.
A good
place to eat
305 Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Malcahey, Prop.
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    25c
Lifeof Jesus, Renan   Ut
Age of Reason, Paine     ISc
Merrie England    10c
Ingersoll's Lectures, 1st, 2nd
and 3rd series  each ISc
Origin of Species, Darwin  Ik
Evolution of the Idea of God,
GrantAllen..   ISc
Postage prepaid 01 books
The People's Book Shire
152 Cordova St. W.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
Price List of Literature
Issued by tbe Dominion Executive
"Slave of The Farm," or
"Proletarian in Politics," to locals subscribing to the publishing fund, $1.00
per 100, to others 26c per doz.
"Socialism and Unionism" to be published.
"Value, Price and Profit," to subribers
to publishing fund {2 per 100, to others
30c per doz.
' 'Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism"   :o subscribers  to   publishing
fund $6 per 100, to others 76c  per doz
s^. »_ _ ■       ;*>       „. _. Q c,.
,/V«S 8ATURDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1911.
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address AH Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Meeting held Jan. 6th, 1911.
Present: Comrades Mengel (chair-
nan), Fitzgerald, KlngBley, Karme,
Jjorgan, Peterson and the Secretary.
Minutes   of   previous   metting  approved.
Charter granted Local Burnaby, B.C.
Correspondence   dealt   with   from
I Iberia, Manitoba and   Maritime   Ex.
kuttves;    Locals Toronto,  Sellwood,
ault Ste. Marie, Garson Mine, Ont.,
Jeginn and Menzles, and New Flnn-
nd, Sask., Dewberry, Alta.; Organ-
lers O'Brien and Gribble, and Com
I'des P. C. Young, Toronto, F. Hyatt,
|. John, N. B„ W. K. Bryce, Dins-
lore, Sask., and A. S. Root, Zealan-
|a, Sask.
C.  Executive $50.00
|ta. Executive    25.00
.ritlme Executive       6.75
peal Sellwood, Ont     5.00
cal Sault Ste. Marie, Ont.... 13.00
teal Garson Mine, One  10.00
cal Menzles, Sask     3.00
cal Reglna, Sask     2.00
j. K. Bryce, dues     3.00
Iterature—Victoria, $1.00; Dew-
Iberry, 50c; W. K. Bryce, 25c.. 1.75
larion Maintenance Fund—
■January surplus, $66.45; B. L.
|j„ $1.00; J. White, $1.00; J.
iLarner, $1.00; D. Legler, $2;
IJ. McGourlay, $3.00 74.45
ITotal    $193.95
! Warrants authorized for Clarion
jinuary card, $1.00; printing pamph-
|t and dues stamps, $57.50; postage
5.00; Secretaries' January salaries,
Meeting held Jan. 6th, 1911.
Minutes   of   previous  meeting  ap-
I Correspondence dealt with from
Ideals Moyie, Sandon, Greenwood,
Jmlr, Malakwa, Silver Creek, South
fort George, Victoria, Ladysmlth and
Ifanalmo Finnish, Fernle Campaign
I'ommittee and Comrade S. Moen.
Local South Ft. George $ 5.00
cal  Ladysmlt..   (Finnish)....    6.00
ocal Sandon       5.00
[.ocal Moyie      2.00
ocal  Victoria     11.00
local Nanalmo  (Finnish)  10.00
Local Vancouver  (Finnish)    5.75
|x>cal Burnaby, charter and
buttons        7.50
Moen, dues        3.00
fernle Campaign Committee 105.00
Total    $160.25
Warrants    authorized    for   Clarion
kanuary card, $1.00; Okanagan Organizing Committee, $3j.00; Dominion tx-
^cultlve,  $50.00;   Secretaries'  January
Llaries, $30.00.
hubs  $244.00
p!a*rds and Advertisements      50.50
Total $294.50
Printing  $188.00
falling       13.05
Editing       26.00
|jlrror, 1910 Accounts       2.00
[Surplus        66.45
Total $294.50
Comrade   Lestor   spoke   here   on
I Thursday evening, January 26th, be-
(fore a fair sized audience and the com-
frades were exceptionally well pleased
[with the manner in which he handled
Ikls subject,  "The   Slaves'   DeBtiny."
I Tbere were several questions asked as
to our position relative to religion,
} and our comrade gave some most con-
| elusive replies, going deeply Into the
i "materialist conception   ot   history,"
illustrating his remarks so simply that
even a school boy could understand
and be certainly shook the foundations
of  any  metaphysical  teachings  that
may have been reposing peacefully ln
the minds of anyone present.
Yours in revolt,
None of the owners of the Bellevue
mine were on the jury; neither were
they present to defend themselves.
True, they had slaves hired to do that
for them. Capitalists would not have
so tirelessly laboured in their own defence as these slaves laboured for
them. The jury were all slaves—no
I' other would inhabit ithis part—four of
them were practical miners. Not conscious of the fact that they are slaves,
they are true to the master class concept and do their reasoning from that
standpoint. Had they been in possession ot the revolutionary concept, the
verdict would have been different.
Tbe hirelings who defended the
company developed two theories—the
match theory and the percussion
theory. It is unlawful to have matches
about the person while ln the mine.
