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Western Clarion Oct 23, 1909

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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, October 23, 1909.
«««M *
taa Y«a»
Fellow Workers:
Pretty soon you will be called upon
to decide an important question concerning yourselves and your class. The
question itself is, whether you are
satisfied with this present system under which the workers exist today.
Are you content with living in the
poorest excuse for a house while at
the same time you are building fine
palaces for an idle class? Are you
content with the cheapest kind of
shoddy clothing for yourselves while
at the same time you are weaving the
finest worsteds and making all the
finest fabrics there are In the world
to-day? And above all, are you content to see the pinched and wan faces
of your wife and children, when your
masters, who by virtue of owning the
machinery and tools of production by
which you live, can deny you the opportunity to provide the means of subsistence for yourself and family?
If the reader of this manifesto Is
contented with the present conditions,
I would ask him not to read any further. If on the other hand he Bhould
happen to be discontented, and Is a
wage worker, I would like to Impress upon him, that he Is a member
of the only useful class in society today; that tt ls the only necessary
class; that it would be utterly impossible for any progress to be made
without this same class; that by their
labor alone they keep this world progressing.
If you are convinced that the workers are the most useful class, does. It
not strike you as funny, that this
class Is the one that bears all the hardships, deprivations, and suffering that
exist with the system we are living
under? Would It not be more logical
for the Idle class to inherit this suffering, and let the workers who produce all have the benefit? Can't you
see the cause of the workers having to
suffer, is that they are not the owners
of the tools whereby they get their
living, and that such being the case,
they are forced to cringe and crawl to
the owners of these machines, and accept their terms, before being allowed
to use the machines?'
You workers beg to be allowed to use
the machines you made, but were robbed of, so as to be able to live. "You
workers are not masters of your own
lives," you are the under dogs. This
idle class have you in their power.
You leave It for them to dictate whether you shall be allowed to get your
own living. You leave lt for them to say
whether your children shall go to
school hungry, and poorly dressed.
You leave everything to them and
they turn round and Insult you by calling you the "low set," the "working
Now a great lot of you will become
discouraged, look around vainly, and
say, "Well what can I do, I can't help
it." What an admission to make, that
you can't help being robbed. Stand
up, take a glance around you, ls there
no remedy for this evil; ls there no
way by which you can free yourselves
from such a form of slavery with all
its attendant miseries, ls there no way
by which the workers, instead of depending on this idle class, can depend
upon themselves.
Stop and think, there is a way to
free yourselves, if you toilers would
Just take time to find out where your
interest lies, and make right straight
for that point. Your power to shake
this idle class from your backs, lies in
your intelligent use of the ballot box,
to understand correctly where your interest lies, and vote for the party
you see are out to further your interests, by the total abolition of this
capitalist system. Don't be Muffled
into taking anybody's word for granted, think for yourself first, and then
see that you vote for yourself. Your
ballot ls a strong and heavy club, and
by voting the Liberal or Conservative
ticket, you hand that club over to
your masters saying,' "Please smash
me over the head with that," and they
smash you alright. Now the time is
here for you to use this club, and
aay whether you want to be hit on the
head again, or whether you are going
to do the hitting. You have to decide
which way you will vote, you want
either a continuance of this murder-
In the field there will be, by name,
three political parties, but when we
take Into consideration that two out
of the three represent the same thing,
namely, the idle class, that narrows
the number down to two for you to
choose from. Despite their representations, they cannot all be running
for the working class. The workers'
interests being identical with each
other, there is no need for these three
parties, one party is capable of doing
all the legislating that the workers'
need. So while you are looking
around for a party to pin faith In,
you will discover that there is one
party that is a working class organization from beginning to end, and
that is the Socialist Party. You can
depend on any candidate running with
the endorsation of the Socialists to
put your claims to the front, and fight
for the emancipation ef the workers.
He is pledged to fight for the abolition
of wage slavery, and so will be the
means of the workers owning the
necessary implements by which they
get their living and obtaining the
full product of their labor.
It is the opinion of some of the
workers that they are wasting their
vote when they vote the Socialist
ticket, they forget that it is better
to vote for what they want and not get
it, than it ls to vote for what they
do not want and get it. When you
vote the capitalist ticket (Tory or
Grit) you are then destroying the
pawer of your vote, as you are then
voting against yourselves. These two
parties stand for the robbery of the
workers, they are run in the Interests
of the capitalist class; by giving them
your vote you help to strengthen and
perpetuate the rule of your enemies
so that they can continue to rob you.
All this proves that to save your
vote you have got to vote the Socialist ticket; even though It does not win
you strengthen and build up a party
that is destined to emancipate you
from the chains that bind you.
Socialism is not a far off dream. If
you have that erroneous notion in
your head the sooner you get it out
the better. Socialism is the next step.
This is demonstrated by the great and
constant increase in the Socialist vote
all over the civilized world.
Again I repeat, vote for yourself at
the   next   elections.
as broad as capitalism and must last
as long as one class eats from the
sweat of the faces of another clasB.
He told of the horrible conditions he
had witnessed among the factory and
farm workers of the New England
and Southern States. Said Bill: I
would .rather be a lead miner, and
would rather be a chattel slave than
either. On the auction block I would
be a valuable piece of property. My
master would have a property Interest
in me just as he now has ln his horses
and cattle. Note, said he, how well
and regularly the horses are groomed
and fed. How clean the stables are.
The sanitary conditions are up to date.
They even retain their identity. They
call the horse Jim and the mule Char-
He, but the wage slaves are number
149, 311, etc In obedience to the call
of the whistle, they check or punch
their number as they go on or come
oft shift. Said he: It is amusing to
hear your people on this side of the line
say "Britons never shall be slaves
Why, you surrender all you produce
to your masters, and according to their
figures they keep 83 per cent, and give
you 17. So at best you are 83 per
cent, slave. The 17 per cent, freedom
is in your feet, and with your free feet
you take your slave carcase to look for
a master.
In one of the early conflicts between
the misers and the operators, it somehow happened that the governor waa
a union man. He refused to call the
soldiers against the miners. The sheriff organized and armed a mob ot sixteen hundred little business men, professional men, bank clerks, etc. Tbey
started to march up the hill where
the miners were barricaded in the
union hall. Then the governor called
the troops and placed them between
the opposing parties, and the sheriff
and his brave mob marched down the
a pink and white Republican. The
same troops were now used against the
miners.   The operators won a victory.
Then he told of the many times the
miners had to go up against the troops.
You in this country are fast coming to
the same thing. Already where your
industries are highly developed, the
workers have had to face the troops,
and the Rocky Mountain rangers and
the Alberta rangers are not being organized for nothing. The modern Lee-
Enfield rifle was not made to dig potatoes with, as you may some day discover, when a bullet is plowing a furrow through your liver. Police and
soldiers are pimples, and detectives
and politicians are boils on the body
social which can be eradicated only by
a strong dose of Socialism. We Socialists mean to transform the government
from political junk shops to Industrial
work shops.
While on trial for our lives as the
result of the most cowardly, treacherous plot, we appealed to all the courts
of the nation, but all were preparing to
hang us without trial. Then we appealed to the last but all powerful
court, the working class. To you we
owe our lives, for which I thank you
from the bottom of my heart. But you
can do for your slaves what you have
already done for us, and I appeal to
you to bestir yourselves; organize and
educate that you may free yourselves
from the rule of capital.
He addressed ten meetings tn Alberta. It was in the busy time of the big
harvest, otherwise we would have given him fifty meetings. I fixed dates
for blm at Saskatoon, Reglna, Moose
Jaw, Brandon, then Winnipeg. Then
he goeB to Fort William, Port Arthur,
Cobalt and such other dates as he can
get in Ontario and Quebec. Then to
the strike zone ln the Maritime Prov-
inces.   His lecture is good propaganda
The miners won a victory; butL-, those who arrange meetlngs wlll
the mine operators were treacherous. not rue it.
In the next conflict the governor was C. M. O'BRIEN.
Haywood's lecture on the class
struggle was very interesting and instructive. Like most of. our cousin
Comrades, he confuses the struggle between the buyers and sellers of commodities with the class struggle—the
struggle between masters and slaves
for ownership of the means of wealth
Being one of the foremost spokesmen of the Western Federation of
Miners, enables hlrn to relate its thrilling history up to the time ot the famous trial at Boise, Idaho, as no one
else could do. His description of the
hazardous nature of mining generally,
increased many fold by the fact that
the mines are operated for profit, showing the Important part that miners perform in making civilization possible,
and the poor remuneration and consideration that they received, ought to
make every miner who was not enrolled with the reds fighting for freedom blush with shame.
Lead mining is worst of all. The
mines were usually carbonlte. The
miner becomes lead poisoned, and
those suffering from lead poison suffer
tortures untold. Their limbs become
twisted out of human semblance. They
lose the sense of taste, of smell, of
hearing, and very often the sense of
sight. The hair falls out. The gums
draw away from the teeth. The teeth
fall out. Six or eight years around a
lead mine or smelter and the victim Is
ready for the capitalist scrap heap.
You wage slaves should know what
that is, for moBt of you are going there.
It is the place where they cast old people and young people made old by having most of their red blood squeezed
out ln Industrial pursuits, and those
that are maimed, winged and crippled.
But Bill did not confine himself to
our wage system or something better. | mines.   Said he, the class struggle Is
The meagre reports which reach the
outside world through the capitalist
press indicate that the revolution in
Spain is proceeding very merrily
and along class-conscious lines. A
little leaven leavens the whole bread,
and good class-conscious proletarians
will now find a grand field for their
The papers report that the lives of
the children of Alfonso and others
were threatened In tbe event of
Ferrer being executed. This of course
is to be greatly deplored, but Is lt not
owing to Christian Influence? Who
said "The sins of the fathers shall be
visited upon the children?" Amen.
Mr. Lloyd-George Ib treading upon
very dangerous ground. Surely he will
lose his job. He asks, "Who made
10,000 people owners of the soil, and
the rest of us trespassers upon the
land?" When he appreciates the answer to that question he will have no
need to hesitate in answering the following: "Who made hundreds owners
of the machines, the mills, the mines,
and all means of life preservation,
while millions are trespassers thereat
and are forbidden access thereto?
