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Western Clarion Mar 16, 1912

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Reason     Why  Workingmen  and  Women  Should
Study the Philosophy of Socialism.
In writing an article upon the question of Socialism, I find myself up
\gainst a very great difficulty. The
subject Is one of such magnitude that
n a single lifetime it is Impossible to
mderstand all about lt. For my own
•,iart, I feel that my knowledge in re-
ard to the matter is limited to a
i'ery small compass. I am, however,
ufflclently grounded In its basic prln-
Iples to be convinced that it is the
fistrument, as It were, by means of
vhich the working class will ulti-
nately emancipate itself.
I The word "instrument" is used ad-
isedly, because Socialism is not a
cheme more or less carefully thought
ut, whereby we seek to regenerate
nd reconstitute society. Tills, unfor-
unately, is a notion which is very
videly held and it is my purpose in
lie course of this article to show that
ucta is not the case.
We Socialists do not come before
he working class with a plan for mak-
ng society better. We are not bulld-
tbe house but simply digging out
he foundation and removing as fast
nil us well as we can the useless
naterial which now occupies the place
n which the foundation of the new
ociety must be built, ln fact, we
iiive nothing so interesting to place
lefore the workers as a picture of
ociety at some future date when each
nan or woman will be enjoying the
nil fruits of his or her labor instead
if, as is now the case, giving some-
hlng like 80 per cent, or It to a class
f useless idlers and their equally
nept retainers. Our task is really
uuch harder than that because the
natters in which we have to deal are,
n their very essence, dry to the last
legree. The average mind seems to
evel in books and plays which paint
.omething in the shape of a love rom-
ince and are as a rule the very antl-
heses of life as we know it today.
*r, if it. does not delight in these In-
nities it seeks respite from its daily
oil in the various sports and pastimeb
I'hieh the economic position of the iu-
iiviilual permits. It is a most difficult
hing to get such a mind to take any
nterest in the working of the econo-
ulc laws which govern society today,
ind yet lt is only by knowing these
aws that we can fully comprehend
•ur position.
The superficial mind only notices
hose things on the surface and which
nako the first impression upon the
mental organism. svor Instance It
ealizes from common experience that
he capitalist must have the Incentive
if profit before he will invest; it
mows,  too,  that  the  landlord  must
ave rent before he will loan his land
>r house and that the money lender
eeks interest for lending, Hut, un-
lapplly, this type of mind seldom gets
Ic'ener than this and fails entirely to
ecognlzo lhat these three things, rent,
nterest. nnd . rofil, are but effects of
lejtain causes.
Because of the fact that the worker
uis to go to a master and ask his permission to live It appears to him that
ils Interests are irretiievably bound
lp with the master's. Moreover, It is
essential to bear in mind the fact that
the workers have for centuries been
trained by the masters to look up to
them as their natural protectors and
jenefactors and anyone who has studied the history of class rule will be
aware that masters do not train their
slaves to think for themselves.
It is, therefore, quite natural that
the workers, under these circumstances, should hesitate to accept a
doctrine' which their masters say will
only lead them Into a worse position
and more especially when that doctrine la incomprehensible without a
knowledge of economics.
This Is the useless material which
we have to remove and lt is a task
requiring much patience and perseverance.
Propaganda   Meeting
Sunday, Men. 17 8 p.m.
E. T.   Kingsley
I Bald above that Socialism is not a
scheme, and this is quite correct. It
ls simply an analysis of society as lt
exists to-day. By means of that portion of the science known as Historical Materialism we come to understand why it is that society has from
time to time changed its form. As the
tools of production increase In number
and magnitude and become more complex, society has to adapt Itself to the
new conditions. As an Instance vce
might refer back to the time when
society shook off the chains of feudalism and took upon itself the shackles
of capitalism. In the old feudal days
production to an extent far greater
than today was individual, but with
the advent of the machines it became
impossible for any one man to carry
on production. As the machine developed so the transformation became
more apparent, and the family working
at home fell out of the running and
is now almost entirely replaced by
the family working in the factory, and
that, too, under conditions far less enticing. .Now, we have to remember
that the tool of production is still
changing and with this change is forcing upon us another social revolution.
Another of the Socialists functions
is to show what form this revolution
will take. Mark well that I do not
say what form of society will be
brought into existence, nor by what
"ism" it will be known. Neither 1
nor anyone else can tell yet how this
change will work out any more than
I the bourgols could tell how the wage
system would work. But they did
know that it was necessary that serfdom should be changed for what we
now call wage slavery, and we are
fully aware that future developments,
combined with those which now exist
will compel us, the working class, to
follow certain definite lines. What
are those lines?
We Eee from history, written and
unwritten, that society has changed
from crude communism into a form
where private property under ceitain
conditions, has become the dominant
factor. We follow the course of this
development and find that, after undergoing many variations, it has now
arrived at the stage at which each
year sees it in the control of fewei
individuals, and it has become class
We now turn for a moment to the
I productive aspect of the question. Originally production was individual, but
as time progresses we see the slow
growth of the "division of labor" and
watch the gradual evolution of social
We now combine the two and find
that we live In a state of society in
which production is socialised, but
property, once Individual, is now own-
led by a class.
! Continuing our somewhat hurried
j examination of these two principal
j factors in the evolution of society we
[see that a change coming In the form
of production can only be along the
lines of further division of labor. To
hark back to the old method of in-
, dividual production would be but to
cut off our own noses to spite our
faces. The division of labor and concentration of production enables us
to create more articles In less time;
so, as already stated, production must
continue along socialised lines.
But what about ownership? In the
United States 100 years or so ago a
large portion of the people owned a
very large part of the wealth. Today,
however, we find according to government statistics that one per cent, of
the population own 51 per cent, of the
wealth. Surely that is sufficient to
convince anyone that the ownership
is concentrating into fewer hands,
What developments then will take
place ln this sphere?
It is in connection with this factor
that the radical change in society must
come and it must come along the
'same lines, as the change in produc
tion must ln itself generate a Bystem
of social ownership and this brings us
to another basic principle of Social-
Ism, namely, the class struggle which
Is the struggle for ownership.
This question of ownership, this
class struggle, may be Bald to be the
crux of the whole problem Anyone
who Is conversant with history will
know that the owning class has always been the enjoying class and it
will only be by owning that the working class will be able to enjoy.   But
Underneath the human tideways,
Where the restless currents meet
With the chattering of the market
And the rambllngs of the street;
In the blaze of heartless splendor.
Where the souls of men consume,
There  unmarked,  but unforgotten,
Is a many martyred tomb.
But no templed shrine upbuilded
Points its finger to the sky,
And no altar stones are shapen
Where our martyrs' ashes lie.
'Neath the feet of vulgar tyrants,
Skulking priests and fawning slaves,
Chainless now, their limbs are resting
In their dark, dishonored graves.
In the cold earth's kindly bosom,
Heedless, now, of blame and praise,
They are silent all whose death-song
Was the deathless "Marseillaise."
When  behind  the  ruined  rampart
And the flaming barricade,
All  their faith's  full  final  tribute
Unto Liberay was paid.
Vet, a|J  earth is now their altar,
And the priestess, Freedom, stands—
Holds our hearts as votive offerings
Like the first fruits of the lands.
For, from all .Mankind's wide harvests
Hearts are consecrated now,
At the World's great shrine of Freedom;
On Montmartre's bloody brow.
Not in vain by torch and rifle
Perished they who would be free;
Not in vain the brave were murdered
By the faithless bourgeoisie.
Freedom lights anew her censer
At such hecatombs as this,
When the death-cold lips that loved
Feel her sacramental kiss.
From the earth that drank their life
Lo!  a phantom crop upsprings;
Souls that move in changeless concert
With the living soul of things.
Truth, long crushed to earth, is rising,
Scorn and hate are overpast;
Juster years have borne their harvest,
All must honor them at last.
For the earth ls rich with heroes,
Lo!  They rise in many lands,
And they speak Mankind's new concept
At the clasping of the hands.
Hailing    "Comrade,"    "Friend"    and
These no empty words will be;
Freedom's soil at last will nourish
Love that best befits the free.
All blessings on the man whose face
was first illumined by a smile. All
blessings on the man who first gave
to the common air the music of
laughter—laughter springing from
good nature, that is the most wonderful music that has ever enriched
the ears of man.
If there is anything of Importance
In this world it is the family, the
home, the marriage of true souls, the
equality of husband and wife, the
true republicanism of the heart, the
real democracy of the fireside. Unless the marriage relation be pure,
tender and true, civilization is impossible.
Rock-a-by baby,
On the tree top,
When you grow up
You'll work In a shop.
When the day breaks
You'll be on your way,
And slave all your life
For very small pay.
Rock-a-by baby
On the tree top,
When you grow old
Your wages will stop.
When your health breaks
Your job you must yield,
And soon find a grave
Within Potter's field.
Labor produces all wealth; and gets
very little of it.
(By Theresa Malklel.)
"Shoot if you will!" shouted a young
woman, unbuttoning her shabby coat
and facing the threatening militiamen.
The woman in question did not belong
to any gang of desperadoes, not even
to the army of unfortunate street
walkers.. She was an honest, hardworking woman who had spent the
best years of her life in the woolen
mills of Lawrence, Mass.
At the age of twelve she obtained
work there at $4 per week. She
worked until she was twenty and succeeded In receiving $1 more per week
than when she first started. About
that time she fell in love with a bright
young fellow who worked at her side
for the same wage—$5 per week.
The two had struggled and suffered
all their life, had never before known
what love and devotion meant. The
new bliss which came to them during
the long weary hours at the loom
transformed their whole existence.
The sun shone brighter through the
dirty mill windows, the coarse food
tasted sweeter, the hard pillow felt
softer—what wonder that they had In
time joined their lot—to work, suffer,
exist and, if possible, die together.
