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Western Clarion Oct 22, 1910

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 'i£TOR!A, 3*2:
NO. 602.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Oct. 22, 1910.
subscription Price  gk| n|
PiR v»aa        • I.U1J
Commsrcialisation of The (Musical World
During the past twenty years there
[has been an interesting development
{in the art of music.   The growth of
(the  younger  Italian   School  in  such
(noted musicians as Franchette, Mas-
Icagni,   Leoncavalll   and   Puccini   and
[the love and admiration in which Des-
Ibrisay  and  Sibelius  are held, seems
fto point to a revival of Ihe old "Italian
day."   It is necessary to look into this
I matter and see what is prompting this
[revival.   Is it the increasing "interest"
[by the working class?   Is It the en-
[ lightened education of the rich class?
[ The aristocratic and plutocratic class
r have a monopoly of these great works,
1 except ln those places where they pay
' or subsidize the municipality  for the
i presentation   of   opera..    The   whole
world of music Is now completely dominated by a few Individuals who determine what shall, and shall not be produced.   The proprietor of the present
composer takes care of him in so keen
a manner that no other manager can
get anywhere near him.   The change
in  musical  appreciation comes  from
tbe ever debasing element in capitalist  society,   that   is—profit—and  yet
again profit.
Notice carefully the manner of
touring the English provinces and the
various circuits in. the U. S. A. and
Canada. Have the audience ever wondered what caused the beautiful melodic outbursts? Had they ln their mind
that "Madame Buterfly," "Pagliacci,'
"Cavallerla Rusticana," "Germania,"
were the sole products of their respective composers, Puccini, Leonca-
valli, Mascagni or Franchette? Did
they ever know that those operas,
whilst attributed to them, were the results of years of learning before even
they were born? Is It likely that those
operas could have been produced but
for the contrapuntal grammar Cheru-
binl? It is doubtful! The musical
"genius" is one who has adapted himself more completely to the new conditions.
That mankind benefits hy experience
and social contact, cannot be denied
and no greater example of that truism I
can be found than in the works of
Puccini and Hlchard Wagner. To take
the Italian first, if we examine his
works we find that from "Le Villi" to
Manon Lescant, La Boheme, and finally "Madame Butterfly," there Is a vast
improvement in every way, due only
to the Increased knowledge of the
works of olher musicians. As a work
from the orchestral standpoint "Madame Butterfly" is greater than all Pu-
clni's other works put together. But
how does it differ? Simply that as
mankind in every sphere of life is imitative, he has used the Prelude to the
third act as Wagner used his "ritor-
nelle" in act four of "Lohengrin" and
as Mascagni uses the Intermezzo in
"Cavallerla Rusticana." It is merely
showing off. But it is commendable,
and upon first hearing It I stated it
would be as popular in 20 years time
as the famous intermezzo. The Improvement In all musicians and theii'
compositions is due to music having a
social relationship. Tbe thoughts of
the genii of the past make and have
an Influence on those of the present.
It Ib because of that fact that we, as
Socialists, claim that the products of
men's brains are not their own, but undoubtedly belong to the society or period that produced them as human beings. So that their fertility in the musical art should be utilized In the interests of society and not any individual, because no individual produced
The influence of ideas upon music ls
an illustration that can be forced
very vividly to the fore. The indisputable fact that the social conditions
have made for the thoughts of musicians; the undeniable truth of Marx
that the environment or economic
conditions produced the thoughts is
more and best proven ln the realm of
music. What is a better proof, than
that Rubensteln, Mendelssohn, Mosch-
eles, Holery, Meyerbeer and Goldmark
all brought up ln a Jewish environment, produced Jewish operas. How
Is lt that they did not got away from
their early   teachings  and   surround
ings? Their surroundings determined
their thoughts, and their thoughts
were put Into music. Take the latter,
Goldmark, and you find in his "Queen
of Shcba" traces of Wagner in galore.
He has "plagarlzed." Chunks of matter have been taken from Wagner's
operas. Then the incoming of the
"Queen of Sheba," with the fanfare
and majestic march, makes one note
the remarkable similarity between
that and "Le Prophete," and the "War
March of the Priests" from "Athalie.'
The whole opera abounds with an
cienl. traditional melody of the Hebrews. Why is it the Hebrews always
go to a Hebrew topic for their opera?
Simply because this environment compels them to. Just as I am compelled
to write In English because it is the
language that my environment determined shall be mine.
The environment has made for the
national tastes in folk songs and air.
Could Chopin have done his work as
he did without Polish songs having existed? What made for the mournful
tones of Edward Grieg's music? Only
the ancient Norwegian sagas and the
traditional airs of that country. Tscha-
ckowski could not have been able to
work the wonders he did without having had the experience in local "color."
Sir Edward Elgars' concert overture
"In the South" could not have been
created but for his sojourn in. Italy.
Most of the famous symphonies have
been reminiscences of the composer's
experience. Take another illustration.
Listen to the overture to the "Flying
Dutchman" and you will see or hear
the experience of Richard Wagner
when he was nearly wrecked in the
North Sea on his passage to London.