Mr. Oliver is now leader of the Liberals of British Columbia. By his
deeds shall ye know him. In the session of 1905 he voted in the House
against: (1) The eight hour law for
smelter workers. (2) The eight hour
law ln coal mines (bank to bank). (3)
He opposed the amendment to the
Workmen's Compensation Act.
This year's  work ls typical of his
entire career and truly defines what a
worker  can  expect  from  Liberalism.
Local  Option.
It is the question of the hour and
has for ever so been and as far as we
can see will be. It simply amounts
to this. Shall I have a beer, or shall
I not? Shakespeare would say as he
stood outside the saloon, "To be or
not to be, that's the question." Why
should the deeds of our private lives
be dragged into the debating halls and
on to the public platform as "The
burning question of tho hour." If the
spirits are   properly   seasoned   they
should not burn, at least not for an
Will Crooks.
"Whenever I meet a Canadian in
England, I shall feel It rny duty to
stand him a dinner." Oh, rash promise. When he gets home he will be
surprised at the Immensity of the
Canadian population in England (that
is if we rightly judge the Cockney).
Besides why not stand a few dinners
to Canadians in Canada. We feel sure
they would appreciate the attention.
A bird in the hand ls worth two in
the bush. There is something in that
promise that savors of the promises
for the next life. Will you have it
now or wlll you wait till you get it?
The Canadian Federation of Labor
wishes to have a tax placed upon
foreign laborers. Supposing you don't
have a job, would you have to pay the
tax? The only redeeming feature
about this proposition is that It would
not keep capital from coming to the
F. M. T.
One of the most vital questions of
the day, one that Ib occupying the serious attention of Socialists, is, as to
whether the awakening of the proletariat is keeping pace with the growth
of capitalism, not to mention whether
lt is really making any gains. It is
patent to the observing that after all
these years of inflictions by such fancy
named bodies as the £couts, Clarion-
ettes, Laborites (dependent and independent), Fabians, Labor Churchites
ad nauseam, that these organizations
have made no real progress towards
setting the worker to desire anything
higher than the same old "half-loaf"
measures that have been continually
agitated since time immemorial. Now
the idea ls suddenly becoming crystal-
ized that a propaganda without organization and steadfast aims is about as
useful to the worker as strawberry
plants would be to a settler in Labrador. Nay, such methods are even more
useless and it is to be hoped that the
near future will see the complete disappearance of nondescript bodies
which sacrifice honor and principle to
suit the taste of persons who do not
wish to have their names associated
with working class organizations
which announce their aims and objects
in bold, fearless terms.
It Is very evident that the workers
have no time to lose ln this matter, as
the growth of modern industry is going on by leaps and bounds the world
over. In Great Britain this develop
ment affords an Interesting study as
the change from the old to the new
seems to often take place in a day and
the little concerns of the middle class
fall by the score before the grim onslaught of organized capital. In the
mercantile line the departmental store
in the large cities is rapidly concentrating the retail trade in fewer and
fewer hands, while in Ihe smaller
towns and villages the "octopus," the
"branch store" is relegating the small
trader to the cross-roads and back settlements. Added to this Is the gigantic growth of co-operative ventures
which causes more weeping and walling to the petty merchant than even
the larger private concerns do, and is
driving him to a timely and unwept end.
With the railways and other means
of transportation the same development is taking place, and while at first
in order to even keep ,\&ce with combined capital.
As far as Britain id' concerned, pore
and simple trades 'unionism is powerless and impotent, and it seems to
now partake solely of a fraternal nature to aid the out-of-work, relieve th#
sick and bury the dead, and, as such,,
the ruling class gladly permit Its existence and put up with petty industrial disputes, for It relieves them Ot
a great deal of annoyance and much;
trouble. \
The palliatives advocated by reform
parties seem to all work for the good
of the capitalists. They help keep
down popular discontent and furnish
soft jobs for a few misleaders. But tt
is just this which Indicates that all the
noise and clamor that has been made
ln the past few years about the work'
ers coming to their own has been Jut*
bo much tooting of tin horns and that
the time has now arrived for the workers to get down to business and organize and educate along class lines or
else take, an even larger and more bitter dose than the present one of unemployment, starvation wages and snlsV.
In Britain the work ef the "pink torn
agitator" and the "garden party propagandist" has had a most harmful effect
which can only be overcome'by work
and education of tbe' hardest kind. It-
is not too late yet tb begin anew.
Meanwhile, the ones that' have bees ■
duped wlll do weft to start at once audi
repudiate the reformers forever..
Yours tor the revolt,
Glasgow, 0(^,2, l|(t09.
The Evidence of the First Volume
of "Capital."
We have seen In the foregoing chapter that the laborer In his role as a>
consumer may be exploited over an*
above his exploitation in the sphere
of production by changes ln the value
or in the price of commodities, to
long as the value and the price of hla
own commodity labor-power remain
the same. Still more so, of course,
If the value of labor-power Is at the
same time reduced.
A change in tbe value of a certain
commodity means that more or lea*
glance these utilities may seem to be | social labor has been materialised In.
separate and distinct concerns, com- It.   Such a change will raise or lower
All members of Locals Vancouver
No. 1 and No. 45 are urged to be on
hand to consider the nomination of
candidates and appointment of campaign committee, at the next business
meeting Tuesday, October 26th.
Novenmber the 25th, say McBride
and Mann. Nominations October 11th.
Are you fellowB ready? If not get
busy. What about that campaign
Clarion? Come on in, Gribble, the
water's getting warm.
"Owing to the Budget" the Duke
of Buccleuch has reduced the wages
of the old men on his estate from 14s.
to 7s. 6d. per week, and driven them
to secure a Government old-age pension of 5s. per week. The Duke wlll
thus benefit to the extent ls. 6d.
per week per man, and the old fellows
wlll be Is. 6d. per week the loser.
Evidently the mean old customer considers that 14s. per week ls too much
for a workingman to handle. He ought
to try it.—Leigh Chronicle.
petlng with one another, yet It needs
but a glance at the tariff rates of supposedly competing lines to prove to the
Investigator that competition Is dead.
Another significant fact is the numerous repetitions of the names of the
same directors in the various transportation companies, and after scanning
all the lists, one comes to the conclusion that a score of men do most of the
directing of all the railways and
many of the steamship lines in the
British Isles.
Agricultural pursuits are undergoing
a rapid and wonderful transformation,
and l lie old one-horse plough and other
farming implements are giving place
to steam-driven affairs, which first
made their appearance In the Western
land. In a few years the farm laborer
with his scythe will be a thing ot Ihe
past and the young Britisher wlll only
see the old farming implements in the
museums along with the spinning
wheel and the bootjack.
In the manufacturing line, however,
the greatest inroads of modernism
have taken place, for here capital is
not only national but international,
and that with a vengeance. Gigantic
concerns with factories in every large
county seem to be the order of the
day and there are innumerable large
concerns who not only control the entire output of certain commodities in
Great Britain, but throughout the
world. Manufacturers have joined
hands as no body of men have ever
done before and the result is that
many Industries are Internationally
trustified. With up-to-date methods,
machinery appliances and buildings,
the master class is slowly becoming
solidly entrenched, and with the
world's workers, not half organized on
tbe industrial field and only partially
along political lines, it looks as If
some rapid awakening must take place
the value of the Individual'commodity
as well as of the total quantity of
commodities produced by definite
quantity of labor. Tt more labor Ie
materialized in the individual commodity, then the same use-value baa
more exchange-value. If less labor If.
materialized in the Individual commodity, then the same'use-value has less exchange-value. It commodities are sold
at their value, then, In the first case,
the same amount of wages will buy
less of the same kind of commoditlea.
This is a reduction of the purchasing power of wages and signifies an
additional exploitation of the laborer,
bo long as the rate of exploitntlon, or
the proportion between necessary and
surplus labor, remains the same or ia
changed at the expense of the necessary labor. For in that case the laborer Is exploited in production at the
same rate or at a lftgher rate; the rate
of surplus value for the capitalist remains the same or increases; and the
loss in productivity is thrown, not upon the shoulders of the exploiting capitalist, but upon those of the exploited
laborer In his role as a consumer, who
has to bear this loss in addition to the
robbery In production. Of course,
members of other classes than the
working class also bear such lossea
as consumers. Hut the laborer feele
this loss more keenly than others, because his wages tend towards a minimum and leave but little room for any
compensation through a gain In productivity, even If we do not remember
that such a gain Is generally due te
a more intensified exploitation of hi*
labor power in production, which tM>
not nearly compensated by any gcin In
the sphere Of compensation. In the
one case, he has to work much harder ln production than his compeaaav
tion in the sphere of consumption can
(Continued on Page 4) TWO
LET   (ii-ASS*".HATRED"^ FLOURtSH.  laH-xr^WufldanierftplAntagonism.between, the exploiters'and the produc-
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ef tlie Western Clarion, Flack Blook
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SATURDAY,  OCTOBER  16th,  1909.
It ia particularly fortunate for the
ruled, as a class, though' sometimes
rough on individuals, that the ruling
class can generally be depended on to
do the wrong thing at' the'right time,
which Is not so difficult for them either
as their whole history is a succession
of blunders.
The murder of Professor Ferrer is a
case In point. Spain's rulers could
hardly have chosen a worse time for
his assassination, or have made a
worse choice of a victim. For, of all
their enemies, Ferrer was' the most
widely known and respected, even by
respectable people, and further, known
as an advocate of methods the very
reverse of thoss with which he was
charged. So that the degeneration of
the execution into mere assassination
was altogether too brazen to be whitewashed even by such expert white-
washers as capitalism's penny-a-linei's
and pulpiteers. Hence nothing could
be better calculated to precipitate a
revolution. ''..";    "
And for a revolution Sp'ain seems
rotten ripe. The Spanish monarchlal
: government is dominated By foreign
v capital and by the church. The native
Spanish bburgeosie naturally find this
state of affairs little to their liking,
and consequently we find them in the
"liberal" and "progressive" ranks,
/Struggling for "liberty"—that is, liberty to rob their own working class
themselves, and freedom—from the
competition of the church. For, In
.Spain, the church ls an industrial as
well as a mendicant institution. Its
monasteries and nunneries' are veritable hives of Industry, and piety, producing commodities in this world and
paying wages in the next. Against
such competition "legitimate" Indus
trial establishments cannot, hope to
compete. Consequently the. church is
little loved by the Spanish "liberal and
progressive" .bourgeoisie.,.  ...