From the mill they went to a minister and the next morning back to
the mill together. Ten dollars for two
went much further than $5 for one; it
became a bit easier to live. But be
fore the year was over, while the
young wife was at her loom, a baby
girl was born to her.      Mother and
that class has to get busy and endeavor thoroughly to understand what
ls the matter in society. It has to
deprive itself of such meagre enjoy
ments as it has today and devote its
spare time to studying economics, historical materialism and other subjects
equally dry but equally necessary.
Moreover, it has to be prepared for a
long and bitter fight, a fight which began long since and which will continue until the working class Is sufficiently educated and united to develop and use the latent power they possess.
I think enough has now been said
to show that Socialism is not a cut
and dried scheme, but simply a
science of working class sociology
which Interprets present day society
and points to the road we must take.
child were carried to the one dingy
room which the two called home. The
doctor, the few delicacies and a few
other incidentals, drained their pockets, drove them into debt.
A week later, 6 a.m., the young
mother lifted her shivering infant and
carried it off to a neighbor, where, in
company with twenty others, for the
sum of 10 cents, it was cared for by
an old woman.
In five years the first baby was joined by three other brothers and sis
terB. They all wanted food; they
needed clothing; they had to be cared
for in some way or other. The cost of
living went up in Lawrence even more
than in the large metropolis. Tho
wages remained stationary—$10 for
the two evenly divided: $5 per week
for the husband and $5 for the wife.
The woman of twenty-five had by
this time lost her health, her youth,
her vigor. Ten hours dally at the
loom and the bearing of four children
at the same time, the house drudgery
during the long hours of the night,
have all combined to ruin her body, to
undermine her health.
Not a cent, not a farthing, could she
allow herself for medicine or medical
advice—it all had to go for rent and
bread. Every cent was weighed and
considered before it was spent. Her
brain was constantly employed at the
problem of making ends meet. She
could not see her babies hungry
But. the billion dollar company
cared not for all this. When it so
chose it issued an edict for a cut in
wages which meant to the poor struggling mother 45 cents per week for
self and husband. How could she give
up 45 cents of the little she had? It
meant more suffering for her babieB
and for their sake she would rather
die. She faces the cruel militiamen
unflinchingly. She has nothing to lose
—if she dies the State wlll perhaps
care for her children. If she goes on
at the same rate as the company
wants her to she is doomed to see
them wither one after the other.
The fate of this mother is the fate
of 10,000 other mothers in Lawrence—
they fight for the bread that the rich
company is trying to wring from the
mouths of the babes. By its cruel
treatment the mill-owning company
has driven them to despair.
A Few Finishing Touches Put on Labor Legislation
By McBride-Bowser & Co.
Hayward's Bill providing for the
licensing of employment agencies by
municipal authorities was put
through its final committee stages,
during which the member for Nanaimo succeeded ln getting some
valuable amendments accepted.
Section 4 was amended by adding
to -sub-section (b) the following
words: "Provided always that any
applicant for a license for an employment agency for females must produce a certificate of character from
two Justices of tbe Peace or the
M^yor." Many of the female employment agencies in the United
States were but agencies for the recruiting of the white slave traffic,
established for that very purpose.
In Vancouver and other places similar agencies had been established,
and he was satisfied that the amendment would get the support of the
Clause ,8 was amended by increasing the penalty for a breach of the
Act from not exceeding $25 to not
less than $10 nor more than $100,
in default of payment three mi nths
imprisonment, Hawthornthwaite contending that the penalty appearing ill
the Bill was insufficient, and one for
which the holder of a license could
easily recoup himself from his customers. All kinds of Iniquity was carried on in those places and the penalty clause should be made effective.
The Attorney General inserted the
words, "after summary conviction."
Section 3 was amended by adding
"no company, incorporated or unincorporated shall be granted a license
under the provisions of this Act."
Section 22 was amended to read,
"No person whose license has been
cancelled shall be entitled to hold a
license nor shall he obtain employment nor act in any capacity tinder
any license holder carrying on the
business of such employment agency
in any district in the Province of
British Columbia until the expiration
of ohe year from the date of such cancellation."
The Act ought to be an efficient instrument in fighting the fraudulent
shark of the slave market, and to a
large extent, it is up to organized
labor now to see that it is enforced.
Hawthornthwaite then moved the
second reading of this bill to
establish and regulate Employment
Agencies. He said that the member
for Cowichan had produced a Bill
which, while it did not entirely cover the case, would do some good.
His own Bill was at least worthy of
consideration. It provided that the
different government agents should
act as employment agents.
Some countries were very strict in
regard to these matters, but. when
under a government administration It
was an altogether different thing.
Germany had established the gov- j
ernment employment agency.
He had very frequently alluded to j
the question, but he would point out
I hat   unemployment in  Germany had j
been reduced to the least proportion-,
ate amount in any civilized country.
They were a very  profound  people, i
and  had  brought    the    employment
agencies to perfection.    One authority  had   said   that  they  had  reduced
unemployment, to 2 per cent, or three
per cent.   That might not be correct,
but if anything near the truth It was
a remarkable result.
Many people said that a large number of men did not want work but
merely drifted around the country.
That might apply to members of the
House but a majority of the working
people through necessity were undoubtedly anxious to get work.
The German government said that
they should apply to'the agency, and
the employers were compelled to go
there to hire men. If a man was not
registered at an agency, and was
caught begging for assistance, he was
in the position of being liable to punishment. He was not in sympathy
with the idea of compelling a man to
work, but many were compelled to
work and must be assumed to be anxious, and in the nil! they would be
placed where they belonged. The
House would probably see the beneficial effect the Dill would have. The
average human being was very Blow
to accept new ideas, preferring to advance by experience, which in the
last analysis was tbe best school.  He
had said that the human brain waa
possibly an absolutely perfect instrument for reasoning because it summed up all human experience. The
government supporters in the House
had not passed through the necessary
experience that would enable them to
see the correctness of the Bill, and
could not acept lt. He hoped they
would see shortly that the Bill was
necessary. It would show beyond
cavil the number of persons unemployed and looking for work.
The Premier, replying, said be did
not intend to discuss the Bill at any
length. He had listened very carefully to the previous speaker's remarks on the manner in which Germany dealt with the question, and
there could be no question that that
government had gone a long way to
give relief to unemployment. So
much recognition had been given to
it that in England Mr. Churchill had
produced a system of employment bureaus which, he believed, were operating very successfully. He believed
that the Legislature should take an
active interest in matters of that nature and in view of the great industrial expansion the proposal should
receive close study and legislation.
A Royal Commission to Investigate
Labor Conditions.
He wished to make an anounce-
ment. During the last eight or nine
years, more especially in the last four
yearn, the Socialist Party, year in and
year out, had urgently presented cer-.
tain proposals as to labor reforms.
The government had been very careful to explain their position when the
Legislature had been asked to interfere between employer and employee.
The government preferred that the
adjustment of the hours of labor, etc.,
should be left for settlement to the
different parties interested. When
once the Legislature began to take
part In contracts or arangements between employer and employee, It
would be difficult to draw the line
where the function of parliament
should Btop. All must agree that the
government must be as careful as
possible, with a single eye to the public good, and that both labor and capital should go slow. The government
recognized that no matter from what
section proposals came, It must give
them every recognition their Importance deserved. Pressure had also
come from the Conservative party.
As soon as possible after the House
rose he would submit a recommendation for a Royal Commission to carefully investigate labor conditions
throughout British Columbia, and report upon all affairs relating to the
employment of labor in the Province.
The report would be submitted to the
Legislature in order to enable parliament and the government to make a
wise selection and lake what Bteps
would seem light and just. The commission would give ample facilities
whereby all could present their views
and argument) before them. The
commission would go throughout the
length and breadth of the Province.
Ho made the anouncement at lhat
stage of the evening's proceedings because II was quite In order, and as
another earnest of the government's
desire to deal fairly with all classes
Hawthornthwaite, obtaining the
Speaker's permission to speak a second time, said that he knew the Bill
was out of order for a private member to Introduce, and he would withdraw It. He proposed to briefly take
up the Premier's statement.
No Socialist believed in passing indiscriminate labor legislation, understanding as they did that lt led to
more harm than good to those chiefly Interested, frequently being really reactionary In effect. A great deal
was heard of New Zealand as a "So-
(Continued on Page Three)
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre PAGE TWO
Published every Saturday by the Socialist Party of Cunada at the office of
tho Western Clarion. Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Vancouver,  B.  C.
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payable to
Labor Temple, Dunsmulr St., Vancouver,
B. C.
To free itself from the capitalist
exploitation the working class must
first gain control of the Capitalist
State, for this is the sole instrument
by means of which capital maintains
its economic dominion over the workers. It is the means whereby the capitalist class holds the workers in leash
for exploitation. Once in possession
of the capitalist state the working
class can effect the necessary transformation of property ln the means
of production to bring the rule of capital and its brutal exploitation of labor to an end. The capture of the
stale by the working class means the
ending of that human slavery that has
cursed the earth since the dawn of
The political and economic program
of labor can be written in few words.
It is so written in the plat-
Guy" button. Another gag the master
form of the Socialist Party of Canada. With a thorough understanding
of capitalist production and the posi
660-W?n?.h n'u'mb'e?!1. Z T'yoT.un''"on of enslaved labor under its bane-
xlptlon   expires   the   next   Issue.
Labor is to-day the slave of Capital. The power that was once vested in the master of chattel slaves or
the feudal lord, is now held by the
capitalist. The degrading servitude
once borne by the chattel slave or
feudal serf is now the portion of the
wage slave.
The very essence of slavery is that
the master shall command the services
of the slave and appropriate the product of his toil. That is as completely
accomplished under the present as it
was under any previous system of
The worker of to-day is held in wage-
slavery because the means of production function as capital. The form of
property ownership In vogue renders
this possible. Though all men depend
upon the resources of the earth and
the implements of labor for their existence, these things are not the property of all, therefore, those who are
outside the pale of ownership flnd
themselves at the mercy of those
who do own the means of production.