Wagner preslents a remarkable lex-
ample of the effect of environment on
an individual. Take his "Tannhauser,"
there you see the riotous soul much
as you see in the early works of
Shakespeare. Gradually it quietens
down until, when peace was assured
hlm, he gave to the world the greatest
masterpiece music has produced
"Parsifal." He could not have done
it had he ended his days in poverty
like Mozart and Shubert.
The development in appreciation of
music is not one that originates in a
.lesire to understand it. The rich with
Iheir patronage don't understand music. The "elite of society" only go
to the opera because it is the fashion.
They go to classical concerts because
they expect to see Lady So-and-So with
her latest capture or else Miss Demi-
Monde's new tiara, presented to her
by some capitalist shark. The attendance at the Halle's Concerts ln Manchester, and the Queen's Hall orchestral concerts In London, is not a musical one. It is far from lt. I remember one concert In November 1907.
where tehwohle evening was devoted
to Wagner's work's. The orchestra
played the "Good Friday Music" from
"Parsifal." Barely two hands in the
audience clapped. A moment after
they were demanding an encore for the
silly outburst, "Senta's Ballad" from
the "Flying Dutchman." The first
named from "Parsifal" Is the ripe, full
production of a masterly mind, inspiring in every way, expressing emotion
almost indescribable by words, and
the latter was the amatuerlsh outburst
of the same author, with little or no
knowledge of melody, and can be compared as a pair of pincers to a delicate
surgical instrument.
But the audience in the Free Trade
Hall, Manchester, numbering 3,000 at
least that night gave an evidence that
music was not what they wanted, they
wanted to be present and bored and
say it was nice, when they had as
much idea about it as a sausage knows
of sociology or the solar system.
Musical adherents today, speaking
of those who subsidize it, are nothing
less than a set of "posers" who try to
make believe they love art. The prima
donna too, ls no better, she, Instead
of taking that Interest to her elevating art, dresses to kill, or rather undresses to kill. Mary Garden as Salome, I thought a wonderful creation,
but  lt lacked  Salome  and  was  too
much Mary Garden and her dressing
The production of opera in New
York and Paris, like that in London is
subject to the likes and dislikes of
the artistes engaged, who stipulate
what roles they are to appear in. That
causes them to show to advantage and
thereby the real object is kept out.
At least half of the operas produced
to-day would never see light but for
the fact that "great" singers shine in
them. There is no musical merit at
all in any of the operas Tetrazzini
stars in. But the managers want profit so the diva has to sing music to
draw a large audience.
Opera and its present day production is one organized conspiracy for
commercialising art. "Le Nogge de
Figaro" or "Don Giovanni" of Mozart
who was poverty stricken, are produced for profit. Musical comedy, that
hideous abortion of theatrical libertines, is produced and is more popular because the sombreness of life
for the workers needs dismissing.
Hence "musical comedy," which is
never musical because of its unmitigated balderdash, and isn't comedy because of its lack of farcical situations.
The real development of music must
be stultified, whilst "entrepeneur" are
out for lining their pockets out of the
sweat and misery of the choruses.
Whilst capitalism lasts, it will be tbe
constant endeavor to profit by the slavery of the workers, and that means
singing becomes a "profession" instead of an art.
The methods adopted today by some
kind and philanthropic capitalists are
being commended in certain circles.
Cadbury's at their Cocoa factory ln
Bournevllle and Lyons at'the factory
in London, have realized that music
hath charms. No longer do the girls
when packing tea or cocoa sing "Auld
Lang  Syne"  or   "Annie   Laurie,"  or
"Among the Ancient Mountains." No!
There is installed in both factories
magnificent pipe organs and in order
to relieve the monotony an organist
plays beautiful "airs" whilst the girls
work. Kind, isn't it? The girls don't
sing unaccompanied now. They don't
hum slow music. Now an organ plays
marches and quick music for them and
suiting the action to the sound, they
fill more boxes or packets of tea.
Music has its uses. It can inspire
one. It can be used as a tonic. It is
one of the greatest of society's productions. I want to revel ln It. I want
to enjoy it. My fellow slaves ought
to enjoy it. But it is the monopoly of
a leisured class. I can't go to Bay-
reuth. I cannot have time as a slave
to listen to the creations of musicians.
That is left to those who have the
time. The working class being a slave
class only have sufficient time to sleep
off the effects of their day's toil, when
they have it. Therefore there is no
opportunity as a class for them to
see opera. What proportion of the
working class in this country, or the
old country, have ever seen or heard
Caruso and Emmy Destinn in "Madame
Butterfly," or Calve as "Carmen," or
Burrlam in "Seigfried," or Lena Cav-
aleri in "Thais" or "Herodiade." How
many have heard about them? Very
Music some day may stand on a
higher plane than it does at present,
I feel sure It will when the working
class control and administrate industry. Operatic production will be understood. Music will be loved because
it will AH in one function that society
should have, amd that is placing humanity on a higher scale of intelligence, a„d the giving of the best by
each of us to all mankind. But Socialism alone can do that. Would you
help it forward?
(By "Old Bill.")