The strained .relations thus prevail
lng between the "people" and the
"Crown" were stretched to the breaking point by the outbreak. of. the Moroccan war, undertaken in the attempt
tq "protect" a foreign syndicate in the
- enjoyment of its property rights in a
' mining concession. The necessity for
the overthrow of the monarchlal clique
became very apparent to. all freedom-
loving liberal Spanish, capitalists and
prospective capitalists. But, the possibility of such a revolution.:Is .altogeth-'
*r another matter. To accomplish lt,
the help of the workers, is .absolutely
essential, and there's the rub. Not
that to Inflame the workers against
the Monarchy and the .Church would
not be an easy matter.. To.start them
is easy, but where will they stop?
Even in the past, workerB, afl,er having
been allowed to aid Ihe sacred cause
of liberty by raising a new class to
power, have ungratefully, sullied their
victory by attempting to attain rlghls
and privileges for themsejves.and have
only been put back in their proper
place with no little trouble. In these
degenerate days they evince a regrettably marked hankering for the earth
Itself, and, once roused to revolutionary effort, what forces are available to
check them when they have gone far
enough? Truly the Spanish bonrgeosie
ls in a sorry plight. To endure the
monarchy longer is impossible. To revolt teeems dubious.
Ferrer's assassination can only secondarily be laid at (lie door of the
king. Primarily it is the Work ot the
Church. Previous to his day, "education" was in the hands of the ('lunch,
and the Church made tho best possible
use of it—for the Church. Ferrer
founded modern non-clerical schools,
and naturally Incurred the hatred of
'tie Church. Well, the Church lias hnil
its vengeance, but, as In the past, ils
vengeance has defeated lis purpose.
Ferrer's death will do more for untl-
clericalitsm than his whole life has,
and brings us n slep nearer the time
when the power of the oppressor to
crucify Ils victims will be broken, whether that oppressor crucify in Hie name
of Christ or of Capital.
Moralizing pulpiteers,' spectacular
presidents, and other" henchmen of
Capital frequently arise to deplore and
denounce "that foul thing, class haired." They may well do so, for lt
bodes no good to capitalists. They, of
course, from class hatred are entirely
free. Mark how they love us, fellow
slaves, and turn from your wickedness. Have they not deluged us with
tokens of their goodwill? Of a certitude they love us exceedingly. If occasionally they do set their hirelings
to bludgeon and butcher and jail and
hang our best and truest, it is but for
our own good and out of surpassing
love for us. And yet class hatred Is
spreading.   How strange!
Proletarians, heed not their smoothtongued hirelings who exhort you to
love your neighbor; the capitalist Is
no neighbor of ours anyway—he is our
foe. Nor heed ye the sentimentalists
in your ranks who expatiate on the
beauties of brotherly love. Let your
hate run free, for here is an object for
hate and despisai.
It may be said that according to our
own determinist philosophy it is illogical for us to hate the 'master class,
but, in the light of that very philosophy, it is perfectly natural that we
should. They may be automata, compelled by their environment to do as
they do and able to do not otherwise;
yet we also are automata and able to
do no otherwise than to hate them.
And indeed, are not our bourgeois
masters the most hateful and despicable we slaves have ever had? To all
the vices of their forerunners have
they not added one peculiarly their
own—that of hypocrisy? The virtue
of the wives and daughters of the serf
and the chattel slave was at least lawfully and openly at the disposal of the
liege lord and the slave-owner. Our
Pharisaical masters, however, have
made such "revolting" practices unlawful, the while they keep an army of
procurers to pander to their lusts.
Those held their slaves In subjection
frankly by the sword; these, cowards
to the core, have to depend on treachery and. guile. These ruled and robbed, and made no bones about it. Our
masters filch, the widow's mite and
piously thank Providence for their success; grind the blood and sweat of
mere babes into fat dividends,' and
then publicly applaud themselves for
their benevolence in finding them
work; garner with one hand, in secret,
the rents of prostitution, then fiaunt-
Ingly finance anti-vice crusades; drive
girls through destitution to shame, and
then glorify themselves in founding institutions for redeeming "the fallen";
brutalize through poverty their own
race.and yet proclaim to the ends of
the earth their mission as the clvillzers
and uplifters of the backward peoples.
Uniting arrant cowardice to unbridled arrogance, cunning knavery to
ruthless brutality, unctuous hypocrisy
to bestial debauchery, how could anyone with a spark of manhood or womanhood do aught else but hate them?
Let class hatred flourish, until lt destroys classes from off the face of the
earth. Then, when we are brothers,
will be time enough to think of brotherly love.
ers must be emphasized ifl>eVery act
of the workers in the shop and at the
ballot box.
4. The Socialist Party realizes that,
while the aim of the workers is to capture the state and national powers of
government, we are forced by the form
of the industrial and political institutions of today to acquire control of the
municipal government in order to aid
the workers in their struggle with the
capitalist owners of the means of
wealth. We therefore pledge our candidates to administer the powers of
the municipal government of San
Francisco ln such a manner as to
strengthen the working class in this
city in all Its efforts to organize for
the final emancipation of labor from
wage slavery.
5. We declare that the only political issues of importance to the workers are class Issues, and that all the
other parties In this campaign, In order to prevent the workers from lining up as a class, are aiming to center attention upon Issues that do not
affect the labor or social question.
6. The Socialist Party recognizes
that an organized working class is essential to the progress of the human
race. Hence our party calls upon all
the workers to organize, the unskilled
as well as the skilled. Understanding
the trend of capitalist development,
the Socialist Party of Sun Francisco
realizes that, to cope with the powerful capitalist class and resist, the encroachments of the greedy exploiters,
an industrial form of labor union is essential.
7. The Socialist Party, the world
over, represents the interests of the
tolling masses. Wherever men and
women are organizing to abolish poverty and misery, wherever they are
standing in stalwart defiance to militarism and all the kindred horrors of
capitalist despotism, wherever labor is
on the march to emancipation, the Socialist Party is found in the vanguard
of the conflict, an International army
of over ten million, solidly arrayed
around the banner that proclaims the
slogan of International Socialism.
"Workers of the world, unite."
San Francisco Comrades rise to repudiate the efforts of the "Boosting
Club" on their behalf, as republished
In the Clarion. Which seems to us to
be somewhat unnecessary, as the document was on the face of it a skit, and
not a badly conceived skit either, but
we presume that this ls one of the
penalties of the lack of a saving sense
of humor. A few more such skits
would not be altogether untimely
across the line In many places. The
San Francisco Comrades, however, insist that the cap does not fit them and
forward their Platform as proof. It ls
worthy of publication, even though Its
authors seem to be suffering from the
double-barrelled movement malady
now so common.
*   •   *
Socialist   Party   Platform   of San
Election, Tuesday, November 2, 1909.
1. The Socialist Party of San Francisco in convention assembled reaffirms its adherence to the principles
of international Socialism.
2. The Socialist Party, as the political expression of the class-conscious
working class, demands that the workers, the producers of all wealth, shall
receive the full social value of their
product. With this end in view, we
demand that the working class, as the
essential class in society, shall seize
and control the powers of government,
and shall use these powers for the purpose of enforcing nnd defending their
ownership and operation of the means I
of production.
3. The  Socialist Party is  tho only I
party able or \v
takes of tne movement ih those other
countries had started the S. P. of C.
right and he hoped they would be
always able to overcome the revisionists that were sure to spring up In this
country. For said he, "Canadians are
a backward people, and Ga^icians,
Slavonians, and other backward races
are pouring ino this country. The economic conditions are undergoing a
rapid transformation. This is fast becoming one of the most highly developed Capitalist countries in the world,
only such clear revolutionary dope as
that dealt out by the S. P. of C. can
Btlr these backward races so they will
keep pace with the rapid economic
transformation. He pointed to Susnar,
Brovil, Tomashavsky, Houston, myself
and others as prodf of his contention.
■     C. M. O'BRIEN.
Socialist    Party    of   Canada.      Meets
every  alternate    Monday.     1).  Q.
Kenzle, Secretary, Box 836, Vi
B. C.
Comrade Myr Stechishln says in
substance: "The discussion on reform
or revolution that should have been
good for the Party, was almost detrimental to its existence. I have read
volumes of foolish trash about Social-
Ism but the articles contributed to the
Clarion by the revolutionists are the
As Dletzen says, "nothing is absolute, as error ls Intermingled with
truth, truth in its turn Is intermingled
with error." These were the thoughts
conjured up In my mind, when I read
the article "Something is holding us
back." .
Now far be it from me to attempt
to belittle those self sacrificing comrades whp have devoted the best years
of their lives to propaganda, and have
reaped more kicks than ha'pence in
so doing. But, even the very fact that
these men have so done, must, In the
nature of things, have had its effect
iu shaping their outlook, speech and
philosophy, and must have somewhat made them abnormal. There is
no doubt that no party can thrive unless its members are allowed a certain
amount of latitude in criticism; always
granting that that criticism is well
meant, and candid.
Now it appears to me certain of our
speakers are somewhat doctriniare. I
do not think when Marx wrote his
chief works he expected exponents of
the philosophy to make them an end,
but simply as a means toward an end.
What I mean to say is this; when a
child is first taught to read, the teacher does not put a newspaper or other
such ponderous matter for its undeveloped mind, but starts with teaching
in its most simplified form.
Now certain of the comrades having
been a long time in the movement and,
most of leisure being spent amongst
their Socialist colleagues, have un-
conscously developed a manner and
terminology peculiar to themselves and,
although they are not aware of lt,
their language and Illustrations to the
worst    yet.    I pity their    ignorance, -tellow  w>>° has  had  l°  aDeaA  nlne
their lack of logic and tolerance.