For the owners to allow the non-
owners to use the means of production without paying for the privilege
would be equivalent to an abrogation
of such ownership. No property-
owning class has ever yet been guilty
of acquiring such a ridiculous habit
of self-abnegation.
The test of property is that the
owner shall enjoy all benefits accruing from the use of such property.
He must reap the benefit of property in order to realize its possession.
The owner of capitalist property can
only realize the possesion of it by
drawing revenue from its use. Capitalist property is of both character
and magnitude beyond the power of
its owner to utilize unless he can
command the services of others in its
operation. By so doing he accomplishes that which is beyond his power as an individual to accomplish.
He is thus enabled to reap the fruit
of other men's labor. He comes into
possession of wealth that he does not
produce. His property rights are
thus confirmed. They become to
him, a fact. He realizes posession,
and, as the magnitude of his operations increases, in corresponding ratio does his importance as a property-owner assert itself.
Capital expresses itself through the
exploitation of labor. Should this exploitation be rendered no longer possible, capital would vanish at once.
The robbery of labor is the breath
of life in the nostrils of capital. Without it capital could no more exist
than a human  being without air.
The program of labor must be to
bring to an end Its exploitation. This
implies the dostructlon of capital.
This, however, by no means infers
that any of the implements of production need be destroyed. It merely
means the destruction of the present
form of property, under which the
means of production function as capital, i.e., means of exploiting labor,
lt implies the setting up of common
ownership of the means of production in place of the class (capitalist)
ownership that now prevails.
This in turn ImplleB an entire
change ln the purpose for which the
industries of the world are carried
out. They are now operated for the
purpose of bringing profit to the own-
ful sway, the representatives of the revolutionary proletariat In the parlia
ments of the world need no further
mandate than the simple declaration
set forth in that document. Without
such understanding all the documents in existence could not keep
them on the straight course.
Some* there are who are weak,
enough to assert that Labor's program should be artistically enbellish-
ed with multitudinous demands,
promising some immediate relief to the working class, or some section of it. In fighting an implacable
and unscrupulous foe it is not the part
of wisdom to give notification beforehand of where and when you intend
to strike a blow. To do so is to warn
the enemy of the point of attack and
enable him to guard against your onslaught. Better be it by far to keep
your own counsel and let your blows
fall whenever and wherever a weak
spot may be disclosed in your antagonist's armor. Were the Socialists of
British Columbia weak enough to go
into the pending campaign advocating specific ameliorative measures on
behalf of the workers, It would be
equivalent to giving the enemy information of the point of attack, and
thus enable him to fortify against the
Let the program of Labor remain
a short, sharp and concrete statement
of purpose. Let the representatives
of Labor deliver their blows whenever and wherever opportunity offers,
and wring every possible concession
from the ruling class, whether such
be applicable to but one member of
the working class or millions.
limit—bleed them to the white. The
poor sucker dare not say "Mum."
He might lose his job. So soak it to
him, dear Mister Capitalist—he deserves it!
*    *    *
How many Socialists have given
the "Church Union" movement the
consideration that it deserves? The
question seems to me to be, "What
is to become of the preachers who
are displaced by the improved machinery of the religious trust?" I
take lt that quite a few stray churches
are to be dispensed with under any
scheme which seeks to cut all unnecessary labor out ol' lhat particular
sphere. Is the preacher, with his
university education (with its accompanying contempt for the common
herd), is this individual, I say, going
to come to the factories and mines
to compete with us wage-plugs when
he is thrown out of a job by the
Church Trust?"
I think not. He will see the increasing pressure being brought to
bear upon the workers, with its accompanying discontent expressed in
various crude ways. He will see the
Igrowth of the Socialist movement,
the circulation of Us journals, the
rapidly increasing attendance at its
meetings, and, if I mistake not, will I
suddenly flnd that he is "called" upon]
to enter upon the good work, "Where-'
ever the carrion are,  there will the
vultures be found gathered together.
The awakening of the workers Btlll
goes merrily on in this hotbed of
wage-slaves, Puritans and toad-eaters.
This In spite of the intimidation by
the pimps of the ruling class in the
factories on the one hand, and the unconscious opposition of so-called "Socialists" on the other.
i These latter gentry are too much
interested in picking faults with existing organizations, compromising
with capitalist parties, and advocating freak palliatives, that they are no
longer a factor in the production of
class-conscious workingmen. But the
proof of the pudding is in the eating, and the more intelligent of the
workers round here are "getting on
to" these several types of rummies
and do not take them seriously.
Our good, dear, kind friends, the
two capitalist parties, have opened
clubrooms in this burg. Free smoking concerts are given. Tobacco and
pipes are provided free. Singers, entertainers, and boxing bouts are arranged for the edification of the wage-
slaves. How kind of our masters!
How very thoughtful! Who was that
statesman who said "The people are
getting restless—give them a circus"?
He is certainly entitled to a "Wise
class work In this industrial stronghold Is the stunt of hiring a pack of
..annel-mouthed preachers and turning them loose In the factories during
the noon hour to dope the poor, nerve-
shattered wretches with an old con
story about how contented they are
to be while here on earth. Obey their
masters, don't steal his time that he
has paid you for, don't drink or use
tobacco, and such like. In return the
sky-pilots promise us a fine mansion,
robes of fine linen, harps of gold and
eternal    rest—when    we   are    dead!
Will the pulpitless preacher be an
asset to the movement? I think not.'
His mode of life is predatory. He
is steeped in trickery and priest-craft,
and the movement can well do without him. It would be well if we "prepared to repel boarders" on our ship,
so to speak. —W. D.
(By   N.
Go   to,   thou   dirty   prostitute!     Thy
ers,  the  capitalist.    Under  common, | function is getting to be too apparent,
or social ownership, they will be operated for the purpose of satisfying
the needs of those who do the work.
Now the owners (capitalists) are enabled to realize from the labor of
the non-owners, the owners themselves performing no useful part ln
the process of production. In the
latter case the workers themselves
being the owners the element of
profit cannot enter into the problem.
Profit Implies getting something for
nothing. No person can make a
profit out of himself. What, is true
of an Individual Is likewise true of a
class. When the working class assumes ownership and control of Its
means of labor the era of production
for profit will end. There is no class
below the working class to be exploited.
and soon the slave class will relegate
thee to the junk shop along with thy
paymaster, the capitalist, who sucks
the life blood of my claBs and then
hires thee and all thy clan to bless
the transaction. Go to —!
*   *   *
"Come and locate in Brantford,"
shrieks the local moneybags, "labor
Is cheap; labor disputes are at a
minimum; cost of living being low
makes cost of labor most reasonable
in Canada; artisans owning their own
homes make them contented." How
fine a prospect for the worker! Wake
up, you poor, cheap prune, to the skin
game that is being played upon you.
Married men are preferred in the
shops and factories—get them to begin to make payments on a house and
lot if possible—then skin them to the
Goldberg,   in   "The   Issue"
Elizabeth, N. J.)
Hardly a day passes but what some
occurrence takes place which reminds
us of the striking contrast between the
wealthy and the poor, and which furnishes evidence enough to convict the
present capitalistic system.
The other night a dinner was given
in Washington by Mr. and Mrs. McLean, which involved the expenditure
of the trifling sum of $30,000.
This is the estimate furnished by
the guests invited to that dinner.
Now, if you or I had given that figure, they might have called it an ex- i
aggeration, but being that it comes
from people who ought to know, we
will surely take them at their word.
To create "atmosphere" and "color"
for that dinner, 4,000 lilies were Imported from England at an expense of
$8,000, or the insignificant sum of $2
Besides other rare trees and flowers,
birds were shipped to the McLeans
from distant parts of the globe for the
purpose of decorating their residence
for that one night.
The combined aroma exhaled by the
flowers, then, must have represented a
round sum of $15,000. (I am sure a
$15,000 aroma has never reached your
nostrils, Mr. Workingman.)
And last, but not least, comes that
famous Hope diamond worn by Mrs.
McLean—that "hoodoo diamond" that
Mr. McLean purchased for the very
small sum of $180,000. Of course this
was not the only piece of Jewelry that
adorned Mrs. McLean, but these others
seem just as cheap beside the Hope
diamond as your four-room flat In com
parlson to the McLean mansion.
They evidently forgot to secure some
hundreds of butterflies that should
have been freed in the dance hall,
destined to meet their death fluttering
around brilliant lights or be crushed
under the feet of the dancers. (This
was the case at another dinner given
some time ago, which had cost only
$20,000 more than the McLeans.)
Now, let anybody dare come out and
say there are hard times, and complain
about the high cost of living or the
lack of prosperity. Nobody objects to
$30,000 or even $50,000 dinners, but
| when we read of $2 lilies—well, we
are apt to start philosophizing and unwillingly we think of the poor human
lilies whom everybody can see walk-
lng through the streets these cold winter days in shabby clothes almost
frozen stiff and half starved. Instinctively we recall the countless news
Items of mothers selling their babies.
Yes, giving them away In exchange
for food. We think of thirteen or
fourteen-year-old children going to
work to provide medicine for their sick
parents—of the thousands who pack
the lodging-houses to their limit, 'incidental to this, some kind-hearted individual requested that more lodging-
houses be built—never even giving a
thought to the real cause of poverty.)
To those who must content themselves with a movlng-plcture show, this
piece of news will be comforting. A
couple of weeks ago an auction sale
of theatre tickets was held In a New
York theatre and the first box was
sold for $900. The second one only
brought $500, whereas the third, which
Is hardly worth mentioning, was disposed of for the ridiculously low price
of $350. This last box was presumably
purchased by some cheap sport. There
is another example of the reckless
waste of money.
You    thousands,   you    millions   of
workers! You who are shivering in
your below-zero rooms; you who
stand in the bread line. All of you
creators of everything and owners of
nothing! Cheer up and feed and warm
yourselves with such news as the
above, and content yourselves with the
idea that all are not forsaken in this
good old world.