Pipe, tobacco and matches were presented to the court and witnesses
swore that they were taken out of a
pocket In the clothes of one of the
dead minerB. It ls an old trick of the
religious, church-going, worthy member of fraternal orders, good liberal or
conservative, and all round highly respectable hireling who defends the
company, to put pipe, tobacco and
matches into the pocket of a dead
miner. Dead men tell no tales. In
this case, however, the match theory
failed. Unfortunately, they put the
smoking materials Into the pocket of
a slave who had never smoked in his
life, as was easily proven. One of the
slaves who escaped alive, swore the
pipe was his—taken from the pocket
of his clothes that he had left in the
wash house as he changed to go on
To bring ln a verdict according to
the evidence of the miners would be
to legally state what is generally
known, namely, that the Coal Mines
Act la openly violated with the connivance of government inspectors. So
the percussion theory Berved. According to the jury, all these slaves were
killed by carbon monoxide generated
by the percussion caused by a rock
slide. While inspecting the mine since
with a view to re-openlng It, it was
found that the supposed rock slide did
not take place.
The percussion theory has been rejected by the mjne inspectors in Australia, British Columbia, Alberta and
perhaps other places. Correct or other,
wise, lt served well the Interests of the
company in this case. Where the match
theory works, the miners are blamed
for the disaster. The official hirelings
and the company are always relieved
from responsibility, and the facts concealed that disasters are caused by Inefficient safety appliances.
SometlmeB disasters pay. Small
stockholders are frozen out; insurance
companies are tapped at a time when
funds are needed; and in various other
ways high financing is facilitated.
Slaves are killed or injured, of course,
but what of it? They are cheap and
lots more are eager ito take the
chances. It Is the slaves, not the capitalists, who repair the property in case
it is damaged by a disaster.
Mine managers and government Inspectors could greatly reduce the number of disasters, perhaps do away with
them altogether, but to accomplish the
former would be to greatly reduce
profits, and the latter would possibly
eliminate profits. But these hirelings
are placed in keen competition with
one another. Those who can secure
the greatest profits for the capitalists
would be the most likely to hold their
jobs and perhaps get promoted. So
even disasters would not pay, the official hirelings are compelled to itake
great chancea even on their own lives.
If religious sentiment had been
strong in this part, no doubt the verdict, would have contained something
about providence or "God in his Infinite
wisdom." However, most of the witnesses refused to kiss the Bible, and
some refused to take any oath with
the word God in it. There is no doubt
about the honesty of the jury, and the
verdict ls quite in accord with the best
interests of the present social system.
All who In any way assist to maintain
the rule ot capital with Its wage
slavery for profit are responsible,
equally wltb the official hirelings, not
only for the death.of this bunch of
slaves, but for all the misery, poverty
and degradation inflicted upon the
working class. We, who are fighting
to break the rule of capital, that we
may Individually enjoy ithe abundance
that we can collectively produce, are
the only ones who can truthfully say
not guilty."
Vancouver Economic Class
(Continued from Page 2)
"Self-preservation is the flrst law
of nature." But the flrst law of capitalist society is that the fool worker
shall sacrifice himself to preserve the
Trade Marks
Copyrights Ac.
Anyone leedlnf a rtetnti and "eiorlptlon m»y
■uioklr eMerteln our opinion free whether ea
HMdal nolle-, without ohwrge, I
Scfeitific JLtotfictt.
A huidmraelr Ulo-tntot WMkly. I*n"«* circulation of any inetUt iou*™*i1.1T,*""1f., '*"
Canada, fa. 76 a year, poataga prepaid, bold by
all rant aetaie.
body of commodity B acts as a mirror
to the value of commodity A,
By putting itself in relation with
commodity B, as value ln propria
persona, as the matter of which human
labor is made up, the commodity A
converts the value in use, B, into the
substance in which to express its, A's,
own value.
The value of A, thus expressed in
the use-value of B, has taken the form
of relative value.
(Continued next week.)
Clarion, February 4th, 1911.
'  In their visible form, commodities
present themselves to us as corn, hats,
linen, coats, etc.—use values.
Besides being use-values, objects of
utility, however, they are embodiments
of value.
As use-values they satisfy particular
and specific wants, and in this respect
identify themselves with the quality of
the labor that produced them, I.e., the
labor of the tailor, weaver, carpenter,
etc.; as values they are expressions of
Identical, undifferentiated human labor,
realities of social abstract labor, as becomes evident when they exchange for
each other.
Our attention is now directed to
value In Its elementary form, as manifested by commodities in their exchange relationship.
An unknown quantity represented by
X, of commodity A, is equal in value
•to, or is worth an unknown quantity
represented by Y, of commodity B.
Or, 20 yards of linen are equal to or
are worth 1 coat.
The value of the linen is here expressed in the coat.,
The relative and equivalent forms of
value are in this instance represented
by the linen as the former, and a coat
as the latter form.
The linen is the relative form, and
the coat the equivalent, and although
the position may be reversed and the
coat assume the relative form and the
linen the equivalent, the coat cannot
take the initiative and assume the relative form, representing thereby ithe
value that is being expressed, at the
same time as it assumes the equivalent form, representing that in which
value is being expressed.
Secretary Press Committee.
Class meets each Sunday, 2237 Westminster avenue, 3:30 p.m.
Mathematics class at 2 p.m.
By Robert J. Wheeler, member Glass
Bottle Blowers' Union.
Modern machinery has become a tre.
mendous factor making for ceaseless
change in industrial processes and
within industrial society. Out of this
movement is evolving the new economic system that will solve forever the
problem of the distribution of wealth
People in general are not aware of
the great change in methods of production or of the revolutionary effects
upon the minds of the workers. Society feels, in a sort of sub-conscious
way, that machinery is making progress; but it is the particular groups
of workers who have been displaced
by the machinery, who have suddenly
been compelled to face the fact that
their means of livelihood has been
taken from them, these men and women are keenly alive to the miracles
of modern economic development.
