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Western Clarion Nov 9, 1912

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Subscription Price iii
PER YB4B       91
Greed for/ Markets and Hunger for Profits the Fertile
Soil for Patriotism and Blood Lust.
ot production, but of anything else
worth while. Why, the majority of
slaves don't own even a blade of grass,
yet howl about defending "our country." The fact is, they are only lodgers
on their master's territory. When they
ask for a job, it's simply asking permission to work so as to get wages
to buy food, clothing and shelter so as
to stay upon the earth a little longer.
And yet many of them act as tools to
their masters by shooting strikers
down. Shame on you of the working
class who can stoop so low.
It only proves the Socialist contention that the institutions of today
teach us to reason from a master claBs
viewpoint, and by that chloroform our
minds to the truth. The capitalists
in the madTUsh for wealth, for what
means power today, are envious of
each other's property, hence the German war scare. German capitalists
want markets to get rid of the ever-
increasing surplus commodities "legally" stolen from the working class,
and they flnd, like all other countries,
markets getting less ln relation to
the Increased production of wealth. So
they see Britain has colonies in a
stage of development and by creating
a war and winning would waift a bigger share of the earth as a concession
and perhaps rule us from London. And
while a war was going on theBe same
'"patriotic leading citizens" would supply the enemy with battleships, ammunition, etc., to shoot their own countrymen down as long as there is a
profit ln it. Proflt ls our masters'. Patriotism.
Does a Canadian, British, German or
any other .capitalist whep en*.plPKi,ng,
jnbor,   employ    his  own    nationality
only?   Not on your life.   If he can buy
       ,  ,        , a Chinaman cheaper he gets the job.
ownership, tbe Church has always up-,^ u & ^^ ^ an anU.
held in emphatic terms the right of a rmater)a] and Wg speculat)ve Qod
man to the property which belongs to      ^ materlahBtfc „„,-,„ ttn4jCe„.ts.
nlm*" _    ..   *   '„.•    ,      Np delving Into the unseen 'bat hiqv
When  we  see  Dreadnaughtsi.beta.        he rea,lzes what   lvefe nlta%ater.
,-built; aeroplanes made so as to hug     comfort „ dolIfcrl an„ „,-„  '
their means of destruction to the earth -v.
to kill people; ammunition and guns Th« firet tlme the writer saw an to-
made so as to carry death for miles; ««" wl«* te*^ .'" U\^g &
submarines to smash ships under the bought it amusing, but not ha% SO
water, It makes one wonder whether [ ******** •* * B-"1*0' decorated Wage
the human race is sane or Insane. \"*™* '" <•» Highlanders with horse
Many workers realize that in war blanket Petticoats and big hats parad-
they do the fighting and get maimed "W the streets, making themselves a
or killed; many as yet do not under- '""Shlng stock to the cute capitalist
stand, and the question ariBes, Why,8"*1 a tr**Blc Plcture t0 the •*>"**«»••
One can rarely pick up a paper nowadays without reading of war or rumors of war. In the Balkans at present the slaves of different countries
are slaughtering each other in the
name of their respective kings, and the
honor and defense or "their country."
Poor, propertyless slaves! Premier
Borden has been arousing interest
among the workers' of Canada by his
trip to England regarding the giving
of Dreadnaughts and some of the working claBs are much interested as to
•whether "Canada" should give two
Dreadnaughts or three. In defense of
"'One King, One Country, One Empire."
The Duke of Connaught appears to
be a "wage-slave" exploited by the Industrial Capitalists to go from Atlantic
to Pacific to herald the tidings of Patriotism to a slave class fast learning
the bluff game ot the rule of Capital.
Even the one and only war hero, Winston Churchill, is going to visit Canada, also Lord Roberts, to prate about
Canada's duty to the mother country.
How amusing! The dying gasps of
Capitalism digging its own grave.
In thlB day and age after hundreds
of years of religion, with the slogan of
Christ drilled into us, "Peace on earth,
good will towards men," we find the
Church organizing "boy Bcout" movements; training the youngsters to be
submissive to their masters when they
grow up; making them repeat like parrots their respectB for Royal Family
•and other parasites and the Catholic
Church sending • out "stalwart debaters" against the wicked Socialists who
are materialists.
Truly the Church is an institution
of tha rule of capital, as a speech of
Oardinal Bourne in the Catholic Record,  says:   "As   God  allows  private
We are not opposed to the worker
bettering bis condition Whenever he
can, but this we know, that as long as
the wages system lasts there will be
poverty and crime and the attendant
evils of the proflt system and any effort made to lighten the burden from a
few Individuals merely shifts the burden' to other's shoulders, that it In no;
way effects the worker as a whole,,
We want to see, and live in a world;
wherein all the workers shall have the
cleanest of surroundings, the safest of
tools, the BEST of everything to worl?
with. But we think that the way to
get it is to center all our efforts—not
on old age pensions and mlnimummery
but upon the complete abolition of the
system that today stands in the way
of better living conditions of the working class.
We are not getting excited about
the high cost of living for we believe
that ln accordance with the fundamen
tal laws of value, foods today sell for ,....,>,
.   ...    . TtZi A      i   ,   i\. N It suits today, the meek and base
just about what it cobIs in labor ener-J   ,„,, ,„'.,„ „.,„., ■ „„
gy to produce them. While some would
clamor for some panacea to reduce the
price of food, we point out that the
thing that is the matter is: the producer doesn't get paid for the product
of his labor. Cost of living is not top
high. The producers of living do not
get the value of product. Cost of living is figured on a ten-a-day scale, cost
of producing ability to labor two-a-day
Difference eight dollars. When you
abolish the wages system and make it
possible for the producer of value to
the extent of ten dollars to exchange
his product for the equivalent, then
you will have solved the problem.
This, then, Is the remedy: Work to
overthrow the system; keep on telling
the story of the systematic robbery of
the toiler, show up the capitalist class
in all its hideousness that your fellow
workers fay become willing workers1
with you to the end that the capitalist
The People's flag ls deepest red,
It shrouded oft, our martyred dead;
And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold
Their life-blood dyed its every fold.
Then raise the scarlet standard high
Beneath its folds, we'll live and die;
Though  cowards  flinch and traitors
We'll keep the red flag flying here.  -
Look 'round! the Frenchman loves its
The sturdy German chants its praise;
In Moscow's vaults, ts hymns are sung,
Chicago swells its surging song.
It waved above our infant might
When  all   ahead  seemed  dark  as
night;   .
It witnessed many a deed and vow,
We will not change its color now.
Whose minds are fixed on pelf and
To  cringe  beneath the  rich  man's
And haul that sacred emblem down.
With heads uncovered, swear we all,
To bear it onward till we fall;
Come dungeons dark, or gallows grim,,
This   song   shall   be   our   parting
In any city where Socialists organizations are sure of their grounds and
where a majority of the members
understand clearly the philosophy of
Socialism, and so can keep the issue
clear, much good can be done by entering a municipal campaign. Education cannot be carried on without
political organization and every oppor-
Class may,.!*, forced.to-dlsgorge. oC^, ?hm.^MmeiM_m
H      "help   toard   building  up   a   thorough
their stolen hpldings. Let him sing all
the siren songs he wants to to tell
you what he is going to do for you.
But if yon want anything done you will
have tpv line up with the members of
yoUr.:'c#n olass and d-g the>.-jo*b'ifo*r
y&£*ii-jBmldea, it is a irifl'e Ajpiish
pa**J"l«',,ev»r*e****!pect t»»"{%i-
politlcal machine.
In every campaign the workers
eyes must ever be directed toward*
the: one goal—Socialism.
T<j "go on. advocating the municipal
ownership of soup kitchens-and other
aistlr silly Nostrums is- to conjtose tha
T T*lL* •?,",'" "**"*"*"'"'. ""S S^*""Jisgue* aad is worse than wasted energy,
to do .ttnyjhlne-top yo,u, in view -•*
'otymh factifnat you.haVe^lWaya'done, him.. He has had no experience ln do-
everythlng • for him.    Tou Wild -Ms j ng anything for himself, let alene for
houses, make his clothes, prepare his t you. vLet the experienced man tend
fodd and do all the necessary.work for to it.—Truth, Tacoma, Wash.
War at all? The press, and tin horn
politicians and so-called "great statesmen" are talking of War between Eng-
sclous workers.
But yet look at the applause of the
"cheering    mob,"    the    unsuspecting
By T. Edwin Smith
land and Germany. Do the workers'dupes of Capital, who, despite the
of either country wish to flght each lessons of history of the last few years
other? I think not, especially for a have not learned that they are cheer-
shilling or so per day. We know that | ing and admiring members of their
had the mines in South Africa never own class in uniform who have been
existed there would have been no war,
and the mines are our masters' property. Yet the workers sacrificed their
lives of those patriotic slaves. How
many survivors are now In the work-
houses of Britain? Where are the
widows and orphans of the killed?
Have our "patriotic leading citizens"
seen flt to support them, or have they
not substituted them in the workshops
for men because they are "cheaper"?
Our "leading citizens" take pains to
see we are taught that bit of poetry,
"Cannons to right of them, Cannons to
left of them," but they do not teach
us that a great many Crimean Veterans finished their lives In the poor-
houses. Just the other week In Toronto, one of the Indian Mutiny veterans was sent to jail as a "vagrant" because he was too old to work. Our
"patriotic leading citizens" wouldn't
employ him because there wasn't
enough proflt to be wrung out of his
old bones. Younger men, more virile,
were required, yet he had several medals for being a good "target" to be
shot at. •
The worker from childhood has been
taught to sing, "God save the Hang,"
and so long as Kings and Emporers
exist, so does wage slavery and war.
He sings "Britons never, never, never
shall be slaves," and nerhaps the next
moment he asks a brother of the earth
to give him leave to. toll, thus proving
his dependence, hence his slavery. At
the sound of the jingo songs he throws
his chest out and talks about defending ''his country."
Karl Marx's slogan to the workers
was: "Workers of the World, unite;
you have nothing to lose but your
chains, and a world to gain," is very,
very true. The vast majority of workers have no country; they are a propertyless class, not only ln the means
and are used by an unscrupulous master class to slaughter them into submission in defence of property rights.
It is time you workers were wise to
the bluff game of your masters and
realize that they are a useless class, a
non-producing class, yet an ill-enjoying
class, and that the mission of armies
and navies Is to protect them In the
plunder they have wrung out of your
nerve-racked bodies.