Yes, the useless squandering of
wealth is perhaps nobody's business,
but where, oh! where, is the justice
of the millions who actually create all
wealth—to be deprived of everything
that makes life worth while?
Why, why ln the name of humanity,
must those most abused creatures be
condemned to a life of want, of misery
and degradation?
Why must our children go half
clothed while the pel dogs of our
wealthy sisters are provided with
jackets—and of the best material at
that—so that they won't catch cold
through their fur? (How often a good
many wish they were one of these
Why must an unfortunate hungry
man go to prison for stealing a loaf
of bread while grafters—which is only
a polished name of wholesale thieves
—be allowed to evade the law?
Why must the workers who supply
the world with life's necessities be
compelled to pay exorbitant, increased
prices for same or do without them?
Is it any wonder, then, that our
wrath is accentuated by $30,000 dinners, or Christmas necklaces costing a
measly $500,000, or by $900 theatre
boxes for a single night or by dog
funerals costing tens of thousands of
dollars, not to mention other extravagances which are too numerous to
However, all this gives us encouragement to further co-operate for the
purpose of abolishing this unjust system, and substituting another, which
will give to all workers all the joys of
life to which they are entitled, a system where everyone will be contented
and happy.
Socialist Party of Canada, meets second ■ and fourth Monday. Secretary,
K. T. Klngsley, Labor Temple, Duns-
niuir St.,   Vancouver, B.  C.
"Now the paddle is not a iash," says
an American magazine writer on punishment In American prisons. "It is
merely a piece of heavy sole leather
shaped like a tennis racket and fastened, with copper rivets, to a wooden
handle. It weighs about two pounds.
The auxiliary apparatus consists of a
ladder, barrel, chains, handcuffs and
ropes. The ladder is about nine feet
long and has a Bet of brackets ln which
the barrel is held firmly, lengthwise.
The barrel is small, perhaps the size
of a 'half beer barrel. The prisoner,
stripped, is laid upon the barrel, his
feet roped to rungs at one end of the
ladder and his hands bound with steel
cuffs which are chained to the other
end of the ladder.
Two men then unite their strength
to stretch these ropes and chains taut,
In order to prevent the prisoner's body
from moving or giving at any point,
thereby weakening the force ot the
blows. The prisoner's head is covered with a sheet, so that he may nol
see his tormentors. Another sheet is
placed upon his back, so that the provision of the humane law against pun
ishment on the bare body shall not be
infringed. Some men can stand as
many as sixty or seventy blows, it
was reported; others collapse at the
fifth or sixth; most of them faint at
the tenth or twelfth blow and mercifully remain unconscious.
"The piece of sole leather Is perforated by many small holes, perhaps an
inch or two apart. These serve a
double purpose: they suck up the air
which would otherwise cushion the
force of the blow somewhat, and they
suck up the victim's flesh aB the
leather comes In contact with It. Then,
when the paddle is pulled off very
slowly and carefully, each perforation,
as It releases the flesh which haB adhered to lt, sendB Its own message of
pain to the man on the rack, thus intensifying the agony a hundredfold.
"A delicate touch Is added by covering the victim's body with a sheet
soaked In salt water. The sting of the
salt water, as It penetrates the lacerated flesh, adds an exquisite touch of
pain."—Vancouver World.
The above suggests a Christian way
of trying to prevent crime. Nothing
more barbaric was ever used in days
of old. Such devices can only be concocted in the brains of modern Christians to prevent crime against Christian people?
Socialist   P^rty   Directory
Executive Committee, Socialist Tarty
of Canada, meets second nnd fourth
Mondays in month ut Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St. E. T. Klngsley, Secretary,
Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesduy. nt 420 l''ighth
Ave. ISast. i-'i-nnk Danby, secretary,
llox tl 17. Calgary.
Committee: Notice—This card Is inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS ore ulways
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
Secretary, .1. D. Houston, 403 i-'urbv
St.,   Winnipeg.
SASKATCHEWAN PBOVINCIAL Executive Gommltteo, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every flrst and third
Saturday in the month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters, Ma*n Street, North Battleford. Secretary wlll answer any
communications regarding the movement ln this Province. L. Budden,
Secy., Uox ioi, North ifattleford, Sask.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace Bay,
N, S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, «nx
491, Glace Bay. N. S.
LOOAL   OBEBjnrOOD,   B.   C,    VO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades invited to call. C.
Primer! le, Secretary.
LOCAL    PEBNIB,   g.  P.   of   C,    HOLD
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., every Sunday evening at 7:80. Business meeting flrst Sunday ln each month, Miners' Hall at 2:80. W. L. Phillips, Secretary, Box 604.
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:80 p.m. B. Campbell, Secretary. P.O.
Box (74. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Kinlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. gobble, Secretary, P.O
Box 64, Rossland.
LOOAL  MICHEL,   B.  0.,   NO.   16,   B.   T.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:80 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation ls
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the firs'
and third Sundaya of each month at
10:80 a.m. in the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
LOOAL  NELSON,   S.   P.  af  0.,
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday ln
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.	
LOOAL   BETELBTOXB,   B.   O.,    HO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. I<~. Gayman, Secretary^	
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. In Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
Business meeting everv Tuesday evening at Headquarters. :M3 Hastings St.
East. J. A. Maedonald, secretary, 1724
Alberni St.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9.
Miners* Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on tho first
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propngnmla meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box «3,
Coleman. Alta. Visitors may receive
Information nny day nt Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
P. of (J. Headquarters 022 First St.
Business nnd propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room ls open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to II p.m. dolly.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.   Stephenson.
of C.—Business meeting every Saturday evening at S o'clock at the headquarters. -129 Eighth Ave. East, between Third and Fourth streets. F.
Tipping, Secretary.
every Sunday, Trades Hall, 8 p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, I
p.m., Trades Hall. B. Simmons, secretary. 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Hossar Ave. Propaganda meeting. Sunday at 8 p.m.: business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at I
p.m.; economic class, Friday at 8 p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieu, 141 Third St.,
Brandon, Man.
S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays in the month, at - 4 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock, Box 1983
OP O.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. m„ in tne Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday. 8 p.m.
D. McMillan, Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask.; A. Stewart. Organizer,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves welcome.
B. P. OP C—Headquarters 128 "A Moll*
Street. Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting every
Sunday morning, at 11; economic cloae
Wednesdays, at 8 p. m. Secretary'*
address, 270 Young Street. Propaganda meeting every Sunday evening
in nrjamland Tlieatre. Main Street, at
8  o'clock.     LMscussion   invited.
LOCAL  OTTAWA,  HO.  8,  B. P.  of 0.—
Business meetings the flrst Sunday in
the month at 3 o'clock p.m. at headquarters. Secretary, Sam Horwlth.
Headquarters, 36 1-2 Rideau Street.
Phone 277. Address, 322 Gladstone
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Unlor Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
■ Headquarters and reading room, 1319
Government St., Room 2, over Collls-
ter's gun store. Business meeting every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Sunday, 8 p.m., at Crystal
LOCAL TBRHOH,  B.  C,  HC.  38.  B.  T.
of C. Meets every Tuesdav, 8:00 p.m
sharp, ot L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St
W. H. Gllmore. Secretary.
LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C, *■»•. 45.
Finnish. Meets everv second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
Main Street. Secretary Wnv Mynttl.
Local Vancouver, B. P. of O. No. 58—
Lettlch meets every first Sunday in
the month, nt f>!2 Cordova St. E.
Secretary,   Ad.   Kreeka. 602
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall. Union Street. All are welcome Alfred Nash. Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland.
Organizer. New Aberdeen; H, G. Rosa,
Financial Secretary, offlce In D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Unio»
. Street.
LOCAL    SIDNEY    MINES    HO.    7,    Of
Nova Scotia.-—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 ln the S. O. B. T. Hall back
of Town Hall. Wll'lam Allen, Secretary. Box 344.	
UKRAINIAN SOCIALIST FEDERATION of the S. P. of C, ls organized
for the purpose of educating the
Ukralnenn workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. Tha
Ukranlan Federation publish their own
weeklv organ. "Nova Hromada" (New
Societv), at 443 Klnlstlno Ave., Edmonton. Attn. English comrades desiring information re the Federation,
write to J.  Senuk,  Fin.  Secretary.
Com. OBrien assisted the comrades
of Locals Edmonton, Calgary, Dews-
berry and Innisfali with ten meetings
during the last session of the Alberta
legislature, and is now holding meetings In the farming districts.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to  start  Local) $5.00
Membership Cards, each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform   and   application   blank
per  100   25
Ditto In  Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto In Ukranian, per 100 60
Constitutions, each   20
Ditto, Finnish, par dozen 50
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of th*
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of aetting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tha wag*
system, under which is cloaked th* robbery of the working clan at th*
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates th* transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between th* capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession of th*
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under th* banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
program of the working class, aa follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly at possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
th* workers.
3. The ee'iblishment, aa speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interest*
ef tho working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, th*
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all th public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
5   Yearlies - r
- $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies -
-   4.00
20 Quarterlies -
-   4.00 SATURDAY,  MARCH  16TH,  1312
Meeting of March 11, 1912.
Present, Mengel, Perry, Forrest, Anderson, Harms, and the Secretary.
Mengel in the chair.
MlnuteB of previous meeting read
and approved. I'pon recommendation
of the Provincial Executive Committee
charters were ordered issued to comrades at Port George and Crawford
Bay, B. C.
A warrant for If.ii8.70 was ordered
drawn to cover February disbursements. Financial report showing balance on hand February 29 of $313.13,
was approved.
E. T. KINGSLEY, Sec'y.
■Montreal moves a peg. Cumberland
keeps moving to the top. What's the
'matter with getting 500 or 1000 leaflets every two weeks? Platform and
Western Clarion address are on the
leaflets, and they will certainly bring
some of the slaves to their senses in
your burg.