Before the machinery invades a particular trade, the workers within that
group are, as a rule, Indifferent to
general machine progress and the Inroads being made ln other trades. But
ln these days of astonishingly rapid
advance ln labor Bavlng devices, workers of every craft and calling are com.
lng to realize that no trade ls secure;
no craft safe In possession of a profitable means of making a living. Among
the workers, then, It ls no longer a
debatable question, but a hard and
stubborn fact; machinery ls, even now,
entering into every branch and department of production. Each year sees
faBter progress, more wonderful Inventions. The automatic stage ls being
reached. It is no longer a matter of
working out an Idea that will accomplish a certain part of the production
of an article; but to develop a machine ithat will, ln itself, embody every
necessary principle, making possible
the production of a finished article.
Henceforth Inventors will work toward
the ideal, the automatic. We may look
for leaps instead of a slow growth.
The advance will be by "mutations"
rather ithan evolution, as it is commonly understood.
The glasB bottle blower's trade is, at
present, a fitting illustration of the
foregoing. Within the last six years
an automatic machine for producing
narrow-neck ware has been invented
and developed to such a degree that
the companies using it now occupy a
commanding position In the market.
As a result, Increasing numbers of
skilled men are being displaced;
thrown out upon a crowded labor market; compelled to swell the swollen
milks of the unskilled.
The machine, known as the Owens
Automatic, was placed at work ln 1904.
It is the invention of Mr. M. J. Owens,
ot Toledo, Ohio. Mr. Owens was factory manager for the Libby Glass Company from 1890. He was formerly a
member of the American Flint Workers' Union, and worked ait the trade.
Previous to the invention of the automatic, he bad brought out the tumbler
machine, the chimney machine, a device for drawing glass tubes, and the
idea of pressing the blank shapes to be
used ln ithe cut glass trade. These inventions alone are enough to make the
man famous. But tbe invention of the
Automatic places him in the front rank
of great American inventors. History
will credit him with having made possible the •application of the modern
capitalistic methods to the glass bottle
The Owen's Automatic is indeed a
marvel of mechanical ingenuity. To
stand beside it, this creature of wheels
and cogs, levers and valves, with a constitution of enduring iron; to see it revolve ceaselessly, tirelessly, needing no
food, no rest, while from out of the
maze ot Its motions a constant stream
of perfect product flows, no human
hand aiding, no brain directing, one is
profoundly impressed. Here ls the
very acme of Inventive genius. Here is
the full fruition'of the ideas, the alms,
the hopes of inventors since tbat day,
three thousand years ago, when the
flrst water wheel turned In ancient
Greece. The old Greek poet who celebrated that Invention ln song, beheld
with a seer's vision the dawning of a
day when machinery would do the
world's necessary work, and the race of
mankind be free from the slavery of
toiling to gain only food, clothing and
Before the advent of the Automatic,
the economic situation of the bottle
blower was most desirable. For more
than a generation he had been the
aristocrat" of the labor world. After
the successful general strike of 1888,
his union became very compact and
powerful. With the increase of
strength which came as a result of victory in the famous Jersey strike of
1899, and the accession of some 2,000
bottle blowers from the Flint union in
1902, the Green Glass Bottle Blowers'
Association reached the zenith of its
strength and power and the period of
prosperity which followed was the
greatest known in ithe history of the
trade. No craft in America ever enjoyed better conditions. High wages,
short hours, almost entire freedom
from danger of accident, most excellent working rules, drawn up and enforced by the union, made 'this period
indeed the halcyon days of the glass
bottle trade. But those days are past
never to return.
The strength of the union grew out
of a set of circumstances peculiar to
the bottle trade. The business was and
Is even today, in greater part, carried
on by small companies, scattered over
the country, located generally with re.
gard to sources of raw material and
fuel supply. The manufacturers, like
all small business men, were intensely
individualistic and fiercely competitive.
Naturally, compact organization among
them was practically Impossible. Out
of this weakness of the employers, the
strength of the blowers' union developed, Its greatest progress being made
under the presidency of Dennis A.
Hayes, who was elected president In
1896, and who still holds the offlce.
The natural difficulty of learning the
trade was an Important factor in giving the union control. A glass blower
is not produced in a few months. To
learn tbe trade thoroughly, several
years of application was necessary.
Thus fortified, the union was able to
constantly improve the conditions of
the bottle blowers. The greatest period
of prosperity began with 1900 and lasted until 1907. During this stretch of
years the business expanded until the
demand for men considerably exceeded the supply. The Ideal economic
condition for labor under the capitalistic system was attained. "The job
sought the man." Wages steadily rose,
reaching the highest point In 1907.
Fair workmen could make from $6.00
to $8 per day of eight and a half
hours. The speeders ln Massillon and
Newark, Ohio, Streator, 111., aud Terre
Haute, Ind., made from $8.00 to $12.00
dally. The work was hard, heat Intense, nervous strain great and night
work unpleasant, but all this ls true
of other trades where men are poorly
paid and Ill-treated. Under the rules
of ithe union no glass is made in the
summer months, July and August.
Glass blowers look forward to this rest
season with the keen anticipation ot
men who can afford a vacation and
have the money to aid them'in enjoying it. Working an eight or ten-
month season, men earned from $1,200
to $3,000. This allowed a margin
above a comfortable standard of living. Glass blowers live well, try to
educate their children, give generously
to every worthy cause and have no
apology to make that ithey are not
bondholders today when adversity has
come upon them. A considerable number are fairly well off, probably as
large a per cent as will be found among
any other class earning the same
amount of money yearly.
The splendid union gave tbe blowers
protection and enabled them to get a
large share of the value they produced, but it failed to develop In them
an understanding of economic conditions.
