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Western Clarion Apr 27, 1912

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pi:k Yi-uR      iDliOU
The poor have a number of regrettable virtues and a few redeeming
vices. The rich frequently denounce
the vices of the poor and occasionally
praise their virtues, wherein they
show much keener discernment than
the poor, who, mistakenly, are somewhat ashamed of their vices and often inordinately proud of their virtues, for their vices are detrimental
to the interests of their masters, while
their virtues are detrimental to their
own. '
Among the most regretable of their
virtues are those of patience and forbearance. They have patiently endured their masters for centuries and
have forborne to exterminate them,
which proves their patience and forbearance to be colossal. The poor,
indeed, are as "a strong ass between
two burdens." With patience and forbearance they carry the grievous burden of their own poverty and the vast
hoard of their master's wealth.
Other cardinal virtues of the poor
are their industry and thrift, for either
[■•of which it is hard to forgive them.
Were they not so industrious they
would refuse to bo worked so hard
anil so much, instead of which, so industrious are they that they clamor
for work when-there Is no work to
be done, and misguided enthusiasts,
thoroughly convinced that Industry is
praiseworthy and deserving of encouragement, have sought, in the name of
the poor, to have laws enacted to find
ways and means to provide them with
work, after they have already done
all work that Is necessary and a great
deal that is quite unnecessary besides.
Tliere is little hope for the poor until
it dawns upon them that, when there
is no more work for them, it ts a sure
indication that they have at any rate
done enough, if not too much, and
that it is time for them to rest and
enjoy the fruits of their industry.
As for their thrift, when it Is considered how industrious they are, tho
very Idea that they should need to be
thrifty is absurd. They, however,
seem firmly Imbued with the idea that
thrift ls the secret of wealth, while In
reality it is the hall-mark of poverty.
Exactly how soon they can expect to
be millionaires when they do -well
when they save &n.35 in three weeks,
we "require to know." Their thrift
makes them wear shoddy clothes, eat
shocking bad victuals and Inhabit
shacks. Whereas, were they unthrifty
enough to Insist on spending all they
earn they would soon be the wealthiest people in the land for they earn
every last dollar that is spent.
We didn't come here to work or to
save money to buy us coffins. We
came here to live and we should insist
on living now. When we're dead we
never can tell how long we'll be dead.
So we should quit this business of
Tunning a charitable home for the
.corpulent and Insist that we get as
much to eat as our stomachs will
stand for and as much to drink as
[.our heads will; that the very
best clothes and the most comfortable
houses aresnot a- bit too good for us,
•and that, when we have worked  up
| enough of these things to do us for
a spell, we have a perfect right to go
fishing, or to do anything else, except
iwork. We should make up our mlndB
to have these things coming our way.
or know the reason why.   And if we
ego trying to know the reason why, we
will soon have things coming our way.
Let us take a pointer from the rich.
L i That isn't to Bay that we should let
[I them give us a pointer. They have
given us too many now and it hasn't
been for our good. But let us take
one. Are they industrious? Or
.thrifty? Or patient? Or forbearing?
Not much. They are fat and well-
clothed  and  jolly.    They  don't    go
, around  looking  for work,  yet    they
; have a great deal more dignity than
i we have. They are not practicing any
of the virtues they preach to us. Tn
,fact, the only thing that really worries them Is that some day/they may
have to. They spend more in an
evening than we save In a lifetime
Why shouldn't they? We're easy and
we foot the bill. And are patient and
forbearing and industrious and thrifty.
They are out to enjoy life while they
live. We'll furnish the coffins and
take care of their widows and orphans.
Of course, once in a while they put
on that sad look and tell us that
wealth doeB not bring happiness and
that the poor are really much happier than the rich, and we are visibly
impressed and make up our minds
never to get rich. But did any of us
ever notice any of them getting in a
hurry to be poor and patient and forbearing and industrious and thrifty
and happy?
There is no bleeding heart Benti-
ment about Socialism. It is a question
of material Interests ;a business proposition that means to the workers the
administration of the means of pro
duction and control of the product of
their collective labor.
Propaganda   Meeting
Sunday, April 28,8 p.m.
Questions and
Much has been said and written
about the ever-rising cost of living;
newspapers and magazines have pointed out many contradictory reasons;
the trusts, high railroad rates, high
wages and high tariffs have been
named by some, while Wall street,
with Its grasping, life-destroying financial anarchy, with Its train of suicides and bank crashes; business failures and consequent loss, Ib commonly
blamed, and our financial system, with
its wealth rapidly concentrating in
fewer hands undoubtedly does result
In poverty and misery to the workers
but in countries where trusts are
unknown, where wages are low and
where no protective tariff protects the
employer at the expense of the worker,
we see the same movement against
tha high cost of the necessities of
life. In fact, it is in Europe and even
Asia that conditions are more acute
than in America. There are bread
riots In Vienna, food riots in France,
Portugal has owerthrown its government, and Holy Russia iB seething
with half-starved discontents. From
Germany comes news of strife. Sweden
ls in revolt and Great. Britain is
throbbing with a life movement and
is imminently near another great Industrial upheaval, and in every country where gold is the medium of exchange the workers are crying out
that their wages will no longer buy
the necessities of life.
An investigation by the bureau of
labor shows the greatest increase is
on farm products, so it is not altogether the trusts. The milk supply
of Chicago, controlled by the milk
trust, is much cheaper than in New
York, where competition with its
waste makes the cost greater than
where one distributing system more
economically and efficiently does the
work. The fact Is that the greater
economy of operation by the trust accounts for the profit and fortunes they
make; oil is much cheaper than before Rockefeller piled up his. huge
fortune by forming a trust, and It Is
the great increase of economy due to
Invention and operation that has been
generally monopolized by the trust.
This cheapness of production due
to machinery, to invention and to
economy of operation has not benefitted the workers; big business has
hogged It all. Now this cheapness of
production also applies to the production of gold. We now mine gold with
less expenditure of labor than ever
before, and gold, like every other product is worth its cost in labor power
and will buy back just Its equivalent
in labor power. So clearly Is the
lower labor cost of gold caused by
cheaper production that it Is primarily
and steadily forcing up the cost of
things. If the rate of wages goes up
with cheaper production all ls well;
but wages have not gone up ln proportion and with capital organizing
quicker than labor, the fights on the
industrial field are no longer in favor
of the workers; their members competing with machines and with each
other for a job against them.
The present way is a relic of barbarism, of the time when skins were
the medium of exchange, and It should
be relegated to limbo together with
the wage system, and make way for
the social organization where the
means of production are owned and
operated by the people and for the
benefit of humanity.—Political Action.
Every Generation Surpasses the Proceeding One in
Knowledge, Strength and Beauty.
By Oscar Ameringer.
"Social transformation" means the
liberation, not only of the proletariat,
but of the whole human race. Only
the working class, however, can bring
It about. All other classes, despite
their conflicting interests, maintain
their existence on the basis of the private ownership of the means of production and thoreforo have a common
motive for supporting tho principles of
the existing'social order.
The struggle of the working class
against capitalist exploitation Ib necessarily a political struggle. The working class cannot develop Its economic
organization and wage its economic
battles without political rights. It cannot accomplish tho transfer of the
means of production as a whole without flrst having come into possession
of political power.
To make the struggle of the workerB
conscious and unified, to keep its one
great object in view—this ls the purpose of the Socialist Party.
In all lands where, capitalist production prevails, the interests of the
working class are Identical. With the
development of world-commerce and
production for the world-market, the
position of the workers In each coun
try becomes Increasingly dependant on
that of the workers in other countries
The liberation of the working class is
therefore, a task in which the workers
of all civilized lands are equally concerned. The Socialist Party accord
ingly struggles, not for any class prlvi
leges, but for the abolition of classes
and class rule.—From The Class Struggle by Kautsky.
In every community we flnd a number of old sages whose intellectual
stock in trade consists in the hoary
old chestnut, "It always was that way
and it always will be that way." And
yet, if modern science and the known
history of our race teaches anything
at all, then it is that "nothing is eternal but change and Interchange." Today is the child of yesterday and the
parent of tomorrow. What was good
enough for our fathers Ib not good
enough for us. And what we regard as
the sublime height of perfection will be
thrown on the scrap pile by our children.
The world moves ever onward and
Those who refuse to move with it are
left behind. Those who throw themselves In the path of progress are
crushed to death. "*
Life is motion. Even death is life.
It moves the bodies of those who are
no longer capable of movement. Its
function is to make room for the living and to clear the arena for the next
We are told that the flrst man was
created in the image of God. But if
one of us could meet this gentleman
on a lonely spot ln the road, we would
take to our heels, or he would scamper up a tree.
The flrst and last man would not
recognize each other as the long-lost
I have seen the skull of the oldest
known man, found in a cave in the
Neanderthal, in Germany. Scientific
men estimate that he lived about 12*v
000 years before Moses. The skull of
this man was mostly jaw and teeth,
with a little brain on the side, or,
properly speaking, on top. In fact, the
length of his teeth exceeded the height
of his frontal bone. In a ple-eatlng
contest with modern boys, he undoubtedly would carry off flrst honors, but I
doubt seriously that he could master
the multiplication table or do a sum
in algebra.
There ls as much difference between
the skull of this old German citizen
and the skull of a South Sea cannibal
as there is between the skull of the
cannibal and a Yale professor.
I have seen the crude dug-out ot
aborigines and I have traveled on the
ocean greyhounds of today.
I have listened to the beating of tne
tom-tom and I have drunk ln the tone
poems of Wagner and Beethoven. I
have looked upon the crude walls of a
cave decorated by a savage who lived
during the Ice period and I have feasted my eyes on the paintings of
Raphael and Rembrandt.
I have seen the weapons of men,
from the club, the stone ax, the flint
arrowhead, the crossbow and the blunderbuss    to the   Krupp cannon, that
hurls a ton of steel through 18 Inches
of armor plate ten miles away.
I have seen the runic writing on the
tombstones of Norsemen. I'have held
in my hand a conical multiplication
table made In Abraham's time. I have
looked upon the childlike picture writings of the Moundbuilders, and I have
read the works of Dante, Shakespeare
and Goethe.
I have seen the crooked stick that
was used as a plow; have seen the
steam plow turning a dozen furrow 30-feet sweep.
And between the flrst and the last
of all these things there is the same
difference as between the skull of the
man from the Neanderthal and the
skull of the Yale professor.