This is how you stand:
Vancouver,   II.   C   1
Victoria,   B.   C  2
Brandon,   Man   3
Edmonton, Alta >   4
Calgary, Alta   b
Toronto,   Ont   ti
Winnipeg, Man   7
Fernle, B. C   8
.Moose Jaw,  Sask  9
.Montreal, Quebec     10
New Westminster, B. C  11
Cumberland, B.  C  12
Nelson, B.  C  13
Soutn Fort George, B. C 14
silverton,  B.  C 15
Ottawa, Ont 16
N. Battleford, Sask 17
Regina, Sask 18
Glace Bay, N. S 19
South Hill,  Sask 20
Send in for mailing list and rustle
up the expiring subs.
Meeting of March 11, 1912.
Present, Mengel, Perry, Forrest, Anderson, Karme and the Secretary.
Mengel in the chair.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and approved.
Applications for charter were received from Fort George and Crawford Bay. The applications were approved and the matter referred to Dominion Executive committee for the
issuance of charters. The   tactics of the S. P. of C. are
The matter of Comrade J. Burgess being attacked from without, and very
holding a card as member at large, often from within,
while Locals exist In the Riding (Van-1 This group says we go too far, while
couver) where he resides, was brought another says we should leave religion
to the attention of the committee, alone. Again, others accuse us of be-
The secretary was instructed to, no- lng a bunch of politicians, but that we
tify Comrade Burgess that such mem- would be just right If we had an
bershlp at large is cancelled from economic arm (which usually accom-
March 1, 1912, and if he wishes to | panics a wooden head) with it.
retain membership in the S. P. of C. Outside of a few Anarchists that are
he should affiliate with one of the permitted to roam at large, the work-
Locals already  in  existence In  Van- ing class wll admit our analysis to be
fairly correct of present society, but
The attention of the committee be- our tactics absolutely punk
ing called to the existence of an organization In North Vancouver purporting to be a branch of Local Vancouver No. 1, the Secretary was instructed to write the Secretary of that
Local for Information regarding the
A warrant for $2.00 was ordered
drawn for current expense during the
month of February.
Financial report showing balance of through, I don't think.
Now let us examine this sound analysis of society, and punk tactics. Is
this possible? If tactics are not the
result of investigation, what are they,
or where do you get them? Maybe at
Eaton's, or we might do better by
writing to some mall-order house in
Chicago, or, better still, go to that
Creator of all things, beyond the
Pearly   GateB.     He will   carry   you
among the college students. In the
near future it will no longer be possible to use students as strike breakers
or militiamen during a strike, as has
recently been the case at Lawrence,
where Harvard students disgraced
their kind by helping to maintain "the
order of disorder"—tyranny and starvation wages.
In some European nations, notably
in Russia, the students have for many
years been in the forefront of the battle for human rights.
The great majority of students belong to the intellectual p:oletariat.
Even those who do not are not so
directly under the Influence of the law
of economic determinism as "to he impervious to the Socialist appeal."
Youth has ideals, and the idealistic
side of the Socialist propaganda
strongly appeals to the student, even
more than the scientific side.
The American student, with his vigorous mind and vigorous body, with
his overflowing energy and enthusiasm,
which now find-an outlet in barbaric
college yells, may yet be a factor in
the social revolution.
$103.73 was approved.
E. T. KINGSLEY, Sec'y.
The Socialists of Okanagan have decided to contest for the seat at Victoria in the forthcoming election. To
question the right of Price Ellison to
Now, fellow plugs, our tactics could
be no other than what they are. Certain defects exist In society that are
disagreeable to the working class, of
which we are members. We know
there is a cause for these defects, so
we dig deep. With what result? We
learn something. For example, that if
I own those things you have to use
represent this district in the provincial i In order to live, I own you.
law factory is, of course, a display ot i Now that is practically the situation
cheek. While we admit to possessing i in society as it exists today. Every-
the necessary cheek, we confess to a thing that is worth owning is owned
lack of funds to properly display it. I by a class who do not use them, but
We will get the money only by going consume their products, placing those
after it.    So here goes. jwho have to use them in order to live
If   there are   any comrades—either in  perpetual   bondage  to  the  owners
in Okanagan or elsewhere—who have
any spare cash, they are requested to
(the capitalists).
Now let us dig a little deeper, be-
forward same to the undersigned at cause digging deep means getting facts,
the earliest possible moment. Acknow- j Marching heavenward means uncouth
ledgement of same will be made things: goblins, spooks, and the like,
through the Western Clarion, and all On examination, we flnd more users
funds used to push forward the interests of Labor—as represented by our
candidate, Geo. F. Sterling—as against
the interests of Capital, personified in
the candidacy of Price Ellison.
We ask comrades and friends to aid
us to the extent 'of their ability.
Whether the sums received be large
or small they will be thankfully received and gladly used In pushing on
the good fight.
Let me hear from you.
Box 76, Enderby, B. C.
You fellows must be working pretty
hard these days? Got no time to get
subs? Just glance down this list and
see the old familiar names, then make
up your mind, work or no iworki,
you'll be regularly on that list.
E. Simpson, Victoria, B. C     4
W. Atkinson, Victoria, B. C    3
Wm. McQuold, Edmonton, Alta. ..   3
C. M. O'Brien, Organizing, Alta. ..    3
T. E. Mason, Montreal, Que     3
A. Nash, Glace Bay, N. S     3
W. Minton, Fernle, B. C     3
H. N. Coursler, Revelstoke, B. C. ..    3
D. Galloway, City      2
J. Bardsley, Victoria, B. C     2
Dan McDougall, Winnipeg, Man. .. 2
J. C. Graham, Glenwood, B. C     2
A. W. Osterburg, New Westminster
B. C     2
O. Erlckson, City; J. T. Prather,
Pentlcton, B. C; J. H. Hintsa, Gibson's Landing; J. Sldaway, City; J. C.
Bohle, City; A. E. Tipper, City; H.
Dalglelsh, Victoria; S. Wilson, Victoria; C. E. Balcom, Oakland, Cal.;
W. Davenport, Brantford, Ont.; C. A.
Watts, Keewatln, Ont.; J. Andrews,
St. Catherines; J. Young, Nanalmo;
W. Gribble, Cumberland; W. Y. Clark,
Creston, B. C;  D. McLellan, Merrltt,
B. 0.| Hedley Miners' Union; J. Bone,
Clayton, B. C; 3, H. Burrough, City;
L. E. Drake, Bellevue, Alta.; W. H.
Anderson, Edmonton; G. D. Smith,
Sandou, B. C.
of things worth owning than owners,
and If force is measured by volume or
numbers, why should the above effect
exist? There Is a nigger somewhere.
Dig again.
To hold title to property that ls ot
use to the other fellow requires force.
Where ls that force? In the brains
and muscle of the capitalistic clasB?
I guess not! In the State? I say yea.
What ls the State? That thing whose
business It is to protect the propertied
Interests (mostly capitalist) containing the greatest force In capitalist society (police, soldiers, Judges, and all
officialdom). Now If our tactics are
the result of our investigation, how
could they be other than revolutionary?
We declare that the whole power of
capitalism rests lnits State. To destroy capitalism Is to destroy the
State. Now what Gink would say that
to destroy the State by any
means that would present Itself
would not be political action? Only
those who know nothing of political
There has been a tendency on the
part of the white workers, ever since
Chinamen first began coming to this
country, to object to them on the
grounds of their lower standard of living. Now, when one thinks of it, it is
a very unpatriotic attitude, for an
otherwise patriotic slave, ti acknowledge that the Chink had the best of
him at any game. The slave with British ideas regarding things in general,
and slaves in particular bearing the
"made in Canada by union labor" label, should not take water from the Inferior Chink in the "standard of living"
game. Knowing that England's greatness depends upon her ability to successfully compete in the world's market, and that her ability to successfully
compete depends upon her ability to
produce commodities as cheaply or
cheaper than her competitors, a slave's
duty to his country should be so plain
that he who runs might read. With the
recent developments in China forcing
her into the capitalist game of producing commodities for the world's market, and In view of the fact that the
Chink at home Is almost second to
none with a low standard of living, the
British slave should not hesitate one
instant in taking his stand for a lower
standard of living, God King and Country. Shall we, the descendants of the
heroes of a thousand wars, , and Inspired by the traditions of a thousand
years, allow the despised, degenerate,
backward and heathen Chinee to van
quish us at last through their being
able to conform to a lower standard
of living? God strike' us pink If we
do. Volunteers in this noble work
have not yet been called for, but some
slaves in Calgary have been experimenting along such lines, and the results besides being remarkable are
also encouraging. Two of them who
were working for the city were found
to have lived five days on a fraction
over ten cents apiece per day, or
$1.10 total. Another went to work
Saturday morning without anything
to eat. Had nothing- to eat all day.
Had nothing to eat Sunday, and was
working till Monday afternoon, when
the boss saw that It had gone far
enough, and he mentioned the case to
the city dads who passed an order in
council and gave the slave a meal
ticket. That meal ticket like Rockefeller's millions, was the reward of
abstinence. Be of good cheer, my
masters. A nation populated with an
abundance of such self-sacrificing
slaves will not be easily beaten in the
struggle for markets. We can look
the future confidently in the face and
predict a continuation of the unparalleled prosperity, with which we have
been blessed with divine providence
ln the past. A nation's best asset is
a patriotic working class (with a low
standard of living), and it might
seem at first glance, as though we
had the goods.
(By Ralph Korngold.)
In a straw-vote recently taken
among the students of the University
of Michigan, Eugene V. Debs beat William H. Taft for president of the
United States—and beat him badly!