I butt Into this discussion because I am
an immediate demander. but I object
to being classed among them, nor
do I wish to help them. If the
Revolutionists will digest without
prejudice the balls of wisdom
that I have carefully prepared
for them, they wlll cease making
asses of themselves and misusing
their energy trying to prove that the
platform that is the expression of a
revolutionary movement cannot, at
the same time be the expression of a
reform movement. I am hitting hard
and below the belt trusting they will
blame the latter on my poor English."
In my organizing work I meet most
of the Comrades in the broad territory
that I cover and I have every reason
to believe the discussion has strength'
ened the position of the Party. The
exaggerations and misrepresentation's
by Comrade S., sincere as he may be,
already dealt with by J. H. are proof
of the weakness of the position of .our
opponents. Tbe self-satlsfled positive
statements of Comrade S. are quietly
put out of count by our Finnish Comrade whose article appears in the same
issue of tne Clarion. One Comrade
born in Austria of German parents, be-
tenths of his waking hours in a struggle to keep his stomach from hitting
his back, is to say the least somewhat Incomprehensible.
For instance, a certain speaker re
cently in holding forth stated, the Socialist philosophy was based on the
following nine phases: (Materialistic
conception of history) (Theory of value
and surplus value) (Class struggle)
(Concentration of wealth) (Disappearance of middle class) (Increasing misery of working class) (Necessity of
Political action) Overproduction theory
of panics) and (Social Revolution). Accompanying this with a digital performance that reminded one of the
mental tortures of the flrst primer
Just put yourself In the place of
the poor wage-slave a week or two previously blown In from the logging
camp, mine or prairie, and, it is well-
known that Vancouver absorbs most
of Its population from the latter)
whose literary - education has ln the
majority of Instances, ceased with the
third or fourth standard. .lust fancy
his mental perplexity when he ls assailed with such a string of verbosity,
Why! it's enough to make his head
swim, "Materialistic Conception of Hls-
longed to the S. P. of Austria, then to tory!    You mlgnt a8 wel, hlt nim on
the S. P. of the U. S., then to the Edmonton Local of the S. P. of 0. This
Comrade told me, in Austria as in the
11. S., he used to read the Socialist
papers to get the Party news. He believed that the spokesman of the movement should be and were well up In
economics. Not until he joined the S.
P. of C. was the idea impressed on him
that he and all the members should
be equally as well posted on economics. "Had it not been for the S. P. of
C. I would have been supporting the
Also one Russian Comrade In Winnipeg, accounting for the inactivity of the
Jewish Local said, "they do not study
economics; it was the same in Russia, we wore only Socialists by name,
I never felt it part of my duty to study
economics until 1 joined the S. P.
of ('.
Roberl Vollskoffsky, a Russian who
was drowned a short    lime    ago    in
1 Northern Alberta, one of tjie best post
ng to make plain tne j ed Comrades I have met; spoke
cause .'ind the cure of the grenl prob- several languages; had been organi-
lenis or today. Including the problem of • zer for ihe Revolutionary Party in Rus-
the unemployed. So long as there is sia: lectured through Finland and oth-
industrial competition, so long as tliere er countries, He told me ihe Western
is a struggle for profit, so long as ond Clarion was Ihe most clear exponei I
class owns what the other class pro- of the working class revolution thai
duces, there will be jinnies, industrial! he knew of. That the Platform and
prostration, and the tramping armies propaganda of the S. P. of C. was the |
of the unemployed. To abolish iinem-j hesi in ihe world. He said It is due
ployment, we must abolish capitalism; largely to the fact that the pioneers of
—we must organize the workers ns a I the  movement  were  comrades  from
the head wllh a Greek grammer.
I do not wish to assume an air of
Infallibility myself, but, if the speaker would take one of the items men-
Honed, say, "Economic Determinism"
and, if possluie deal with something
as near as possible ln the public gaze
at (he present time, showing the economic forces at work compelling the different units to adopt the course they
are pursuing, and that at the back of
all was material interests, showing
that whetuer they liked or not, whenever the flying machine became a more
economic form of transportation, than
that in vogue at the present time, society would be compelled to adopt it.
Or, better still, as seventy-five per cent,
of the audience are "Old Countrymen"
take the Englishman and show him
why he Is the butt for so much derision, viz, because he is a less exploit-
jable quantity than the other classes
I of immigrants and why so. Capitalism
| by compelling him to live In towns,
I breathe bad air, eat poor, unnourishing
[adulterated food, etc., had so reduced
his physique that on an average, as
compared'tO the Swede or Hoosier, he
'is a veritable pigmy. Further, that
being an  island is of ncces-
class.    To organize the workers  into
a  solid   political   and   industrial   phn-
other countries who, benefiting by the
experiences, disappointments, and mis-
sit.v insular, and wlll somewhat dwarf
a man who has no broader environ
How much have you donated to the
Socialist Campaign Fund?
Socialist Directory
Kvery Local of the Socialist Party of
Canada should run a card under this head
$1.00 per month.     Secretaries please note.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every nlteiuate Monday In
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in the province. „ „ .
A. J. Browning, Sec, Box 647 Calgary, Alta. 	
tive Committee. Meets first and third
Mondays of every month, Jub'leo Hail,
corner of King and Alexander. The
Secretary will be pleased to furnish
any Information and answer any correspondence relative to the, movement.
Secretary. H. Saltzman, Room 15, Harrison  Block, Winnipeg, Man.	
Committee. Meets ln Finnish Hall, 214
Adelaide St., Toronto, on 1st and 3rd
JMondnvH. Organizer. W. Gribble, 13-1
Hogarth Ave., Toronto, r. C. Young,
Secretary, H40 Pape Ave. G. Colombo,
Italian Organizer, 224 Chestnut St.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headnuarters, over
Edgett's Store. 161 Hastings St. W.
F. Perrv. Secretary, Box S36.
Ii.      Meets
in the
month s
t 151
gs St. w.
Headquarters and Reading Itoom,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 13111 Government St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propoganda
meetings every Sunday at Grand
Theatre. .las. llclndoe, Secretary,
Room 1. 13111 Government St.	
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
V30 J;,mT,A',McLe°d. Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Finlanders' Hall. Sundays at
i;.3c°Dp' "!■ A' £ey>Ie' Sew. P- Oi Box
765 Rossland, B. C.
C. Business meetings every Saturday
1 p.m. In headquarters on First Ave.
Parker, Williams, Sec, Ladysmith, B. C
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. Frank
Phillips, Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
meets every Sundaf at «:30 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organizer.    H. K. Macinnis, Secretary.
Charter hangs ln secretary's log
shack, Hardscrabble Ranch, 12 miles
West of Bowden. Business meetings
twice a month. Capitalism vs. Socialism continually being debated by the
general public and members or the
Local. Sky pilots and liunkey polti-
clans cordially invited to call and participate in the sport. Secretary, S. W.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room, McTavish Block.
S17 Second St. R, opposite Imperial
Hotel. Fred s. Faulkner, Organizer,
Box 1147.    .1. Gibus, Secretary, Box 647.
P of C eets every  llrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HalL
C. Stubbs, Secy.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     I.
.Meets every Sunday night in the
Miners' Hail and Opera House at 8
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers   are   invited   to   call.     H.   J.
Smith,  Secy.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,  NO. 3,  B.  F.  of  C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock|
Jack Place,   Rec.   Secy.,   Box   826.
LOOAL   FERNIE,   S.   P.   Of   O,   HOLDS
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday, evening at 7:46. Business meeting first Sunday In each
month, same place at 2:30 p m. J.
Lancaster.  Sec.  Box  164.
C, meet* every Sunday in Miners'
Union lTall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month. T. Y. McKay, Secretarp Pro
C, meets every Friday night at 7:30
in Tinimins' Hall, cor. of Seventh and
Tronson Sts. Business and propaganda combined. Geo. \V. Paterson, Secretary, Vernon, B. C.
F. of C. Propaganda and business
meetings at 8 p. 111.. the fourth Thursday of each month ln lodge room over
old post office, near opera bouse. Everybody welcome. B. F. Gayman.
Secretary; W. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
S. F. of O.—Business meetings first
Sunday in each month. J. V. Hull.
Secretary. Port Moody. B. C.
LOOAL     PRINCE     RUPERT,     B.     O.,
meets every Sunday at 8 p.m., on the
street corners and various balls. J. B.
King,   Secretary.
P. of C. Meets every Thursday at 8
p.m., in Trades and Labor Hall,
Fourth St. Busness and propaganda
meetings combined. J. R. Huntbach,
Secy., 161 First St. S.; R. MacQuarrie,
Organizer, 623 Second St.
quarters, Klondyke Blk., cor. Pacific
and King. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. W. Cummlngs, Organizer. Secretary, Jas. Thomson, 664
Agnes St.
llsh   Branch. Business    meetings
every second and fourth Thursdays in
each month, at Finnish Hall, 214 Adelaide St. W. Speakers* Class meeta
every Tuesday at 134 Hogarth Ave.
Will. R. Hllbert, Recording Secretary,
42  Beverley St.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,  NO.  8,   8.  F.  OF  O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday in
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Roberts-
Allan Hull. 75 Rldeau St. A. J. Mc-
CuUuni. 68 Slater St., Secretary.
LOOAL   COBALT,   NO.   9,   8.   F.   OF   O.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. in Miners'
Hail. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOOAL   BERLIN,   ONT.,   NO.   4,   8.   F.
of C„ meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., 65
King St. E., opposite Market Hotel.
H. Martin, Secretary, 61 Weber St. E.
LOCAL   MONTBEAL,   CUE..   NO.   1,   8.
F. of O.—Meets in Labor Hall. St
Dominique street, Sundays at 8 p. m.