And so, at the climax of prosperity,
when ln fancied security, the bottle
blowers looked forward with confidence to even better advantages than
they were then enjoying, the blow fell
upon them. The machine was invented
that has revolutionized the trade and
in time will practically destroy it in
large part.
We quote from latest news on the
Owens machine:
'The machines are now being operated in Monterey, Mexico, a greater
number in Germany, and one ln Rio
Janeiro, Brazil. The Owens Company
has received application for tbe installation of a machine ln Johannesburg,
South Africa, and ln Yokohama,
Machines were flrst installed in old
style factories which had been fitted
up with the patent Owens' revolving
furnace. Later, a specially designed
factory was built ln Fairmont, W. Va.
A description ot this factory, making a
contrast between the old and new systems, follows. This is also taken from
the "American Flint," April, 1910:
The factory now being erected at
Fairmont, W. Va., which wlll be put
In operation during July or August,
will have a capacity of 2,000 gross of
bottleB a day. This plant will be a
marvelous innovation and surpass the
dreams of the most sanguine idealist.
Under the present system of making
glassware the raw materials are hauled
from the mines to the factory and unloaded, mixed, and carried to the furnaces and placed there by the use of
shovels in the hands of common labor.
After the glass has been melted, it has
been gathered from the furnace by
skilled labor and manipulated by band
or semi-automatic machinery Into bottles. The ware is then carried by
boys Into the annealing lehrs, and
these have always been operated entirely by hand power.
"At the West Virginia plant all of
this labor, including the skilled, will
be dispensed with." The factory is so
constructed that the railroad cars are
drawn up an Incline 100 feet high,
hoppers are suspended in a row and
the railroad cars pass right over the
ops of same. The sand, lime, soda and
broken glass is mechanically removed
from the railroad cars and placed ln
the hoppers. On the lower end of
these hoppers is a measuring spout.
By the use of a plurality of valves the
quantity of sand, lime, soda and broken
glasB ts measured and put into a traveling mixer beneath the spouts of the
hoppers. A man sits on this traveling
mixer and mechanically manipulates
the movement of same. After the
mixer has passed under the spouts of
the different hoppers and received the
quantities ofv sand, lime, soda and
broken glass sufficient to make up a
batch, the mixing car is started by him
for the furnace room, traveling over
the tops of the furnaces. The mixer
revolves, which properly mixes the
batch, and when It reaches the flrst
furnace, a disc is removed from the
cap of the furnace and the hopper low.
ered through the cap of the furnace,
the material passes from thlB hopper
into the furnace where the melting
takes place. The hopper ls then elevated and the disc placed to cover the
hole in the cap of the furnace, and the
man returns to the batch house in
order to repeat the operation for the
second furnace. As the batch becomes
melted, it flows by gravity into the
revolving furnace used by the Owens
process for making bottles.
The machine sucks the glass from
the furnace through the bottom of the
blank mould, forms the blank, transfers the blank from the blank mould
to the blow mould, and by compressed
air, expands it into a finished article,
glazes the lop, the lehrs being part of
the machine, anneals the bottle and
dumps lt out at the exit end of the
annealing lehr, at which point the
wares are selected and placed in crates
ready for shipment. The machine has
been started to work producing at as
high a rate as 23 a minute at 6 a.m.
Monday and kept in continuous operation until the following Saturday midnight. Moulds are changed and the
machine oiled while ln continuous
An extraordinary revelation connected with this mechanical wonder is
that at the Fairmont factory It will
not be necessary to touch the raw
materials or wares, from the time the
raw material leaves the mines until
the selector passes judgment on the
ware at the annealing end of the lehr
and places it In boxes ready for shipment.
"To give you an Idea of the revolutionizing effect of this machine In the
cost of production, will state that It ls
reliably estimated that at Streator, 111.,
with a shop of three blowers and the
necessary small help making pint beer
bottles, and under a 20 per cent, reduction ln wages, that shop labor coBt
Is approximately $1.15 a gross.   By the
use ot a six-arm machine for making
pint beers the labor cost is 11 cents
a gross. In Toledo where a ten-arm
machine is used for making pint catsup bottles the total labor cost is 4V4
cents a gross, and it is expected to reduce the Toledo cost when tbe Fairmont, W. Va, plant is placed in successful operation."
At this, writing, the Fairmont factory
is operating. Tbe new style of factory,
like the machine, requires but tew men
to keep it in operation.
The trustification of the glass bottle
business Ib now possible.- Before the
appearance of the Automatic, the bottle
blower, through his strong union, was
able to demand and get such a large
share of the wealth produced that the
profits left to the manufacturer were
not large enough to attract men with
the genius for trust organization.
Then, too, the difficulty of organizing
the small manufacturer made combination impossible. But now tbe human
Labor is thrown out and capital will
feel perfectly safe. Permanent investment of capital to any amount can be
made with certainty of large return.
In no department of industry is the
prospect so Inviting. There are strong
reasons for believing that the foundations for one of the world's greatest
trusts are now being laid. The Owens
Machine Company leases its machines
on a royalty per gross of bottleB made.
The bottle business Is divided according to different kinds of ware. The
practice ot leasing the machine only to
big firms having large capitalization
has been carefully followed. The first
company to use the machine was the
Ohio Bottle Company, formed in 1904.
This company was made up of Reed ft
Co. and the Pocock Company, both ot
Massillon, Ohio, and the Everett Glass
Company of Newark, Ohio. The next
year this corporation merged with An-
heuser-BuBch with two big plants at
St. Louis and Belleville, and the
Streator Glass Company, Streator, IU.