The little knob on the upper end of
the spinal column, knowing nothing but
hunger and lust, expanded into the
magnificent brain of the modern man;
a brain that gives us eyes to Bee a
million suns; a brain that hears harmonies floating in silent space; a brain
that drives palaces through the waves
with Are and lightning borrowed from
the bowels of the earth and the winds
of heaven. ■
Life speeds round and round in
spiral form and each returning life is
on a higher plane.
Men have never been as good and
wise and strong aB thep are now.
He who denies the evolution of man
and tools from the lower to the higher
form, or who goes as far as proclaiming that man has fallen from perfect
state to a lower plane, denies the very
facts of life.
If the story of man teaches one les
son only, it is that "It was not always
I so; 'twill not be always thus."
I As men are born and die and every
generation surpasses the preceding one
in knowledge, strength and beauty, so
human Institutions and economic systems are only born to die. Men on
their roads to the grave give life to
those who will bury them; so dying
economic systems bear within themselves the germ of future life, and
they, too, rear their own grave diggers.
It was a long way from the hairy
cave man who with blood dripping
jaw, sucked the marrow from the
crushed bones of a slain man, to
Thomas A. Edison. A long and painful way, leading over a thousand gen
orations Into slavery, feudalism and
Tomorrow comes Socialism, and
after that we do not know—we do not
care. For we are the children of tomorrow. In our veins courses the
quickening blood of youth. The rose
red flush of health ls upon our cheeks,
the flash of victory in our eyes. Tomorrow, tomorrow, will Boon be today,
anl we shall be smiling heirs of all
that waB and all that Is.
You have all heard of it, the sinking of the Titanic. Some of you have
some to your own conclusions regarding the sinking of it, but most people
are waiting for the decision of the investigating commission.
The capitalist sheets are placing
the blame on certain Individuals, and
lamenting the death of so many capitalists. The very editors that are
trying to place the blame are themselves to blame. They uphold the present system of competition that forces
ships to race carelessly across the
ocean ln competition with other ves
sels. It is claimed that the Titanic
waB the last word in construction. It
was not the last word by a long shot.
If shipbuilders had a free hand in
constructing and equipping, these ships
every life could have been saved. But
no! Build a big ship to carry plenty
of passengers, give her plenty of speed
and the owners can compete with
others, but equip that ship with life-
saving apparatus and other necessary
appliances for the safety of the passengers ami you are digging into the
jprofits of the owners. When 1600 lives
lare lost the ownerB of the vessel lose
nothing for the ship is generally fully
But why all this sensation concern-
ling so many lives lost ln a day? It
ils sad we know, but it ls an every
day occurrence, thousands are being
killed every day by the same cause
as the sinking of the Titanic. Look
where you wlll the machinery in
factories, mills and on railroads are
speeded up to such a pitch that no
human life is safe near it. Speed!
speed! speed! Profit! profit! profit!
is all that ls wanted, no consideration for human life, no consideration
for the miserable wrecked lives that
the machinery produces. No consideration for the tireless toll of little
children who are tending the machines No, nothing considered outside
of profit, and who ls to blame? Not
the captain of a ship, not the manager
of a factory, not the owner of the
ship, nor the owner of the factory,
but the working class themselves who
sanction this system of competition.
But there are a bunch of capitalist
•tools known as editors and preachers
who are as much to blame as anyone,
for they have lt in their power to
educate the masses to the true cause
of every Ul. But no, they are too
cowardly, too unscrupulous, to tell
the truth or to seek lt. They con
demn Socialism without investigating
it, and hundreds of them condemn it
although they know that it will benefit humanity. But the day is not far
distant when they will have the working class to settle with, and woe betide such skulking hypocrites who are
leading the workers on a false trail
Plain Pointers for Poor People
There Is only one legal way for the
working class to overcome tho despotic power of the plutocrats—go to the
polls In a united body and vote the
tyrantB out of offlce. The Socialist
party is the only means for the redemption of the workers.
The present Is the capitalist system.
Tho coming ByBtem will be the Socialist system.
You have to work hard for a bare
living under the capitalist system.
Socialism will give everyone the
right to live a decent life without destroying the body, soul and mind.
Capitalism is near Its end, and it becomes harder on the health and morals
of the nations as it decays. We certainly need a change.
Socialism will give new life to the
nations. It will make work a pleasure; it will be a blessing to millions,
and no one need fear its coming.
The god of the capitalist Ib gold.
His trinity is rent, interest, and profit.
His object is increase, and he fattens
on the wealth which the workers produce.
Socialism ls for the good of all. Our
trinity is man, woman and child. Our
object is to make everyone happy instead of miserable, and to give to the
worker the full product of his toil.
The capitalists and their supporters
say that, competition is the life of
(rade. Even If they are right, lt remains true that it Ib the death of
thousands of people every year. But
that don't matter. Business Ib business.
Socialists say that by helping one
another instead of fighting, that we
can all be much better off and save a
whole pile of trouble. Each part of
your holy helps tho other parts. ThiB
Ib co-operation. Society shoull act
for the good of all instead of a privileged few.
Some people say that the capitalists
are to blame for the present state of
affairs. They are not, but the capitalist system Is the cause of It, and
those who suffor are to blame for not
getting the better system. It Is for
this reason* that Socialists are so anxious that you should find out how to
do it.   Read, study and think.
It is no use trying to reform a bad
system. It only prolongs the life of It
and is a roundabout way where no one
can be sure of ending. Set your course
straight and steer straight. That's tho
shortest way. It. ls a revolution, a
change, that vie need.
In capitalistic nations, the nobility
have disappeared as a ruling class.
The day that, the capitalist ceased
to have a function to perform in
social production, the death-warrant
of his class was signed. It remains
but to execute the sentence pronounced by the economic phenomena,
and tho capitalists who may survive
the ruin of their order will lack even
the grotesque privileges ol the pedigreed nobility to console them for the
lost grandeur of their cIbbs. Machinery
which has killed tho artificer, will
kill the capitalist.—Paul lafargue.
Another weakness of the general
strike, besides that of starving the
workers themselveB , and shutting off
financial assistance by throwing thousands out of work In other trades, Is
seen in the struggle in the British
mining industry.
Despite the great financial powers of
the unionists, which exceed by far the
resources of the workers In any other
country in the world, when It came to
the point of realizing on their funds
there was the devil to pay—or the
banker rather.
Of course, the miners, engineers, car-
pemerB and other strongly financed
unions—considering their money in a
lump sum Instead of a per capita basis
—did not. keep their funds In atockingB
or even Iron safes, but deposited them
In banks and Invested In various kinds
of securities. It Is noodleBB to say that
bankers and other financial captains
are not particularly enthusiastic about
genoral strlkeB, and so when efforts
were made to borrow money on securities all the London banks but one declined to make loans.
When efforts were made to sell securities outright, it was discovered that
In 'some instances long notice had to
jfoe given to corporations for repayment, that there was little or no market for some stocks and bonds, and
that there was considerable sbylocking
practiced or proposed In supplying
Thus the workers may scrimp and
scrape and save millions to finance a
great struggle Into whicli they may be
plunged, but when they come to draw
upon their resources they find their
capitalistic enemy in control of their
base of supplies.
All of which proves once more that
a national strike at tho ballot box is
more effective and less costly than for
great masses of workers to pit their
stomachs against millions of money.—
Peter Power.
By Silas Hood ln The Herald.
There are but few people ln the
United States who realize the wide gulf
that exists between the rich and the
great majority of the rest of the human race. And If they do realize lt
this majority does not demonstrate
that realization when they go to the
ballot box. Here ls a picture that
should convince those who do not do
much thinking for themselves that
there is an aristocracy ln America.
This description I am about to give
you is taken from an article printed In
the New York Sun. It ls a description
of the New York residence of ex-Senator William A. Clark of Montana and
demonstrates very clearly that some
people are able to enjoy at least a few
more comforts than some of the rest
of us. This house, after ten years of
building, is now occupied by Senator
Clark, his young wife, two small children and a retinue of servants.
Here are some of the unique features about this New York home of the
One hundred and twenty-five rooms.
Four breakfast rooms.
Three elevators, for use by the servants and for freight service.
One six-ton Icebox. This refrigerator equipment ls larger than found in
the majority of the meat markets of
the cities.
Three 275 horse-power Scotch marine boilers.
Three turbine electric generators.
Thirty bathroom* and one Turkish
bath equipment.
Secret entrance to every room.
Sun room and observatory on the
One Chinese lounging room.
A "quarantine" room.
Huge swimming pool.
Large banquet room.
Passenger elevator for 25 people.
Breakfast room built of 170 panels,
all of different design.
Giant stairway that contains every
known kind of marble.
Half a million dollars worth of
One million dollars' worth of rugs.
Two million dollars' worth of pictures.
The foregoing are but a few of the
unique features of that gorgeous palace of the Clarks In New York. And
this description is typical of the homes
ot the Vanderbilts, Goulds, Harrimans,
Whitneys, Astors, RyanB, Murphys,
Thaws, Phlpps, Dukes, Fricks, Pflsters
and the rest of the minority class who
regularly vote the Republican, Democratic or Non-partisan tickets.
Now I am going to ask you flat
dwellers, shack dwellers and the millions of others ln America, who dwell
in modest homes, to compare the
luxurious surroundings of the upper
class with the cheap furnishings of the
place you call home. Compare them
with the right kind of an Interrogation
point In your mind and decide for all
time whether or not your Interests
and the Interests of this plutocratic
clasB are Identical. And If you reach
the decision that they are don't waste
any time on the study of Socialism.
Hut If you believe they are not Identical, then flnd out what Socialism Is
and do your own thinking In the Interest of your own clasB.
Armies and navies do not exist for
the protection of working class property    and    Interests the    working
class have no property, while Its in
terests arc diametrically opposed to
those of the class In whose pay the
mercenaries of warfare are.
C. M. O'Brien, Socialist member for
lhe Ilocky Mountain riding in the Alberta legislature, is the beau-Ideal of
a Socialist representative. Always
on the stump, In season and out of
season, whether an election ls In
sight or not, he would rather be talking Socialism Ihan have his break-
lust. When he thinks It time to give
the Alberta farmers a rest he drops
across to the coal miners In the
Crow's Nest and puts in time there.
Then he takes an idea that he Is
wanted in Saskatchewan and tho far
west hears rumors of his activity
that usually form the first intimation that It receives that he was
thinking of taking the trip—R. P.