Their lives are lives of quiet tint,
you seldom see their names in print,
but, in their quiet earnest way, they
do their little day by day; in mine,
in factory, mill and shop, they let a
word in season drop, the message
others to them gave they pass on to
their fellow slave. They bear a message plain and clear, a message fraught
with hope and cheer. They say, "you
must your power show, you would be
free, well, strike the blow." And now
a slave to think they make, and now
a Clarion sub. they take, or, perhaps
a book or pamphlet pass on to some
member of their class and many homely reasons plead, why Socialist books
he ought to read, and if he reads and
reads ln vain, they think it pleasure to
explain what he has failed to understand, till by-and-bye, ln heart and
hand he's with us, his delusions gone,
he helps to bear the message on. Upon the work of such aa these, who
every fair occasion seize, always alive
to seek or make a chance their fellow
slaves to wake, upon such Is our movement based and in such must our
hopes be placed.
The speaker with the well known
name, the writer with the pen of flame,
the organizer who may be renowned
for his ability, and even those whose
names we see affixled with letters
M.P.P., while they are useful In their
way, are not the ones who'll win the
day. They have a part to play, no
doubt, but, In a pinch, we'd do without.
(We can do better with of course, they
add a little to our force.) But 'tis in
those who flnd delight and joy
and glory ln the fight, whose
ambition is to strive till ev'ry
fetter, ev'ry gyve, is stricken from
the working class, till HUerty
has come to pass, till every dungeon
door's flung wide, till needless sorrow's tears are dried, until no helpless women groan to hear their starving babies moan, till there are none
who want for bread, till workers
cease their blood to shed in masters
wars—till wars Bhall cease, till comes
at last, the Age of Peace, until on all
the world around shall not a slave or
lord be found; on such as these the
work must fall, our hope'B ln them or
not at all. Ah, well; the fight is long
and tough, but, by-and-bye we'll get
enough of such as these of whom I've
writ, and when we've got them, good
and fit, why 'tis the easiest thing to
guess—we'll up and take the World, no
Time for Labor to do its Own Thinking
The nature of the swindle that he is
the victim of, is, to the average working man, a difficult problem to solve,
though on the surface it may appear to
be a simple proposition. He knows that
he gets the worst of the deal, and attributes It to some varying process
which balks him on getting fair wages
and cheats him on what he buys with
them. To him, this is the source of
profit. But that knowledge doesn't
seem to give him any definite plan of
action except to strike, and even then
the problem is never settled, conditions for the most part remaining unchanged, or getting worse.
With so much of his energy used
up in seeking a job and holding it
when found, he often finds that the
mental effort required in solving a
matter so perplexing is somewhat beyond his capacity; at least, this is
true of a large number of the working class. They seem willing to delegate the solution to others, and by
such an attitude tacitly admit the inability of much light being thrown on
the subject from within their own
ranks, if the question is ever to be
settled they must think it out for themselves. When this is pointed out to
them by some of their own class, they
resent the inference implied.
With the mental pabulum dished out
to them in the daily press and popular
magazines they sometimes disagree as
to details, but they have hitherto, com-
fsciously or otherv"ise, accepted its
teachings which, of course, are essentially antagonistic to their own interests. From such sources we have been
told that the universal rise ln tbe cost
of commodities has been due to the
all round increase in wages for labor,
granted by the employing class— Manufacturers and distributers. Again,
it has been stated quite as often that
Hot campaign in Fernie. Comrades
Hawthornthwaite, O'Brien and Gribble
are on' the job. Comrade Pettlplece
is helping Comrade Bennett, the candidate, to get the Ledger out as a
dally. John Harrington has been there
all the time. So it is going to cost
Mr. Ross real money to hold his seat.
Also the scrap will cost us something
and donations are in order. Local
Vancouver No. 1 has already come up
with JI 00.00, and No. 45 with $10.00.
Get in line and send the money to D.
Paton, Box 101, Fernie, B. C.
Comrades away from the spot, and
non Socialists on the spot will see
in the Socialist poll for Fordsburg
and Commissioner Street, what ts
usually described as a "Rout." Such
people could never make a greater
error. An army must first set out to
win before it can be routed. Our attitude is best illustrated by the strong
man who appears at the local bioscope
entertainment, and, in the course of
his exhibition, permits a small boy to
batter with bare fist his (the strong
man's) chest and stomach.
The Johannesburg Socialists—and
we presume other Socialist candidates
did the same—set out for another purpose than to carry a constituency. In
the first place we had to establish our
distinct identity, apart from all other
forms of organizations, whether Capitalist or Labor.
Through the Ignorant and arrogant
attitude adopted towards us by the
Labor leaders, we were forced to fight
constituences which contained a decidedly un-Soclallst electorate. Not
one member of our party resided or
had a vote in either Commissioner
Street or FordBburg. We have been inclined to be rather
Both candidates Btood—for the first rough in our treatment of patriotism
time in Transvaal history—for revolu- at times. This Is not altogether fair.
tlonary principles, and they were the It ls perfectly correct to love onr conn-
only two candidates ln the Transvaal try, that ls, those ot us who own any
who refused to draw the color line.      of it
On the Sunday evening prior to the
elections, Comrade Crawford held a
platform meeting on the Market
Square for two hours and a half, arguing on the question of Color and at
more than one time it looked a dead
certainty that he would be torn to
pieces by an ignorant mob. More than
one person declared that thousands of
pounds could not induce them to defend the same principles before a mob
on the eve of an election which was
fought most largely on the question
of the probable extension of the Color
Voters In Fordsburg and Commissioner Street recognized that we were
out for propaganda.