They, by their ownership of the
earth and means of production, have
sentenced we of the working class to
a lifetime of weary, heart-breaking,
disgusting drudgery so that they may
enjoy comfort, travel art, music, and
give their wives silks, satins and diamonds made by the sweat and blood
of our class.
In Socialism lies our only hope;
aught else is a delusion and a snare.
To you trade unionists in the "territorials" it is time you withdrew and
became true to your own class instead
of traitors to it. The writer is not a
Christian, but to you volunteers and
professing Christians, there ls a commandment which say's: "Thou shalt
not kill.' War is murder, whether
legalized or not. A greater war ls in
existence than the one ln the Balkans
and the German war scare, and that Is
the war of the classes, Capital vs.
Labor. This war is for the control
of the means of production, or In other
words, who Is going to own the earth,
the workers or the shirkers?
By the workers' ownership we shall
enjoy what we produce—enjoy pure
food, good houses, good clothes, travel,
time to study and to live. With the
ownership of the earth by the workers
our present masters will have to share
in "the dignity of labor- * starve to
death If they so prefer.
In the meantime wage slavery and
Formerly Traveling Ivestigator, TJ. S.
Bureau of Labor.
A short time ago in answer to the
qupry. "How will we get posession of
the agencies of production in the event
of the Socialists getting into power?"
the answer was given in the columns
of another Socialist paper that we
would buy out the present owners raising the money by issuing government
There Is a large numter of Socialists
in this world, of whom I am one, who
do not approve of this method snd 1
crave space to set forth the reasons
why we are not ln agreement with the
plan to buy out the preaent bond and
share holders.
First; to raise the sum of money
required by Issuing government bonds
say at four per cent would not solve
the problem. It would simply change
the form of bondage but not the substance. To get money we should be
obliged to soli the bonds to some people who have a surplus above their
actual daily necessities. The only people In the world who have thai, surplus
are the members of tho capitalist class.
We ahould have to pay Interest to them
on their bonds so we, can see that the
four per cent Interest would then go to
the same class that today ls receiving
dividends on stocks and industrial
This Interest each year would be a
charge upon property, and does not
represent any actual wealth produced
and consequently it must come out of
some one other than the bond owners.
It would have to be taken from the
working class collectively because
there would be no one else to produce
it. Then the same people who today
are producing surplus values for the
benefit of the masters would be doing
Being an Explariatibn of the Declaration of Principl
of the Is. P. G. B.
war will continue until we of the
working class become intelligent
enough to change the basis of society
from class to collective ownership of
the earth.
96 John St.
Toronto, Ont.
tt still. By such a change all that
a worker is able to produce above
Ills bare subsistence would go to the
capitalists precisely as lt does today.
We should merely change the name
on the workers collar but he would
not be any more free than he is today.
The surplus would come out of the
products of the labor just as lt does
now, would go to the same useless
hand of idlers just as it does today
and the State would act as the collector ln the same old way.
Some people while admitting that
this would not be a perfect solution
of the difficulty seem to think that lt
would at least lighten the burden
which the working class bears and to
that extent it would be a benefit.
They are wrong In this. It is true that
In the case of particular industries
some benefit would be derived but
If we take into consideration all of
the Industries that today nre under
private ownership, four per cent"would
make but little difference.
Let us take the railroads for example. In 1909 there were 24,1041
miles of railway in Canada capitalized;
at $1,308,481,416. The capitalization
including both stocks and bonds on
an average is $55,638 per mile. This;
is not at all excessive when we consider.
that rolling stock and terminals ls included ln this figure as well as the
tracks and siding.
If the Dominion Government were
to issue bonds bearing four per cent
Interest to cover this amount the interest each year would amount to
$52,331,296 per year. This would go
to the same people who today are
receiving interest and dividends from
their railway stocks and bonds. In
that same year the profits earned by
all the railways in the Dominion only
amounted to $40,456,251.76. There
were thirty six railways that were apparently operated at a loss In connection with other Industries or with a
view to special considerations. The
profits were earned by three or four
great corporations who were able to
As ttie machinery of aovsrnmsnt, Including Warmed forces of ths nation,
exists only to conserve the monopoly
by ths capitalist class of the wealth
taken from the workers, ths Working
class must organize consciously and
politically fbr the conquest of the
powers of governnibnt, national arid
local, in order that this machinery, Including these forces, may be converted
from an Instrument of oppression into
the agent of emancipation and the
overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and
The machinery of government ls
composed • of the governing bodies,
from Parliament down to the Parish
Council or the Board of Guardians, the
instruments of the Law from the Lord
Chief Justice down to the "Labour"
J.P., and the armed forces, from the
army and navy, professional and amateur, down to the policeman, the Jailor,
and the common hangman.
To say that all these exist merely
to conserve to the master class the
plunder they wrest from the workers
looks, to the man who views things
through the glasses the masters provide for him, very much like "drawing
the long bow," but. lt is nothing of the
It Is often argued tbat the hangman Is necessary to square accounts
with the murderer of the working-
man's daughter, tbat the policeman ls
•the sweet little cherub who sits up
aloft and keeps watch and-ward over
the teapot the prosperous proletarian
banks his surplus money in.
Well, whatjf,fre ..flogs,!...,
hangman is the only ' protection
sweet and innocent seventeen? It
does not follow, by any means, that
this is anything more
-Mhatthis ls why these.
the present social sysjan*
nature pf titti
—to assume;
not, in realJKJ
maintain "ordnr,
mental hypocrisy '<*
exists in a false atmosphere of Impartiality, as something above the division of class interests, and therefore
as competent to deal impartially with
petty class squabbles.
But first of all. It postulates a social
condition which is entirely in favour of
the class whose Instrument it Is, and
the basis of that social condition ln
the present day Is the private ownership of wealth.
The "order" which the State Is to
maintain must be in harmony with
that property condition. Anything
which Is out of harmony with that
basis is disorder, and must be suppressed. Therefore, of course, it must
include the robbery of the working
Under that condition the State and
in m tary different stage of di
ment to that which it has attiSood
amy.   tho steam engine wis lot'
Vented, and machinery Wat practically'
the vast, strides made by 'the'u. ,_
opment of the means and Instrument
of production have brought about an
Industrial revolution, but the basis of
ttie soctol system has not shifted one
jot. It Was ownership by a section w
society of the iarid, material, factories,
and implements of production in the
beginning ot the system—lt is the
Same today.
How could it be otherwise? The
very working of the system itself precludes the broadening of the private
ownership so as to include all the people, fbr the steady tendency of competition bas been and is to narrow that
base by crushing successive circles
- The only way in which the base can
alter is in the direction bf common e
ownership, and in this direction there
is no halfway house.   Bits of common
ownership cannot exist iq a world of
private ownership by a class. The case
is not the same where, even though
private ownership is the rule, it tab
the form of ownership of tbe mi
of production by those who use the!
instead of by those who do not
such a system certain portions of th
woods  and  pastures,    for lnstanci
might be commonly cwned, as lndeei
they were, and peopler^owning; then
own products  would aeiive ,.*enef
fronj: them. jj
But where the workers hatevte
"'ir labor-power in a competitive;
T1(n'f9eT,'"fo'llve,'"fte benefit of
property, whatever the legal term
ownership may be, will accrue to
master • class.    However It- may
called, their,have control of i' throi
their system, wbich detensjnes
the working da**) shall surrender i
whole of its labor-power 'to them j
ie cost of its. production.
•jtt' there were any possible way
. the social base could be g
changed from private Owner
common, lt is doubtful if all the
armed force could prevent that gradual change taking place—but we
should have seen a commencement
made long ere this. As a matter ot
fact, not one shred of commonly owned
wealth can be pointed to. Our Pest
Offlce is under the control of the master class, who use lt to sweat profit
out of the workerB for the relief of
the taxpayer, and to provide fat sinecures for their own sons. Even the
"nation's pictures," and the public
parks, are under the control of the
capitalist class, who decide how tbey
shall be conducted, and when they
shall be opened or closed. The people
have nothing at all to say on these
It is quite Impossible, therefore, for
its machinery pretends to be tho sei-lthe baBe of Pwsent-day society to un-
vant of the whole of the people, butjd"W> *** P""-"388 °* evolution, Soci-
it Is ridiculous, on the face of It. The!*" ll*";lf doe8 evolve, but the present
fact,   that  some   workingmen  have
little money In the teapot, or that the
system breeds a certain number of
maniacs or desperate beings against
whom society at large needB protection, only serves to obscure tho real
reason for the maintenance of armed
It is not the private property of the
base of society cannot. It started ln
the same form that now possesses,
and It must retain tbat form until It
finishes its career. It came in as private ownership by a class, and as private ownership by a class It must go
While lt Is true that In Ihe long ruu
the social system ls determined by 'he
(Continued on page four)
workers that the armed forces of the stage of development of Ihe means of
nation exist to protect. It Is not even producing wealth, the social system
the private property of the master! and this stage of development may,
class that It is primarily maintained to j nevertheless, be totally out of har
conserve. It is the central point, the mony. Indeed, at recurring periods lt
pivot, of the present social system— j must be, at least so long as society is
the private property institution which | divided into classes. The reason Is
is to be protected. j'hat   whlle   the   development   of   the
It is this private property Institution i means   of   production    Is  not  under
men's control, the social system, within certain limits, Is. , The industrial
development, which men cannot arrest, la ever shifting the social centre
of gravity, changing dominating values. Thus, at one time, whoever controlled the land controlled society. As
industry developed, however, the Implements and machinery became of
greater Importance. This change of
values brought another class to the
surface—the owners of the factories,
machinery and raw materials. But the
industrial development which brought
to light this new class, did not arrange
a social system under which thoy
could reach their highest pinnacle of
power. It gave them strength by altering the values of the sources Of
wealth;   lt gave  them  education by
that ls the vital spark of the capitalist
organism, hence Its preservation unruptured Ib of Incomparably greater
Importance than the protection of present property from petty pilferers.
As a matter of fact the State Is Itself
an instrument for the violation of private property, as witness the "Death
Duties." One section of the ruling
class may use the machinery of the
State to plunder another section, and
that without straining a Joint of It
But every atom of Its composition is
formed to resist an attack upon the
private property institution.
lt was Bhown in an earlier chapter
that the basis of society as at present
constituted Is the ownership by the
master class of the meanB of living. At
the time society was placed upon this
basis the machinery of production waB
(Continued on Page 4.)