At the Falrvlew Nursing Home on
April 18th, the wife of W. A. Squires,
of a son.    Both doing well.
local Vancouver
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre PAGE TWO
8ATURDAY, APRIL 27, 1912.
Published every Saturday by the Soelaliat Party of Canada at the office of
the Western Clarion, Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Vancouver,  B. C.
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Strictly tn Advance.
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Labor Temple, Dunsmulr St., Vancouver,
B. C.
h—Wa-tch the label on your paper. If
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•criptlon   explrei   the   next   Issue.
I should like, If I may, to recommend to the comrades Olive Schreln-
er's book, "Woman and Labor." ' It
is, I think, in every respect, a great
work, probably the most Important
contribution made to the Mterature ot
Sociology in the last quarter of a
Every great movement, of whatever nature, sooner or later, gets its
great book—Its Bible. Socialism has
"Capital," and the "Communist Manifesto." The woman's movement now
has—"Woman and Labor."
As Socialists, and consequently, as
believers in The Materialistic Conception of History, we hold that every
now Bocial phenomenon is the result
of changes ln material conditions; the
more striking and widespread the
phenomenon, the more profound the
economic change to which it Is due.
This, of course, is trite to Socialists.
For the sake of what I want to say
about Olive Schreiner's    book,    how-
Isfactlon in new ways. They seek
economic independence, and entrance
into the newer fields of labor.
This, in brief, is the argument of
"Woman and Labor." Properly
understood, it does no violence to the
Socialist ideal.
In the introduction to her book, the
author tells us how it came to be
written. It is a fragment of a larger
whole, which was burned in Johannesburg during the Boer war. The fragment was written when the author
was confined in a little up-country
hamlet, In the thick of the war.
"I waB living in a little house on
the outskirts of the village, she says.
"Thirty-six African natives were set
to guard night and day at the doors
and windows of the house. » • »
A high barbed wire fence, guarded by
armed natives, surrounded the village,
through which it would, have been
death to try to escape. All day the
pom-poms from the armoured trains,
that paraded on the railway line nine
miles distant, could be heard at intervals; at night, the talk of the armed
ever, I thought it well to call attention to the fact that in the social natives as they pressed against the
world, there cannot exist any im-1 window. When a conflict was fought
portant fact without an equally im- near    by, the    dying   and    wounded
"One big union wins at Lawrence.
These are the words tbat Btare one
in the face from the title page of the
International Socialist Review for the
current month.
And what constitutes the victory?
Just what has constituted a victory
i in thousands of similar struggles in the
past, i.e., some slight, yes, almost insignificant concession granted the
Btrikers by the masters of the means
of life, concessions which can, and
will, slip away from the alleged victor,
just as has happened in thousands of
cases before, because the workers have
no power to hold a point that may be,
for the moment, gained against their
maBters. The adverse conditions of
the labor market and their absolute
command of the means of life enables
the masters to eventually regain anything they may have lost by granting
concessions in order to again bring
their striking workmen into that condition of docility requisite to the graceful and proper wearing of the wage-
slave harness. That the average conditions of labor has continually grown
worse in spite of the hundreds of such
victories won in the past ought to be
proof enough to satisfy even a "doubting Thomas."
As far as the workers are concerned,
,ihe result of the Lawrence strike has
teen a slight advance of wages, that,
even at the best, cannot go very far
to relieving the wretchedly slavish
conditions under which they work and
live. The ownership and control of
the means of production still remains
in the hands of the masters. The
workers are still as completely at the
mercy of the owners as before. They
have no greater control of their means
of living than formerly. They are still
wage-slaves ln a world-wide market
and subject to its merciless exactions
and conditions.
Just why men will still delude themselves with the belief that any substantial and permanent victory is to
be won through these squabbles over
■wages and hours, is not easy to explain. When those who loudly profess
their revolutionary fervor still continue to expend their energy In the
hopeless task of attempting to make
wage-slavery tolerable, it is equivalent to a confession that their understanding of the revolutionary program
is confined to their organs of speech
The strikers at Lawrence, as elsewhere, found themselves in conflict
with the powers of the capitalist state.
The only privilege they possessed was
that of quitting their jobs. Once having quit work they were confronted
upon every hand by the armed power
of the State, that institution which
"direct action" fanatlcB have led themselves to believe can be conjured out
of existence by Ignoring it.
So long as the capitalist state remains there is no victory for the working class. Victory can only come to
the workers by the conquest of the
State and the use of Its powers to
affirm the right of the workers to the
resources of the earth and the fruits
of Industry.
The only saving grace attached to
these struggles over wages and conditions of labor comes by virtue of the
spreading of a knowledge of the circumstances and evil consequences
of the wage-slave system, among an
ever-widening circle of people whose
efforts are enlisted in the cause of
labor's emancipation from the bonds
of capitalist rule. This and an increasing disposition towards class solidarity
and unity of action among the workers
is about the only indication of victory
to be discovered in connection with
the Lawrence strike and other similar
Ynu must pay a man to boss your
wo'V—he can't afford to do it for
HO*''ln"\ But the "-an-e workers are
g|vl-" five-sixths "f ►heir actua* earning" *n the can'*"'"*! of Industry fir-
the n-lvllege of '-"It? bossed. RaHic-
expensive bossism.
Thn Oo-onerpH"<- '"■'■n-ni'-nw'-nl'-h is
coining fast. It. !• b?*tt for all. Help
us lo speed Its arrival.
portant economic cause. There are
no exceptions to The Materialistic
Conception of History.
Now the woman's movement of today is an important fact. However,
we may view the clamor for woman
suffrage—whether we regard it as
only an outcry from the women of
the capitalist class, prompted by a
fear for their parasitic position, or
whether we think it is a genuine demand for sexual equality, irrespective
of class—it is a phenomenon big
enough to need explanation. When
anything occupies as much space ln
the daily press as the "votes for
women" agitation does, we may satisfy ourselves that it is important.
Such an agitation cannot be only a
flash in the pan.
Until Olive Schreiner wrote "Woman and Labor," there existed no
satisfactory explanation of the modern
"woman's movement." Lots of stuff
had been scribbled about it, by both
its friends and enemies; but nobody
had given the rationale of it; no one
had ever adequately told what it
meant. The movement was in the
same condition as the Socialist movement before Marx—in the empirical
stage, standing upon no working
This, I think, is changed now.
"Woman and Labor" has done for
the woman's movement, what the
Communist Manifesto did for the
movement of the proletariat.
It will be said, and rightly, that
there is no comparison between the
social importance of the two movements. There is, however, a similarity in the respect mentioned.
Woman and Labor" is interesting
reading for a Socialist. Apparently
without having any acquaintance with
the literature of scientific Socialism,
the author has independently reached
what is very like a Materialistic Conception of History. In one place she
"Only those who have been
thrown Into contact with a stationary and homogeneous society
such aB that of primitive African
tribes before coming in contact
with Europeans; or such as the
up-country Boers of South Africa
were twenty years ago, can realize adequately how wholly free
from moral and social problems
and social friction such a society
can be. It is in studying such
societies that the truth is vividly
forced on one, that the key to
half, and more than half of the
phenomena in our own social
condition, can be found in our
own rapidly changing conditions
necessitating equally rapid change
in our conceptions, ideals, and institutions."
Had she been familiar with Marx's
economic interpretation of history, she
could scarcely have put tbe case
Elsewhere, she shows a fairly adequate conception of the class struggle,
but in later chapters appears to lose
lt again. She seems to recognise,
however, that in the ever-changing
methods of wealth-production lies the
cause of all social friction and social
ln ancient days, she declared, woman performed her full half of social
toil; now she is becoming parasitic
because her former activities have
slipped into hands of the dominant
male. Except a relatively small proportion of women, belonging to the
poorest section of the working class,
the women of the civilized world are
unproductive cumberers of the earth,
Bhe Bays. The cry of the new woman
ls for entrance Into the new fields
of labor opened up by the mighty
economic forces at the disposal of
mankind today.
From a Socialist standpoint, her
book is now complete, of course. Nowhere does she state ln set terms that
before "sex parasitism" can disappear, class paratitlsm must be destroyed. She does not. indeed, assert
that the parasitism of woman is the
tundamental evil; on the contrary,
she declares that, "Behind the phenomenon of female parasitism, has always lain another and yet larger social phenomenon; lt has invariably
been preceded, as we have seen, by
the subjugation of large bodies of
other human creatures,   a   a   a . ".
But she seems to forget to apply
this to modern society.
Taken as a  whole, however, "Woman and Labor" is a Bane and acute
analysis of some problems of today.
The work contains illuminating comment on    the    effect    of    economic
changes on population and reproduction, and advances cogent argument
for  woman's   economic  emancipation
on the ground that today fewer women are required to be child-bearers
than ever before.    With the added security to life that civilization bestows,
die author declares, there comes for
. uinan  a needed  respite  from  child-
.iing, which in the days of old con-
. luted her first duty and her eternal
I,    Yet this respite outdoes itself;
. i  a  \ery  small   proportion  of  the
j men  in  tho  world are  wanted  In
. .er to save tho race from dimlnish-
were brought in; three men belonging
to our little village were led out to
execution. * * * Under these
circumstances this little book was
written; being a remembrance mainly
drawn from one chapter of the larger
The work written in these unusual
circumstances will, I think, take a
permanent place In the literature of
sociology. It possesses a fine logic
and a splendid eloquence, and beers
the unmistakable hall-mark of genius.
-—A Percy Chew.
A million miners are out on strike.
From the ferment around us one might
think they were asking for the mines.
Every foul epithet and calumny is being hurled at them by the hireling
Press. It is they who are unpatriotic;
it is they who are ruining the trade of
the country; it is they who are bringing the people to starvation. No one
suggests that the mine-owners, who
cling so tightly to the last atom of
profit, which they can screw out of
those who go down into the pits, are
Of course not. Is it not only fair
and just that capital Bhould have its
reward? and who can say that the
mine-owner is any too well recompensed for his risk and his labor? Not
the capitalist papers, certainly.