They knew our candidates had no
hope of being returned because they
said so.
To the charge that they were splitting the vote the candidates invariably
answered; "We don't want your votes.
Give them to SampBon or Duncan, or
Our antl-Labor-Het-Volk alliance propaganda, however, beat Krause and
Andrews in Fordsburg, and reduced
Sampson's majority to 40 when otherwise it would have exceeded five times
that number.
It was quite understood that our
candidates were not. out for votes and
only the fact that their refusal to claim
them would have been tantamont to
saying: "Don't vote for us. Vote Unionist," prevented them from doing so.
The Labor Party have ns to thank for
THEIR rout at the polls. THEY tried
to get in and stooped to all the artifice and contrivance of the acrobatic
politicians to gain votes. Their results can, therefore, be described as
a "rout" of the most through and deserving order.
The election contest waa decided
forward step in the history of the
Transvaal and of South Africa.—Voice
of Labor.
in the demand for higher wages labor
has justified its action and won Its
case by giving proof of the advanced
cost of living.
The above statement sounds like a
joke, but the economics of the capitalist press is full of such jokes. It
ought not to require a very keen intellect to see that one rise, offsetting another, leaves the relative position unchanged and therefore the fact "explained" is the exact opposite of the
Intention. Such things are passed over
as of little consequence by the average working class reader of these
journals. He has a way of his own in
questions of this sort, arriving at conclusions by a little surface scratching, apparently satisfied with the results obtained. Around election time
he is especially wobbly, and has been
known here in Vancouver to be quite
generous in the bestowal of his franchise, marking his ballot so as to favor, as equally as his five votes allowed,
the Socialist, Conservative and Liberal candidates, thus demonstrating his
deep-rooted belief in fair play—though
some may conclude otherwise.
It is not to be interred from the
foregoing that to economic pressure Is
ascribed the reason why so many ot
the working class take little Interest in
the study of their place in the social,
world. Many well grounded socialists-
have all along faced just as hard conditions of life as they, in fact It was
that very thing that made them think
and act. Nor should it be construed
that the non-socialists, be their individual circumstances what they may,
are lacking in the capacity of mind to
grasp the Socialist proposition, that
would indeed be an absurd contention.-
It may be that Ihey are yet unaquaint-
ed with our propaganda and literature,
or that feeble and misdirected efforts
have failed to interest them. Perhaps
the fault lies in no few instances, with
those, who, knowing the solution ot
the labor problem, fall to lend their
aid to the cause. The conditions that
first stir in the workers the spirit of
enquiry differ more or less with each
individual, but the general characteristics are alike—dissatisfaction with
the present mode of existence and a
growing consciousness of their complete dependence on another class.
Their training has given them however, conceptions of material things
totally at variance with the actual
facts, and numerous prejudices to contend with also. These are not brushed
aside at once and the chances are,
that before they hear much of Socialism, they have strong leanings towards
reforms. Their early ideas of socialism are that it is merely advanced, or
radical, reform; they bave yet to learn
that reforms, no matter how wide their
scope, are but patchwork schemes altering and rearranging the superstructure of society, but leaving the foundations untouched.
Now, there are many sincere people
who think they are Socialists, but who
are merely idealists. They are like
the traveller from Altruria. He siwaks
of the future, of the land of "Will Be,"
knowing little of the present. Yot bis
story is strangely like the present, enlarged and glorified, a sort of industrial paradise wherein the evils, that
follow as a necessary corollary of the
capitalist system we live under, some
how or other are left out of the picture. This may at first please the beginner, If he gives ear to It at all; but
lt is starvation diet and he soon turns
away to fall back upon petty reforms
or eventually to study the problem
from the standpoint of Marxian economics. Thus, instead of being the flrst
It Is usually the last thing ho Stumbles
on, which makes tin' task of displacing
the cobwebs that years of training
have woven around his brain, anything
but an easy ("no. Nevertheless, once
it dawns upon Mm that he Is merely a
Blave among slaves, his class consciousness is at lust awakening and
henceforth, his economic freedom be
comes his sole aim in tin- united struggle of his class to wrest from the capitalist possessors the control of Ihe
means of life for all.
Published every Saturday by the
Socialist Party of Canada, at the Office
of the Western Clarion, Flack Block
Basement, 166 Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
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next issue.        	
Not so long ago one of the party's
organizers was asked whether he
would be a Socialist if he had $250,-
•000 a year, or some such modest competence. He replied that he would
not. Whereupon he was denounced
as one utterly unworthy and as being
■"in it for what's in it."
What was that someone said about
a saving sense of humor? Certainly
it was not manifested here, nor sense
• of proportion, nor any sense we know
• of. To propound the riddle — what
would you do, If—may be all very well
in the pleasant pastime of baiting a
Bpeaker; but to proceed solemnly to
resolute upon the result looks rather
like tempting the fool-killer to Justifiable homicide.
For one thing, were a man, lecturing on Socialism "for what is in it,"
asked that question, what would his
answter naturally be? Would he not,
after the manner of the "Little Giant,"
May his hand on his watch-pocket and
dramatically declaim that so transcendent was his love of suffering humanity that all the wealth of the Indies
■would not swerve him from his. alle-
■ glance to tbe great cause? At any
i rate, the last thing he would say
would be what the organizer in ques-'
i tlon said. Moreover the Idea of anyone organizing for the S. P. of C. "for
what's in it" is quite funny in itself.