Published every Saturday by thc Socialist Party of Canada at the office of
the Western Clarion, Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Vancouver, B. C.
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In making remittance by cheque, exchange must be added. Address all communications and make all money orders
•arable to
Labor Temple, Dunsmuir St., Vancouver,
B. C.
£QA— Watch the label on your paper. If
tt&t this number Is on It, your subscription   expires   the   next   Issue.
and materially assist in making it a are clearing, the workers as a claBs facts of the situation, they decided to
potent and powerful factor In the
struggle of Labor for freedom from the
bonds of capitalist domination.
Personally I am sorry that the Western Clarion is forced to go out of existence as the organ of the Socialist
Party of Canada. However, aB it is
imperative we may as well make the
best of it and earnestly hope for better results from the new deal.
8ATURDAY,   NOVEMBER   9,   1912.
Beginning with No. 305, under date
of Jan. 28, 1905, I took up the publication of the Western Clarion and have
stood sponsor for the same, as far as
finance ls concerned, down to the present time. The paper had been previously run by Comrade R. P. Pettipiece, but a continuous deficit eventually exhausted his resources and
compelled him to suspend publication.
At the time of suspension the Clarion
had a sub. list of about 2500 with an
average of six months to run. I assumed this list and filled each subscription and have continued publication down to the present practically
without a break.
The deficit has averaged considerably
over one hundred dollars per month
during the nearly eight years that have
elapsed. I have patiently and hopefully looked forward to the time when
through the zeal and earnest effort
of the comrades throughout the Dominion its sub. list might reach such
proportions as would not only pay the
cost of publication but bring a revenue
to the Party treasury. During the
three years . from November, 1908,
down to the end of 1911, the Action of
party ownership and maintenance was
indulged in with the hope that this
might tend to spur the comrades on
to extra efforts towards financial success on behalf of the Party. As far
as Party maintenance was concerned,
it was purely fiction, for I had the deficit to make good and deficit in publication ls a matter that will thrive
without any effort at cultivation.
At the end of 1911 I was still not
' only face to face with this deficit but
was again forced to assume the editorial management as well.
Eight years of thl! sort of thing is
quite enough. No Individual could be
expected to carry this sort of thing
.forever. The patience of even Job
himself would eventually wear out. If
there appeared to be any probability
of the circulation being pushed up to a
paying basis there would be ample en-"
couragement to continue meeting a
deficit for at least a time, but there
seems to be no disposition that way.
For some time the circulation has been
falling off, not rapidly, it is true,
but rapidly enough to be seriously threatening. Hence I have
been compelled to call a halt. I can
stand this deficit no longer. Either
the paper must suspend or some other
arrangements be made to carry it on.
As I see no prospects of such arrangements being made, I have assumed
the responsibility of disposing of the
matter as follows:
Beginning with next week's Issue of
the B. C. Federationist, every subscriber at present on the Western
Clarion list will receive a copy of the
Federationist until his sub. has been
filled. The Federationist wlll continue
as a six page, seven column paper. I
have agreed to contribute two columns of editorial matter weekly to the
Federationist. The editorial policy of
the Clarion during the past eight
years should be a sufficient guarantee
of what the nature of such contributed
matter will be. At least three columns ln tbe paper will be at our disposal for party purposes and in general Its columns will be open to a
reasonable quantity of suitable matter from correspondents. The price
of the li'ederatloniBt, for the present at
least, is $1.00 per year, or 50 cents for
six months.
With a continuation of the editorial
policy of the Clarion and as an official
mouthpiece for the S. P. of ('., I feel
sure that no subscriber now on the
Clarion list will feel that faith has not
been kept with him. If 1 succeed in
filling all subs to the last number, and
that ls my purpose ln making the arrangements referred to, I shall feel
that I have accomplished all that, can
reasonably be expected.
The Federationist will carry general
news of the world's labor movement
in addition to all the Clarion lias been
able to do in the past, lt wlll have
means and opportunity so to do that
we of the Clarion have not had.
I sincerely hope that every Clarion
subscriber upon the list will continue
upon that of the Federationist and
do what ho can to add the names of
others. If such should prove the case
it will strengthen the arm of those who
are responsible for the Federallonlst
As far back ln human history as
any authentic' record reaches we flnd
the working people engaged In a continual struggle against their masters
and employers. Upon the part of masters the tendency has always been to
encroach upon the personal liberty of
the workman and reduce his stipend
to the lowest possible limit. That the
workers have persistently struggled
against this all down through the ages
is a matter of history. That the lines
along which their efforts have been
directed have been determined by their
understanding of the problem in hand
goes without saying. That their understanding of the problem has fallen
somewhat short of a thorough grasp
of the real reason for their uncomfortable and often Intolerable conditions is certain, otherwise, by sheer
force of numbers, they would have
forced their interests as against the
interests of the masters and thus relieved themselves of the burden of
exploitation that bore so heavily upon
Over two thousand years ago organized workingmen took active part
in the political life of many Roman
ities. By the exercise of the franchise
they obtained control of Boards
of Public Works and other parts
of the administrative machinery,
thus, in a measure, protecting themselves against the crushing effect of Blave labor being
utilized in carrying out of municipal
and other public works. As the Roman conquerors were pouring into
Rome millions of slaves in the persons of the conquered people of other
lands, their natural Inclination would
Of necessity be to substitute the labor
of these slaves in every manner possible, for that of the free and better
paid Roman working men. The Inevitable result of this would be to force the
free workmen back into chattel slavery
from which they had previously emerged as a result of persistent and
stupendous struggle.
However, this at least partial political
awakening of the working class was
checked by the awful slaughter and
ruthless repression of the workerB
during the period which marked the
downfall of Paganism and the uprise
of Christianity.
From Ward's "Ancient Lowly" and
other sources we learn that the early
Christian faith was not a matter of
spiritual Balvatlon beyond the grave,
but of material salvation from the
Ills of Roman slavery here upon earth.
are once more awkenlng to the neces- return to Vancouver the next morn-
slty of intelligent and concerted action
along class lines. They are awakening politically and that is the sole
portent of Intelligent action, for political conquest implies the control of
the field of industry and in such control by the working class lies its emancipation from that slavery, which for
ten thousand years has rested as a
blighting curse upon the human race.
The political awakening of labor is
the most cheering sign of the times.
It is the rainbow of promise in the
sky of capitalist civilization that is
otherwise dark and drear with the
clouds of Ignorance, superstition and
No one at all conversant with world
affairs at the present time can escape
the conclusion that the by no means
distant future holds in store for humanity some swift, sweeping and far-
reaching changes in social and industrial institutions. There ls evidence
upon every hand to conclusively show
that capitalist civilization has already
passed the zenith of its power and is
even now tottering upon its slave foundations in such a manner as to portend
its rapid approach to that oblivion it
is so justly entitled to adorn by Virtue
of its crimes and iniquities.
Capitalist rule is no longer tolerable.
Under it humankind ls no longer able
to provide for Its material existence.
Millions are ln open revolt against its
baneful sway and these are being
added to with such rapidity that they
will soon become an unconquerable
host, and the doom of capitalism be
If the movement of the oppressed
toilers of the world against their brutal exploiters is anything, it is essentially revolutionary. It can make for
nothing short of the abolition of the
wage system upon which is builded the
entire structure of capitalist robbery
and rule. It means the downfall and
death of Capital and the uprise of
Labor to freedom and life.
To attain to the mastery of industry
upon which their freedom from capitalist bondage and exploitation (depends, renders it necessary that the
workers, as a class, gain control of the
machinery of government, as it is
through control of this powerful Instrument of repression alone that their
capitalist masters are enabled to hold
them in subjection to their merciless
proflt-mongering scheme. As the workers greatly outnumber their exploiters,
victory Is easily within reach once the
workers become conscious of their
class interests and the power that
comes from overwhelming numbers.
Under such circumstances, it is ridiculous folly to even suggest a resort to
any subterfuge for the purpose of disguising the revolutionary purpose of
the movement of Labor against Capital. It should be openly proclaimed
from the housetops so that all may
know and none be deceived. Let it be
It seems that hundreds of thousands of j hurled In the teeth of our capitalist
workmen embraced the new faith, if so enemy  that  he   is  to  be  ruthlessly
stripped of his power to rule and rob.
That his alleged property rights are
to be abrogated with as little conscience and scruple as has been shown
by the capitalist class itself in riveting
the chains of olavery upon the limbs
of Labor.
it may be termed, and clung tenaciously to its doctrine of communal property
and communal life. All the thousands
of years of human slavery with its brutalities and oppressions had not been
equal to the task of crushing the communal instinct from the human breast.
It would not down and the bonds of
fraternity and brotherhood held those
ancient workmen together in defense
of their common interests against the The struggle between the mine own-
most awful brutality and slaughter ers and the mine workers here, has
that has ever been recorded. evolved from at case of discrimination,
The "New Faith," a purely economic to one of higher wages. Attempts are
doctrine of the workers, was finally j being made by the company to work
adopted by the priests and rulers and; two of the mines here. The labor be-
incorporated Into the economic prog-Mng used Is of the cheap brand, having
mm of the masters by promising soul j been imported from China and Japan
salvation after death, as a recompense some time ago by our patriotic mis-
for the tortures of slavery sufferod, representatives at Victoria. These
before that momentous event. Asiatics are mixed with a few of the
Against the assault ot the masters, boys of the bull dog breed, who go to
with their horde of hireling assassins | tbelr work humming Brltains "never
then, as now, recruited from the rankB shall be slaves," for six days in the
of the enslaved class itself, the work- week and on the seventh go and listen
ers went down to defeat. Their or- to one of those soldiers of the Cross
ganizatlons were destroyed by the (bones and skull) preaching content-
wholesale slaughter of their members, ment, meekness and mildness; "you
The property of those organizations must love God" above all, and don't
was confiscated by the prlestB of the forget It Is your duty to suuport your
new order and became the foundation pastor. Also remember that you
stone of the modern Christian church J must think more of your soul than of
with its doctrine of the sacredness of |your body, for Christ has said: "What
property here and the sacredness of,doth it proflt a man If he gained the
souls hereafter. | whole world and suffered the loss of
The story of the downfall of the his own soul." Once a man is conoid labor organizations, that had ex-jvlnced of this type of knowledge, how
isted for hundreds of years before can he be anything e'Fe other than a
Christ's time, and the converting of meek, mild, submissive, cringing and
the mechanism, property and faith of
these organizations to the use of the
master class to prolong Its reign of
brutality and rapine is the most bloodcurdling page In human history. Thus
were the foundations of Christianity
laid, and cemented with the blood of
millions of ruthlessly, slaughtered
workingmen and their families.