These drew many fancy pictures of
the fabulous wages and astonishing
luxury of the miners and marvelled
that there was anything left for the
owners at all. Yet, within a wek of
the men ceasing work the Press rang
wtih the cries of the miners' starving
wives and children, and Mr. Chiozza
Money, M.P., showed from th Income
Tax returns that in the last nine years
the owners had made over 200 million
pounds out of the unpaid labor of the
It ls stated that the granting of the
minimum wage would only cost £50,-
000 a year, which is less than one-
quarter per cent, of the profit the masters tak, and evry minute fracion of
one per cent, on their capital. It is a
pregnant demonstration of what the
meaning of the word "patriotism" is
on the masters' lips, when they plunge
the country into such misery for the
sake of so insignificant a morsel of
Another lesson taught with irresis-
Every loophole, every safeguard,
was provided for the masters. So
much so was thlB that Mr. Maedonald
was able to point out to the Government that they need not be afraid
to put the figures 5s. and 2s. in the
Bill because there were safeguards in
it by which the minimum could be reduced. According to the "Dally
News" (March 23) he said: "Does the
House understand what it is doing?
It can put on the 5s. and 2s. and
make these figures subject to sub
section 4 of clause 2 of the Bill."
This acceptance by the Labour
Party of a minimum that was not a
minimum was seized upon by the
Government, and they immediately
proposed another conference upon it.
It ls easy to see the game both the
mine-owners and the Government are
playing, indeed, it has been hinted
at in these words by the "Daily
"The owners are convinced that it
the strike goes on . . . labour as
a whole will be bled white, and utter
exhaustion will be the beginning of
a long peace."
The Government have been dallying and delaying in order to let starvation do its work. They know how
slender are the trade unions' resources, and that the masters can
afford to Bit in calm confidence
amidst their luxury while the men
stumble  on  to  surrender.
The miners' leaders, such as Brace,
Edwards, "Mabon," Harvey, and
Stanley, are Imbued with the ideas
of the master class. Above all they
want peace, peace at any price. Their
security of their jobs and their position is their first and last consideration. Every device to humble the
men and to weaken their position has
been   tried  during  this  strike.
How treacherous they are the 1910
South Wales Miners' strike showed.
When the South Wales Federation
ran out of funds the English Federation reluctantly came to their aid, but
after five months the men's strike
pay was stopped, and Mr. Thomas
Ashton, the secretary, bitterly denounced the strikers and helped to
drive them back under a worthless
agreement with the masters.
The majority of trade unionists,
unfortunately, do not yet understand
the bitter conflict of interests between the owners and the toilers—
the Class Struggle. They, like their
leaders, do not yet see the only remedy for them and theirs. They have
to look beyond the details of the present system and take an intelligent
part in that great struggle in which
they are the unconscious participants.
They must understand clearly that
while the master class control the
political machine they control their
lives. They have possession of that
power which orders the armed forces
to butcher them when they attempt
to take the wealth they have produced.
The workers must capture that political machine in order to take over
the means of life for themselves, to
be owned ln common, and used ln
the common interest. Surely the
hardships and misery that strikes involve, bo terribly out of proportion
with what is gained by them, and
so hopeless, must drive the tollers
to seek a better way. The saner,
surer method for a real and permanent triumph is for the workers to no
longer submit to be "leadered," but
to learn their own politics, understand their own interests, realise
their own destiny, and rely upon
their own courage and strength and
intelligence to bear them on to that
destiny—their emancipation through
Socialism.—The Socialist Standard.
Socialist   Party  Directory
Bosmrxo* zxacuxm commutes
Socialist Party of Canada, meets second and fourth Monday. Secretary,
E. T. Kingsley, Labor Temple, Dunsmulr St., Vancouver, B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada, meets second and fourth
Mondays in month at Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St. E. T, Klngsley, Secretary.
Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesday, at 429 Eighth
Ave. East. Burt E. Anderson, Secre-
tnry, Box  647,  Calgary.
Committee: Notice—This card ls Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
Secretury, J. D. Houston, 4S3 Furby
St.,  Winnipeg.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every seconn and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Olace nay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary. Rnjc
491, Olace Bay, N. S.
Headquarters, Room 306 Lubor Temple,
Dunsmuir Street. Business meeting
every 2nd nnd 4th Friday In the month.
Heading room open every day. Socialist and Labor papers of all countries
on file.    Secretary, S. Lefeaux.
LOOAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   C,    NO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at iMIners' Union Hall. Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C.
Prlmerlle, Secretary.
The hand of British tyranny
clutches the throat of the people of
India and millions are made victims
tible force is the utter uselessness of'of the plague as a result of the aw-
the master class, for no sooner do the fill pillage perpetrated upon them by
workers lay down their tools than pro- their conscienceless and profit-hun-
duction comes to a standstill. After jgry oppressors. Their efforts to les-
this no one should have any doubt'sen the extortions practised upon
as to who produces the wealth of so-j them, by peaceful means, are ruth-
ciety, or should urge that we cannot lessly crushed by British power. Stu-
get on without the capitalists. I dents, even down to 13 and 14 years
Asquith and the Liberal Government! of age, who go out among the people,
have followed the usual course, but so'outside of school hours to arouse
called conferences at which he has'them to the necessity of demanding
paraded the true Asquithian bluff. But'constitutional .government and some
he had rather a difficult row to hoe! sort of home rule as a means of
this time, for the miners have not for-| warding off or lessening the ravages
gotten how the railwaymen were; of English capitalists that are sap-
"Lloyd Georged" into going back to!l»ing their life blood, are brutally
work  with empty  hands.    After the|fl°eeed    by   the    officials    of    our
LOCAL    PEBNIB,   B.  P.   of   O,    HOLD
holds educational meetings in the
Miners Union Hall every Sunday at
7:30. Business meeting first Monduy
In each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic
class every .Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
11. Wllim-i-, secretary, Box 380.
meets in Miners' Kail every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell. Secretary. l'.O
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Flnlandors' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O
Box 54, Rossland.
S.  P.   of C.—Business  meeting every
first Sunday of the  month and propa-
fanda   meeting  every    third   Sunday,
ree word for every body, at 612 Cor-
<J(iv^stI',e.et.Ea3t'  2 P-  m-    Secretary,
Ad  Kreekis.
LOOAL  TANCOVTBB,   B.    C,    MO.    45,
Finnish. Meeta every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 22J7
Main Btreet^Jjecretary, Wm. Mynttl.
LOOAL VANCOUVEB No 1. S. T. ot 0.—
BuslnessTneeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 213 Hastings St.
East. J, A. Maedonald, secretary, 172*
Alberni St.
LOOAL     OOLBXAN,     ALTA.,     NO." S.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on th* flrat
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at I.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.:
Secretary, Jas. Glendenning, Box fl,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
Information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A. '
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.:
Organlier, W.  Stephenson.
of C.—Business meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters. 429 Eighth Ave. East, between Third and Fourth streets. F.
Tipping, Secretary.
every Sunday, Trades Hall, S p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, 8
p.m., Trades Hnll. B. Simmons, tacre-
tary. 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046
LOOAL BRANDON, MAX., NO. 7, S.   :'.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Natl' u
Block, Itossar Ave. Propaganda me. i
ing, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at s
p.m.; economic class, Friday at t p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieu, lit Third St..
Brandon, Man.
LOCAL   MICBBL,  B.   C,   NO.   16,   8.   P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the first'
and third Sundays of each month at
10:39 am. In the Bame hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
LOCAL  NBLSON,   B.   P.   of  C,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
S. P. of C. meets every Sunday in
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L.  H. Gorham,  Secretary.
LOCAL   BETEL8T0XE,   B.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary	
LOCAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 36, 8. P. OT
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
In the Sandon Miners' Unior Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandon, B. C.
S. P. of C. Meets flrst and third Sundays tn the month, at 4 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock,  Box  1983.
OP O.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. m.. In tne Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, 6 p.m.
I). McMillan, Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask.; A. Stewart, Organiser,
South Hill P. O., Sask.   All slaves wal-
B. P. OP O—Headquarters f>28tt Main
Street. Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting every
Sunday morning, at 11; economic claaa
Wednesdays, at 8 p. m. Secretary'*
address, 270 Young Street. Propaganda meeting every Sunday evening
in Draamland Theatre, Main Street, at
8 o'clock.    Discussion  invited.
LOCAL  OTTAWA,  NO.  8,  8. P. of C—
Business meetings tiie flrst Sunday in
the month nt 3 o'clock p.m. at headquarters. Secretary, Sam Horwlth.
Headquarters, 36 1-2 Rldenu Street-
Phone 277. Address, 322 Gladstone
Headquarters and reading room, 1319
Government St., Room 2, over Collis-
ter's gun store. Business meeting every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Sunday, 8 p.m., at Crystal
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
t p.m. tn Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allan.
Business meeting every Sunday, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice each
Thursday, 10:30 a.m. (for afternoon
shift), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sunday 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Socialist Hall, opposite
post office. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretary,
Joseph Naylor.
LOOAL OLACE BAY, No. 1 OP MARITIME—Headquarters In Rukasin
Block, Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda '
meeting at headquarters every Thursday at 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary.
Box 168; Harold G. Ross, organizer.
Box 606.
LOOAL    BIDNBT    MINBS    NO.    7,    Of
Nova Scotia.—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 ln the S. O. B. T. Hall baoft
of Town Hall. Wil'lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344. 	
TION of the S. P. of C, is organized
for the purpose of educating the
Ukralnean workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. Tho
Ukranlan Federation publish their own
weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" (New
Society), at 443 Kinlstlno Ave., Edmonton. Alta. English comrades desiring Information re the Federation,
write to J. Senuk, Fin. Secretary.
conferences Asquith tried his trump
card—compulsory arbitration—ln spite
of the fact Mr. J. AI. Robertson had
told the House that countries which
had compulsory arbitration suffered
severely from "labor unrest."
The next  move  on  Asqulth's  part
"glorious empire," who have beeu
sent to India to protect the Interests
of British capital. If the people of
India resort to the use of hand tools
to weave cloth for their garments,
instead of buying British goods,
the    most   condign    punishment    is
waB to bring in his Coal Bill.   This |metei1  out t0  tnem  b-**  the  Govern-
was an-audacious attempt to dish the
miners by a fradulent, hypocritical
measure framed by lawyers to look a
lot and give—nothing.
It was a measure to legalize the
"principle" of the minimum wage without Btatlng the minimum. It provided
for district conferences with a Board
of Trade chairman, who would have
the casting vote, and who was to decide the minimum if both sides failed
to agree—a bright look-out indeed for
the miners.