If it is true, and the living that can
thuB be obtained is sufficiently velvety
to.be regarded as graft, then "Chinese
cheap labor" Is deprived of all its
peril. No Oriental could compete in
the wage market with an Anglo-Saxon
•whose standard of living is so frugal.
Bnt, anyhow, we don't believe that
ergaiilzer. Were he to be raised from
"His present position to one of affluence,
•which is evidently what the question
meant, it is altogether probable that
he would yet remain a Socialist. Not
because of his love of humanity, but
because he would be unable to shake
off the knowledge he has acquired
and the convictions which have grown
on him. Truth could not readily become untruth because of (1250,000 a
year, even if he so "willed" it, for
those facts and convictions have become a part and parcel of himself.
To assume that his material interests
would then be opposed to social revolution is to place an altogether unwarranted narrow interpretation upon the
term material Interests, and completely to neglect the particular formation
•of "individual" upon which these circumstances would be acting.
On the other hand, were the question to be taken to mean—"if you had
"11250,000 a year, would you be a Socialist," that is, become a Socialist, then
we would be Inclined to agree with
the organizer in saying, "No." Speaking for ourself, had we had *250,000
a [year, it is extremely unlikely that
we would ever have been a Socialist
As it was, In spite of being a charter
member of the propertyless proletariat, we had a hard enough time getting a working knowledge of our own
enslavement. Certainly, with money
to burn, only the most exceptional circumstances could ever have brought
us a realization of the enslavement of
Anyway, our sympathies are with
the organizer; even if he was in error,
it was an error in the right direction.
He thought he was telling a truth and
did not appear to care whether it was
palatable to his audience or not. And
we are not altogether sure if we would
not rather hear a party organizer once
in a while unknowingly tell an unpleasant untruth than have him seek
to carry favor with hl'J auditors by
telling even pleasant truths.
ate: NTS
we solid- the business of Manufacturers,
Kngiuf en. aud others w ho realize llie advisability of baring their Patent business transacted
by Experts. Prelimlimryadvice ffee. Charges
snodcxatr. Our Inventor's Adviser seut upon
reqoest Marion & Marion, New York I.ife nldg,
Montreal: rud Washington, U.C., U.S.A.
"Myself when young did eagerly
Doctor and Saint, and heard great
About It and about, but evermore
Came out by the same door where
in I went. "
A comrade, for whose perspicacity
and acumen we have the greatest respect, suggested recently that we
should change the name of this publication from the "Western Clarion,"
to the "Western Controversy." Furnish, as it were, an arena wherein opposing ideas might grip each other in
deadly embrace. The suggestion ls
not altogether unwarranted.
In the Socialist movement are a
great many active and enthusiastic
minds, a large number of which have
been suddenly loosened from ancient
dogmas and ordered lines of thought.
These, like young bulls that havh
broken their stalls, bound into fresh
intellectual pastures and proceed to
vigorously disport themselves.
The healthy Intellect that thus finds
itself freed from the restrictions of
tradition, becomes intoxicated with
one fresh idea after another, that is,
fresh to it, and usually challenges the
world to mighty disputation. We
speak equally as much from experience as from observation. From such
as these rises the smote of battle that
oft beclouds the pages of the Clarion.
After a time, when the expected
world-explosion does not occur, when
the precision of events Is not appreciably disturbed, the pendulum again
finds Its centre of gravity and the recruit discovers that a tedious journey
fraught with bitter experience, lies
before him. He no longer hurls down
the gauntlet to all and sundry, ready
to debate on anything from the fourth
dimension to cholera morbus among
guinea pigs, but conforms himself to
the cold facts of every-day existence,
and carefully plants his seed where-
ever It is likely to grow.
What the working class needs is not
the splitting of mental lances over obscure questions, but a plain statement
of the facts that materially concern
it. Let us have more copy, but less
A despatch from France says that
through the prompt action of the government the backbone of the railway
strike has been broken.
Because the French state is a reflex of the material interests of the
French Bourgeoisie, just as the state
everywhere represents the interests of
the dominant economic class, it is asserted in some quarters that "the political end is a mere shadow." Surely,
we are not to believe that the lauded
industrial organizations of France are
afraid of shadows!
Evidently it is quite possible In human society, as in other departments
of Nature, for a solid to reflect the existence of another solid. When we see
the head of a snake in which a flrey
tongue venomously palpitates, it is an
indication that a slimy body lies beyond; but it does not follow that because the body is not visible, it ls
safe to take chances with the head.
The State is the power of the Capitalist class to subject the workers.
Wherever, in history, a given state
has crumbled, the might of a class has
disappeared, but seldom, if ever has
this been done by voting. Many well-
meaning persons often refer to historical battlefields as the "economic
Held." This is a great mistake, most
great battles have been fought for political purposes.
The ballot is an untried weapon, and
is, therefore, under suspicion. By untried, we mean that it has never been
effectively used in the interests of the
working class. The French strike, as
well as former strikes in that dynamic
land, teach a lesson that it would be
well for all workers to learn. The
workers of France, by neglecting their
political education, have allowed such
men as Briand to pose as Socialists,
to gain power and, naturally, out ot
all working class control or environment, to pass over to the enemy. Not
that Briand, personally matters anything to the working class, if he was
not there somebody else would be.