The political awakening of labor—
the only real danger that ever confronted a ruling class—was thus summarily crushed and this danger averted for the next, eighteen centuries or
more. Under the coarsely brutal rule
of a conscienceless master class, aidetl
by the powerful soporific influence of a
state-supported superstition the past
eighteen  centuries,  has  heen  a  dark
cowardly slave and scab? Once you
load a man with this dope, you have
got him. He will suffer untold misery,
or pain on this earth, to escape that
lake of brimstone and potash, and to
gain that everlasting happiness beyond. If the rich man has the same
incentive, or force, behind him, he
will pass through that needle without
touching the sides.
The engineers, at a meeting the
other night, resolved that they would
stand by the miners in their struggle
for higher wages. The same night 28
engineers arrived from Vancouver to
take the places of the striking engineers. On being questioned, these Immigrant engineers said they were told
there was no strike In Cumberland of
ing, which they did. This action of
the engineers was taken after being
told by the high priests of their organization, that if they should strike
the organization would provide men
to take their places. A few of the
"always was, is, and .always will be's"
of the engineers were dissatisfied
with the action taken by the younger
and more revoutionary element of the
craft, and so they decided to call a
special meeting of all surface men
employed in and around the mines.
These special meetings are the order of the day ln Cumberland at present. The flrst was the business men,
In the name of the Board of Trade.
The next was a couple of Are bosses,
and now a couple of engineers. They
all received their authority from the
same source, nowhere; and they were
all equally successful in accomplishing what they set out to do, viz., to
break the strike. The next thing in
order would be another special called
by the would-be founders of the Cumberland Boy Scout Movement, Patriotic Sundays, Rally Days, with sacred
concerts as a specialty, or in other
words, the sky pilots.
In all strikes there Is much food for
thought for the strikers, and this is
no exception to the rule. The fusion
of the miners and engineers is the result of the development of capitalistic
proluction, which will ultimately break
down all barriers between all crafts.
By the continual compulsory revolutionizing of the machine, the skilled
laui -ers are being reduced to a level
with the common laborer, thus trades
unions are destined to pass away, and
industrial unionism becomes inevitable. But after all, this struggle on
the Industrial field is not enough.
True, it is a struggle between capitalists and workers, but It Is also a
struggle between buyers and sellers of
a particular commodity, labor power,
therefore, it is a commodity struggle,
and to understand it right it must be
treated as such. As improved machinery increases unemployment which in
turn increases the competition between workers for jobs, wages, or the
price of labor-power tends to fall;
therefore trades unions are necessary,
and the only weapon available is the
strike. To win or lose a strike, nothing is settled. The same class still
owns the earth, and machinery of
wealth production, which the other
class must use, and the same commodity Btruggle goes on, and will go
on as long as the workers demand
nothing but higher wages and shorter
hours. As Marx predicted some sixty
years ago that the misery and poverty of the working class must increase as long as capitalism lasts, let
us see how this comes about. Like
other commodities, the value of labor
power is determined by its cost of production, measured by labor time, its
price, by supply and demand. When
a capitalist has a surplus of commodities on hand, for whicli there is no
demand, he curtails production by laying off a number of his hands. The
owners of labor-power attain the Fame
end, though in a difffferent way. What,
the capitalist does intelligently, the
worker, by using artificial means of
limiting his family, does instinctively.
When a commodity sells above its
value, capital is attracted from other
quarters, till tho supply Increases to
such an extent in proportion to the
demand, that its price is brought
down often below its value. The
same is true of labor-power, where it
sells above Its value, labor Is attracted from other quarters, and this increased supply tends to bring the
price of labor-powpr down to bare
subslstance. Also, tho value of gold
is being reduced in a greater proportion than all other commodities (there
is probably one exception, viz., implements of war) and resulting in high
prices of all commodities except one,
labor-power, the worker being practically Ignorant of these economic
laws, grins and bears it all, until the
conditions become so unbearable that
he strikes. And what is the flrst thing
that he butts up against when he docs
strike? Ab the chief of the provincial
police said to the pickets hore the
other day: "I am here to uphold the
law that you fellows made. You have
the power in your hands, the franchise, go ahead and use it right and
change this law."
There it is, fellow workers. We are
face to face wHh the political power
of the capitalist class. We are fighting a political battle, without any political power. The power that we
handed over to the master class at
the last election, is the power that
is being used to whip us back into
subjection. This Is the lesson this
Btrike teaches. The working class
must organize politically, not only for
a few more cents a day, or a few
shorter hours, but for the abolition
of the wage system, and the emancipation of the whole working class.
Cumberland, B. 0„ Oct. 26-1912.
Socialist  Party of Canada,  meets  sec-
,ond   and   fourth  Tuesday.    Secretary,
Wm. Watts, Labor Temple, Dunsmulr
St., Vancouver, B.C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
nf Canada, meets second and fourth
Tuesdays ln month at Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Wm. Watts, Secretary.
Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesday, at 429 Eighth
Ave. East. Burt E. Anderson, Secre-
tary, Box 647, Calgary.
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVB, 8. P. ot C, Invites all comrades residing ln Saskatchewan to
communicate with them on organiza-
E0„n„m5tte""s Address D. McMillan,
222 Stadacona Street West, Moose Jaw.
Sask. '
S. P. of C.—Business meeting every
rtrst Sunday of the month and propaganda meeting every third (Sunday.
Hoom open to everybody at 612 Cordova Street East, 2 p. m. Secretary,
P. Anderson, Barnet, B. C.
LOCAL   VANCOUVER,   B.    C,    NO     48,
Finnish Meets every second and
1'ourth Thursdays In the month at 21S
Hastings St. East.    Ovla Llnd, Secre-
Committee: Notice—This card Is In-
S'yM, for the purpose of getting
VOU Interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
Secretary, J. £>. Houston, 493 Furby
St..  Winnipeg.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays In the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Olace Bay,
,„■. °-,. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Rm
491, Glace Bay, N. S.
"tOOAL VANCOUVEB, No. 09, B. T. Ot C.
Headquarters, Labor Temple, Dunsmuir street. Business meeting on flrst
of every month at 8 p.m. Secretary,
K Lefeaux, Labor Temple, Vancouver,
Business meeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 218 Hastings St.
East, H. Rahlm, Secretary,
Local Oibsona Landing, No. 49, 8. T. ot O.
meet first and third Sunday of th»
month In Socialist Hall. Secretary, J.
N. Hintsa, Glbsona Heights, B. C.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO      •
Minors' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 6 p.m. on tha flrat
ond third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at t.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.:
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box It,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
Information any day at Miners' Hall
Secretary, Wm. Graham, Box 63, Coleman, Alta.
P. ot c. Headquarters 622 First Bt
Business and propaganda meeting*
every Wednesday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room ls open to tbe public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, J. A. S. Smith, «22 First St.:
OrganUer, W. Stephenson.
LOCAL    PERNIE,   B.   P.   of   O,    HOLD
I'P'ds educational meetings ln the
Miners Union Hall every Sunday at
7:30. Business meeting first Monday
in each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic
class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
H. Winner, secretary, Box 380. .
of C.—Business   meeting every  Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters,   134  Ninth  Ave   West
S.   K.   Read,   Secretary.
meets in Miners' Hall everv Sunday at
7:30 p.m.    te. Campbell,  Organizer.
Will  .Tones,  Secretary,  Box  126.
Finnish   branch    meets  In    Flnlanders'
Hall Sundays at 7:30 p.m.    A. Sebble,
Secretary, llox 54,  Rossland, B.C.
LOCAL   MICHEL,  B.   0.,  NO.  IS,   8.   P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. Tn
Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation Is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the firs'
and third Sundays of each month al
10:30 a.m. in the same hall. Partv
organizers take notice. T. W. Brown,
LOCAL  NELSON,   8.   P.   of  C,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin,  Secretary.
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,   B.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary
every Sunday, Trades Hall, i p.m.
Business meeting, second Frldav 8
p.m.  Trndes   Hall.    w.  B.  Bird,  Gen.
Del.,  Secretary.
S. P. nf C. Meets first and third l«urT-
days In tho month, at 4 p.m. la
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock.  Box  1983
OT C.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday nt 8 n.m.. ln Labor Temple,
.Tnmes St. Business meeting directly
after propaganda meeting. Secretary,
.1. O'Brien. Room 12, 530 Main St
S. P. of C.—Headquarters, Labor Temple. Business meeting every Saturday. 8 p.m. Prnnntranda meeting every
Sunday at 8 o'clock In the Dreamland
Theatre, Main St. Secretary, J.
O'Brien,  Room  12,  530 Main  St.
LOOAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 36. 8. P. OP
t.. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m
In the Sandon Miners' Unlor Hall
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandon, B, C.
Headquarters and reading room 576
\ates St. Business meeting every
Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meet-
lng Sunday, 8 p. m. Empress Theatre.
Xo. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. ln Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen.
Business meeting every Sundav, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice caWi
ihursdny, 10:30 a.m. (for afternoon
shift), 8 p.m. ifor morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sunday 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Socialist Hall, opposite
post office. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretarv,
Joseph Naylor.
LOOAL  OTTAWA  NO. S,  B.  P.   of  C.	
Business meetings first Sunday in
month ln the Labor Hall, 219 Bank
Street, at S p.m. Secretary, Sam Hor-
wlth, "The White Book Store," 144
Rldeau Street, Ottawa.
LOOAL OLACE BAT, Ho. 1 OP MARITIME— Headquarters in Rukasin
Block. Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda
meeting at headquarters every Thursday at 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary.
Box 158; Harold G, Ross, organizer.
Box 606.	
LOCAL    SIDNEY    MINES    NO.     7,    ot
Nova Scotia.—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 in the S. O. B. T. Hall bach
of Town Hall. WllMam Allen, Secretary, Box 344,
for the purpose of educating the
I'kralnenn workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. The.