Headquarters No. 1 . St. Charles Bor-
romee St. Otto Jahn, Secretary, 528
Directoiy of Western Federation of Miners in British
Executive Board Member ....       Wm. Davidson, Sandon
President Jno. A. McKinnon, Rossland
Vice-President Thos. J. McKay, Greenwood
Secretary-Treasurer • A. Shilland, 8andon
No.      Name Meeting Pres. Sec'y. P.O. Add.
Night Box
Grand Forks..
Greenwood  ...
M. & S. U.
Phoenix   ......
Rossland   ....
Trail MaU..
I C. Galrns	
Wm. Wlnslow James Tobtn	
Patrick O'Connor [W. K. Hidden	
Cbarlea Blrce Geo.   Heatherton..
C. Bennett T. H.  Rotherham.
Mike Mc Andrews.. H. T. Rainbow....
Joe Armstrong A. E. Carter	
Fred Mellette Chas.   Short	
B.  Lundln   	
Malcolm  McNeill.
Paul   Phillips	
R. Sllverthorn...
J. A. McKinnon..
L. R. Mclnnls...
Robert Malroy...
Blair  Carter	
G. B. Mcintosh,,
Wm. Hesketh	
A. Burgess	
J. Hays  	
iamts Roberts 
1 Phillips 	
W. A. Plckard	
Geo. I'asey	
A.   Shilland	
Fred   Llebscher...
D.  B.  O'Nealll	
T. T. Rutherford..
F.   D.   Hardy	
W.   B.  MclBaac...
M Grand Forks
Discovery -
Slocan CU7
Van Anda
fi    PFTFR9   Practical Boot
u. rtic.no and 8h0, Ma|,ir
Hand-Made  Hoots and   Shoes to order (tt
all styles.   Repairing promptly and neatly
ly done.     Stock  of staple  ready-made
Shoes always on hand.
2456 Westminster Ave.
,/e solid, the business of Manufacturers,
Engineers and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Exoerts. Preliminaryadvice free. Charges
moderate. Our Inventor's Adviser Bent upon
request. Marion & Marion, New York Life Bldg,
Montreal : nna Washington, D.C., V.S.A*
Jos   tahdotte jotakin  tietaa
tyovaen puolueesta ja sosial-
ismin edistyksesta Canadassa,
niin tilatkaa kohta.
Box 197, Port Arthur, Out.
Se on Canadassa ainoa Suo-
men kielinen sanomaleliti, jo-
ka taistelee sinunkin puolesta.
Edistat tyovaen luokkaa tila-
amalia Tyokansan.-.
Maksaa ainsostaan, $1.50 vuosikerta
"Vakaleuka" Maksaa, $1.25
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock
National Theatre
Formerly the Cameraphone
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Supplies will be furnished Locals
by Executive Committees at the following prices:
Charter   (with    necessary    supplies to start Local)  $5.00
Membership Cards,  each       .01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform  and  application  blank
per 100   25
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukrainian, per 100 50
Ditto.in Italian, per 100 50
Constlttltlons, each  20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen 50
Meeting Oct. 18, 1909.
Present, Comrades Karme (chairman), Mengel, Morgan, Lambert, Peterson and the secretary.
.Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Charters granted Phoenix, B. C,
Ukrainian; St. John, N. B., ami North
Range, N. S.
Correspondence dealt with from
Ontario, Manitoba and Alberta executives, Locals Fredericton, N. B., Hall-
fax, Springhill and Sydney .Mines, N.
S„ Montreal, Que., Winnipeg, Man., In-
nisfail, Alta., Organizers O'Brien and
Gribble, and W. D. Haywood.
Warrant drawn for printing, $7.50.
Ontario Executive  $12.50
Alberta Executive     15.00
Fredericton,  N.  B.,  stamps     3.00
Newcastle, N. B., stamps     3.00
St. John, N. B., charter     6.70
North Range, N. S., charter     5.75
G. W. Wrigley, organizing     1.00
Frank Watklnson of Toronto paid a
visit to Brantford the other day. He
lectured in a hall to a small but very
interested gathering of workers. Brantford Local, ln advertising the meeting,
had used handbills exclusively and cut
out the ads. In the capitalist press:
This method appeared to give better
results.     ' .
Watklnson Is typical of the younger
element in the movement. He spoke
for about an hour and a half and delivered a straight, plain propaganda
talk, Rubbed the robbery of the workers in good and hard. Dealt with the
different quack remedies brought out
to cure the Ills of capitalist society.
Came out flat-footed for the revolutionary movement as opposed to any
advocacy of reform or any tinkering
with the capitalist system.
His talk made a profound impression upon those workers present. Result: Good sale of literature, one new
member In the Local, and the prospects of one or two more. Also one
sub. for the Clarion.
Brantford Local, having no speakers, are going to avail themselves of
the boys of Tooronlo Local and in the
meanwhile will sit up and take notice
themselves so as to be ready to take
the soap-box in the near future.
HALIFAX,   N.   S.
Meeting Oct. 18, 1909.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from
Locals Moyie, Phoenix, Victoria, Nanaimo, Courtenay .and Prince Rupert,
and from Organizers Harrington and
The action of Local Nanaimo In expelling the Rev. McLeod was confirmed.
Prince Rupert, stamps   $5.00
Vancouver, stamps    10.00
Moyie, stamps      2.00
Phoenix, supplies 25
Phoenix, Ukrainian, charter     7.00
Warrant drawn for postage and ex-
pressage, $2.50.
Regular meeting Oct. 4, 1909.
Present, Comrades Watklnson, Lln-
dalla, Zalkind and the secretary.
Watklnson elected chairman.
Minutes of last regular meeting read
and approved as read.
Communications from Brantford,
Cobalt (Finnish), Hamilton, Port Arthur Finnish, and Aylmer, were dealt
Bills.    >
To Dominion Executive for supplies   $12.50
To  Literature Committee,  Eng-
i     llsh branch, Toronto     1.50
Total    $14.00
Toronto Jewish, buttons 24
Berlin, Constitutions      1.00
Cobalt Finnish, due stamps  10.00
Port Arthur Finnish, due stamps 20.00
Brantford, literature        2.50
Brantford, assessment 1909     1.50
Total    $35.24
Origin of Species, Darwin; Age
of Reason, Paine; Riddle of the
Universe, Haeckel. 25c, by mail
—Merrie England; Britain for the
British, Blatchford. 20c. each by
mail,   Send lor Catalogue.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St. W.
Just a word to let you know that
there are a few "undesirables" in Halifax.
Some time ago Organizer Gribble
visited us and treated us to some plain
talks on the Parade (in the centre of
city) and drew large and interested
crowds. At the close of each meeting, Comrade Gribble spread the truth
"some more" by dishing out literature
at cost. At several meetings the
speaker was Interrupted by a squealer
who claimed to be a trades unionist,
but deadly opposed to Socialism. This
gent also asked what he was pleased
to think were foxy questions, but was
ably answered by Comrade Gribple.
On the whole we think It did the
cause good.
Comrade Gribble organized a Local
here with nine signatures to application for charter. He attended several
meetings of the new Local (nightly)
and drilled us up by giving Interesting talks on Platform and Constitution and propaganda work.
Our charter came from Dominion
Executive on the 2nd October, so we
had it to show at meeting on 6th. We
meet every Wednesday night at 8
o'clock. We feel in good form for the
work, and lt is well so, as this city is
anything but radical.
We hear good news of the movement from other Locals in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick.
Yours for the revolution anyhow,
Editor Clarion —
We are very pleased to be able to
say that Local No. 6, Reglna, Is progressing very favorably, and though
not two months old we have nearly
20 members. It is evident that the
public of Regina are after a change
of diet—political, of course. We had
W. D. Haywood here Oct. 3rd, and he
certainly Started "the workers" thinking, for they are eager after knowledge concerning our Party.
We are putting Into force a suggestion made by W. D. Haywood to ub,
and that is, we elect a Comrade of
our own Local every Sunday to speak
for 20 minutes, two weeks hence, and
thereby having a speaker every Sunday. It not only makes the meetings
more interesting, but the chances are
that that may develop what is already
in a Comrade and make a speaker of
him. It would be a good thing for
each Local to adopt this method.
Yours in Revolt,
On Sunday, 10th of October,, there
was a lively scene in Finnish Hall at
Phoenix when the Ukrainians crowded
the small side hall, and Com. Thos.
Tomashavsky, Ukrainian organizer,
gave them an eloquent address ln their
own language on Socialism and Capitalism, etc. There are about thirty
Ukrainians in Phoenix, and a few Po-
landers, of wfiom nearly all were present at the meeting, except a few who
were working on-the night shift.
Com. Jno. Heyuchyshyu, a young student from the old country, occupied
the chair and expounded to the audience the purpose of the meeting and
called upon "Tommy" as the main
speaker of the evening.
T. Tomashavsky explained to the audience clearly how the workers all
over the world are robbed by capitalism under this capitalist system, and
showed them that even in this "civilized" country they are robbed Just the
same as in their own country, with
the only difference that there they had
to sell their labor power for a $1.00
per day in average and had to pay a
half of that wages for their living, and
here they receive an average of $2.00
and have to pay a $1.00 for a living.
He also pointed out how hard the Socialists have to fight the battle all over
the world for a fair and clear justice
for the workers, and recalled what happened not long ago to one of our
Ukrainian Comrades, Ulyroslaw Slch-
yusky, in Austria, who, as a student
of the university, had to sacrifice his
own life for political freedom there,
and was sentenced to serve 20 years in
He urged them to contribute a donation towards the funds of Ulyroslaw
Sichyusky's so as to make efforts to
liberate him from Jail, and Ukrainians,
Polanders and other Comrades certainly showed their faith to Com. Sich-
yusky and donated $134, which they
handed to Com. Tomashavsky to be
turned over by him to "Robutchy Narod."
After the collection lt was decided
to form the Ukrainian Workmen Society of JJlyr. Sichyusky's, which has
to be associated with the S. P. of C,
to which 20 members were initiated; so
as to show to the wide world that we
the Ukrainians are' making steps toward this great international Socialist
movement which seeks the liberty for
all enslaved proletarians.