But the stigma that attaches to Socialism because of him, should not be laid
at his door, lt is the result of
a lack of political activity on
the part of the workers. On
the other hand, these same workers have demonstrated their inability
to cope with the State on the industrial field having been badly beaten by
it on successive occasions. It ls evident that, by merely voting, we leave
our politics in the hands of parliamentarians which is good for them and
bad for us, whether they be Socialists
or otherwise. If, however, we organize industrially, abjuring politics altogether, it is a tacit admission that
our masters are greater than we, he,
with his political machinery, usually
demonstrating that such Is Indeed the
What we need Is a political party of
the working class, one that not only
votes, but stands ready to act.
Local Toronto No. 24 Is still ln busi
ness, for the sole purpose of saving
our bodies, and Incidentally the rest
of the wage-plugs' bodies, from the
ravages of the wage system. Maybe
it's quite a philanthropic motive; but
we are renowned for our love of the
phllanthrop. Till recently we had
eight or nine, and shall I say, orators
who took the soap box, but king capital has done his best to break up the
happy family. Still we manage to deliver our message three times a week.
The Local Is in a healthy, flourishing
condition, we deal only in socialism
a la Marx, In fact, we never hear a
murmur even, of reform, but there's
lots of It outside the party here, some
even is served up as Socialism.
Though we lose some of our comrades occasionally, our loss is some
one else's gain, and anyway someone
steps ln and fills up the breach. One
comrade who now is one of our best,
used to attend our speakers class and,
generally standing alone, would take
exception to the S. P. of C. position
and supplant it with that of the I. L. P.
Let anyone now talk I. L. P. ism to
him and see him take pains to show
the fallacy of It. Comrade Baritz
was here a week or two ago and replied to his critics by lecturing on Socialism and religion. It was in the
open air and after a concise explanation and comparison of the two, he
had so antagonized his audience that
they gave him a collection of $8.00, 12
subs, for the Clarion and purchased
three volumes of Morgan's "Ancient
Comrade Simpson, our representative on the Board of Education has resigned on account of our wishing to
have jurisdiction over him as a member of the Royal Commission on Technical education. Since his resignation
he writes that he severed his connection with Local No. 24, because "they
requested me to do what I considered
a dishonorable act towards the government that appointed me a member
of the Commission." The resignation
is opportune, a Socialist talking of a
dishonorable act to the same government he so emphatically denounced
for sending the troops to Olace Bay to
shoot down the striking miners if necessary! Comment is needless. One
last point . Members are reminded
that the speakers class meets at the
headquarters every Thursday, is lt Indifference or interest.
A short time ago, one of the companies of the local military outfit gave
a farewell supper to one of their officers who was leaving town. Invitation cards were sent out to all the
members of the campany, reading
something like this:
You are to report yourself for strike
duty on August 1st, at the Mohawk
"Riot Act will be read at S p.m.
Captain A. Company.
Now what do you think ot that?
Doesn't lt show beautifully Just what
was uppermost in the minds of those
who drew up this most precious document? You will observe that It was
not to defend "their" country that we
hear so much about from the .laps or
the Russians or even the Yankees. Oh
no. Bless your life the military are
not needed for that kind of thing any
more. In fact we pay a bonus to the
"foreigner" when he comes as a labor
thief. But the point to be remembered ls that lt was thought fitting to call
a crowd of amateur militarists together for a feed by means of a fake
"strike duty" postcard.
Say, those poor working dubs who
compose the Dufferln Rifles of Canada
must feel cheap when they consider
what their masters use them for.
W. D.
"The alms of Socialism and the alms
of good men ln the old parties are not
very different after all," said a small
automobile manufacturer a short time
"You want to eliminate graft, to put
honest men ln office and make rich
men bear their just share of the taxes. You want to lower the prices on
necessities of life too, and so far the
whole middle class is with you. I am
a Near-Socialist myself."
He was sitting on a bench ln one of
Chicago's small parks and addressing
a Soclallst—a molder by trade, who
knows the economics of Karl Marx
from A. to Z.
I pricked up my ears ,to hear the
replies of the workingman.
"God Lord!" he exclaimed sitting up
abruptly, "somebody's been stringing
you. We're not as bad as that. Socialism is a working class movement
and It is not a problem of the wage-
workers to eliminate graft, nor to
lower taxes.
"Politicians do not graft off the
wroking class and propertyless proletarians do not pay taxes.
"The big capitalists oppose graft—
generally—on principle; there is an
element of uncertainly about it that
they do not approve and some day
when Big Business is dull, they'll take
time to stop the little graft leaks.
"Usually the grafters pass the big
pie by and soak it into the small
try like you.    You are an example,"
the  molder  continued, taking  a pull
at his pipe.
"You have a small automobile plant.
You pay the men who work for you as
little as you may. You sell the automobiles at a profit, of course, or you
wouldn't be in business. Your employes make the autos, but you do not pay
them what the machines are worth.
"Your problem ls low taxes, no graft
and low freight rates tbat will enable
you to compete with the big manufacturers.