Ukrnnlnn Federation publish their own
weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" (New
Society), at 443 Kinlstlno Ave., Edmonton, Alta. English comrades do-
siring Information re the Federation,
write to J.  Senuk, Fin.  Secretary.
All who are interested please
attend a meeting to be held in the
News Hall, at 3 o'clock Sunday
afternoon, Nov. 10, 1912, for the
purpose of forming a Socialist or-
perlod in human history. But the BkleB  the engineers. When informed of the  ganization.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, afi'lrm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
I^abor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership ot
the means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong
to the capitalist claBS. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker
a Blave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
Btream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working claas at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or worklng-claBB property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it
by political action.   This Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production (or
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when ln office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the
Interests of the working clasB and aid the workers in their class struggle against capitalism? if lt will, the Socialist Party la for lt; if it
will not, the Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
aB to promote the Interests ot the working clasB alone.
»t virt »"- t'ri'*'*w  £-
°Fst jn B.C. ci <*■*>**'
Tuesday, November 5, 1912. Present: Comrades Kingsley, Karme,
Mengel (chairman), Lefeaux, Burroughs, and the Secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and approved.
Correspondence from Alberta Executive with application for charter by
Comrades In Calmar, Alta. Charter
From Alberta Executive re taking
organizers from Alberta.
From Local St. John re making arrangements for Lyceum lectures
from the States.
From Local Montreal re organization work ln that city.
From Maritime Executive Committee re organizing in the province.
From B.C. Executive with application for Charter from New Westminster.   Charter granted.
Secretary instructed to reply to correspondents.
Comrade O'Brien reports good meetings being held all along the line, especially on Vancouver Island.
The matter of publishing the Western Clarion was fully discussed, and
eommittee decided to leave the matter
in Comrade Kingsley'a hands.
Financial report as follows:
Due Btamps Alberta Executive
Due stamps  B.C.  Executive..
Due stamps Martime Executive
Dues A. E. Faulkner	
Dues J. W. Dargle	
Party buttons, Medicine Hat..
Dodgers, Local St. Catherines,
Local Calmar, Charter, A.E.C.
Literature     15.20
Organizing fund   235.85
The secretaries of the following
locals have sent in report cards for
the quarter ending September 30th.
If your Local is not amongst these,
flnd out why your secretary has not
sent in the cards, and if possible have
the report sent in to the D. E. C„ or
reasons why he is unable to.
Local So. Ft. George, B.C., No. 61.
Local Montreal, Que., No. 11.
Local Ottawa, Ont., No. 8.
Local Enderby, B.C., No. 65.
Local Vancouver Lettish, No. 58.
Local Crawford Bay, B.C., No. 72.
Local Nakusp, B.C., No. 74.
Local Victoria, B.C., No. 2.
I/jcal Gibson's Landing, B.C., No. 49,
Local Langley, B.C., No. 73.
Local Cumberland, B.C., No. 70.
Local Edmonton, Alta., No. 11.
Local Regina, Sask., No. 6.
Local St. Catherines, Ont., No. 30.
Local Vancouver, B.C., No. 69.
Local Markerville, Alta., No. 31.
The federal elections are likely to
be sprung on us at any timu now, so
lt behooves the comrades in every riding to get busy and prepare Ihe ground
for taking action in the elections.
There are many things that can be
done, whether a socialist candidate is
in the field or not.
One. of the things to do is to look
around you for a suitable district
where you can distribute Clarions or
Meeting held Sunday, October 20th.
Comrades present (Ross, Chairman)
Nash, Alex. M. Klnnon, McLaughlin
and secretary. Minutes of previous
meeting read and approved of as read
Correspondence read from Local St.
John, Sydney Miens. Comrade Fill
more and the Dom Ex-Committee. After some discussion lt was agreed that
the fall was not the best time for an
organizer to come to the Maritime
Provinces and to ask the Dom Ex to
place any contribution that come to
them for organizing in tho Maritime
to our credit until next Spring.
Moved and seconded that the Executive send Comrade Ross over to
Sydney Mines to distribute and sell
literature and get In touch with the
comrades over there. Moved and seconded that meeting adjourn.
Local St. John, 50 due stamps.. $5.00
Local Glace Bay, 70 due stamps   $7.00
Local St. John, 30 due stamps..
Local Glace Bay, 70 due stamps
Bill Uno.
Dom Ex, 300 due stamps......  $15.00
Postage   .    .80
The result of the bye election just
ended in North Waterloo shows many
Balance on hand Oct. 1
C. M. O'Brien, organizing ....
Dominion Express 	
Secretaries' wages  	
Postage Stamps 	
Offlce Supplies 	
Literature from C. H. Kerr Co.
Printing  Pamphlets,  Dodgers,
etc., E.T.K	
Loan to Clarion 	
Balance on hand 	
leaflets to advantage. This can be things amongst which are: The
the work of a comrade in whose town growth of the movement, the lack of
there Is no Local. j organization,  and  the  need   of  com-
Locals should take the matter up at rades all over the Dominion to acq-
their next business meeting and select, ualnt themselves and the Socialist
a district in their city where they can press with the happenings of every
work to advantage. j day events that touch the movement.
Open up a committee room in the 	
district selected, get all the Local com- Comrade Martin, who was the candi-
rades to work In that one district; In da'in 1911 received 454 votes. Com-
fact, make it the general headquarters rade Wayman, who was the candidate
till the elections are over. Half an this time got 593 out of the smallest
hour three nights a week distributing total vote ever cast In the riding. Not
leaflets will accomplish wonders in a a word of reform or palliative has been
month. Have the headquarters open caught. Clarion leaflets and our own
all day, have plenty of papers on file, manifesto (S.D.P. enclosed) was used.
12 05 itw0 or vbTee checker boards, a smok-, We filled the opera house at Berlin
Ing concert once a week, a short speech three times and about a dozen well-
twice a week; ln fact, turn It into a attended  meetings were  held  in  the'
Once in Romes renowned arena
Mei two gladiators bold.
Ont was born amid the northland
Am Inured to storm and'cold;
Whle his dark skinned lithe opponent
Wa| the child of wine and gold,
Ant was trained by veteran warriors
Til" his skill at arms was told,
Ovir all the broadening empire
Wlither Roman rule had rolled.
Llnbs of steel and savage prowess
Bee the man of auburn hair;
Hie a king of human giants
Wi:h a freeman's haughty air,
Anl his tread was firm, reliant;
Ashe stepped Into the square
Wlere the combat must be mortal;
Wtere the victor could not spare;
Wlere the only law was conquer,
Anl no trick was deemed unfair.
Bnwn and valor; brawn and cunning;
Cuming bought with Roman gold;
W«re the weaponB that contended,
Wlere tbe prize was death's damp
Or the wild huzzas of thousands,
And a crown''to ne'er grow old
And a fame to live for ever;
Such a fame as is not sold,
Th*ugh the wealth of Romes dominions
For it be together rolled.
Steel to steel the din resounded;
Thrust and parry, guard and stroke;
Brawn and valor, brawn and cunning
Now each flashing blade bespoke;
While the turmoil of the conflict
Cheer on cheer, from thousands woke;
Cheers that with each fiercer conflict,
Like the thunders swelled and broke,
While the even matched contestants
Fought like demons wreathed ln smoke.
machinery of production against them
selves. Capitalist control will be
thrown off, and the workers will attain supremacy.
The average worker does not see
this, and at present he is still discussing the problems which perplexed our
forefathers in the stone age. Reciprocity, Free Trade, Protection, militarist
bogeys, citizen armies and navies and
other nostrums engage and engross
the attention of Trades Hall councillors, while the upas tree of capitalism
spreads its deadly shade over and
around them.
Let those workers who propose to
deal with the rise in prices and the in-
-creasing cost of living by adopting
Free Trade read what Marx said of
Free Trade in 1848. In a speech delivered before the Democratic Association
of Brussels, on January 9, 1848, he
"Bue generally speaking Free Trade
ls destructive. It breaks up old nationalities and carries the antagonism
between proletariat and bourgeoisie to
the uttermost point. In a word, the
system of commercial freedom hastens
the social revolution.' In this revolutionary sense alone, gentlemen, I am
ln favor of Free Trade."
What little the world bas seen of
Freetrade fully bears out what Marx
foretold it would do. It has weakened
national prejudices, widened the class
struggle into international proportions,
accentuated lt, and brought the social
revolution nearer.—International Socialist.
Clarion Deficit   345.75
^ Secretary.
Tuesday, November 5, 1912. Present: Comrades Kingsley, Karme,
Mengel (chairman), S. Lefeaux, J. H,
Burrough, and the Secretary.
Credentials received from Comrades
Lefeaux and Burroughs, who were
elected on the committee in the places
of Comrades McVety and Kavanaugh,
who were suspended for non-attendance.
It was moved and seconded that credentials be accepted.   Carried.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and approved.
Correspondence from Local Langley
to the effect that a comrade who resided In the same riding as the socal
was a member at large, and requesting
the Executive to ask the comrade to
become a member of Local Langley.
Comrade to be notified.
Application for Charter received j
from comrades of New Westminster. |
Application received and referred to j
Dominion* Executive Committee.
The matter of placing organizers in
the Comox and Okanagan ridings as
Soon as possible was discussed, and ac-1
tlon to be taken as soon as arrange- j
ments can be made.
Financial report us follows:
Local Vancouver No. 1, stamps. $10.00
"    Vancouver No. 69, stamps     5.00
"    Naramata No. 66, stamps     3.00
"    Vancouver Lettish No. 68
•  stamps      3.00
"    So.  Fort George No. 61,
stamps          4.00
"    Crawford    Bay   No.    72
stamps          2.00
"    Vancouver  Finnish  No.
45, stamps         5.00
"    Gibsons Landing No.  49
stamps        5.00
"    Langley No. 73, stamps..     1.40
" Vancouver 68, supplies.. .25
Balance on hand Oct. 11     68.53
club, but see that a little pick and
shovel work Is done.
Locals have attempted to do too
$316 43 !muca during election time; don't do it
this time. Confine yourselves to one
ward of the city, put the whole of your
energy to work on that ward, and we
believe you will be surprised at the
Comrades belonging to Locals in
small towns can by a little judgment
build up a good Local and a line organization. First thing to do is to get
a store on a main street; if the rents
are high, get one on a side street.