The trade union leader—the Labour
Party—voted for the Second reading
of the Bill, simply asking the Government to give them some semblance
of minimum figures on which they
could lure the men back to work.
Mr. Ramsay Maedonald said they
agreed with the principle of the Bill
and would do all they could to get
lt through. But the BUI was a measure that called for the fiercest opposition of any workmen's representative.
It was simply a dodge to get the
men back to the mines with depleted
funds, and therefore In a much worse
position than before. That accomplished,  it offered them nothing
ment satraps. And the smug Chris-
tlon world Bmlles complacently.
To the heathen or othodox economist the social world ls a meaningless scuffle in which the fiercest or
cutest come to the top and without
any other law to govern. To the
Socialist every event falls into its
proper category and confirms his belief and strengthens his hope and
It ls a mistaken notion that the
workingman thinks with hiB head.
There is nothing to it. There is, also,
nothing In it. The only thinking he
does Is with hiB belly. When lt Ib
full he thinks he is the only real
thing on earth. When it iB empty
he thinks only of how to fill lt, regardless of the quality of the filling.
Were it not for his belly he would
be not only without brains, but without a place to put them, if he had
but delay—the machinery for the
in in mbors. The others, deprived i «~m for the minimum, with all the
lie joys of maternity, derr.ond sat-1 wennnns in the months' hands.
Revolutionary Socialism does not
count capitalist reforms amongst the
achievements. Nothing short of the
complete abolition of the murdsrous
and exploiting system of capitalism
I comes within its scope.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the re-
vdutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of tha
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker •
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, nnd to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
tha worker is rapidly culminating ina atruggle for possession ef the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organise under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
program of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The er*«blishment, as speedilj as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all th public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
5   Yearlies - -
- $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies -
-   4.00
20 Quarterlies -
-   4.00 SATURDAY, APRIL 27, 1912.
TEE  MEETING, APRIL 22,  1912.
Present: Kavanagh, Anderson,
Karme, Mengel, McVety and the Secretary.
McVety  in  the  chair.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and approved.
Communication received from Comrade L. Budden of North Battleford
reporting progress in the matter of
shaping up the affairs of the Saskatchewan Provincial Executive Committee preparatory to turning Bame
over to Local Moose Jaw; also
former Comrade C. M. O'Brien relating to the organizing work of Comrade Alf. Budden in .Alberta and the
advisability of keeping him at the job,
if possible.
Secretary instructed to communicate with Alberta Provincial Executive
Committee In regard to the matter.
As Comrade Gribble, treasurer of
the Committee was located outside of
Vancouver at present and could not attend to the duties of such office, Comrade McVety was elected to act as
The Secretary was Instructed to
have reBult of recent referendum vote
printed and copies forwarded to the
various Locals as soon as returns can
be tabulated.
Comrade Watts was authorized to
utilize 2,000 leaflets of each issue for
free distribution to points outside the
jurisdiction of organized Locals.
E. T. KINGSLEY, Secretary.
Present: Kavanagh, Anderson,
Karme, Mengel, McVety and the Secretary.
McVety in the chair.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and  approved.
A communication was read from
Local Vancouver No. 1 containing a
refusal to comply with the Committee's request that the Local should
rescind its action in organizing a
branch Local outside of the Vancouver City electoral diBtrict, viz., ai
North  Vancouver.
The Secretary was Instructed to inform Local Vancouver No. 1 that unless the request of the Committee in
regard to the North Vancouver organization matter was complied with
by the date of the next Committee
Meeting, Monday, May S, the Provincial Executive Committee would
take such further action in the matter
as the case would appear to warrant.
After considerable discussion relating to the necessity of energetic
propoganda and orginization work the
Committee adjourned.
E. T. KINGSLEY, Secretary.
Have you noticed the offer made by
a comrade to the local that succeeds
In getting the most subs in a given
time? If you make a jump like Toronto you're sure to get It. Don't let
It slide by, saying, we can't get it;
have a shot at it anyhow, the prize is
worth trying for.
Here are the hustlers for the week:
J. Kinnear, Toronto   20
W. Gribble, Cumberland   11
M. Lightstone, Calgary      7
A. G. McCallum, Ottawa, Ont     5
C. M. O'Brien, Organizing Alberta.    4
Roscoe A. Filmore, Amhurst, N.S..    4
Wm. McQuold, Edmonton, Olta     3
A. Stewart, Moose Jaw, Sask..'     3
Sydney Styles, Winnipeg, Man     3
A. Paterson, Winnipeg, Man     2
J. M„ Brandon, Man     2
John McGourly, Peru, So. America.    2
R. B. Vogen, Sprlngwater, Sask., Jos.
Effler, Grand view Man.; W. Baker,
Winnipeg, Man.; J. Watson, Winnipeg,
Man.; F. J. Polland, Boat Harbour, B.
C; C. F. Orchard, Kamloops; Viola
Woods, Innisfail, Alta.; P. M. Castrom,
Rich Valley, Alta.; L. B. Elliott, Parry
The following comrades order five a
week for three months: Comrades H.
Waples, B. Savage, A. Brookes, Tom
Stringer, D. W. Gemmell, W. Peplow,
I. Wilde, S. Brookes, Thomas Hill, all
of Steelton, Ont. Local St. Catherines order a bundle of 100 and five a
week for three months. Local Ottawa
orders 20 a week.
Comrades: Those revolutionists of
this district interested in running a
candidate at the next Provincial election communicate with me at Moun-I
tain House P. O., Alta.
Locals Olds, Mound, Eagle Hill,
Horseshoe Lake, etc., take notice. Get
busy or quit.
Yours in revolt,
Just take a glance down the list this
week and note the changes. In lots of
instances it's the expiring subs that
causes the ups and downs. You will
find it far easier to go after the expiring subscribers than to hustle new
ones. Some of you fellows with lots
of gall want to get after them. This
is the position this week:
Vancouver, B. C     1
Winnipeg, Man     2
Victoria, B. C     3
Calgary, Alta     4
Toronto, Ont     5
Edmonton, Alta ...     6
Fernie, B. C     7
Brandon, Man    8
Cumberland, B. C ■-.    9
Montreal, Que ,. 10
Moose Jaw, Sask  11
New Westminster, B. C.  12
Nelson, B. C  13
South Fort George, B. C  14
Silverton, B. C   15
N. Battleford, Sask  16
Ottawa, Ont  17
Revelstoke, B. C  18
Glace Bay, Nova Scotia  19
Regina, Sask  20
Send in for mailing list and rustle
up the expiring subs.
Socialist winnings continue all ovei
the States. Qulncy, 111., elects an
alderman, Ft. Scott goes entirely
Socialist, Hartford, Ark., elects a
mayor, Jamestown, N. Y., elects an
alderman, Brantwood, Wis., elected
the whole ticket, Green Bay, Wis.,
elected an alderman, Eau Claire, Wis.,
elects a mayor, Elroy, Wis., elected
four officials, Canton, 111., elects four
officials, Superior, Wis., elects two
aldermen, Aurora Springs, Me., elected a full ticket, Harve, Mont., elects an alderman, Sheboygan, Wis.,
elects two officials, Roundup, Mont.,
elects three aldermen, Frontenac,
Kan., elects two aldermen, Allonez,
Wis., goes entirely red.
* •   *
That whicli the workers produce
and do not receive is surplus value.
SurpluB value is retained by the
employing class because the things
necessary for the production of
values are monopolised by them.
When the producers get wise
enough to make a public monopoly
of the means whereby wealth ls
created, there will not be an idle
class to take the surplus. Wake
up, you slaves, and organise to
take possession of your own products.
* *   * .
Revolution! What an awful word!
And why is it the class-conscious
workers use such a terrible? expression? Just simply because it
best describes the process necessary
for society to pass through before the
profit-making  system  shall  cease  to
exist.   That is all.   Any other word' Now then come in your hundreds to
denoting   the   same  thing   would   be the New Labor Temple Sunday morn-
just as    terrible—to    the    brainless ing between 8 and  9 and help    the
Idiots who now stand aghast at hear- cause that is helping you.
ing it.  : *—
terrible,   after all!     May    it    come 	
auic *    ,   » !    "Beligion or Business?" is the ques
For  years  and  years  the  workers tion wIth which the February 17 issue
have voted their economic masters in-,of "John Bul1" heads thiB tel,lng 8<*ulb:
to power and .then, like cringing curs,     "Here Is a   <*-*ractertistic advertise-
ment of the Salvation Army: "Canadian Emigration. Two hundred men to
sail  February,    March,  April;    work
In the City of Vancouver we are
blessed with 4 daily and 4 weekly
newspapers, and it matters not which
of them you chance to read you will
find an article, mostly editorials,
knocking Socialism. At least one of
theBe papers finds its way into every
house in the city and very little has
been done ln the past to correct these
statements or to put our side of the
question to the inhabitants. Therefore,
Local 69, seeing the necessity of put
ting tbe inhabitants of this city wise
to our proposition, have organized a
leaflet squad to distribute leaflets all
over the city. BOO men wlll cover
this city In a short time on Sunday
Now then fellow slaves the opportunity is offered to you to do something for yourself, surely you are not
contented to stand Idly by and let
these capitalists' sheets knock Socialism and Socialists into a cocked hat,
when the chance to retaliate Is right
here. Surely you can spare one hour
a week to the spreading of Socialism
Surely you are not that docile that
you will allow these slimy capitalist
tools to lie and delude the working
class without making an effort to repudiate them. We know that it is
not very nice to have to get up so
early Sunday morning after slaving
all the week, but once we get the
city thoroughly organized and every
man appointed to a certain district
and knowing just what ground you
have to cover you can distribute the
leaflets any time you feel fit, but for
a while we want this distributing
done on Sunday morning. It is the
best time, and those who have never
done any before will have company.
News Item.—Mr. Bruce Ismay's name
appears among those of the "women
and children saved." Mr. Ismay is one
of the owners of the White Star line.
have whinned and begged for just a
few more crumbs from the masters
table. Will they never learn to stand
up like men and demand that labor
gets all it produces.
* * *
Mayor Spencer, through the medium of the capitalist press and the
Immigration department, is calling for
1,000 laborers for the city of Medicine
Hat. We have it from good authority
that Medicine Hat is well supplied
with laborers already, and Is only
another scheme to flood the Canadian labor market.