Yours in Revolution,
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"RofeatchyJ Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 Stephen St.        Winnipeg, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Dear Comrade Editor,—
Every Socialist paper from Its Inception, for some years at least, is run at
a loss. The Socialist Party of every
country have passed or are passing
through this experience. The management of the Chicago Daily Socialist
are having no end of worry in trying
to clean up five thousand dollars. The
Clarion ls not on a paying basis. The
question of deficit has been agitating
me for some time. I believe it is
high time that the Comrades throughout the Dominion take some step, not
only to put the Clarion on a paying basis, but the circulation should be Increased so as to warrant an eight-
page paper. We ought to clean up
any deficit double quick.
How can this be done? I have a
suggestion. I expect of course every
Local ls getting a bundle; If not, they
ought to. That will help some and ls
a final duty of every Local. Then I
would like to see every member In the
Party and as many others as possible
take a bundle of five each week. This
would cost but five cents a week and
should Increase the circulation by ten
or fifteen thousand. Small matter,
Isn't It, Comrades? Five cents a
I am bringing this matter up at the
next meeting of our Local and will
make a strong bid to get as many as
possible to fall in wllh my suggestion.
Keeping one copy, each member thus
subscribing would have four copies for
distribution. Nail four likely looking
wnge slaves ana stay with them; hand
them a marked copy each week. 1
believe this is very important; a marked article is sure to be read.
My conviction is that we do not put
enough energy into the sale and distribution of our literature. Go where you
will, the real revolutionist is the man
who has spent night after night digesting Marx, Engels, Kautsky, Ferrl,
Ward and a host of others. But for
the unconvinced wage slave give
his the Party paper, marking some
article; it is sure to percolate through
Now, Comrades, what do you think
of this suggestion? Let us hear from
you. Until further notice, send my
five.   Enclosed find $1.00.
Yours for the revolution,
»kyof tne Cigar Maws' liMrnmonsI unloiforAmenca.
Union-made Cigars.
life)  TMtta«me»««dlnlhlital»»»mli*i»».lB'liBi™W
\i\   sWSHM mtfMmm'm\am<m.wmi)f\mia. ,joruiiiia«*.ticd taws*
ilfcl   «Ktsaiof»iNBiAuuraiwi<«ii«iiiiicra«mi'»«tiifiiita«rr ftwfaiwrmum,
V >V *7y:/ Ml Winiommu upon this UW «sl t>i puwW lattlmj to IM
*&SkW ^mm*.       r« Q % GUfUu*. /ta
"•■UsIU 1/ CU
HIV .f.tm-nr.      -___J{j3
Which Stand* for a Living 'Wage
Vancouver Local 357.
50c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 25c.
Published at Cowansville, P.O.
The budget is" everywhere. In the
drawing room, in the pulpit, in the
club room, ln the press, in every press
organ of every land, the budget assumes to itself the attribute essentially the property of the poor, as Jesus
said, of being always with us. Turn
where you like, you cannot get away
from Ihe Budget.
Really, the Liberal party ln England
deserve to be congratulated on having
produced a herring for election purposes, which will probably accomplish
the object of Its production by sweeping them once more Into offlce.
This in itself would be of no interest to Socialists were it not that, owing to statements contained in the
speeches of Buch men as Mr. Balfour
and Lord Rosebery, and also Mr. Kier
Hardie and Mr. Barnes, a deliberate
attempt ls being made to make the
slogan of the coming election in Great
Britain, Capitalism vs. Socialism.
Now, of course, nothing would be
dearer to the heart of the Socialist
than such a proposition, for it would
clear- the battlefield of all side issues
and the proletariat would have a
chance, which they would probably reject, of voting the death of Capital.
But unfortunately, although the slogan
is to be apparently Capitalism versus Socialism, the fight is to be purely
and simply as to how the proletariat
is to be kept in submission and how
certain amounts of money are to be
raised by taxation to meet certain expenditures, which are becoming inconveniently heavy in these days of levi-
iliian battleships.
Briefly put, the object of the much
disputed -clauses in the Finance Bill,
(alias the budget) is to place an ad
valorem tax upon land values. Of
course that is the case nowadays in
every land where taxes are raised for
the payment of the expenses of administration, and the bribery of party
heelers. But the exact difference is
this: Whereas now the land is taxed
upon an assessed value which is always far under selling value, then,
that is to say, when the finance bill
becomes law, land will be taxed at its
selling value. For example: A property I have in mind is assessed at $1,-
200. value and it is taxed at that value
but, mark you, the owner is offering
the property for sale at $4000, and
hopes to realize that amount for It.
Now under the new act a government
commission will make note of each
sale in a district and will raise or lower values in accordance with the rise
and fall of market values.
And here in a nutshell Is the proposition over which the British empire ls
gone crazy. Mr. Kler Hardie calls this
the flrst step towards Socialism. Mr.
Balfour and Lord Rosebery call lt Socialism. On what grounds do they
make these statement? Mr. Kier Hardie ls the only man who has attempted to define the nature,of the step,
and he did it ln this way:
Socialists Bhould support the finance bill . . . because it has ln
view the absorption by the community, for the use of the community, of
all unearned Incomes, whether derived from land or from capital."
A slight analysis of this proposition
ls interesting. For the sake of this
analysis we will Include the lesser,
land, In the greater, capital, and henceforward only treat with capital.
From this point of view then the
community absorbs all unearned incomes from capital and uses them.
Thus the community becomes the capitalist, which Is what is termed State
Socialism. Very well, now we know
where we stand. The budget is a step
in the direction of the State ownership of capital. Those In favor ot this
method of conducting society should
certainly support the British government in this measure, but why should
Socialists support such a measure? Is
ihe wage system to be abolished thereby? Answer that, Mr. Hardie. Is production for use to take the place of
production for profit? Arc the workers to have access to the tools of production?
The finance bill is indeed a step ln
the direction of Socialism, but not for
llie reasons given by Mr. Hardie. Society has been evolving, is evolving,
and will evolve Into a system of cooperation ln methods of production
and exchange. But It is a long span In
the bridge of time between State Socialism, more correctly termed State
Capitalism, and Socialism.
For one reason, and one reason alone
may Socialists rejoice. They may rejoice In so far that tills bill has publicly recognized to the world at large
that there Is such a thing as unearned
income, a proposition which lias been
denied wllh wrath by the very men
who now maintain it.
finally, the  hroletarl nly  pays
taxes in one form of mmmodlty, viz.,
labor-power, so all 111i - hubbub about
unearned Increment land values, the
inequality of dukes,    lie  rascality of
Comrade Editor:
Whoever you be, I feel called upon
to write a few lines to the Clarion,
owing to the fact, that In the laat Issue
my Comrade Fulcher remarks that he
got Into a controversy in the reading
room of Local No. 1, Winnipeg, by
saying "that labor power is now selling below its cost of production." If I
remember right I was the chief if
not the only one who challenged him
to prove his statement. Not with any
intention of ridicule, but that I and
perhaps others present might gain a
little information on this point. Since
he has given his side let me give mine
Take a mechanic, a machinist, for
Instance, of 50 years ago, when he had
to spend the best part of his life time
at his trade before he became anyways
near proficiency, then that labor power
waa of great value as compared with
to-day, for the skill has been transferred from the man to the machine
and is still being transferred from day
to day ln all branches of industry, so
that Bhould I make my son a machinist after me, he will not require the
same education as I had to recleve in
order to turn out the same quantity
and quality of work In the same time.
Or If Inventions keep coming fast
enough he may be able to turn out better quality and greater quantity in a
shorter time anil still have no more
skill than the average pick and shovel
I do not forget the fact that the
market price of that commodity labor
power is governed by its cost of production and that an overstocked market has the tendency to reduce the
price. But don't let us forget that our
wages are not based on the cost of
subsistence of the individual, but on
the subsistence of one package of labor
power. That is sufficient for one to
livf and raise another to take your
place when your master has skinned
all the energy out of you (and you
go to your reward), so that wages can
continually all decrease from generation to generation without labor power
selling below its cost of production.
As industry becomes more perfect, it
does not require the son to be as smart
as his father, so therefore the real
value or real price ls cheaper.
Now you have both sides of the argument I have weighed them both in
the scales and frankly I believe I am
a little on the light so far, but
if they consider It worth while perhaps
some of the big guns wlll tell us what
they think, anyhow I don't think it
can do any harm airing it a little
through the columns of the Clarion
just to save a postage stamp. Comrade Editor, what happened that the
following words appeared in the last
issue "Another foreigner" "Gee" ain't
we all foreigners? I don't want to
know of a Socialist who has any other
country than the whole world. We as
workers have no country, just as Lestor says "We're nothing but a bunch
of boarders,"
Yours In Revolt,
A humble student in Local No. 1,
*   •   •
Say, Irish, didn't you see inverted
commas on the "foreigner?"—Ed. Clarion.
JCero and Tfow
Clarion readers will remember that
the commission or board of arbitration was yet in session when I scrawled that squib entitled "Hair Pulling
in Saskatoon." It is the only time
the Lemieux Act lias been used in a
dispute of this kind, a squabble between the city and Its employees.
The employees were trying to get
more wages and a recognition of their
union. Now it ls all over, the board
has rendered lis decision, and the capitalist papers tell us that the outcome
was most satisfactory. The board
unanimously agreed on all but two
points, wages and recognition ot the
C.  M.  O'BRIEN.
landlords, etc., etc
or her In Ihe slighlei -
Think, think again,
again; then act.
nol affect lilin
mill  then  think
F.  M. T.
Locals, would do well nol to depend
on outside help or speakers. Get together yourselves and make a noise
like men.
Since first we raised the Flag of Red
We've seen It spotless How;
It's spotless sun to heaven spread,
And we will keep it so.
Our cry, "Revolt," from llrst to last,
Naught  sliull  that object   blur;
Anil ne'er across our King be cast
Reform's bar sinister.
Ami those whose aim is less than this
Have no place In our ranks;
The   worse   than   useless   who   won
The schemers and tho cranks.
The sale of tickets for the "Library
of Original Sources" in aid of the Clarion Maintenance Fund, is now on.