Have a sign painted "Socialist headquarters," get a bunch of literature
and a few Socialist and Capitalist
papers (write us for the names of
some socialist papers, and don't be
afraid to have some capitalist papers
on hand).
Get some bills printed inviting every
one to your headquarters, and, as suggested above, turn it into a club by
having a smoker every week. Nothing is gained by being a bunch of hair-
splitters. Throw your store wide open
to the public. Have the store kept
clean, turn out anyone that makes
themselves obnoxious, and conduct the
campaign in such a manner as to earn
Ihe respect of everyone.
Local Greenwood, No. 9:
Per .1. Cuthbertson    $2.00
Per C. J. Johnson  $4.00
Local Vancouver, No. 69:
Per A. McDonald    $2.35
Per J, Kavanaugh   $1.30
Local Vancouver No. 1  20.00
Local Winnipeg, No. 1  .... $4.00
riding. The country vote showed an
Increase. But the greatest gains are
in the towns.
I would like to correct an error
prevalent among Clarion readers and
S. P. of C. members. The Social Democrats of Ontario are mainly
men schooled in the S. P. of
C. and the Berlin Executive has
done its best to educate the membership along the right lines. We
even requested the Ottawa men to
help us nurse their neighbors, Renfrew
and Carleton place, and the Ontario organizer has spoken under the auspices
of St. Catherines, Winnipeg and Ottawa locals of the S. P. of C. and he
changed not one iota of his expression
and no fault was found.
I am compelled to think that only
those who are not clear upon the
Socialist position foster that tendency
to diverge factions. Wayman is to be
organizer in Toronto for a while. The
S. P. of C. who are away out of city
should help and not hinder his advocacy of Socilallsm, otherwise it will
be harder than ever to pull the wool
from the eyes of the workers in that
Ottawa would do well if they would
find a fixed place of abode—many reds
have told the writer that they couldn't
find any Socialists after weeks of
search. The Sinner.
Long and well the strife continued,
But the Northman's iron frame
Slowly wore away the Roman,
Till the pampered child of fame
Seemed at last to loose the battle;
Seemed to meet a fate the same,
As he'd dealt to countless others
In this sanguinary game,
Where the laurels crown the victor,
And the vanquished has no name.
Backward slowly he is sinking
Till his shield Is in the dust,
Yet his blade, as keen, as eager,
Parries every lightning thrust.
For he has learned in countless battles.
Not one risk with chance to thrust;
Learned that in the stern arena,
Those who court its favors must
Be wily as the serpent;
Hoarding fortunes every crust.
Falls his shield; his fingers clutching
Backward quickly in the sand;
Then with spring like eastern tiger
Once again he takes his stand;
While the Northman's eyes are blinded
By the dust from out his hand;
And the southern blade has entered
And has closed the battle grand,
And the child of brawn and cunning
Greets tho plaudits pf the hand.
Thus it is in life's arena;
Be the trophy fame or wealth,
Nations hail the man successful
Who shall win, although by stealth;
Though he grind his fellow-beings
In the profit-mill where health,
Cheer, and hope, and human honor
Into Bhlning dollars melt,
That the title of the owner
May in flaming gold; be spelt.
Due stamps from D.E.C     $19.35
Organizing by Com. Fitzgerald     18.00
Postage stamps       1.00
Secretaries' Salary      7.50
Organizing    for    New    Westminster        3.00
Telegrams    75
Balance on hand     57.08
Meeting adjourned.
A bound volume of 1911 Clarions
will cost you two dollars and fifty
cents post paid. - Only six left.
On page 20 of last Saturday's World,
one man offers $25 for a job and another $10. This shows how much better off the wage slave is than was the
chattel slave. The chattel slave's
master had to pay a good sum of
money for Mr. Slave and then was Ub-
llged to feed, clothe and shelter him
besides . But the modern slave not
only cannot give himself away but
has to offer a bonus to anyone who
will secure him a master. Let us
now sing "Britons never will
Every Sunday
8 p.m.
James Street East
Capitalism is a system of exploitation.
Under capitalism the workers produce great quantities of wealth. Of
this they gel just enough to live on
and no more.
The master class take all over and
above what labor needs to live on.
,,,,„.  ...  ,,   .,   ,     .,,, .    The  amount  of  wealth   which   thc
Why is It that millions are suffering magter clagB take
There are necessities in abundance.
There  is  food  and   clothing  for  all.
What do we Socialists want to do?
First, we want to socialize the machinery of production and distribution.
This includes railroads, telegraphs,
mills, factories, mines and enough land
to break the force of unemployment
and landlordism.
What do we mean by socializing
these things? Making them public or
collective property. You can understand the relationship of socialized
property by thinking of the schools,
public roads, court houses, parks, ports
offices, and other things that have already been socialized.
Socialized property Ib not divided
and cannot be divided; therefore the
talk of Socialism wanting to divide
things up is nonsense.
When thingB are socialized they are
conducted for service rather than for
profit; it is so with schools, roads, and
the mail; it will be so with manufactories and transportation when they are
socialized; therefore Socialism will destroy profit, interest, and rent.
'But Socialism does not propose to
socialize all things, only the larger
tools that are socially used; therefore
the claim that it is against private
property is false; Indeed Its chief aim
Is to make it possible for all people
to have private property, the private
property that they need for their comfort, welfare  and  happiness.
It means also that Socialism is not
a cut and dried thing that we are
trying to force down your throats, but
is rather merely a proposition to put
all power into the hands of the people
and trust them to do what they may
think is right.
It means that the talk of Socialism
destroying religion or the home is
necessarily nonsense, seeing that it
cannot override the will and wishes of
the whole people.
But certain  things  will  follow  the
socialization of the big tools of production and distribution.   The people.will
be able to employ themselves and to
retain their full social product. Landlordism   and   profit-taking   will   pass.
I As all  will always have jobs and ge:
all they produce, poverty will end. Af
j poverty  ends,  ignorance  will  go. and
'nine-tenths   of  the   prostitution    and
l practically all the wars that disgrace
j modern  civilization   wlll   dlsappear.-
International Socialist.
for the actual necessities of life? Is
it because property interests, the proflt system, is of more importance than
the life of the people?
Suppose we were living under a
form of government wherein each and
every individual received the full
benefit of his or her labor. A government wherein no one was allowed to
derive a proflt off another, and there
was no suffering for the necessities of
life. A government with neither master nor slave, where no one need beg
for leave to toil.
Where we would have leisure to
read and think, and no one need
scheme and He and plan to bar the
wolf of hunger from the door.
Suppose we were living under such
a government, would you vote for a
system to create millions of slaves?
Would you vote for hunger and rags?
Is It just or is lt wise for millions to
toll In poverty and want that a few
may live In luxury?
We are not a civilized people. We
cannot claim civilization, bocause our
present brutal exploiting system
proves the falBlty of our claim.—-Modern Methods, Alaska.
Is so vast that Ihey
cannot consume it no matter how extravagant their expenditure is.
Have you ever stood on a wharf and
watched a vesrel being brought Into
It.      If you have you might have no-
They amuse themselves ln building! Heed that the crew pur over the side
palaces and yachts, In keeping racing] of the vessel next the pier what are.
studs, automobiles, summer and win- j called "fenders" to protect the ship
ter residences; In giving banquets,! from damaging Itself by too forcible
balls, and theatre parties; yet they j a collision with the wharf,
can only waste a portion of the wealth | When you hear an Individual or
which the working class produces for party advocating "reforms," "pallia-
them. I tlons,"  or  "Immediate  demands,' just
What do they do with the balance? remember that "reforms" etc. are the
It is utilized in building armaments "fenders" which are put out to prevent
and ln adding to the machinery of pro- .the old Capitalist hulk from foundering
ductlon. The armaments are used to on the rocks of revolution. Some Capl
keep the working c'ssb divided against i tallsts oppose reforms, oh yes, but only
Why does poverty exist in the midst
of   plenty?      Because   the   capitalist
lasB owns the means of life.
themselves, while the machinery ls
used to exploit and enslave them.
The capitalist plan of building armaments cannot continue. It leads to
bankruptcy and the breakdown of the
system. Unlimited machine production Is also impossible, for in time
foreign marketB must be glutted with
unsaleable products.
When the capitalist system gets Into
full working order; when It has finished building railroads, factories, and
other machinery of production; when
there are no more foreign markets to
conquer and supply; when the surplus
products of labor are no longer saleable and profitable, the systom will
break down. The working-class will
refuse to use the armaments and the
because they hate to admit that the
old ship Is so rotten that It needs a
soft bed to bump up against.
How much easier the work of Socialists wou)d be if Iho Capitalist class
could not hand out reforms, how much
sooner the workers would get wise.
Away with reforms! Onward revolution.
If you wish to create discord In any
organized effort of revolutionary
slaves, Just taunt somo of them with
aping others. Even If the accusation
Is false, tho accused wll! feel so stung
that they will Rtraln every point to
flnd some excuse to differ with those
whom they are accusod of aping.—C.
M. O'Brien. ',
Expensive balls gives ny the idle*'
rich are common, everyday affairs.
In fact, we are so used to monkey-
parties, butterfly balls, and other so-'
clal functions indulged ln by the "upper class" that unless something start- -
ling happens we pay no particular attention to them.
But here is a story of a wonderful
This particular affair was called au
Persian Ball and was planned by Mrs.
Cornelius Vanderbllt, wife of a New
York railroad magnate.
The ball ended at dawn, when then
wearers of ten millions of do-Hare I
worth of jewolB left a scene which 'in *
probably the most elaborate ever set :
for a single occasion given by any one ..-
individual in the world.
For the night of fashionable entertainment  Mrs.  Vanderbllt  gave  her
guests she is estimated to have spent X,
Rather a deucedly clever way of'*
spending money, don't you think? And t
don't forget Bessie, the sewing mach-.-
ine  girl,  James  the butler, Jim  thef-
electrician, BUI the florist and Abraham the grocer, all benefitted by this
lavish  expenditure  of  money.      The.
poor must live you know.
At  this   ball  there  were  brocaded'
hangings, rare rugs from Persia, India,
and  Turkey,  fountains of gold and.
ivory, huge searchlights that turned-
the court into a wonderland of dazzling colors, avenues of tropical trees,
a special theatre built for one night's
entertainment, a ball room hung with,
painted canvasses that transformed it',
into a Persian landscape, and silk covered divans from which   the    richly-
dressed men and women   watched   a-.