The vote was a surprise to Governor
Osborn of Michigan, who was shocked
Into sending a special message to the
legislature asking that certain radical
legislation be enacted at once, "As,"
sayB the governor, "the people are
turning to the Socialist party for the
rights the other organizations have
failed to provide."—Evidently the governor sees the hand-writing on the
The Intercollegiate Socialist Society
may well congratulate itself on the
succesB their propaganda has met with
worker at the pay window and loots
his pay envelope. Who drives the victim with the lash of necessity till his
body is bent, his bones broken, his
life crushed out. The robber who
pounces upon the little girl and the
little boy and hurls them Into the mill
that grinds them into dollars. The
robber who has no scruples, no fears,
no conscience. The robber that is
protected by law, by government, by
This robber, the greatest of all robbers, who steals the sweat and blood
of the tollers, who brutalizes and dehumanizes every soul upon whom his
breath falls was thrust by society, organized, civilized, Christianized society, among four little babies whose
mothers loved them because of their
sweet, soft bodies, their bright sparkling eyes, and their gentle baby coo-
And this great Robber began to
breathe upon these babies. He
breathed the breath of the dram shop,
and the breath or the brothel, and the
breath of the gambling den, and the
breath of the corrupt politician, and
the breath of religious hypocrlcy, and
the breath of poisonous ignorance, and
the breath of the yellow press.
The babies grew and became young
men. They had breathed the atmosphere that Society, environment had
supplied them with. They took on
the forms of the Robber that Society
had thrust among them. The Robber
that organized, civilized, Christianized
society had hurled upon them. The
Robber that city government, that
state government, that national government supports, protects, encourages.
So these babies when they became
men became brutalized, dehumanized,
criminalized, just like the big Robber
that robs the toiler at the pay window and picks his pocket with fingers
of the dram shop, the brothel, the
gambling den  the yellow press.
Then they killed a man. They
killed a good, honest farmer. They
did it in a brutal way, the same brutal
way that the big Robber kills the
man in the mines, the women ln the
shops, the boys In the mills, the girlB
in the factory, with the permission and
protection of the Mayor, the Premier,
the King.
Then the State, the protector of the
big Robber who robs the toller at the
pay window, took the four men and
hanged them by the neck till they
were dead.
One of them, a mere boy, was not
heavy enough to break his neck by
the fall, so one of the State's servants
put his arm around the dangling boy
and pulled down so as to help in the
process of strangling.
It's a merry stage.
The State first criminafized these
men and then killed them.
That is the noble deed of the State.
The State -expects to expiate its crime
by killing its own product. It expects to warn others and make them
take heed.
But the next morning in Chicago
more crime had been committed than
before the hanging.
No.   No.
You can't make criminals by a bad
environment and then make them
good by hanging them.
Socialism proposes a system in
which there shall be no big Robber
who robs the toilers at the pay win
dow and who teaches the people how
to be bad by the use of the dram shop,
the brothel, the gambling den, the
yellow press.  •
Socialism proposes a clean, just, de
cent environment In which It will be
easy to do right and hard to do wrong.
Socialists do riot believe that society can rid itself of crime by killing
the criminals, but rather by doing
away with the conditions that produce
(By J. O. Bentall.)
It was on Friday when they did It.
Ghastly headlines and horrible details
In the hideous Capitalist newspapers
shrieked forth that five men were
being hung. One was a negro, four
were white.
Had these four men committed a
crime? Had they been brutal? Had
they wantonly murdered an Innocent
farmer? Had they chopped his body
and crushed his bones? Had they
been deaf to his pleadings and dead to
his cries for his wife and baby?
Certainly.   All that.
Can no excuse be offered for their
unspeakable inhumanity? Was tliere
no circumstance that might bear witness in their favor?
Agreed then that the crime committed by the four slayers can In no way
be excused, what further can be said?
Simply this: These young men and
boys have been brought up In an environment that made them brutes.
They had Been and heard all that Is
vile and vulgar.
Society, organized, civilized, Christianized society, had thrust among
them the Robber who holds  up the
Know Why
Socialism is Coming;
Don't be a socialist unless you know why you are one. Know twSs
Socialism is coming. Trace the economic development of civilization
through from slavery to the present and know why socialism a
Victor L. Berger says:
•'A few soelaliat phrases Is not sufficient to make a. scientific:
socialist. In order to know WHY SOCIALISM IS COMING., at.
socialist should have an Idea of evolution, he must know histasrv.
he must know something of economic development.
We as socialists are vitally Interested in the development* off
civilization. History for us is nol a collection of shallow vlUa««-
taies. the story of coronations, weddings and burials of kings. Fotr
us the true lesson of history is the story of progress of mankind l**--
gradual steps from brutal slavery to enlightenment, culture*
and humanity. «.
The manner in which one system has grown out of another.
feudalism out of slavery and capitalism out of feudalism Is m-ovf
-mggestive of the manner by which the Socialist Republic ertlti
gradually develop out of the present system.
To show how the Socialist Republic will gradually develop -wr
of the present system, the Library of Original Sources haa beau
published.   It is a. treasure mine."
The Library of Original Sources
(In the original documents—translated)
clears away the bigotry'and superstition that has accumulated around religibnv fin-TV
government, education, etc.—brings to light the naked truth and shows wAy soe-nT—
ism ia coming. This wonderful library gives the authoritative sources of knowlerftee :
in mil fields of thought—socialism philosophy, science, education, etc. The rock-botnaaL:
facts which for centuries capitalist writers have deliberately kept from the peoplo.
Thousands of the Comrades in all parts of the United State* i
Ca.ne-.da have secured this library on our co-operative plan, i
without a single exception are enthusiastic over it. Letters
like these come pouring in with every mail:
John Spargo: "cTWost helpful.   Ought      Fred Warren:  "Most important production;   •
Local could not make a better investment.
Arthur M. Lewis:   "The most valuable part /
of my library." *'
to be ln every library.
Walter Lohrentz, Wash.: "A boon to
workingmen who have not time nor
money to set a college education."
A. M. Simons: "Superior to encyclopedias; will be read when novels are
C. E. Kline, Wash.: "I am urging all
my friends to secure your great
Geo. Pae, cAlberta, Can.: "just the
thing ta  htyg, v**.**-"  the  wheels of
C. R.Oyler, Editor Enterpriser: "The beat
book investment I ever made."
Jack London: "cA library boiled J
down. I never could spare these ten jfi'
volumes from my library."
Ernest Untermann "The volumes will be my most valuable
companions  this  winter."
An "original document"  free
Telling of a popular uprising in mediaeval England,   /
and how the people got their rights.   A rare document  of greatest  interest  and  importance   to   /
Socialists. y
(f R« .
» EjtentionO.
js*       Milw.uk.*,*iV«1_
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••""■---   '",   j   '
Source, sod how I aas-
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live plan.
FREE—Send in Vt.-.ched coupon TODAY
tor hem copy.
Nothing can be greater than to sow
the seeds of noble thoughts and virtuous deeds—to liberate the bodies
and the souls of men—to earn the
grateful homage of a race—and then,
ln Life's shadowy hour, to know lhat
the historian of Liberty will be compelled to write your name.
standpoint, not that of the Premier)
that lt was dangerous to enact too
much labor legislation. Liberalism in
New Zealand had said its last word,
all its reforms having been enacted.
They had destroyed or weakened
large capital in that country, by depriving lt of the power to compete
with other countries, which was its
most effective weapon, with the consequence that they had to import products that they could have made in
their own country, had their own machinery of production been developed. In the United States capital was
free and had an advantage over New
Zealand by reason of the latter's legislation. He therefore quite agreed
with Ihe Premier (but from a totally different standpoint) that It was
dangerous to er.act to much so-called
labor legislation, without giving it
consideration. He took the stand in
viewing the alvance of Socialism
that the faster capitalism developed
the sooner Socialism would come,
therefore he hoped to see that advance completed with the greatest
possible speed.
But an absolutely free hand to capitalism meant the destruction of the
working people in every country. In
England the commercial system was
rapidly advancing, but if given full
play it would kill, maim and deteriorate the workers. It was merciless
In Its operations. Factory Acts had
been enacted, partly from humanitarian motives, but. largely in the Interests of capital itself. In the early
days of the 19th century in Lancashire, children of tender age had been
worked 12, 14, 10 and 18 hours a day
in relays, in the cotton factories.
Their beds had never been cold, one
relay of children occupying the beds
Just vacated by others who had gone
to work. That meant the deterioration or destruction    of the    British
Continued from page one
clallst" country with a "Socialist"
government, because much labor legislation had been enacted there. He
took the position, after much study,
that there was no country farther
from Socialism than New Zealand, or
more backward from Ihe standpoint
of civilization, amongst so-called civilized countries, and that also applied
to Australia. The reason was because
the development and progress of society depended on the evolution or
development of the mode of production. The government of B. C. represented the dominant capitalist interests, and were giving the country all
the civilization possible under the
present, mode of production. The
only criticism from their own
standpoint possibly was lhat they
were going too fast nnd were ahead
of their time. He agreed with the
Premier   (but    from     the    Soclnllst
worker and the Factory and Compem-
'sation Acts had been passed by tte-f
; master class Itself.    There  was  positively no legislation that could lientv-
| fit the worker outBlde of that whicl..
protected  his  life,  limb  and  health..
.This -was the only    legislation thmtt.
was of real advantage to the work:
ers, but  that included  the  questions-.
I of hours of labor and payment for Im-
'bor power or wages.
|    From  the standpoint  of  other reforms   he  could  agree  possibly   witlu
members opposite and could thereforer
welcome   lite   Royal   Commission  Cc>
give  us  an  opportunity  of  throwing*:
light  upon   these   questions.     Laliar-
men   would   be   willing     to   present
themselves   and   would     give     mucin
valuable  evidence.     He   would   malce-
one sugeslion, lhat when the Cdmmte •
sion  was granted, two representative-
labor men outside of the House, would!
be put  on  the Commission  from  Uio
standpoint  of fair play  and  for  tlie-
purpose  of attaining tho  submission;
of a valuable  minority  report.    The-
workers   would  then  get  proper  representation   and   a   lair   hearing  anc
he  hoped  the  Premier  would act or ,
the suggestion,
The Premier agreed on this point
with the member for Nanalmo am"
replied   that   the   government   wool
'give  careful    consideration    to  an*.
| names submitted.