Tickets are one dollar' each, and by
getting one or more you are not only
helping the Clarion to continue delivering the goods but you also have
a chance of winning what Freeman
Knowles calls "the greatest work extant." See advertisement on page four
of Clarion.
»    •    si
Rossland Miners' Union orders a
bundle of twenty-five Clarions a week
for three months.   Next!
• *   *
Comrade C. W. Gansner, Williams
Siting, B. O, sends along $5.00 for one
new yearly,' two renewals and a sup.
ply of propaganda pamphlets.
Is your campaign fund ready?      i
.»  ♦  » ■«■(
Comrade P. Daly, Prince Rupert,
will receive a bundle of Clarions each
week for the next six months, per Comrade Dr. Curry. Comrade Curry also
adds 100 copies of London's Revolution to his order.
• * •
The address of "The New World,"
official organ of the Northwest Ham
Social-Democratic Party, is 88 Malvern
Road, Leytonstone, London, England.
Comrade H. Kirby is the editor.
• s,    t
Jack Place, Nanaimo.—The sub. of
"B.," Cedar District, Nanaimo, has expired ; that is why he does not receive
his paper.
t   t   *
Three new subs, and his own renewal arrives from Comrade Ed. Fulcher,
Brandon, Man.
• •   •
Comrade James Cartwright, South
Wellington, nailed a victim and refused to let up until two dollars was
produced, which goes towards the
Clarion Maintenance Fund. You can't
get away from Jim.
• •   •
Comrade C. McMahon Smith forwards $5.00 for the Clarion Maintenance Fund in accordance with his offer some time ago to donate the fiver
when three others had done so. He
writes that the Comrades in Brooklyn
gave each a day's pay to sustain "The
• •   •
The slave who was elected to Edmonton  by the slaves ot the Rocky
Mountain District of Alberta to represent them, sends In four yearlles.
• •   «
Comrade W. Davenport sends in a
new sub. and an order for a bundle of
fifty Clarions.
• •   •
Local Ottawa finds the necessary for
its card ln Clarion and Local Edmonton tor Clarions and card.
• •   •
If you cannot send In a big list of
subs., perhaps you can rustle up one
reader as the following Comrades did
this week:—Jack Place, Nanalmo, B.
C; P. C. Young, Toronto; A. McLeod,
Rossland, B. 0,1 W. Green, Toronto,
Ont.; Alex. McDonald, Calgary, Alberta; A. R. Black, Hillcrest, B. O, and
• • •
Will Crooks says they have bettered the condition of the working class
In Great Britain. What does he mean?
Surely he must be aware of the fact
that the number of unemployed ln
Great Britain last winter was more
than double what It was the winter
before, and the prospects for the coming winter are worse than last. Is that
"Improvement?" What utter rot to
talk of Improving the slavish conditions of slaves! Slavery cannot be Improved or bettered. The working class
Is a slave class nnd will remain so,
budget or no budget, tariff reform or
no tariff reform, until ihey get possession of their means of life.
* *    ♦
Lnst election It was "White Can-
ada"; this time it Is "Local Option ";
next time something else—anything
to keep the worker from voting for
Who fears i" serve beneath our Flag
May sporl  the feather white;
For those who falter, those who lag.
Hut hinder those who light.
The fool, tli" weakling and Ihi   spy,
Thi  cravi n and the knave,
May < hoi       ui raise 801)18 oilier i ry,
Spme other IIhk to wave.
But, as for us, our Flug i   Red,
And It'll ii  shall remain;
The Flag thai tyrants hate and dread.
The Flag without a stain!
NOTICE Is hereby given that an ap-
plicatlon will be made under Part v. of
the "Water Act, 1908," to obtain a
licence In the Group i Division oi New
Westminster District.
(a) The name, address: and occupation
| of the applicant:    nlfred Ruin, farmer,
do The name or the lake, stream or
source (if unnamed, the description Isi:
Paine Creek.
ni The polnl er dlveralon Is at the
tllHtnnce or ID chatnfl from Hn- south
boundary of Lol  802
I'll Tne (inioiilty "f weter applied for
(In cubic reel per i ei oml i: t-1 of I
cubic foot.
(e) The character of the proposed
v... ki . I tain -"ni hydraulic ram with
pipe line.
iVi The promises, on Whicli tin- water
Is in be nsod "t- si i It"- Mirni i: * >it U\e
I>i. i-.-11 l"l of 802, ioutli part, 16
chains from smith boundary "i  Loi  it":'.
,: i The purposes I'm- uMi-ti the water
Is tu he ii-' -t     For 'I ' ti.- use,
i h i ti' tor Irrigation describe the land
Intended lo h< Irrigated, plvlrjB acreage:
IitIkhi Infl   •   "i'
do  Till" notice « ii i i i mi  the 6th
an}   "i   October,   lOOO.   ami   npl lb otlon
will in  made to the >  ml    Ion i on the
sit. iinv of November,  i'"1"
ill ill-,,   tin1 nmnex  i oil Ires esj nf
any riparian proprietors oi licensees
wi i- whose lands arc llkelj to ba affected by the proposed work*, either
above or below the outlet: .1 N lllnun,
p. stelnboursr, .1. Chastor, Gibson's
ALFRED RUI8, Gibsons' Landing. TOUR
(Continued from page one)
make good. In the other case, he hate
to pay more out of his wages for the
same individual commodity, or he gets
a smaller quantity of the same commodities for the same wages.
An increase in the productivity of
labor, which Is not accompanied by an
improvement of the conditions of labor, or at least by a corresponding Increase of wages, many indeed procure
for the laborer a greater quantity of
the same use-values for the same amount of exchange-value in wages. But
the tendency of capitalist production is
to obtain this greater productivity of
labor by a more intensified exertion of
the laborer in the sphere of production. And, this tendency is accompanied by the fatal tendency to lower wages, unless the laborer has powerful
organizations at hand which may prevent it.
But even If his organization succeeds in keeping the nominal wages at
their normal level, the historical tendency of capitalist accumulation is
towards capitalist monopolies and towards a stifling of the regulating power of competition, wjhich keeps prices
near the average value of commodities.
Competition may still dictate prices in
the International market, while the
home market, completely under the
control of the monopolist, has to pay
for his commodities "all that the traffic will bear." .
In other words, a loss ln the productivity of labor must be borne by the
laboring class as consumers. A gain
in the productivity of labor, which
might benefit them as consumers, ls
secured at the expense of their health
and strength in the process of production.
Where the exploitation of the consumers is due to a raise in prices, it
may take place with or without
changes in the value of the products.
A mere change in the distribution of
products over certain areas and the
shifting of vast masses of laborers
from some localities to others. Improvements of transportation facilities,
etc., may suffice to permit a manipulation of prices in some local markets
through fluctuations in the proportions, between the supply of products
and the demand for them. The laborers as a class cannot escape from
this see-saw between the capitalists.
The capitalists own all the essential
means of production and circulation.
This enables them to keep practically
all the benefits of price fluctuations in
the pockets of their own class.
At any rate, it is evident, even from
the historical evidence presented so
far, that Marx was well aware of the
fluctuations of prices around values,
and of the possibility of an exploitation of consumers ln addition to their
exploitation as producers.
The first volume of "Capital" indeed
starts out from the proposition that
commodities are sold at their values.
But Marx leaves no doubt, even in this
volume, that this does not apply, as a
rule, to the individual commodities. It
applies to society as a whole, or to
large spheres of production in society,
over long periods of time in such a way
that the fluctuations of prices around
values compensate each other.
But does not Marx, tn this volume,
quote examples of individual capitals,
which sell their commodities at their
value? Yes, he does. But he wants
us to understand that these are capitals of average composition, that is,
capitals which have the same organic
composition as the average capital of
society as a whole, or of whole spheres
of production. And where he uses
such illustrations, he does so for the
purpose ot simplifying the problem.
This is quite a permissable practice,
and is customary ln all sciences. Marx
does not make this assumption alone.
He also assumes, in the first volume,
that the entire constant capital is used
up in the production of a certain small
quantity of commodities, or that there
is no constant capital at all. Such assumptions do not signify by any means
that this Is the actual rule In reality.
These examples are abstractions,
which are stripped of more or less of
their surrounding realities. And they
serve no other purpose than that of
making the problem and its understanding easy for the reader.
In this first volume, Marx does not
Inquire into the relation of prices' to
value. His task in this volume is
rather to find out what exchange-value
is and how it Is measured, in order to
demonstrate the way in which surplus-
value is produced and capital concentrated. Therefore he sets value equal
to price, abolishing all the difficulties
which are thrown around value by the
competitive struggle. But he abolishes them only in Imagination, not ln
Now we have already seen that an
exploitation of the consumer Is poBsf
ble not only through a competitive
fluctuation of prices around values, but
also by changes of value due to
changes In the productivity of labor.
I shall not pay any attention here ttj,
the different causes to which a change
in the productivity of labor may be
due. Whether It be due to technical
Improvements, to natural powers, to
an intensification of labor, to a prolongation of the unpaid labor time, all
this does not concern us here. What
we are concerned in here is not the
various ways In which exploitation In
production is possible and intensified,
but the various ways in which a disproportion between the various values
of other commodities than labor-power
results in a virtual reduction of the
purchasing power of the same wages.
We are all agreed that exploitation
In production Is the primary and fundamental evil which saps at our
strength and liberty as a class. Every
Comrade knows that I combat this evil
as uncompromisingly as any other
class-conscious proletarian. What I
want to accomplish by proving a secondary exploitation in consumption, !s
to show that even apparent improvements of the laboring class through
changes between the proportion of wages and the prices and values of other commodities are in reality for the
greater part veiled means of exploitation. Not to substitute reform for revolution, but to Intensify the revolutionary spirit, that Is the object of this
Now, where is there any evidence
tn the first volume of "Capital" which
would prove that an exploitation of
the laborer as a consumer through
changes in the value of other commodities is possible? Where is .the
evidence which would pr*ove that individual commodities are not sold at
their value, as Marx occasionally assumes, but at prices fluctuating around
This evidence is scattered all through
this volume, and a careful reader can
easily notice it. ' Space forbids an exhaustive array of quotations. I can
point out only a few hints, leaving the
Interested student to find others for
For Instance, on pages 618 and 619
of Volume I, Marx points out the actual condition ot the matter, as it is
in reality, and warns the reader that
he cannot discuss that condition in
Volume I, but will take it up in Volume HI. He says that the industrial
capitalist is by no means the sole and
ultimate owner of the surplus-value
extracted by htm from the laborer, but
only is first approprlator, and that
he has to share lt with other capitalists, merchants, landowners, etc. Only
for the purposes of Volume I Marx
Is going to assume that the capitalist
not only appropriates, but also keepB
the entire surplus-value extracted by
him from the laborer. A careful reader will naturally ask: How is it possible that the industrial must share his
surplus-value with other members of
the exploiting class, if commodities
are sold at their value?