This company makes beers, soda and
brandy bottles. The famous Ball
Brothers, of Indiana, leased the right
to make fruit Jars. The Thatcher
Milk Bottle Company, with factories ln
New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Illinois,
has the rights on milk jars. The great
Alton Glass Company, Alton, 111., the
Whitney GlaBS Company of Glassboro,
N. J., and the Chas, Bolt Company of
Cincinnati, Ohio and Muncle, Ind., with
the Heinz Pickle Company of "57 variety" fame, are all companies with
plenty of capital. The significant thing
is that these companies are not engaged ln competing with each other,
with the product of the machine. The
Import of this will appear later. These
companies are well located geographically, a fact which is of much importance If a trust is to be organized. The
Owens Company reserves the right to
enter the producing field also, and is
now operating two plants and selling
the product In the general market. It
Is safe to say tnat an understanding
exists, as to price, between the OwenB
and other companies. With the
Owens Company owning the machines
and gaining experience as a glass bottle producing concern also, profits are
sure to be immense and combination
The large number of small manufacturers, now struggling ln an anarchy
of competition, are doomed. There is
absolutely no future for them. Even
should they be able ito beat wages
down lower than at present (it should
be stated that wages were reduced 20
(Continued in  Next Issue)
While the masters are snarling with
each other over tariffs and such, the
slaves on both Bides of the line are
preparing to settle the quarrel by removing the cause thereof—surplus
value. The following are working to
that end:
Greenwood W. F. M  21
Grand Forks W. F. M  12
Britannia W. F. M  10
Gribble, Calgary  10
Lestor, North Battleford, Sask  10
Gordon Brown, Victoria, B.C  t
C. M. O'Brien, Passburg, Alta  5
H. Colllngwood, North Battleford.. 4
John   Rivers,  Sointula,   B.C  4
J. H. B„ Victoria  2
SlngleB—D. B. Fraser, Ruskln, B.C.;
R. McGowan, Central Park, B.C.; R. M.
Campbell, Danville, Ills.; Raymond
Tune, Petone, Wellington, N. Z.; Frederic Lapierre, Toronto, Ont; C. Steen,
South Hill, B.C.; Matt Stafford, South
Wellington, B. C; L. R. Mclnnls,
Greenwood, B. C; Desmond, Enderby,
B. C.j Jos. Williams, Hillcrest, B. 0.j
E. Johnson, Beaver Point, B. C.
Local Victoria  5(1
Local New Westminster  25
Rossland, B.C., W. F .M   25
Moyie, B.C., W. F. M   16
Phoenix, B.C., W. F. M   14
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday, Feby. 12th.
(Continued from Page 1)
Watson (Vancouver) had said that he
(Williams) had told the worst hard
luck story he had ever listened to, and
that he had accused McBride of going
round killing miners with a pick,
when he was not sandbagging his followers in the House. Watson had
never seen a blue flame In a mine
coming his way and licking up everything in front ot him. It was no subject for that gentleman to make sport
of, or sneer at. The task he (Williams) had undertaken was to tell the
truth, and anything he said he was
willing to put in writing or repeat to
his constituents in Ladysmith. All he
could say he had said in Ladysmith
laBt summer. There were "Informers
there, left over from the Dunsmulr
regime, and he had given them the opportunity of conveying his remarks to
the chief inspector, and he had follow,
ed the same course in Alexandria. He
had attacked the department on its
administration of the Coal Mines
Regulation Act, and the Inspector had
taken no notice or action, and it would
be no abuse of his privilege as a member of parliament to deal with it
As to the fact ot Inspector Shepherd
running as a Conservative candidate
in the last Dominion election he had
as much right to do so as he (Williams) had, and that fact would not
influence ln any shape or form the
criticism he was going to make ot him
as an official of the Department of
Mines, but he did criticise the government methods in using the department
for political effect. Over a year ago
he had had an argument with Inspector Shepherd and Mr. Robertson, the
Government mineralogist, over life-
saving apparatus being introduced
into the British Columbia coal mines.
The Bill providing for the installation
of the Draeger oxygen apparatus was
brought ln to tbe House 24 hours after
he (Williams) had told the Department of his intention to introduce it
himself. They had practicaly taken
it out of his hands, and the Department assumed the credit for it. Advance notices in the daily press, which
could only have come from the Department, emphasized it as evidence of the
great concern held by the Department
for the lives of the miners. Was it a
mere coincidence or was it politics
that the Draeger apparatus was trotted up to Fernie by Shepherd and
Tolmle, the Deputy Minister of Mines,
and installed shortly before the recent
bye-election? He did not accuse those
gentlemen of Interfering in politics,
but the tact of installing the apparatus
at that time would tend to create an
impression amongst the miners that
the Department was awake to their interests.   Was that the reason?
The Department had recently been
loudly trumpeting over the Province
about the new Bill, as an improvement on the old one, while they failed
to enforce the latter. In that connection he would refer to another matter. McBride had on several occasions
done him'the honor of following him,
and displacing and removing words he
(Williams) had used, to alter the construction he wished put upon them.
He had said that Mr. Tolmle, the
Deputy Minister of Mines, did not
know a coal mine when he saw it, but
that did not justify McBride in launching out into an eulogy of an old public
servant, etc., etc., in an attempt to
dodge the main issue and put his opponent at a disadvantage. Tbat long
statement was the justification for the
old drake or gander who ran the Week
Bhould spread himself all over his
paper about the deputy minister.
Here the Speaker asked him to confine himself to the principle of tbe
Parker Williams replied tbat the
Speaker had already allowed the debate to go pretty wide. The Speaker
Btlll demurred, and Williams retorted
that nothing in the Bill had justified
McBride in referring to the introduction of thousands of Britishers into
the British Columbia coal mines. He
claimed, as a matter of justice to himself that McBride should be fair, and
would remind him of the Biblical saying which referred to tbe man who
moved  his neighbor's  landmarks.