$5,000 performance of   ''The    Merry-
Countess," brought from the Casino inv
New York.
Of course everybody had a good,'
night. Everybody drank and- "ragged"
until daylight. Such a thing as work
never worries swell society. There ia
no to-morrow, no going into the shop,
or mill in the morning. Eat, drink
and be merry, was the rule at Mrs.
Vanderbllt's ball. Thore was not only
an elaborate dinner served by Sherry
of New York fame, but a breakfast as-
Yes, it was a glorious night, and it
cost only $176,000. A mere trifle. While
hundreds of thousands of human beings,  men,  women  and  children  are-,
struggling for existence, and the great .
masses of them are doomed to die as -
paupers, Mrs. Vanderbllt spends $175,- -
000 for one night's entertainment.
This is as it should be.   Isn't It her *
money?     Didn't Mr. V-j-derWJt earn
it?   Of course he did, silly**   Therefore they hare a perfect right to spend*^       ,:"j
it as they please. Don't you «nd**-$?''"'".•':']
stand Mr. Smart**, that whert-rlrh people spend their money they put it into circulation, and that, you and I who -
work for wages are all liable to get a
dollar or two of this money.   If they
didn't spend it, wouldn't we bo in an
awful fix?   You bet.
Without money we would join the
bread line. So let's sing songs of
praise to Mrs. Vanderbllt, the benevolent lady who puts her hard-earned'
money into circulation to bring Joy
ami blessings to all of us who are
doomed to a life of drudgery tn this
land of the brave and the home of the *
But just a parting word, brother.
There are thousands of men working
on the Vanderbllt railroad who get
ihe magnificent sum of $1.50 per day.
They toil from sunrise to sunset building tracks, repairing bridges running
trains and handling freight. They do-
."11 the useful work anil make Vander-
I.Ill's dividends possible,
Vandrrhilt owns the machine the
railroad i all of us must use. lie has
locked UP in his private vaulls some
printed slips of paper called bonds,
and by virtue of that ownership he
exacts the right to exploit all those
who use lhe railroad and all those
whose labor maintains It.
All these thousands ol men who receive $1.50 for their we-k actually do
from *M> to $'•> worth of productive lu-
bor a day, bm the private ownership
by Vanderbllt of this public utility
gives him the right to utea $f> a day
from each laborer, gives him the privilege to enslave a great mass ot human beings, gives him power of life or
death over men—for under the present
system of private ownership of jobB a
job means life und the man who owns
the Job controls the worker.
Hut all these monkey parties serve -
a purpose and teach a lesson.
Wealth concentrated in the hands
of a few as the fruits of exploitation
of the masses Inevitably contains
within itseir the elements of Its own
it was so with tho ruling patricians
of ancient Rome, It was so with the
royalty of France just preceding the
The vulgar, brutal, reckless extravagance of the Vanderbilts and Fishes
are the symptoms of soc inl disease
and decay. So, on with the ball, I-et
Ihem eat, drink and be merry, for
thoBo whom the gods would destroy,
they first make mad.     Gordon Nye.
Fellow slaves, why cannot wo be
powerful? We have the numbers.
Why not the power?
,*>>,' ▼AGE
"It's a, Mad World."
(Fay, "The Bounder").
IS had a vision of the modern world,
Not with the narrow hampered view
of eyes;
>~n thought' I saw this spinning planet
■One-half  ln  darkness,  through  the
sunlit skies.
(Continued From Page One.)
make scientific management possible.
You see  that  government  bonds  at
4 per cent would be gladly taken in
exchange by the shareholders of many
of the smaller lines.     The    burden
upon the backs of the working class
in  that  particular  year  would   have
E! saw the fields that Nature fashioned been increased if such a scheme had
fair, | been in vogue.
"Robbed of their green, smoke-black-'    in the case of the C. P. R., however,
ened and defaced, j 4 per cent bonds would lessen the toll
l&y hideous  factories  that  flourished immensely as  the  following analysis
there; | wlll show.    Capital,    Including    both
iWhereunto men were driven, hunger-! stocks  and   bonds  about $400,000,000
.chased. | (In   1909,   $372,000,000).    Earning  in
' 1910-11 $36,000,000.   4 per cent on $400,-
IMen, who, according to their parson's .000,000 would be $16,000,000.    In the
sleek, •       I case of this one line the toll would be
:Were fashioned In the image of their, iessened considerably.
Go; I    But we cannot take over only one
"Stthimb   men,  at. sundown  staggering une out 0f 84 or even two or three
homeward, weak | for no one knows when one of the non-
Beneath the brutal weight of labor's (paying  systems  will  jump  into  the
rod. 1 ranks of  the  revenue  producers.    If
"{Homeward they move, though Home's
sweet-sounding name
Pits ill the hovels where they rest
and eat,
JAfter the day of slavery and shame,
Each face reveals the sorrow of defeat
x% saw with pity one accursed den;
A little child lay there In Death's
great rest,
Ja\ little life that sobbed awhile and
Ebbed out in pain, this kind release
was beat.
Wor what awaits the offspring of the
A life  of  drudgery  and  pleasures
vlUntil they rest within the grave secure
From all the harm that Capital can
"Where night revealed a city's million
I saw the shapes that once were
maidens sweet,
"The ravages of mad licentious nights,
With vain cosmetics they had tried
to cheat.
Lit moved along, this army of the lost,
Pair victims all of Mammon and of
"The Idle rich are sated, and the cost,
Pair maiden-honor trampled ln the
L.l saw the walls of prisons and the
Behind them bouIs of men were cru-
JiHere,  poets,  lovers  of  the  sun  and
•'The birds aiid flowers, have wept
and yearned and died.
°3Here only brutes in shape of men win
v    back
To liberty and further sin and crime,
""The poets suffer anguis|t on the rack
■. Of Bondage, for their trust in the
we are to take one we must take them
all. To do this by paying four per
cent on the capital would ln many
cases increase the burden and make
matters wrose instead of better.
The second reason why I object to
this plan of buying out the present
owners is that it would be practically
impossible for the working class to
get together enough money to make
the purchase. It makes no matter
whether we issue bonds, give notes, or
in what way we go about It, sooner
'or later the working class would be
obliged to save the amount required
out of the amount they produce. More
than this the money would have to be
forthcoming before the transfer was
made. Some will s&y that we would
retire the bonds out of the profits
earned by the ryallways etc. The
profits under government ownership
would be exactly the same as profits
under private ownership viz. unpaid
wages of the men engaged in the
Let us figure out the number of
years it would require for the working class to save^out of the collective
wages enough money to buy out the
present owners.
If all the men engaged in the -production of Portland cement were to
save every cent of their wages it
would take them about forty years to
accumualte enough to buy the plants.
But these men could not lay by all
they earn for they must live and only
the small amount above their daily
cost of subsistence could be put into
this sinking fund. It is practically impossible for a man to live in Canada
on less than $300 per year. This is
not an average living either but the
lowest posible limit of existence. The
average wage of the cement workers
is $450 per year. It. might be possible,
barely possible, for the workers to
lay up one third of their wages each
year. Presuming that all of them were
to do so they would be 120 years constantly grinding and saving before they
would own the jobs. This ls too much
"Sir men could only see beyond their ,0 QXpect:
The  brutal  tyranny  that ne'er relents;
"'With clearer vision see beyond their
The sweat arid blood that drenches
lift all the agony of all the world,
In one grim picture rose before the
r.L3urely their strength united would be
To slay this monster that doth crush
"3 do believe that to be happy here,
And to make others happy, is the
'The truest gospel; let us hold lt dear
For another example consider the
railways. If all the railway employees
were to hoard every cent of their
pay every month they would be a little
more than twenty years buying out the
owners. This 4s taking the valuation
of the^Securlties at par. A great many
of the stocks sell above $200 so we
may put 35 years as the shortest possible time in which it might be accomplished. The average wage of a
railway employee Is $505 per year.
Reducing these men to the lowest possible standard of living they might
be able to lay by two fifths of this
If they were all to do so they would
be eighty-seven and a half years buying their freedom. It would require
As  Socialists, and  teach  It to the nearly nlnety yearB of hard work an(1
rest- bitter scraping before they would be
And though the finished work we mayj,,, a |10H|UoIl t0 per8Uade their masters
not see,
And  though the glorious time we
may not share,
"The knowledge that our children shall
be free
Will  make our bondage easier
'Toronto,, Canada.
Perhaps no body of men worked
.harder to get "votes for women" than
-the Socialists of Lob Angeles, Cal, The
flrst thing, however, the women of
Los Angeles did after they got the
rote was to defeat the Socialist candidate for mayor. While Socialism
would bring about the economic equality of the Bexes, as Socialists lt is
much more important that we educate jotlier agencies of production
_•» . sf       . met a Vinlnry    llt/i    /inn/*    ntn    aaii 1*1    »i fit-    \\
all wage earners as to their position
under capitalism than to waste time ln
• endeavoring to put into the hands of
■■women a weapon that they may use
ssgninst us.
■If vou want women to get the ballot
all you have to do is to vote the Socialist 'ticket, then the Capitalist class
vlll Tall over themselves ln granting
-women the suffrage so that they may
use them to defeat 'the Socialists. Let
■as bend our energiee toward educating our class so that when that day
-somes the Capitalist will flnd that
fee has "caught a Tartar" when he on-
to get off their backs. It ls useless to
hope for such a thing.
These two examples show the great
difficulty of buying out our masters
even If we could get all the people to
act In unison. Aside from the great
difficulty of accumulating this enormous amount of mony when we merely
figure it out theoretically, when we
look at it from another angle wo find
that it would be absolutely Impossible
even If we were to try. No matter
how hard we might try the working
class could rever buy out the capitalists. At all times more than half the
total wealth of the world at all seasons now a days Is in the possession
of the capitalist class. This wealth as
a rule consists ln their ownership of
the railways, factories, mines and the
being the case we could not buy them
out even If we were to pool our resources.
The figures covering the distribution
of wealth In the TJ. S. are not out
yet but at the last census about 82
per cent Of the wealth of the country
was in the hands of about 1 per cent
of the people. All the capitalists (including those who think they are, and
those who think they are going to be)
comprising less than 13 per cent of
all tho people have more than 90 per
cent of the wealth. It would be absolutely Impossible for the remaining
portion to buy out the holding of that
small group no matter how hard th*Jy
might try.