Either all commodities are always
and everywhere sold at their full value. Then the capitalist must exchange
equivalent for equivalent with his com-
petitors, and in that case, the total
amount of his surplus-value remains
the same and he keeps it and does not
share it with others. Or, individual
commodities are not always sold at
their value, and in that case, of
course, some capitalists get more, others less of the surplus-value than their
competitors. For instance, If an industrial capitalist sells a certain quantity of commodities to some wholesale
merchant, and the wholesaler has to
sell the same commodities to some retail merchants, who have to sell these
goods at a certain prevailing market
price, then it is evident that the industrial capitalist must sell his goods at
less than their full value to the wholesale merchant, and that the wholesale
merchant must sell these goods to the
retailers at a price which leaves to
them some of the surplus-value of the
Industrial capitalist.
The vulgar conception ln such a
case is that the industrial capitalist
sells his goods at a price determined
by competition, and regardless of value, that the wholesaler adds his profit to his purchase price, and the retailers do the same. But Marx's theory of value has precisely shown that
this is a mistake. It is true that the
price of commodities is regulated by
competition. But competition cannot
determine the value of commodities,
and the capitalists, as a class, cannot
get rich by cheating each other. The
value of the commodities must first be
created by labor, before competition
can regulate the fluctuations of prices
around It. Additional profits may, indeed, be made by individual capitalists through additions of their surplus
profit to the average profit. But as a
class, the capitalists cannot make any
Burplus profits In that way. They can
get profits as a class only by sharing ln
the surplus-value of the Industrial capitalist. Consequently the industrial
capitalist cannot, as a rule, sell his
commodities at their full value.
Marx has warned his readers of this
state of affairs, but many readers persistently overlook his warning, because
they have a preconceived vulgar theory of value In mind, with which such
a state of affairs Is not reconcilable.
And instead of changing their preconceived notions in conformity with
Marx's warning, they prefer to attribute their vulgar theory of value to
Marx and then to hurl Invectives at
those who may try to open their eyes
to this fact.
If Marx, in Volume I, had really
meant to say that all commodities are
always and everywhere sold at their
full value, then such capitalist econ
omists as Bohm-Bawerk, Sombart,
Welsengrun and others would be right
in claiming that he shifted his position in Volume III. But this is jUstl
what he did not do. He merely started out from an assumption simplifying
the problem, always keeping in mind
that it was merely an assumption,
warning his readers of this state of
affairs, and working consistently toward the point where he could use
his basic analyses as a foundation for
a thorough discussion of the actual
state of affairs.
Engels, ln his preface to the first
English translation of Volume I, likewise calls attention to this circumstance, on page 29. He says that the
classic bourgeois economy had been
perfectly aware that both profits and
rents are but subdivisions of the unpaid surplus-value and that the industrial capitalist Is only the first approprlator, but not the "ultimate exclusive owner" of this surplus-value.
Again, on pages 86-87, we read: "The
determination of the magnitude of value by labor time is therefore a secret
hidden under the apparent fluctuations
In the relative values of commodities."
Here, once more, a' careful reader
will ask himself: A secret? What secret? Either the commodities are
sold at their values, and then the "relative fluctuations of value" cannot give
rise to any secrets, for then it must be
evident that these values fluctuate according to the quantity of labor ma-
terialied in them. Or, the commodities are not sold at their values, and
then, of course, something else than
labor may be hidden behind the relative fluctuations of their labor-value,
and their money-value, and in that
case, indeed, it is necessary to find
out what secret lies at the bottom of
the relations between the relative fluctuations, whether it is labor or competition, in the last analysis.
Then there is a whole chapter ln Volume I, namely, chapter V, page 173
and ft., dealing with the "Contradictions in the General Formula of Capital," every page of which calls attention to the differences between the theoretical aspects of the question of value and the actual condition of affairs
in the sphere of circulation.
In this chapter Marx shows that surplus-value is not created In the sphere
of circulation; that mere exchanges between buyers and sellers can neither
add nor subtract from the labor-values
thrown into circulation by the sphere
of production; that the problem of val-
lue must be analyzed flrst on the assumption that supply and demand balance each other, and that this amounts practically to an admission that
commodities are sold at their value in
society as a whole; that for society as
a whole the gains and losses of buyers
and sellers compensate each other. The
question ls: Where does the value
come from in the flrst place? It comes
from the unpaid labor of the wage laborers in production.
These are direct hints that prices
fluctuate around values in the sphere
of circulation, and that the sale of commodities at their value must not be understood literally. And when this Is
grasped, lt is easy to see that while
haggling between buyers and sellers
cannot change the labor-value of commodities, it can and does change their
money-value, their prices, and that the
gains and losses of individual buyers
and sellers compensate themselves
only over long periods of fluctuations
in society as a whole.
In chapter X, dealing with the working day, illustrations abound which
show that commodities are not sold at
their values. For Instance, in section
3 of that chapter, Marx refers to the
"underselling bakers," who do not sell
bread at the "full price" and yet work
their employees longer than the "full-
price bakers."
If this bread had been sold at Its value, as the vulgar theory of value wlll
have It, these bakers could not have
undersold their competitors, but would
have had to sell at a higher price than
they. "Even the bourgeois Intellect,"
Bays Marx ln that place, "understands
the position of the 'underselling' masters. 'The unpaid labor of the men
was made the source whereby the competition wsb carried on.'"
In other words, the employees of the
underselling bakers performed more
surplus labor, consequently materialized more value In their product. The
underselling bakers, however, did not
sell this bread at its higher value, but
at a lower value than the normal bread.
They gave up some of the unpaid value created by their employees, but still
made a profit, because they had a larger quantity of bread to sell and because they adulterated it."
It will not do In this case to say that
the productivity of the labor of these
employees created a greater product
and materialized the same value ln a
greater quantity of bread, consequently put a smaller quantity of value into
each Individual bread. For the magnitude of value is measured by labor
time, and the labor time was prolonged. Yet this bread of greater value
was sold more cheaply than the better
and cleaner bread in which a smaller
value had been materialized.
The consumers received cheaper
bread, but it was adulterated and produced by an increased exploitation of
the laborers who baked it. Tbe producing laborer was more exploited and
the consuming laborer was cheated, because his cheaper bread was less pure
and less wholesome. Double exploitation, and the bread sold below value at
On page 344, Marx says that surplus
labor may be prolonged by overstepping the normal .limits of the necessary labor and reducing wages to the
very Minimum, or even below that
minimum. "Despite the important part
which this method plays in actual practice, we are excluded from considering
it in this place, by our assumption that
all commodities, including labor power,
are bought and sold at their full value."
Is it necessary to continue this list
of examples? Every reader of the first
volume of "Capital" can multiply them
at his own pleasure by following up
these hints. The whole volume is full
of them. Marx confined himself to
mere hints, because he was analyzing
the production of surplus-value, not the
question of individual consumption.
•But this does not signify by any means
that individual consumption does not
play an Important part in Marxian economics. Nor does it mean that Marx
was unaware of any exploitation of the
consumer. On the contrary, he was
well aware of It, pointed It out continually, and did not intend to furnish
any material for any vulgar theory of
value by his temporary assumption
that all commodities were sold at their
value. This assumption was mainly
his theoretical starting point for the
inquiry into the problem, how it ls
that prices fluctuate around value, and
how these fluctuations lead to a distribution of the surplus-value among' different members of the exploiting classes by means of an average rate of
But why didn't Marx write at least
one chapter on exploitation in consumption? Because his principal aim
was to supply the class-conscious proletariat with the scientific basis for
an understanding of the cause of its
class struggle. These causes are found
in the process of production, not In the
consumption of commodities. It is the
economic function of classes in production that determine their historical
role in the class struggle. The exploitation of the consumers strikes all
classes and does not lead to a sharp
demarcation of class lines.
Nevertheless the class-conscious proletariat cannot afford to ignore exploitation in consumption. It cannot afford to ignore any fact, however trifling, that affects its welfare. It cannot
afford to ignore the truth in any field
of human life. On the contrary, much
of the energy of its representatives under the capitalist system of production must necessarily be directed
against this exploitation in consumption, this reduction of the purchasing
power of wages. And ln fact all the
Socialist Parties having representatives in public bodies have a program
which aims to lessen the exploitation
of the laborer as a consumer. This
does not mean that these representatives have,given up the fight against
the exploitation ln production, which
ls the determining cause of the class
struggle between wage workers and
capitalists. It merely means that they
are trying to curtail the lesser evils of
Capitalism while they are organizing
the revolution which shall abolish the
entire capitalist system.
In El Paso, Texas, at Taft's coming,
all well-known Socialists mysterously
vanished. Their friends subsequently
discovered them in jail and were informed that that is where they would
have to stay till after the President
of Free America had safely taken his
departure.    Very   fine.
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Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of tbe revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore
master; the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession ' of the
reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to
protect and defend their property rights ln the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.'
* The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever increasing measure
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The interest of the working class lies In the direction of setting '
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The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist
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Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
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1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property In the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into the collective property ot the
working class.
2. The democratic organization and management, of Industry
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S. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when in office, shall always and everywhere until the present system is abolished, make the answer to
this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests of the working class and aid the workers ln
their class struggle against capitalism? If It will the Socialist
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In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledge*
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