McBride asked for a few minutes to
answer. He emphatically dented tfere
and then ever having wilfully misrepresented anything he (Williams) had
said. He had felt it his duty as Minister of Mines to meet the comments
on Mr. Tolmle. Parker Williams could
have said nothing more damaging to a
department man than what he had
Parker Williams replied that if any
one had said that he (Williams) knew
nothing about wireless telegraphy he
would not complain. Mr. Tolmle
might know a mine when he saw one,
but he knew nothing of what went on
Inside, and the safety of the miners
was In charge of a minister of Mines,
He would refer to a matter which
took place some years ago. It had
reached his ears that some very damaging charges had been made of a
coal mine inspector being ln lhe pay
of one of the coal companies of British
Columbia, and he had demanded of
McBride   an  Investigation.     McBride
not seem to have reached him. In
what manner had McBride met his demand for an Investigation? He had
appointed a Royal Commission, which
sent In a report that the charges were
groundless, but that Commission had
only been appointed after he (Williams) had refused to be satisfied.
There were only two men who could
have thrown any light on the matter,
Tonkins, who was in Pennsylvania,
and S. S. Taylor, ln Vancouver. McBride took no steps to get thOBe men
to disclose any evidence they had, or
to produce Tonkins, who, particularly,
had made the statement.
McBride Interrupted, saying that If
Parker Williams knew of that evidence, he had failed dismally to perform his duty. It was not too late to
do lt now.   (Conservative applause.)
Parker Williams did not think it
was time to aplaud. They should wait
until the story was completed before
they rejoiced. McBride had the cor
respondence in the Department to set
tie the question. He had made no
effort to get the men who knew something about it. The enquiry was taken
down to Vernon, before an agricultural judge.
In 1905 certain questions were asked
as to miners certificates being issued
to Chinese, and the nature of the examination imposed as to knowledge of
English, etc., required by the Act, but
those questions were not considered
deserving of much notice by the Premier.
In 1908 a resolution had been introduced by the Socialist Party condemning the conditions In the mines at
Cumberland, with reference to the employment of Chinamen and disregard
of the Coal Mines Regulation Act, and
McBride had instructed his party to
vote down the resolution. Year after
year they had drawn the attention of
the House to the way in which the
mines of the Province were being run,
by resolution and In the debates on the
speech from the Throne and on the.
estimates, and in no case bad McBride
taken any notice. He (Williams) felt
justified in saying that McBride was
either indifferent to the lives of the
miners, or under the thumb of the
mine-ownerB. It was either indifference or worse.
Here considerable crossflrlng took
place between Parker Williams, the
Speaker and McBride, the latter advising that Williams should be given
every scope to make charges, and the
Speaker objecting, and desiring to confine the debate to the principle of tne
Bill before the House.
Parker Williams, to settle the matter, asked the Speaker If he would consider a reference to the situation
which led up to the explosion at Extension on October 5, 1909, as referring
to the principle of the Bill before the
McBride pointed out that Williams
wanted to refer to certain past events
to make his points.
The Speaker assented and Williams
continuing, said that his only motive
in making the charges (which could be
easily dealt with In the form of a resolution) was to show that the Department made no pretence of enforcing
the Coal Mines Regulation Act. If
anything, he said, would cause the
Department to look after their duties
a little closer than they had done in
the past, that was all he desired to
do. He would be more satisfied to
have the existing Act enforced than to
see the new one pass.
The Extension disaster took place
some 18 months ago. He had paid
great attention to the evidence at the
inquest, which he had followed cloBely,
and discussed the matter with many
of the men in all its phases, and had
also learned a great deal from the
Keserich case in addition. All the evl.
dence went to show that the mine was
not "run" at all, but just ambled along
until the explosion took place.
Section 76 (or 56) of the old Act
said that an up-to-date plan of the
mine should be hung up at the pithead. There were certain Important
reasons why It should be there, and the
Inspector was responsible for lt being
there, but the evidence at the Inquest disclosed the fact that lt was
three years old! The Act stated that
the plan had to be approximately correct, but lt was half a mile out.   He
ers, but as a matter of fact there were
none. The best possible evidence of
that the men were supplied with safety lamps, which were hung on the tim,
bers while they worked with a naked
light, and were used to test the air
for gas after firing a shot.
Rule 2 of the existing Act said that
not more than 70 men should work in
each "split." He would ask McBride
to satisfy himself as to only 70 men
being worked ln each "split." It was
probable that 100 men would be found
in those places Instead of 70.
Section 67 said that the Inspector
should visit all the working faces, inspect the air-courses, etc. Had any
inspector ever done that in any mine
in British Columbia? Could one mine
be mentioned where the Department
had lived up to that rule? There was
absolutely no attempt made to do so.
Matters of that kind led up to the explosion at Extension, and the Department was in a position to know the
conditions and could have prevented
that disaster,
On February 8, 1909, Inspector Dick
in his report said that he went to No.
4 west level and found it full of gas,
and the overman said he knew nothing
about it, or about No. 5 either which
had to be stopped on account of gas,
and did not see how it could be so.
The Inspector told him to set to work,
fence it off, and remove the gas. The
following day he found gas in No. 6
stall, and In No. 5, 20 yards farther
from the face than on the previous
day, and nobody knew anything about
it. The overman, after (having 24
hours to do it in, had not sufficient
sense of danger to rid the mine of that
gas. An air way caved ln and the
supply of air was reduced 75 per cent,
and continued that way for 24 hours,
and the bosses In the mine could not
flnd out the cause of their troubles.