* •   *
The person who Imagines that peace
is possible In a world, nation, or corn-
guaranteed. Staff Captain A. Plnchen
recently returned from Canada, will be
pleased to advise you.' Let us see how
this works out. On the average, 200
men means 150 steerage at £6 each
and B0 second cabin at £ 10 each. Five
per cent, commission brings into Sal
vation Army coffers £45 for the steerage passengers and 125 lor the second
cabin; a total of £70. The inward-
rail bookings will average £ 5 per pass
age all round, as the emigrants will be
Induced to go northward for the sake
of the Canadian Government's bonus
munity that contains a labor power i of £1; "this at 10 per cent, brings the
market, where men, women and chil-| total up to £170. A Liverpool reader
dren are compelled to sell the use of adds to this, 'average Canadian Gov-
Am't. previously acknowledged $21.00
Thos. Karppinon, Nummola ... .50
Nels Sortie, Milden       1.00
Brentford's Sunday Morning Leaflet
Brigade turned out last week and
placed 500 "Talks to Workingmen" at
the doors of as many wage slaves.
This will be kept up all during the
summer and is bound to bring results.
After a few doses of leaflets we Intend
to spread a few hundred sample
"Clarions" round too, and, as the
workers can sit around on the doorstep these fine Sundays (what a glorious privilege!), the papers are more
likely to be read than if they were
given out at the factory gate during
the week. So you may send ub a
hundred "Clarions" to be going on
with. The "Independent Labor
League" died a natural death here the
other night. No flowers, by request.
Some of the earnest boys from its
ranks bave applied for membership in
the S. P. Experience is, after all, a
great teacher. The ex-Leaguers wlll
be just in time to join us ln carrying
the message to the ones In darkness,
and next Sunday at 7 a.m. should Bee
a big crowd on the job. Last week six
of the boys did the trick nicely In
about an hour. Send along your
leaflets! W. D.
AT  $162,000,000.
Here ls a chance for some Locals
to show what they can do in the sub.
hustling line besides getting out of
the cellar. I have In my possession
the two volumes of "The Ancient
Lowly," by C. Osborne Ward (complete. These I will present postage
paid to whichever of the following
Locals that succeeds in coming nearest to No. 1 from now until the 30th
of June next. Every week there is
published in this paper a list of Locals
and their standing in regards to the
number of subs, going to each, No. 1
being the highest and 20 the lowest.
These two volumes will make a fine
addition to your library or you can
sell them for $2.00 each or $4.00 for
both. Now who gets them? The
locals entitled to compete are: New
Westminster, B. C; Cumberland,
B. C; Nelsor, B. O.i South Fort
George, B. C; Silverton, B. C.| N.
Battleford, Sask.; Ottawa, Ont.; Reglna, Sask.; Glace Bay, N. S.; South
Hill, Sask.
Note:—Every sub. you send ln
counts on this one.—Leeds.
New York, April IS.—Twelve of the
men missing from the Titanic represented wealth estimated at $162,000,-
000. John Jacob Astor, of course,
heads the list with an estimated fortune of $125,000,000. Then, in order,
come the following:
Benjamin Guggenheim, fifth of the
Guggenheim smelter kings, $10,000,000.
Isidor Straus, merchant and philanthropist, $5,000,000.
George D. Widener, Philadelphia
traction promoter, $5,000,000.
Arthur Ryerson, Philadelphia, $5,-
Charles M. Hays, president Grand
Trunk railroad, $3,000,000.
William C. Dulles, Philadelphia, $2,-
Harry Elkins Widener, Bon of George
P., $2,000,000.
C. Duane Williams, Philadelphia, $2,-
George D. Wick, Youngstown, $1,-
Henry B. Harris, theater owner and
manager, $1,000,000.
Frederick Sutton, Philadelphia, $500,-
Mrs. George D. Widener, who was
saved, carried with her three ropes of
pearls. Insured for $750,000. Part of
her Insurance contract was that she
should wear them through the voyage,
and not Intrust them to her baggage.
their bodies for bread, dwells in a
paradise of fools—he Ib a dreamer of
absurdities, a Utopian par excellence.
* *   •
Are you willing to spend 10 cents
a week and a half an hours time to
the spreading of Socialism? If so,
get two other comrades in your town
to donate 10 cents per week to your
10 cents and we will send you 200
leaflets a week.
* •   •
Can you answer a Liberal or a Conservative Single Taxer or Prohibitionist, when he says that Socialism won't
work. If not you had better get wised
up right now, nothing like telling
your opponent where he gets off at
* *   *
And the band played "Nearer My
God to Thee," but If they had known
tbat the ship could sink tbere would
probably bave been a scramble to get
away from it
i *   *   •
In Scannon, Kansas, the Socialist
ticket was elected by acclamation.
The old parties are getting wise to
their puny efforts to block Socialism
* •   •
If the number on the yellow address label \b 666 your sub. expires
next week.
* *   •
Modern conditions require modern,
scientific handling for the benefit ot
humanity.    Socialism ensures this.
If you get a bunch of leaflets, lt is
an invitation to distribute them ln
your town and then send for more.
eminent "bonus, £40,' wliich makes the
grand total passing into the Salvation
Armp treasury £210. The figure of
£40 need*some elucidation, and doubtless an amount would have to be deducted for assisted passages, but what
ls evident Is that the Salvation Army
ls in the emigration business, as well
as that of religion."
"The Working Class
and Master Class"
Leaflet Number Five
The Captain  stood where a  Captain
For the Law of the Sea is grim;
The Owner romped ere his ship was
And no Law bothered him.
The Captain stood where the Captain
When a Captain's boat goes down;
But the Owner led when the women
For an Owner must not drown.
The Captain sank as a man of Rank,
While his Owner turned away;
The   Captain's   grave   was his bridge
and, brave.
He earned bis seaman's pay.
To hold your place ln the ghastly face
Of Death on the Sea at Night
Is a Seaman's job, but to flee with the
Is an Owner's Noble Right.
—B. Hecht in the Chicago Journal.
Karl Marx was born ninety-four
years ago, May 5th, 1818, in the city
which the French call Treves and the
Germans Trier, among the vine-clad
hills of the Moselle. His father..
Heiurich Marx was a provincial Jewish lawyer, who had adopted Christianity, and his mother was a Netherlandish Jewess, who became a Christian with her husband.
Marx was one of those whose intellectual achievements were so great
as to dwarf his individuality and his
private life. What he taught with
almost terrific vigor made his very
presence in the Continental monarchies a source of eminent danger. He
waB driven from country to country.
Kings, Emperors, and their minions
were leagued against him. But gradually his teachings have leavened the
thought of the whole civilized world
until today millions who barely know
his name are deeply affected by his
ideas and will ever keep green the
memory of him, who discovered the
trick by which the worker Is robbed
under this system. Although both
his parents were Jews, his lineaments
were not those of the Jewish type. He
was tall, lithe, and graceful,'his complexion rather dark; but his eyes were
true and frank, his nose denoted
strength and character, and bis mouth
kindly in its expression. He was full
of fun and gaiety. His wife, Johanna,
was the daughter of Baron Ludwlg
von Westphalen, a Prussian nobleman
of Scottish extraction on his mother's
side.   Marx died in London in 1883.
"The Socialist iB buBy. He flaunts
his red flag and openly preaches his
doctrines. His great point of attack
is religion. His power is an actual
menace in our city. There seems to San Diego, Cal., April 5—Nearly 100
be no law to suppress him. He is members of the I'm-a-Bummery, all of
more dangerous than cholera or small- whom admitted that they were anarch-
pox— yeB, he is the mad dog of society lstBf kne-t on the ground and kissed the
and should be silenced, If need be, by L ,d f an Amerlcan flag at earIy
a bullet. , .    : °      _
Thus said one of our peace-loving j dawn    yesterday    near   the    Orange
preachers In the person of Rev. J. L. County boundary line.
Belford, of Brooklyn, N. Y., In a week-'   The ceremony, which was unwillingly paper published by that gentleman? ,    performed, was witnessed by forty-
Surely it is timo that we armed our-   * ". ... .    .   _   .   .
selves   against  such  individuals,  for Ave deputy constables and a large body
one may never know when to expect
a stab in the back or a shot from
the dark after such talk aB that.
As we wander along through this vale
of tears.
It is plain, among other things,
That no song is as sweet to a donkey's
As the song that the donkey sings.
Brockton, Mass., is the greatest shoe
producing city in the world, yet the
superintendent of schools states that
four hundred Brockton school children
are unable to attend school because
they have no shoes. He asks for a
fund to enable them to buy the needed
Are yon aware of the fact tbat we
are on the verge of a revolution? We
must either shed human blood and
fight blindly, not knowing what to do
when we do succeed, or we must study
Socialism aud revolt peacefully and
scientifically with the ballot. Lightning is dangerous uncontrolled, but
when harnessed, it is a most efficient
benefactor to humanity. So also is
the vote.
of armed citizens of San Diego. The
men, who were thus forced to do this
homage, composed the party that left
Santa Ana on a freight train the night
before and whose coming was awaited
by the deputies and armed citizens.
After the flag-kissing the Bummery-
ites were divided into squads of Ave
and placed in command ot deputies.
Then the march to the line began and
the procession moved to the tune of
"The Star Spangled Banner."—The
Weekly People.
Directors of the United States Steel
Corporation, through stock ownership
and places on the directorates of the
great railway systems of the United
States, have a controlling voice Ins.
nearly 55 per cent, of the railways ■
Of that country. Aggregate value of
the railways is fixed approximately at
18 billion dollars, and of this amount
the steel corporation controls more
than   10  billion  dollars.
The 23 (only 23) directors of the
steel corporation sit on boards of directors of banks, insurance companies,
express companies, and various other
industrial corporations, with an aggregate ca, 'Hlzation of $7,388,099,41c.
That's fine.
Be Good to Your Face
For the
If anyone wantB amusing reading
there is no better medium than the
London Standard for the last Blx
weeks. Screamingly funny articles on
the red peril appear with each issue,
accompanied by numerous letters of
approval from dukes and bishops, who
are thankful that the editor has bo
nobly come to their rescue. According
to the articles there is no crime, individual or collective, which Socialists
are incapable of committing. The
thing is funny for us, but it must be
a ghastly nightmare to those who have
property to Iobo. So far as can be
gathered the editor and his correspondents have only two suggestions
to offer for combating this red peril.
One is for the church to rechloroform
the workers and the other is for the
government to shoot them down wholesale. God and the policeman as ever!