The second reading of the Bill wku
then discharged.
On Tuesday, February 27, the last'
day of the session, the Bills providing:
for a minimum wage of $3.60 per day
, for  workers  in   coal   mines,  and  lhe
Bill providing for the fortnightly par   -
'day,  were quietly smothered  by ttie •
Premier, who had adjourned the aee-
ending reading of both of them. ami.
refused   on   this  occasion   to  discus*
Ihem, or permit a vole to be lakem.
on them.
Hardy Bay
Farm Lands and Building Lots
to supply the world from their mill*, mines ami factories: the caotainJ
of im us try all over the world have spent millions to help wakeuptha
Orient; the .«ame me„ Indirectly caused the bi ng of the Panama
Canal to handle the slow freight and resources of the Orient for th*
markets  of I-'urnpe. '
- , "r'*",*''"'"' eaptaJiii of Industry are to make Hardy Hav the terminal
for all the passenger service, mull ami fa.-! freight, are now sSend.
lng fortunes on preliminary work In  the district speno-
 HAHHY   HAV   IS   Till-;   NEAREST   HARBOR   TO   CHINA   A\-r>
JAPAN on THE PAlPIC coast, which wll connect tho thVee great
trunk railroads with the Oriental and Alaskan fleet.
SKUA-i*""* DAYS TIMI! OYER AJTY SwSS post *» Txn
PACIFIC To THE ORIENT. Mammoth coal and Iron deposits I,,"■,'■
been discovered near the harbor, Well-known financiers are contemplat-
lnK building one or the largesl steel plants In tin- world Thev «i«n
Intend to hull.l a Pulp Mill that wll be second to none on the contlneti
Hardy Hay wll also capture the Alaskan trade, ami Is n,,. onlv nnt,,ra»
gateway of the Pacific Coast—and is destined to become tho Metnmniia
of the North. '
40-Acre Farms City Building Lots
Western Farming and Colonization
Office: 5 Winch Bldg. Vancouver, B. C. I MMLMM ■ "*'■ ■
MM '■'*-'' ": H I KWH
Washington, .March 5.—By nightfall
■tZbe House Rules Committee expects to
Heutp a. complete knowledge of the en
sane Lawrence strike situation, lnclud
Pais the causes leading up to the w'ulk-
iimii of the workers und whether there
'.*as nny excuse for the brutal tactics
tor the police and military. The com
■■Tllliri. when it resumed its labors to
■ lay. planned two lengthy sessions and
iwnnded to question City Marshall
.Aillivan, of Lawrence, who prevented
"its children from being sent away by
u'Jieir parents.
"The committee was much impressed
-cxdth the testimony of Jane Bock, a
■r*«eml>er ot the committee sent to Law
-.sence from Philadelphia to take charge
•a* tie children. She declared flatly
«gutat she saw policemen use their
...jJnVis on little children at the station
;.anfl no amount of cross-examination
omlil shake that statement.
"TDo you mean to say that these po-
•air-emen deliberately struck down
i**ese little children?" demanded Rep
arrsentative Hardwick (Dem., Ga.).
-™1 saw them do it," answered the
•■:xroinan emphatically.
"That's all I want to know," re-
las-arked Hardwick.
The story of the children's work in
■Sle mills at wages of from $3 to $5 a
•wrrak was fully told before the com-
-jsittee by the children themselves.
'SM of them left school for the mills
Jnsl as soon as they reached the legal
ii li i ill 1 nj_ age.
Washington,  March  6.—A  dramatic
-ale of the  manner in  which  women
.al children were clubbed and bayoni
ieil by police and militia as a result
f She strike in Lawrence, Mass., was
Hated under oath to the House Rules
. .a-mmittee yesterday by Samuel Lip-*
■i-tyji, a striker.   He cited what he said
mmtsce specific instances of brutality as
''.ae swore he witnessed them.
"Not even the Russian cossacks,
She -wildest soldiers that I saw In Russia.'ever did things like these," said
The witness told the committee that
ransDng the spectators, seated in-the
•rear ol the room, were some of the
-OTomem and children that he saw beaten. "He suggested that the committee
■can ihem to relate their experiences
'-OBfler oath.
At the afternoon session Gompers as-
■3er3.ed that the interference by Law-
■wewce authorities justified the assumption of jurisdiction by tiie federal gov-
"It in Lawrence," he said, "gentle-
■ateri ol means were to send their chil-
•stan xo Newport, or Atlantic City or
Europe there would be no interference.
"Tftey have no more right to interfere
-wirto .flit children of poor mill oper-
them from the dangers of the strike,'
said   Upson.
"Were some of the people sent to
Philadelphia  to  take  part in  a  mass! <***-■** fo:" the treatment of a broken rib
adelphla, described the riot at the
Lawrence station.
"I saw policemen beat women with
their clubs," he said. "They beat
tbem over the shoulders and breasts.
I saw one woman choked until she
could not resist. I saw the children
picked up by the arms and legs and
thrown into patrol wagons,"
Bogatln   showed   a   doctor's   certifi-
meeting?" asked  Hardwick,
Do you know of any of these Instances of policemen and soldiers
clubbing women and children?"
Worse than Cossacks.
"Why," said Lipson, "I was in Russia during the revolution, and I never saw Russian cossacks, the wildest
soldiers in the world, behave toward
women and children as the soldiers
of Lawrence did.
"I know that little children, whenever they have been met by soldiers
ln the street, have been pushed about
and struck with clubs and the butt
end of guns," said Upson dramatically. "Never In Russia were little
7-year-old boys and girls struck by
"I know of a little boy who was
held down on the floor by a soldier
who had his knee on the boy's chest,
and the boy could not stand up because the knee was stronger than he
was. There are 400 Russian peasants
in Lawrence and they are going to
call on the Russian ambassador to
seek relief.
"So are the other nationalities if
we get no relief and it is necessary."
"Perhaps you think it is necessary,"
said Hardwick.
'Yes, when police clubbed women
and children about their bi easts and
bodies, we think something should be j
done," Lipson retorted. "Why there
was one Syrian boy who was stabbed
In the .back with a bayonet when he
was running away from a soldier who
had told him to move on."
"Where is that boy?"
Boy Stabbed to  Death.
as the result of his clubbing at the
hands of a policeman. He said there
were five or six soldiers and about
fifty police at the station and that
there were but few men among the
strikers. They were mostly women
and  children.
Bogatln got Into a controversy with
several of the committee and was
told to cease arguing.
Representative Wilson (Dem., Pa.,
declared that his attitude and answers
were   Insulting.—Dally   Socialist.
By Josephine Conger-Kaneko.
Workers on strike against unbearable conditions are a more promising
social factor than are workers in their
shops, meekly, uncomplainingly, bearing burdens that no human being
should endure.
The worker on strike has the opportunity of learning two things: the necessity of rebelling and how best to
do It. The slow-growing consciousness
of necessity may send him on strike
again and again, until at last he discovers that the strike Is insufficient,
and he must resort to other methods
of expressing his disapproval. When
this last discovery has been reached
it is safe to expect that he has traveled the road which leads to political
action, to the ballot. From this time
his class interests are expressed politically.
And this mental awakening constitutes the real revolution—for no revolution is possible until it has first
taken place in the consciousness of
men. That is why the blind striker is
Why, he is dead; he was stabbed not a revolutionist—why a rebellion is
to death.    I  saw  a  big hole  in  his not a revolution.
Crystal Theatre
Every Sunday Evening, 8 p.m.
March 24, W. J. Wilkinson
March 17  R. I. Matthews
individual   power Is  more  frequently
destructive than otherwise.
So, as we evolve ln the scale of evolution, we turn from Individualistic,
reactionary methods to socialized, constructive activity. And such activity
finds Its largest expression through the
ballot, the most effective fighting machine of modern times.
Locals can obtain a rubber stamp
with the name and address of local
or address of Secretary on it through
the Western Clarion for $1. There ls
a space left on every leaflet asking
for financial help for the carrying on
of the free distribution of the leaflets,
and each leaflet, Clarion or book
should be stamped.
Fines and Imprisonment Meted Out to
Workers Who Struck.
back," exclaimed the striker excitedly.
"There was many things like that,"
he continued. "If you were well
dressed and met a soldier on the
street he would be all right, but when
you looked pooor, even the children
were struck and  pushed about."
"Have you any hospital record of
the people who were injured?' asked
Lipson explained that they were
afraid to go to the hospitals.
"These people look on the hospitals the same as the police and the
soldiers," he said.
"Do you mean to say that American
soldiers wearing American uniforms
and policemen representing an American city abused people In this way?"
"Yes, they did," said  Lipson.-
"Can you prove that any soldier bay-
He indorsed the Industrial Commis-1 °ne**-*«   °'*  clubbed   women   and   children?"
Upson leaned foiward In his chair.
"We can bring the women and children   here,    he    said    emphatically.
Some of them are here now.    They
can tell you what was done."
Soldiers Trod  on  Girls.
Upson described attempts to send
children from Lawrence,
"After we bought forty tickets for
the children they were met by soldiers
with fixed bayonets and held up. I
saw women clubbed and brutally
thrown Into patrol wagons. The soldiers trod on little boys and girls,"
he said.
Under the strain of memory of tne
.• sic* Mils now before Congress.
' Then the first of the children of the
•jStrifce was called—a 16-year-old Jewish
aoj—iSamuel Goldberg, who had work-
• adfivB months for the American Wool-
-sn Company.
The .hoy said he was the oldest of a
•Ssmily to! five.. He received $5.10 a
i»ee"k  maximum.
"When we are five minutes late they
•aa** off an hour's pay. We pay 5 cents
:3 imeek for water. They say that It's
i-sprrng -water, but It ain't."