Was that mine being "run," or was
it running Itself?
The Inspector made a report in May,
1910, and he (Williams) would draw
the attention of the House to the humble letter sent to Mr. Bryden, the manager. The Inspector said "that he had
had the 'honor to inspect' No. 2 mine
and was 'sorry to say' that he found
the ventilation at a standstill." The
same had occurred in February, when
warning was given to the overman
and in May following it had occurred
again. The Inspector got so severe
that he wrote to the overman's superior.
Why did the Department not prosecute? They were probably too busy
punishing miners for trivial offences.
In the mining reports for 1909 are
found particulars of these prosecutions. One man is soaked for breaking his safety lamp by swinging his
pick against it, two for breaking lamps
underground. He (the speaker) had
never broken a lamp himself, and he
had never known any miner to do it
otherwise than by pure accident. One
was prosecuted for checking a company car of coal, one for breaking
windows in the hoist house, and one
for stealing coal from miners. In the
last three cases the inspectors or the
department was running a bluff on
the men, for there was nothing in
the Act giving them power lo punish for offences of that nature. Compare the swift punishment for these
trivial offences, most of them purely accidental, committed by the
miners, with the lack of any action
against the company for letting the
mine run itself. No explosion would
have taken place if Shepherd had
done hiB duty. Yet the government
let things jog along until the inevitable happened and the mine blew
up. Following the explosion McBride
had been called upon to cancel the certificate of that overman who could not
possibly see how the mine could be
full of gas, and who had been twice
oaught negligent in his duty, ultimately resulting in the destruction of 32
men. It the department had any care
for the lives of the miners they would
have cancelled that man's certificate,
but they would not do so. There wbb
absolutely no excuse tor their refusal.
The only explanation laid in the fact
that If his certificate had been cancelled lt would bave weakened the company In a suit for damages and
strengthened that of the widows and
orphans.   That man could now go and
waj under the Impression that the plan blow up other mines In B. C.
shown to the jury, touched up by the
Inspector, was not correct, and he
did not think they had a correct map,
yet, within six months of being up-to-
date, ln the company's office.
In reference to shotlighters, who, if
the Act had been enforced, should
have done all the shooting—the only
man who knew anything about it was
one live man and 32 dead men. At the
Inquest a fire boss, who had been eight
years in the mine, did not know if
there were any shotlighters or not.
Every feature of the evidence would
Justify one In saying there were none
In that mine. It was proved that on
the morning of the explosion five shots
were fired by others than a shotllghter.
It was useless to say It could have
been done unknown to the shot-lighter, for the concussion ls felt at long
distances, and lt would be easy to
find the place. No shotllghter was
around at the time those five shots
were fired on the day of the explosion.
had more means of knowing the facts |The  mine  foreman   made  a   positive
The inference could be taken that
"the ox kneweth his stall and the ass
his master's crib."
An attempt had been made in the
report by Shepherd on the explosion to
damn the case of the widows and orphans of the dead miners. He had referred to the absence of gas ln the
mine for 52 days previous to the explosion. As a matter of fact Shepherd
had arbitrarily divided the mine into
two parts, when for all practical purposes tt was all one mine. In his
statement of the deductions to be
drawn he said that dangerous cond-
tlons could exist in mine atmosphere
even when the safety lamps failed to
indicate the presence of marsh gas.
He let that dangerous (but Imperceptible) state of the atmosphere account
for the explosion, while In a previous
report he had commented on the dangerous quantities of gas producing
such dangerous conditions.
Mr. Robertson, the provincial mineralogist, was   equally careful   ln safe-
than he (Williams), but the facts did'declaration that there were shotllght-' guarding the companies' interests, but
he had overdone it. He said, "No. 2
east, and No. 2 west, from the bog in,
should be kept completely separate,
and while one of these mines ls on
safety lamps exclusively, access from
that mine into the other should only
be through locked doors, or screens If
necessary, or by passing a lamp station In charge of a responsible man."
To read that gave the Impression of
some irresponsible goat gallivanting
about with a naked light looking for
something to fire. He (the speaker)
had worked ln many mines and had
never seen anything like that. The Inference was that some Irresponsible
person was usually going around like
The supposition was that the miners
never waited for the shot-lighter to
come around, but were in the habit
of doing It themselves, "against orders." Had Robertson ever found the
time when they had orders not to do
so? The only evidence ln support was
that of the overman, who was responsible for the explosion. Robertson, like
a simpleton, took Shaw's word as tb
the firing of the shots. He went on to
advocate that the fire-bosses only
should carry caps and batteries, the
Inference conveyed, being that the explosion was due to the Ignorance of
the miners. He also said coal dust
was used for packing shot-holes when
the Inspector's back was turned. Mr.
Robertson had failed and had better
confine his activities to his own field.
He had done his level best to saddle
the responsibility on some dead miner,
while at the time he wrote he knew the
way the mine was run.
Shepherd in his report had the following: "In a Held scattered over
such a large area, and so far removed
from the older centres of mining, it
follows that the general class of mining
labor available cannot be selected so
as to insure the maximum degree of
efficiency, experience, and safety."
What distance from the "older mining
centres" made it impossible to select
miners with "the maximum degree of
efficiency, experience and safety?"
That Implied again that ignorance of
the miner caused the explosion. He
then went on to say that "dangers may
exist in the mine atmosphere which are
not apparent to the ordinary mine official." He (Williams) wanted to point
out that the danger on Feb. 8th or 9th
was most apparent to the mine officials,
but Shaw must have been looking for
insignificant quantities of gas likely to
Shepherd went on to say that "It
should be made incumbent upon the
management and under officials to determine at all times the condition of
the mine atmosphere with regard to
low percentages of marsh gas and take
necessary precautions to anticipate
such an "unusual contingency" as obtained in the present case."