—Voice of Labor, Johannesburg, South
In a restaurant sat the priest and
his friend; both were discussing the
hard times, especially the high cost
of meats. The friend was of the
opinion that the exceptional weather
conditions wer ■ responsible, but the
priest suii: "The guilt mainly lies
with the cattle dealers; they desire
primarily to fill their pouches. Only
through the machinations of the middleman does meat become so costly."
Another patron, a cattle dealer,
arises from an adjoining table and
turns to the priest. "Right you aro,
father! Through the middleman,
through his machinations, everything
becomes more costly. If we could
get the Word of God direct, and not
through jobbers, we would havo It
6,000 marks cheaper, too."—Volkszeitung.
At the Glebe, N. S. W., police court
on Monday, 23 boys were dealt with
by Magistrate Barnett, of Broken Hill
fame, for having neglected to attend
drill. Nineteen of them were fined
£5 each, in default one month's Jail,
and costB 16s. 6d., In default fourteen
days' jail, with hard labor—making In
all more than six weeks' Jail ln each
case—and they were also ordered to
be given Into the custody of a military officer to make up their drill, and
were threatened with arrest without
warrant If they still refused to drill.
They were given time to pay, and the
19 "were removed In squadB to the
police station to await sureties."—International Socialist.
Rest of
shows the
method of Inserting* a n
old style ra-
tor Into tha
Never rail
Bazor Sharpener.
The razor la
■imply pushed into tha raoalvar and ia adjusted auto-
matloally so as to bring- it against tha leather at tha
proper bevel, and lt ii always held in tha aama perfect
adjustment. Wo screws to tarn, or springs to place.
Any razor ever made can ba handled by thla machine.
Vo exoeptions ara allowed. Tha thick or thin—broad or
narrow—old atyle or eafety—any blade and every blade.
Ton simply push tha razor Into tha machine, aa it hangs
on tha hook and pall the ends of the leather. nothing
to get oat of order.   Nothing to break.
The NEVER FAIL - - Never Fails
This shows the ■i-ii-
Sle,    *a*y    method    of
anJUInsr a safety razor
blade   ln   tho   SEVER
Fill     SHAmPElTEB.
Thla    adapter    simply
pats   a   back   upon   a
safety    razor,   making-   lt    the
same else aa an old style raior
and then lt le flipped Into the
machine, Jnit the same ae the
old etyle razor shown ln the Illustration  at  the  top  ct  this
An  Adapter    for handling
kinds of safety blades ls furnished
with each machine.
-we guarantee you
against a dull
Price, Complete- Beady for Sharpening' evory old style Razor, and Including* Adapter for Handling- every
of Safety Blade, neatly boxed, only 93.00.
Send for ono today.    Use it for a month, and if not satisfied wo will cheerfully refund your money.
BOX 274
(General Agent for Albert!..)
Agents Wanted Everywhere—Exceptional Proposition. PAGE FOUR
Machinery Is Making
History On the Farm
By  Lynn  W.  Ellis, Traction Fanning Expert.
"Editorial Note:—Mr. Ellis is not a
Socialist, but we take great pleasure
in publishing his article on modern
(arm machinery as being a wholly unbiased view of the trend in the farming industry.
One third of the people of the Unit-
' ed States, and by far the largest single
alass of wealth producers, live in the
rural districts.   National prosperity Ib
dependent On the success of their label's.   Any factor that influences their
lives in any marked degree is of importance   in  histtory.    Anything  that
'Affects their physical and mental development, the ownership of their land,
tftbtj quality, volume or price of their
products, methods of production and
-marketing, or the   financing of   their
tmsinesB, is extremely significant from
the historian's  standpoint.
Farm machinery has vitally affected
this class in the matters above enum-
■ crated,   ln fact, the entire history ot
■ American agriculture is divided into
periods based entirely upon the development of farm machinery.   With re-
••spect to the character of implements
■And machinery  on  farms,  there  are
"three fairly distinct periods.   The first
4s the era of hand methods, continuing until well ttoward the middle of
'tha nineteenth century.   In fact, up to
1850, the wagon, the cart and the cot-
■S»n gin were practically the only 1m-
* plements or machines which did not
belong  to  hand  methods  of  production.
"The  second  great period   was the
■ sra of transition from hand to machine methods, continuing from 1S50 to
- afcout   1S70.    At the latter date prac-
i 'tically all our modern machines were
■ In the Held in some crude form, and
1 the Idea of superseding hand methods
by machinery had   firmly fixed itself
upon the mind of the average farmer.
From 1870 until the close of the century improvement in   all    classes of
•machinery was marked and this might
'bo called the era of farm machinery.
Storing   this   era   scientific   breeding,
'based on the introduction of improved
'■foreign stock, improved the efficiency
Ot the average  farm  horse  at  least
twenty-five per cent.   During the same
time the number of horses and other
*work animals used on farms for each
tsarm   laborer ,,also  Increased   about
four-fold.   In view of what will be said
later regarding the influence of power
' on agriculture, lt ls significant that in
the same time, and corresponding to
"'die number and efficiency of horses,
"the farm products produced per farm
laborer Increased about five times.
By  reason  of these improvements
'■■to machinery and the increase in animal power at the disposal of the la-
1»Ter,  the  .farmer  was   relieved   of
drudgery and given time to study his
"•jerk.   His hours of service were made
* shorter and his mental faculties stimulated.    He  became  a  more  efficient
•worker, a broader man and a better
- dUs-en. The quality and yield of his
products were improved by confining
,-w>p operations within those periods
each season when the most favorable
conditions prevail.
The farm machine has greatly decreased the cost ot production and ln-
- creased profits. It has greatly reduced
the proportion of laborers required to
producec the nation's food supply,
leaving it free to aid in Industrial development along other lines. For example, tour farm families in 1 SOO barely supported one in town, while two ln
' the country now support three ln town
and still leave a balance tor export,
In spite of decreasing surplus. This
change has thrown upon the cities
the burden of providing work for the
increased army of workers, and in turn
makes lt necessary to produce a greater and greater surplus of food above
the needs of his own family. The introduction or machinery has Increased
•the skill required of the farm hand
laborer, so that the ordinary city laborer will not make good on the farm.
"MoHt Important of all, perhaps, this
increase in the use of machinery has
enlarged the Investment necessary
for properly organizing a farm. This
and the constant rise In the price of
land have made It more difficult for
persons of small capital to engage in
All of these great changes had actually taken place before the opening
-ot the last great epoch In American
•grlcUlture—the age of mechanical
power on the farm. Up to the present
Itme we have discussed the effect of
rBrm machinery when drawn by animal power—the same power that had
been used since the days of the first
i plow,. While farm machinery has been
wonderfully advanced, the power had
remained the same for centuries. Only
In the last decade has agriculture be
gun a widespread shift to mechanical
power, the factor which has so wonderfully developed other industries
Power shapes our modern world.
The thought of power is fascinating
to the human mind. Around the struggle for one sort of power or another
bave centered all the mightiest stug-
gles of history. Around the power of
the engine to do useful work have
grown the greatest Individual empires
titer known.    The farm tractor and
the statlonr.ry farm engine have
brought mechanical power to ttie farm
The latter replaces the farmer's own
muscle and lightens his work. The
tractor, which ils replacing the farmers
greatest source of power, is the great
history-making machine of the twentieth century. The reorganization of
the farm which must take place will
surely hinge on the solution of the
power problem.
The human race uses power for the
three great fundamental needs: Tilling the soil to produce raw materials
for food and clothing, or agriculture;
changing the shape of these materials
so as to adapt theni for human use, or
manufacturing; and carrying these materials from place to place, or transportation. Since Watt's invention of the
steam engine, mechanical power in the
factory has centered production, drawn
the processes of manufacture away
from the home, and taken with them
much of the best blood and capital.
They are now in turn sending back
machinery and engines to the country
to take the place of the laborers they
drafted. The great steam-driven factories are producing at an enormously
cheaper rate, and on a much higher
plane of efficiency, than the old homespun and tallow candle methods of
our grandfathers. Fulton and Stephenson applied mechanical power to the
steamship and the steam railway and
today a steam-driven commerce binds
the nations together. Agriculture, the
fundamental industry, has lagged far
behind and it is only with the occupation of practically all of our naturally productive land that the problem
of cheaper production has become up
The problem of applying mechanl
cal power to the soil is vastly differ
ent from collecting raw materials for
use in a central power-driven factory.
The farm power plant must be capable
of going from place to place and doing its work wherever found. Again
the limitations of topography, climate
and soil make the mechanical problem
of supplying an efficient farm tractor
much greater than that of making a
stationary engine for the factory. The
farmer, too, is conservative, and has
been slower to adopt changes than the
manufacturer involved in the whirl of
modern competition. The farmer, however, must now adopt mechanical power on a scale which compares with
that of the other two great industries,
or else fail to meet the demand for
food with profit to himself.
The broad evolution in farm methods may be illustrated by that of the
plow, the fundamental farm Implement. From the crooked stick, changes were slow until late in the nineteenth century, and up until a generation ago the walking plow was almost
universal. When the farmer began
using animal power in larger quantities changes were rapid. The walkipg
plow has now almost but disappeared
from common use ln our western states, and for a generation the farmer
has ridden the sulky plow, or the gang,
using more animals and less human
From the gang plow to the small
tractor is the next step in size, although the largest tractors came flrst
in point of time. Tractors capable of
pulling four to six plows are now coming rapidly Into use ln the corn belt,.]
while the larger ones with from eight
to fourteen find ready sale in thenorth-
west. It seemed as though the limits
had been reached. Engines had reached the greatest size consistent wltb,
safe and economical transport. But
just as two, or three, or four horBes.)
succeeded one, so multiple tractor outfits are coming. At a recent demonstration at Purdue university three 30
h. p. kerosene engines hitched to one
giant plow of fifty bottoms broke all
known records for plowing. The
twentieth century monster broke out
a strip nearly sixty feet wide at each
trip, plowing at a rate of an acre
every four and one-quarter minutes.
Four men, three engineers and a plowman, men of skill and keen intellect
rather than plodding clodhoppers,
handled the valves and levers of an
outfit that equalled the work of fifty
men with sulky plows and a hundred
and fifty straining horses.