Tbe hoy  told  of  seeing a  woman
• zlnUbed hy a policeman.   He said that
**■*■ -Biw the police push women and
• CTblMren about at the depot.
"Tl saw one girl after she was out of
■ the strowd,' he added, "she was bleed-
So apparent, was the nervous tension
vrhtm   Samuel     Lipson    resumed   tne
i stand that Chairman Henry cautioned
Ehe Wg audience against making any
• irmmist ration.
"There was some behavior that was
imiwfiinly here on Saturday," he said,
""*i» the very flrst Instance today of any
■ .manifestation of this kind the committee twill have the room cleared  and
tShe guilty ones punished."
Foss Defends Militia.
A letter    from    Governor Foss, of
' JJassachusetts,     was    presented    by
1 Chairman Wilson, of the labor commit-
■ ten.   'The letter was signed by Foss'
i secn-tary and said that reports of con-
■ -JiiJ-niK in Lawrence "had been exaggerated."   He defended the police and
- ailrl ia in  their action  in  preventing
-tbe sending of the children from Law-
"The police simply brushed against
i She -women and children," it read, "to
-jot them aside. They did not use
.their iilubB.*"
"The committee decide  that hereaf-
V-Ahe examination of witnesses will
smade only by members of the com-
Htee.   \Bcrger  obpected  to  this,  as
j desired to  conduct the case for
ts strikers.   When Lipson's examlna-
jon hegan, Lipson said he was not a
-citizen.    He had taken out his  first
3"aj>iri*s, hut could not get the $4 ne-
-oessary to secure full papers.   Repre-
■■aenSative Hardwick took up the ques-
—v'.iv  -were    these  children   sent
V aBked Hardwick.
-**£» take care of them.    To  save
With the awakening to the knowledge of the power and necessity of political action comes the larger social
consciousness. Not only class consciousness, but social consciousness.
For what is good for the worker, the
producer, becomes good for the greatest number of society.
This social consciousnes is a powerful stimulant to the man and woman
who have been working on their little
job, with no thought beyond it, and no
sentiment larger than the sum total of
its accomplishment. A few little mechanical motions, day In and day out,
and nothing reaching beyond that.
This dead level of expression is the
fate of the individualistic worker; he
who has never learned to think from
the larger viewpoint. When the awakening comes creeping in point by
point, as light enters a shuttered
room, he sees not only Ws small portion of human work, not only his Individual machine or tools, but, like
the sweeping of mighty waters over
the face of the earth, comes the vision
of human labor, social production, his
work but a part, yet all together a
work but a part, yet al together a
splendid, necessary, complete whole,
feeding, clothing, housing the world.
But dimly at flrst, to the striker
comes the sense of class oppression.
What if, while heated with the passion of mistreatment, of individual
hatred toward an individual employer,
he and his kind rise In their might and
slay the employer, raze his factory to
the ground, proclaim themselves momentarily victorious? What of this
scenes in Lawrence during the last'show of hatred and strength?
seven weeks and his own imperfect i Unless the consciousness of social i
control of English, Upson wandered | need, of class solidarity, ls there,
in answering questions. | what is his end—and that of his fellow
"Only  last Saturday," he said, ex-1 workers?
citedly,  "lone  women    were  walking j    \\'e have his end In every strike, ev-
down the street coming from a meet-1 every rebellion, every war, that   has
Sydney, N. S. W., Jan. 15.—"When
the Labor party sought re-election last
October, It hurled two election cries
at the voters," writes H. E. Holland,
In the International Socialist. "The
flrst. was that the Wade government
had abolished trial by jury by enacting the Coercion Law; (he second, that LITERATUPF
under the Coercion Law Peter Rowling |
and others had been unjustly jailed.         We nee-l money and  we  want    to
"The echoes of the jangling of pe-Intake way for new pamphlets.   Tliere-
Removed lo 518 Hornby Street
from 824 Pender Vancouver
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special notice, without oliarse, ta ttie
suit froe. Oldest sooner forseeurluff wtfoiits.
Pntents taken throuch Munn A Co. reoolre
large, Ir *r
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k handsome.    Ulattnted weekly.    Laxgeet dr-
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Riddle of the Universe, by
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Age of Reason,, Paine  26c
God and My Neighbor,
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Not Guilty, Blatchford 30c
Man,  Woman  and  Dog,  Butters   25c
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ing. The police atacked and clubhed
them. One woman, Mrs. Carat, waB
clubhed about the body and had two
ribs broken. She had to go to bed In
the hospital. When I remember these
things they make me nervous and I
can't remember the single stories
when you ask me."
Foss Gave No Relief.
Lipson declared that he was a member of the committee from the strikers who called on Governor !Foss to
seek some action as to a court clerk
named Mahoney, who, he said, had
declined to accept bail for strikers.
"He did not give us any satisfaction," he said, "He cross-examined us
and asked questions in a hard way,
digging into the strike. He convinced
us we could hope for no relief from
the courts."
Answering Chairman Henry, Lipson
said that he received no money for
his work on the strike committee.
"I get just the same relief from the
Jewish relief committee of the strike
that others do. We get $3 or $4 a
"Have you any money in the bank?
"I wish I had," he replied, with a
hitter smile. "How could I? I wish
I had enough money to pay my bills.
Tells   of   Beating   Women.
Max Bogatln, a member of the Socialist committee that endeavored to
either crushed him or made him but
a trifle less a slave than he previously
But let his sense of social activity
reach Its full power, and what do we
flnd? He begins his plans for class
betterment. Not only to destroy, to
tear down, but to build up, is hiB idea.
To lay a foundation even ln the midst
i of the old order, that none can contest, none destroy. He seeks for his
defense the most powerful weapons—
the best weapons used by his adversary.
In the United States the weapon ot
his adversary Is the ballot. Behind the
ballot are fortunes built up. principalities established, workingmen exploited, women sold Into white slavery,
little children into Industrial slavery.
The ballot Is the shield and the sword
of the capitalist.
So it must be also for the worker.
And the Socialist worker says: "We
are In earnest; yet we intend fair
play; we will play the game on your
terms—but we intend to play. But,
(he has the proviso) when you shift
the terms of the game we will play
that way, too. But not until you do.
And we hope you never will."
Class action, then, constructive, rather than destructive, is the antithesis
of individual a'ctlon, which too often
is destructive. For, strangely enough,
while conscious Boclal activity may in
ter Bowling's leg irons for vote-catching purposes may almost be heard
still. The McGowenites promised
that, If returned to power, their two
first acts would be to release the
strike prisoners and to repeal the Coercion Act. They carried out the first
'part of their promise in all cases but
that of Stokes, whom they brutally
held in jail; but the Coercion Act still
remains on the statute books, and a
year has elapsed since that promise
was made! Not only is it still on the
statute book, but its provisions are being administered and enforced by the
very party that promised to repeal it.
And a union secretary, John Dixon,
has gone to jail for two months under
its provisions. And the prosecuting
counsel in the case was one who was
employed by Wade & Co., against the
Broken Hill unionists!
"John Dixon, secretary of the Lithgow branch of the Federated Ironworkers, was charged (on Monday of
last week) with having aided persons
talcing part in a strike.
" 'There could be no alternative In
the way of a fine,' said the judge, as
he compared the case with that of
Peter Bowling, Hutton, O'Connor and
Butler, Dixon had broken the law In
a determined way; 'he ought to have
restrained the men' (In other words,
he ought to have urged them to
"In addition to the charges against
Dixon, over 100 unionists were prosecuted on the same and preceding days
for having gone on strike and broken
the law. These were prosecuted under section 42 of the Industrial Disputes Act—a clause Included ln the
old Arbitration Act, and fully Indorsed
by the Labor party. Of these forty-five
men were each fined £4 14s (id, with
the option of four weeks' hard labor;
seven were fined C1 lis 6d, or seven
days' hard labor; sixteen were fined,
some £ 12s 6d each, or fourteen days'
hard labor; sixty-nine were fined,
some £3 13s Gd, or twenty-one days'
hard labor, and some £2 12s Gd, or
fourteen  dayB.
"In all the fines will amount to
somewhere near £500!
"And this ls as far as we have got
—after twenty years of a Labor party's
existence, and with a loyal-to-the-king,
God-fearing Labor government holding
the reins.
"John Dixon ls In jail; it was under
a law made by Wade and Wood and
administered by McGowen and Holman
that he was placed there; it Is by the
Labor government that he is held
there. The Labor government has
power to open the jail gates now', In
order that Dixon, unjustly jailed, might
walk forth a free man.
"Every union that isn't a scab organization, and every Socialist branch,
should demand his release from the
new leg-Irons government."
fore we make the following offer:
Manifesto of s. P. of C   lOc
Socialism, Revolution and  Internationalism      10c
Socialism and Unionism      fie
Slave of the Farm       He
1 Struggle for Existence       5c
Summary of Marx'  "Capital" 5c
The State and Government     5c
Value, Price and Profit      5c
take the children of Lawrence to Phil- variably express Itself constructively,
I believe tn protecting American
industries, but I do not believe in
rocking the cradle when the infant is
seven feet high and wears a No. 12
All enjoy the Btage. It makes us
human. A rascal never gained applause on the stage. No one has
ever yet seen any play In which, in
his heart, he did not applaud honesty, heroism, self-denial, fidelity,
courage and sincerity.
"What We Want," by W. Gribble.
Leaflet No. 1, A four-page leaflet is
now in print.   $1.50 per 1,000.
The best and cheapest
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a*-ST]NB.c cir-t/M*9:
Life is a shadowy, strange and
winding road; just a little way—only)
a few short steps, from the cradle
with its lullaby of love, to the lowi
and quiet wayside .inn, where all at
last must sleep, and where the only
salutation is "good-night." I
Spscial Election Edition
No. 660 March 23
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Address:   Western Clarion.
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