Unusual contingency!" The one
thing Shepherd and Robertson did was
to try to saddle tbe responsibility on
the dead miners, or the Almighty, notwithstanding the admlslon tbat gas
under three per cent, was not reported.
When the government appointed Ash-
worth they had appointed the right
man. He was one of the "grand old
men" of B. C. today. He had travelled
through the mine with Shepherd, Bryden, but while they tried to put
it on the dead men, or God, Ashworth
did no such thing. In his report he
says he noticed evidence of blasting,
but they (Shepherd and Bryden) "assured me that the shot had been fired
the day before, and that the fireman
said be found it when he made his
rounds ln the early morning before
the explosion." The visit of the jury
to the spot followed, and Mr. Ash-
worth's version was completely verified, and "further evidence that the
shot had been fired on tbe morning ot
the.explosion," was discovered.
Ashworth said further on ln his report, after summing up the conflicting
statements as to the ventilation of the
mine. "I have not the least hesitation
in saying that on every one of the five
visits I paid to the mine lt was unsafe
to fire with black powder or giant powder ln any of the working places on
Nos. 2V& and 3 levels of No. 2 west."
He went to quote an English Royal
Commission as considering two per
cent, of marsh gas dangerous. "Three
per cent, was the condition before the
explosion. What percentage was called gas by tbe Extension officials was
not very clear, but the impression con- j
veyed to my mind was that only such
gas was reported as would bring the
air current very close up to* the explosive point—far above three per
cent." That was the statement of Mr.
Ashworth as to the Extension officials'
idea of gas. Rule 3, in the Act said
that ALL gas had to be reported.
The result of all that was that 32
men were killed.
One thing he wanted to point out
was that Rule 3 provided that the fire-
boss should give a full report on leaving. That same Are bosB told the jury
at the inquest that he did not make a
practice of reporting a smaller quantity
of gas than was computed to be 3 or 4
per cent. That was a man who had
passed the government examination.
The companies books would not look
good with "gas, gas, gas," spread on
them every day, and so it was not placed there. In explanation of his failure to comply with the rules, he said
he was not told to do so. A man holding that certificate courted a certain
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working 'class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist ls therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains In possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State wlll be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery ot the working class at the
point of preduction. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict ot interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure tt by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing tbe economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. Tbe transformation, as rapidly aB possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system ls abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Wlll this legislation advance tbe Interests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If It will, the Socialist Party ls for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands ln such a manner
as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
responsibility. The evidence at the inquest and in court had shown that be
was an unsafe man to be in a mine,
yet he was still acting. While two per
cent of gas was dangerous, he never reported less than three per cent, while
in Extension, and he still held position as fire boss in B. C.
The Department was utterly indifferent to the safety of the miners or they
would have made it impossible for that
man to again hold such a position in
B. C.
The Keserich case had proved that
every rule in tbe Coal Mines Regulation Act had been broken tn every particular.
Here the Speaker objected that the
case was still before the courts.
Williams pointed out that the verdict
had been given the previous day, but
the Speaker remained obdurate, and
after more argument on the point Parker Williams adjourned the debate
until Monday, February 6th.
J. H. B.
An aged son of the soil and his
wife were taking their flrst and only
holiday. They visited one of the large
cities and, together with other sights,
went to view the anlmaU in the park.
When the old man saw the Giraffe he
gazed at it long and hard. Then, turning to his wife said, "Maria, tbere
ain't no such darned animal."
When the Socialist meets with the
dreamy-eyed individuals who call
themselves Christian Socialists, he
says "there ain't no such darned animals," and as Mac Bays, "There you
are, where are you?" We are stuck
because we don't know where we are.
Tbe Christian Socialist Is a hybrid
and can't be classified. We don't know
what love sick propagandist is the
author of his existence, but here he ls.
As far as one can make out he belongs
to tbe same category as the mule canary. He ls begotten by chance apparently and we wont have him fathered on us. The only scientific ground
for hope is that like nearly all hybrids
he is likely to be sterile.   Like the
eunuch he will leave no posterity.
On reading the "Christian Socialist'
the other day we saw an article on th;
"Materialistic conception of History.'
The article was well writtn and con
cluslvely proved as only the Christian
Socialist can prove that tbe material
istlc conception of History was thi
materialism of God. What our earl:
tutors feared is about to come to pas:
if we don't watch it. God is about ti.
sneak into the party. It might be
that our many sins make us dread th'
old man's approach. We don't know
what it is but we would rather be with
out him even if we are a year behind
with tbe revolution in consequence
The Socialist movement and tbe So
cialist Party are two different things
The Christian Socialist can work ai
hard as be likes in the movement Hi
can't do much harm anyhow because
its impossible to make the wage slav'
any sillier than he is. Wherever t
Christian Socialist has been at work
one of the red propagandists can gen
erally get one meeting afterwards,
Just one, and then the devoted floe?
are scattered. Just one yelp they giv<
and flee. There is nothing in heaver,
or earth or in the waters under thi
earth that the Christian Socialist ti
afraid of except Socialism. We hav
great admiration for our beloved con
rade; he Is all right in his place an.
that is—outside the Party.
To the true revolutionist all thlngi,1
that spring from economic enslave'
ment are rotten. I
Bring your dull razors to     ^^h
Claret-den Poel Room, opponte
eei benu
Wettmixler Avenue
Vancouver, B.C.
IJIf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give yon an estimate of cost of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, limit


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items