The workers will never be able !o
buy out the capitalists so let us q It
thinking about it.
The third reason why we should nt I
treat with the capitalists on any ba is
other than that of unconditional 8 1 -
render ls because the Btruggle botwt 'ii
us and them is one of life and den li
Our condition as slaves does ml
permit us to offer them terms or 0
treat with them at all. Being its It Is
a flght for our lives we must mate
use of any means at our disposal. Vo
have never received quarter in oir'
conflicts In the paBt, wo will nev-r
receive quarter whon tho Until fljlt
Is raging so we dare not offer thin
any quarter. Both classes can no linger continue to exist. One must, p 1-
ish, and that one can only be tie
The greed and the Indifference of
the masters will literally crush tie
lives out of some of us, malm aid
wreck many more of us and doom is
all to slavery if uncontrolled. If a
vestige of capitalism remains this "will
be meted out to us. We must rait
It out completely or accept our fale.
There Is no compromise, no surrender.
no quarter for us. It is death or life
and our life means their death.
In some period of each of the sue-.
cesslve civilization that have arls'n,
flourished and decayed since the davn
of history there has been a time whpn
the slaves became so numerous and
so cheap that their lives were of Utile
moment to their owners. In every
society the Hve3 of the subject class
become matters of contempt to the
masters. So much so that we flnd
in different places and different times
(though always at the same point In
the development of that society) thousands of wretches slaughtered for the
greed, indolence and amusement of
the upper stratum.
Slaves were burned alive to provide
the cruel delights of the Roman nobles.
Vassals were butchered In England
that the baron might bathe his tired
and aching feet In their warm blood
and bowels. Peasants were, tortured
in France prior to the revolution that
they might bring a larger share of
their crops to the Feudal Lord.
We are In a similar condition today.
The masters do not burn us in tar
wrappings as the ancient Romans did.
They force us into factories and let
us burn ourselves. They do not
wring our treasures drorn us by means
of the wheel or the rack; they use a
mortgage or a sherriff's sale. They
do not disembowel us with a sword
as the Roman baron did, they starve
us to death. We are not forced into
their dungeons or their galleys; wo
beg for a chance to go. A human being today is of less Importance in the
mind of the capitalist than a glass of
Thirty-one miners were killed at
Bellevue, in February 1911, and not
one of the owners expressed a regret.
These slaves toiled and moiled at the
behalf of a group of shareholders In
France. The shareholders knew n6th-
ing about the mines. They cared
nothing for the miners. All they knew
or cared was that those slaves could
put their flesh and blood Into that
coal seam and bring forth dividends.
It was only when the lives of the men
could be translated into terms of
comfort, ease, and luxury for the shareholders that they were noticed at all.
They did not send even a word of
sympathy, but the chairman of the
company regretted that the explosion
had reduced dividends. Those dividends are stained with blood but they
care not.
It is the same with every article In
our world of commerce and the same
with all the profit-taking shareholders.
A lace collar has cost the sight of
some poor girl slave. A court gown, or
nn opera cloak is dyed with the life
blood of another.
The toll demanded by the pleasure
and the proflt of the masters is measured in human lives. Mangled limbs,
maimed hands and sightless eyes are
scattered all along the path. Every
step they take crushes out pools of
blood from prostrate slaves. Those
limbs, those hands, those eyes, that
blood is ours. Ours the pain, ours
the misery, ours the sacrifice; theirs
the gain.
I say that we have paid. Every working man who shed his blood on the
altar of Capitalism has paid his share
and more. One working man's hand
crushed off to make profits for the
master outweighs all the dollars and
cents In the world. Every woman
driven to the paupers grave has paid
the share for her whole sex. Every
child slave starved and stunted at the
wheel has paid the share for a thousand children yet unborn. We of the
working class have paid our share a
thousand times over. Having done so
why should we pay again.
We cannot live, and let Capital survive. Either we must abandon all hope
of liberty or that Bloated Monstrous
Octopus must die. We have no choice
in the fray. Something inside us,
greater and stronger than our own will
ls urging us upward and onward toward the heights of Brotherhood and
we cannot resist. On the one hand is
freedom on the other slavery. We can
not choose. The choice J* made for us.
Anything that blocks our path must
die. We can not compromise. Our
struggle is one of life and death. Mfe
for ub Ib death to Capital, Let Capital die.   No compromise, no surrender,
no quarter.
(Continued from Page I.)
making tho stage of development ol
Industry Incongruous with thu uncial
base. It prepared the way for 11 social
change, but the actual work of bringing thu social basis Into Hue with lhe
method of production ll loft tn tho Ini
tiative of the cIush whose Internals demanded It.
And at tho slime lime the old ruling
clan, whose Intorost lay In maintaining tho Bystem under which I hoy were
paramount, opposed thu attack upon
that system to tho utmost,
The social system, then, Ih within
certain limits under the control of
men. Each system that permits of
class distinctions favors a given class,
and that class naturally employs evory
means to prevent It from falling,
It is for tbls purpose that the present ruling class maintain tbelr army,
navy and police. By means of these
they hold back social change until the
social basis of sectional private ownership has got to be quite out of harmony with the means of producing
wealth by social effort, lt follows,
therefore, lhat the revolutionary class
must dispossess the capitalists of
these armed forces before they can
change the social basis.
The machinery of government Ib
controlled through Parliament. Parliament provides tbe money without
which no army or navy can be
equipped or maintaiued. Parliament,
which pays the piper, calls the tune
to which Jack Tar and Bill Adams
must dance. The mo-al is plain: thc
working class must organize lor Ihe
capture of Parliament.
When they have possession of this
Instrument they will have control of
the armed forces, and will be ln a
position to proceed to the abolition
of private property in the means of
living and the organization of Industry
on the basis of common ownership of
the machinery of production and the
The organization must be consciously for this purpose. That ls to say,
the organized workers must understand thoroughly the object for which
they are organizing. The Btrength of
the revolutionary party does not depend, in a time of crlBis, upon the
number who have been voting for fragments "they believe in," but upon the
number who undertsand what the Revolution means, and whose adherence
is founded upon this understanding.
What is the position of the man who
has been voting with the Socialist
party because he thought they stood
for, say, nationalization of the land,
which he believes ln when he finds
that they do not stand for that by
itself but for the abolition of of private j
property ln every social necessary?
He withdraws and discouragement Is
bred of his defection. But suppose
large numbers have been induced to
give support to an object they do not
understand, and therefore cannot believe in, what is the position of a party
that should attempt to take revolutionary action on such a miscalculation of
strength? The result might very well
be disaster.
Even If it were no worse than a fluctuation of strength at the polls, that
would be sufficiently disastrous to condemn such pandering to ignorance,
for Socialism must have no backwash,
but must clearly indicate, in every
trial of strength, the steady advance
which is inevitably to it.
But there is another and vastly more
momentous reason why the Socialist
organization must be purged of all ignorance.
One of the most fruitful causes of
working-class apathy in political matters In the past few years has been the
monotonous regularity with which the
so-called Labor lenders have been
bought over by the master class.
A sort of wholesale Instance of this
ls the present Labor (!) Party ln the
House of Commons. In order to attach to themselves the vote of "organized Labor," which was raising a
cry for a party representing working
class Interests as the "organized workers" understood them, the Liberals assisted certain "Labor" candidates to
scrape into Parliament ln divisions
where a vote split between "Laborlte"
and Liberal would let ln the Tory.
* r*\
Lm?BFH   9,   1912.
Break yofrr chains -
and Pre-umptions
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mand the utmost clarity of issue. Only
the revolutionary is a fit Instrument
for the Revolution. It would be placing the Socialist Party in a false position to have them occupying seats to
which they had been elected by the!
I voteB of those who were not revolu-
jtlonists, for In the first place they
would have to pander to these un-
! class-cdnscious voters In order to retain their seats; secondly, they would
[be unable to obey the commands or
their revolutionary coadjutors, for if
they did lt would Involve the aliena*
j tion of those who did not stand for
; revolution.
The revolutionary and the reformer
jare as far as the poles asunder. The
one stands for the abolition of what
the other clings to. It is folly, then,
to attempt to unite the two in one
political organization. "Sach one must
fight for his Interest as he understands
lt—therefore at the outset they muBt
fight each other. The place for thc
reformer Is In Hie master's camp, for
however they may differ as to matters
i of detail, they do agree as to the fundamental point—the necessity for the
| maintenance of the present system.
It Is the duty, then, of Socialists to
see that the workers organize consciously for the revolution. To this
end they must keep the Issue clear.
They must do all they can to discourage those who do not understand the
moaning of revolutionary politics from
attaching themselves to them, either
through the political party or through
the ballot. They must at all times
i clearly put forward the principles of
Socialism, asking only for the acceptance of those principles. Anyene who
Intelligently accepts those principles
will need no Inducement In the way of
vaporous promises of reform and palliation. He becomes part of the revolutionary movement, an atom of vital
force helping to push it along, instead
of an Increment of the dead-weight; of
Ignorance and apathy which retards
the progress of any forward movement.
Let us stand for Socialism alone,
then, without obscuring our teaching
and our object' with other issues, and
therefore without lumberine our backs
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The result is that "organized Labor   whQ W(m,t be oarrIed    Thu8 on,y C(m
is treated to the spectacle of a "La
bor" party putting down amendments
that they dare not move for fear the
Tories should side with them and defeat the Liberal Government.
There is only one safeguard against
this sort of treachery. The working
class party must build up Its position
only on the votes of those who understand the working-class position and
working class politics. If this Is done
the master class will realize that they
are up against democracy; that the
representative is only the representative; that the "rank and file" rule the
roost, and that as the elected person
cannot switch votes to one side or another he has nothing to sell. In such
case they will realize that all there
left for them to do ls to fight him,
All the reasons here set forth dfe- m tOfl.
wo build up a political organization
composed of the sound, healthy material necessary for our purpose. Thus
only can we base our actions upon exact knowledge of our strength.
—A. E. JACOMB, in Socialist
Standard, 198 Gray's Inn
Road, London, Bug.
Socialism proposes that every person shall enjoy all that their labor
creates less the natural wear and
tear of machinery and other incidentals that must be maintained and kept
in repair. ' Under Socialism you will
have free access to the means of production and you alone will determine
the conditions that you will work under; and last but not least, you will
enjoy the full social product of your
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