The tractor is compelling tne change
to mechanical power, the greatest
change that haB come to agriculture
since the savage flrst hitched a forked
stick to the horns of his bull and declared man free from the curse of
Adam. The horse works only one
hour in nine as an average for the
year, but he must be kept warm and
Sheltered,: and must be fed and watered three times a day whether used or
not. During the winter his only work
is the little that is necessary to keep
him ln condition. Hhe must be maintained for twelve months to be ready
for the work of four. He depreciates
ln idleness and is subject to disease
and accident. The feed of a horse
costB $55 to $00 a year and other items
bring the total to $100, or more than
10c for each hour of work. The cost
of buildings has advanced and the cost
of shelter for the horse and his feed
is becoming prohibitive.
The tractor does not require atten
tion when not at work. Thirty million
work animals, each taking 27 minutes
of a man's time every day, mean an
enormous waste of human energy. The
| time spent annually in caring for one
horse will keep in perfect condition a
tractor with the power of thirty. The
tractor will endure hard work twenty-
four hours a day Instead of six and
outlive the average horse in hours o:
service. Its fuel ls much more con
I centrated than food for the horse, and
: a tractor with a year's fuel supply can
be sheltered In a tenth of the space
I required for horses of equal power
and their feed.
The animal especially In cities, is a
constant menace to public health. Both
on the streets and on the form the connection of its refuse with the disease
breeding fly is becoming recognized.
Due to our wasteful method of hand
ling natural ferttilizers, our work
teams constitute a serious drain upon
our soil fertility. Feed for our work
annimals costs one and a quarter billions per year, equal to the total in
come of two million average families,
The crops from five to eight acres are
withheld from supplying human needs
by the necessity of maintaining each
Farm labor is constantly growing
scarcer and where five men would be
peeded to drive twenty-five horses
hitched to a gang plow, one man on a
tractor, with an assistant on the plow
behind, will accomplish as much work.
The tractor will handle every opera
tion on the grain farm from soil to
market. It will plow, disk, sow, harrow, harvest, thresh and haul the
grain. It wlll combine two pr more
operations with a great saving in pow:
er. By its rapid work it renders the
farmer less dependent on Providence
and insures greater yields by giving
him the upper hand of unfavorable
conditions. In the corn belt the tractor enables deeper plowing to be done
without the great excess of horse
flesh which costs so much for maintenance throughout the idle months of
the year..
The coming of abundant power to
the farm means enormous things ln
the way of better farming and cheaper farming . It enables larger areas to
be cultivated as well as before, and
the same areas to be cultivated much
better. Either way it increases the
effectiveness of the farmer and enables him to produce at a much lower
cost of operation expressed in percentage of the total crop.
Mechanical power on the farm saves
wages, perhaps rather than money.
The tractor and its accompanying
ntachinery represent an investment
which requires capital. Labor is a
commodity which can be paid for piece
meal as used, but the machine must
be paid for all at once or within a
short time. The machine is making
history because for wages it substitu-j
tea Interest on investment. The man!
with only his labor as capital is coming to the same point on the farm as
he has come elsewhere. He cannot compete with machines that represent
money and a lower cost of production.
It Is only natural for him to oppose
the Introduction of such equipment,
yet the small farmer cannot stop the
coming of large machinery and mechanical power. He should have no wish
to do this, since it means cheaper production and a saving of human energy,
which is our most precious possession.
We are, h*W*ver;il*1<ally: Interested in
knowing ■'■mbbnwiWblUTiihOosmsbblne,
since the men whose money buys'the
machine Will' unquestionably have''the
dii-ection of its operations.
The question arises as to the fate
of the sniall farmer;' It has long been
preached as fundamental that the prosperity and continued welfare of the
country depends on the Success ot a
large body of farmers on small, Independent farms. The cry has been that
the big farmer was a detriment to
good and profitable farming; that the
big farmer was always "land poor" because he could not cultivate his acres
with a high degree of efflclecy. '''The
little farm well tilled" has been the
ideal, and with former equipment and
power this was undoubtedly . well
founded. Now, however, a new mechanical factor has entered, and the
big farm can be handled on a basis of
quality. Colleges, other public institutions, and even city busness houses
are turning out busness managers capable of keeping big farms up to a high
standard. Intensive farming on a
large scale is made possible by modern men and machines.
Since mechanical power Is the thing
that has brought about these changes, It Is urged that the small farmer
be given a tractor adapted to the size
of his present holdings. However, the
small tractor costs more to buy and
to operate. It costs more to buy be
cause the building and selling cost is
not reduced ln proportion to the power developed. It has serious mechani
cal disadvantages which do not occur
in the tractor pulling six or more
plows, It Is significant that France,
which has long been up against these
problems that are now looming up In
America, has never solved the problem
of the small tractor. The small tractor, If developed, may Btem the tide
for a time, but lt will give way to the
larger outfit, just as the single horse
gave way to the four-horse team. This
outcome is, ot course, subject to natural limitations, but whereever the
large tractor can be used the smaller
will yield, just as water wheels havo
disappered from all but isolated neighborhood factories, and sailing craft
from all but the slowest of routes.
If the large tractor and the large
farm are coming, then what of the
small farmer? Will he be driven out
of existence, or will he protect himself by learning to co-operate with his
neighbor? One or the other alternative seems inevitable. Economy of
production points to the use of the
largest power unit and the largest
machine that the natural features and
type of farming will allow. This, then,
will mean that the size oi the neighborhood co-operative association will
be based upon the size of the largest
machine that can be used upon the
combined farms. Considerable reconstructive work may sometimes be necessary in order to make these improvements possible. Many a modern
factory or office building is torn down
after a few years to make room for a
larger and better one. The roads,
buildings and fences established when
small power units were used may have
to be removed at considerable cost in
order to adapt farms to more efficient
methods, of production.
If, after reconstruction, such farming cannot be done at a profit in competition with more favored sections,
the system of farming must be changed. Skilful management will decide
upon such questions. The individual
cannot call in the services of college-
trained experts to advise him as a co-
onerative body can, but the time will
come when every operation from plowing to marketing must be under the
eye of a well equipped supervisor. The
farmer has no more right to be independent in the present sense than the
laborer in the city. Some day he must
be content to be one of the rank and
file, working with his neighbors under
the direction of those best equipped,
if he is to continue his work at a profit.
In actual practice we now have numerous co-operative associations
where the management is in the hands
of well-paid experts. If the farmer
cannot supply the capital necessary to
organize production on a proper basis
he must adopt the city's policy and
employ money—borrowed money. The
individual citizen in town could not
carry out large public improvements,
but working in common with his neighbors he has drawn away capital from
the farm and made it pay a profit well
above interest. The city is thus able
to spend $35,000 per mile for streets,
where in some cases only $50 per mile
is allotted for country roads. These
investments pay, but unless farmers
works together they cannot force the
use of their share of the country's
Co-operation, real co-operation, is
the solution of many difficulties. Cooperation has proved a success ln
many localities where farms are small,
especially where fruit and vegetables
are marketed at a considerable distance. In the sections of large farms
and local markets this movement has
not grown as rapidly as it should.
Farms are growing larger, however, ln
the central states, and are remaining
large ln new sections where they have
not already been parceled out. Mechanical power is coming rapidly to the
work of these greater farms. It is
making co-operation necessary. The
farmer who persists in his "independence" and small-scale production for
another decade invites, absolute failure.
Agriculture Is finally committed to
mechanical power. The year 1912 Will
probably see nearly two wlllton mechanical horsepower sold to our farmers.
The great multiple-engine and 50-plow
outfit at Purdue university has shown
that mechanical power may very possibly be applied to agriculture on the
scale of the largest ocean liner's engines or the turbines of the central
power plant, lt farming should ever
require that scale of operations. If
the small farmer does not co-operate
to equip his farm with a share of the
most efficient cost-saving machinery,
he has no legitimate objection if capital takes the Initiative in economical
production and reduces him to the
wage earning class. For, after all, the
real purpose of agriculture Is not the
enrichment of the man who tills the
soil, but the providing of a hungry
world with food.
Farm machlnetly >ln general has
made history because it profoundly
affected the work and welfare of the
farm laborer. The tractor ls making
history because it comes to solve the
problem at a time when the demand
for breadstuffs has overtaken the possible supply under former methods of
production. New countries have adopted higher food standards. The
world Is pressing on the limits of production and needs the acres for the
human race that until now have been
devoted to the feeding of droves of
idle animals. The machine furnishes
power to cultivate new acreB and to
make older ones produce more abundantly. It keeps down costs and Insures adequate production. Moreover
it is hastening to a decision the issue
between men and capital In the last
great field of industry. The tractor
then, is more than a machine. It ls a solution of a great world problem—hunger. And lt is making history because
it is making agriculture over.
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Men forming colonies write me
Someone has written of a modern
kerosene tractor a boast that lu significant in its truth and prophecy. It
needs little imagination to conceive
that the coming of the tractor marks
the last and greatest epoch of all:
1 am the tractor, born of the spirit
of man. My ribs are of iron and my
sinews of steel. I breathe the vital
air of heaven. I feed on oil of the
Carth. Swift lightning courses my
nerves of copper. Fire and power
awake at their flash in my bosom and
drive my sturdy legs to action.
I Berve the children of men. At their
bidding I become a thing of life, to
draw the plow. I lift the yoke from
their shoulders and bear the heaviest
burdens of their toil. By day and by
night, unresting, I upturn the hidden
depths. Hand in hand with sun and
rain and frost, 1 crumble the wild plain
to fertile dUBt.
I sow. I reap and glean. I winnow
corn from the chaff and fetch it to give
new life. I bring the dumb beast rest.
I bring to the toiler his daily loaf. I
bring happy occupation to hosts on
railway and sea, in the mill and the
factory. I am today's beast of burden. I am the hope of food and life
for tomorrow's millions.
I am the tractor, born for labor unending. International Socialist Review
London: Many employers are endeavoring to Inaugurate the so-called
efficiency Bystem, similar to that being advocated by employers ln America. A report comes from one firm
of engineers and bollermakers that
a system of piece-work was adopted
with so many hours for certain jobs
and prices for such work. One Job
in particular, on the adoption of the
system referred to, occupied the time
of four bollermakers, sixteen laborers
and two bollermakers' apprentices. At
the end of nine months eight laborers
and two apprentices were taken off
this particular job and the number
of hours allowed was reduced from
nineteen to fifteen. This scheme is
creating dissatisfaction, and if continued will no doubt cause complications that will end ln a strike, as. the
men are being driven beyond the
limit of physical endurance.
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