"The problem of the wage-worker is
"Not at all; not at all" Interrupted
the Small Manufacturer, "the interests of my employes are Identical with
mine. If I fail financially In the competitive struggle, where will their jobs
"Gone, of course," the molder replied, "but then you will be forced Into
the ranks of the wage workers and
you will be ripe for socialism.
"Besides," he added, "low taxes and
honest office holders and the elimination of graft will not save you." The
small automobile manufacturer is
doomed. He hasn't enough capital to
compete with J. P. Morgan.
"Lok here," he said, "socialists have
just one great aim. This aim is the
only thing that makes them and their
movement different from other movements the world over. We mean to
"There is nothing else that can
really better the condition of Itbe
wage workers. Figure it any way and
revolution is the only answer.
"Suppose you and I lived in a town
with an absolutely nonest city administration, where taxes were just, as
you call it, and you couldn't find a
grafter with an X Ray.
"Suppose the city owned a coal yard
and a coal MINE and sold coal to
everybody at just half what they paid
in other cities.
"Suppose the city owned an electric light plant and the street car
system and we had 3-cent car fares,
and rents were 50 per oent. lower than
they were in nearby towns.
"Do you think all these things would
benefit tbe working class any? Well
they wouldn't; not a single bit. They
would only result ln making such a
city a temporary heaven upon earth
for the capitalist class.
"Let It be known that rents are low,
coal cheap and prices generally beiow
normal in one city and workingmen
and women will begin to beat lt In
that direction as fast as they cap raise
the car fare.
'And then what happens? Being a
manufacturer, you know what would
happen. The labor market is flooded,
over-crowded. Competition between
the workers for jobs becomes very
keen. Men who have brought their
families to the new land of promise,
offer to work for anything. Wages
fall everywhere—as they always do in
a crowded labor market—and the
workers here flnd themselves getting
just enough to live on as they do everywhere else In the world.
"An honest city administration
would not be able to GIVE THE
ot the AUTOMOBILES they produced
It would not stop your profits and that
is the aim of socialism.
"Mill hands ln China get something
like 30 cents a day," continued the
molder, "but 30 cents daily, provides
food, clothing and shelter ln China,
where it would take $2.00 a day to
secure the same degree of comfort
in Chicago and $4.00 or $5.00 to buy
the necessaries of life in Alaska."
"Well, reform ls good enough for
me" said the Small Manufacturer his
Irritation welling up and overflowing.
"Thank goodness there is no danger
of a lot of ignoramuses being able to
overturn so much as a peanut stand
during MY day."
"O I don't know" retorted the molder complacently, "there's an awful lot
of us, you know. We built the railroads and we run 'em and we have
made just about everything else ln the
world there is. We HAVE been a lot
of ignoramuses but we're getting wise.
All we want now is the earth," he added grinning, while the Small Manufacturer glared malignantly,—"the factories, the mines " but just
then a park policeman pushed his
way through the gathering crowd,
"No crowdin' allowed ln the park,"
he said, waving his club, and the Small
Manufacturer faded away and was
seen no more.
"Humph," said the molder under his
breath. "NEAR-Socialist! Lord deliver us from the NEAR-Socialists!"
—Mary E. Marcy in "International Socialist Review." •
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,   B.  C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D, G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communication*-!
regarding the movement in the province. i<\ Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary,
tlve Committee, Meets first and third
Tuesdays in the month at 12 1-2 Adelaide St. Any reader of the Clarion
desiring information about the movement in Manitoba, or who wishes to
join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned, W. H. Stebblngs,
Sec,  316 Good St., Winnipeg.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKlnnon's,
Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOOAL   VANCOUVEB,   B.  C.t  NO.  1-—
Canada.      Business     meetings     every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Westminster Ave.
P, Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 151
Hastings St. W. Secretary, Win.
LOOAL  LADYSMITH  NO.   10,  8.  P.  of
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. in headquarters on First Ave.
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmlth,
B. C.
LOCAL BOS8LAND, NO. 95, S. P. of O.,
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m, A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
765 Kosslund.
LOCAL   NELSON,  8.  P.   of  C,   MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p. m., In
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
LOCAL YMIB, B. O., No. 31, 8. P. of O.
—Meets every third Saturday in
month, at 7:30 p. in. E. Anderson,
Secretary; W. B. Mclsaae, Treasurer.
Unattached Comrades in the district
are earnestly requested to get in touch
with Secretary, who will answer all
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postonlce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor HaU, T,
Machin, Secretary, Box 647, A. Maedonald,   Organizer,   Box   647.
P. of C, meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall,
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9,
Miners'   Hall   and   Opera   House  at   8
p.m.   Everybody welcome to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake, 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
LETTISH—Meets every second and
last Sunday in the month, 2 p. m.
E. J. Weinberg, 40 Ave., South Hill.
J. Schogart, Secretary, Box 16i6,
Vancouver,   B.   C.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre. R.
Thomas, Secretary.
LOCAL NANAIMO,  NO.  8,  8.  ~. of O.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
_Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826.
LOOAL   PSBNIE,   8.   P.   of  C.   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union- Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting first Sunday ln each month,
same place at 2:30 p. in.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
meets every Sunday ln Miners' Union
Hall at 7:30 p. in. Business meetings,
1st and 3rd Sundaya of each month.
George Heatherton, Organizer; B. J.
Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
LOOAL VEBNON, B. C, 38, 8. P. Of C,
meets every second and last Friday in
each month. Chas. Chaney, Sec, Box
127 Vernon, B. C.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday In
hall in Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L, H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOOAL MICHEL, B. C, NO. 16, 8. P. OP
C.j meets every Sunday in Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
LOCAL MABA, B. C, NO. 34, 8. P. Of 0.,
Meets flrst Sunday in every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rose man,   Recording  Secretary.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts-
LOOAL      BEVBL8T0XE,      B.CSP.C —
Propaganda and business meetings at
8 p. m. every Sunday evening In the
Edison Parlor Theater. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are invited to attend. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
8. P. of C.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
LOCAL BE0IHA NO. 6, SASKATCHEWAN.—Meets every Sunday, 3 p.m.,
Trades Hall, Scartli St. Secretary,
Alex. Watchman, General Delivery.
Socialist speakers will be greatly appreciated.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide
Street, opposite Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every Monday evening nt
3 pm. Propaganda meeting Sunday
evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.
Secretary, J. W. Hilling, 270 Young
OP O. Business meetings 2nd and
4th Wednesdays ln the month, at
the Labor Temple, Church St. Outdoor propaganda meetings, Saturday,
8 p.m., City Hall; Sunday afternoon,
3 p.m., at University and Queen St:
Sunday night, 8 p.m., at Shuter ana
Yonge St. Speakers' Class every
Thursday, 8 p.m., at HMdauartoN,
79 Church St. Secretary, Arthur
Taylor, 201 George St.
C.—Meets every Thursday at 8 p.m.
at 252 Dalhousle St., for party business and economic class. Wage-workers invited. A. W. Baker, Secretary,
» George St. W. Davenport, 141 Nelson St., Organizer. N.B.—No "leaders" wanted.
LOOAL   COBALT,   Wo.   9,   8.   P.   Of   a
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
M.   J.   Gorman,   Box   446,   Financial
LOCAL   OTTAWA,  NO.  8,   B.  P.  of a
Business meeting 1st Sunday ln
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rideau St. The usual
weekly inside propaganda meetings
discontinued during summer months.
Jo-hii Lyon,s Secretary, 43 Centre St.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
The interests of capital and labor
may be definitely defined as those of
the burglar and the burgled.
The value of a commodity is the
labor-time required to produce it
There Is only one place where this
value becomes visible, that Is, in its
price on the market. The amount
paid out in wages by a manufacturer
represents, not the value of the articles
produced in his factory, but the exchange value of men. When is a man
not a man? When he has exchange
value.   He. is then a commodity.
Books of all Kinds
Paine's Age of Reason 25c
Six Ingersoll Lectures  85c
Shelley's Poems $1.50
The Origin of Species, Darwin 15c
Voltaire's Famous Romances
"Nana" by Zola  75c
Self—Contradictions of the
Bible lie
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
Villi    NOTICE.
NOTICE Is hereby given that I,
Alfred Wyngaert, Gibson Landing;, B. C,
Rancher, Intend to apply to the Commissioner, under Part V. of the "Water
Act, 1909," for licence to divert one-
quarter cublo foot of water from St.
Vanes Creek, at the back of D. L. 1657,
New Westminster District, for domestic
and irrigation purposes; and that notice hereof was posted on the 16th day
of August, 1910.
Qibson's Landing, B. C.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    neceaiary    supplies to start Local) $5.00
Membership  Cards,  each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100  25
Ditto In Finnish, per 100  .50
Ditto In Ukranian, per 100 50
Constitutions, each  20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen        50
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make tha
subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
Por 13.00 we will mail threa
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one issue.
For 13.00 we wlll mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 West Klnzle St., Chicago.
305 Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mtilcahey, Prop.
v^*     "KURTl-^pAWSrlBLOSS'
fctST  IN B.C. CKiyxB^J
______ \WL\m
Tb1' Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Meeting held October 17th, 1910.
Present—Comrades Morgan (Chairman), Karme, Klngsley, Matthews,
Mengel, Peterson and the  secretary.
Minutes   of  previous   meeting iap-
Correspondence dealt with from Al-
„ berta and Manitoba Executives, from
t\ Locals Toronto, Neplgon, Garson Mine,
Out.;  Brandon, Man.,   and   Medicine
I Hat, Alta., and from Organizer Barltz.
Alberta Executive  $26.00
Local Nipegon, Ont	
Local Garson Mine, Ont	
Local Regina, Sask	
Local Steelton, Ont	
F. S. Faulkner, button and dues.
Literature—Medicine Hat, $2.00;
J. Carson, 50c	
Total $43.00
"Warrants authorized for offlce rent
[to November 12th, $7.00; light, 60c.
'   Meeting held October 17th, 1910.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from
calB Michel, Fernie, Ymir, Revelstoke, Mara, Kamloops, Vancouver,
■Nanaimo and Ladysmith. From Com-
Irades Hawthornthwaite, Williams, O'-
[Brien and Organizer Desmond.
H Receipts.
iLocal Mara, stamps $ 3.00
I Local Revelstoke, stamps     5.00
r Local Vancouver, stamps  10.00
ILocal Ymir, stamps and supplies 10.T5
J Local Vancouver Finnish     5.00
I A. E. Carter, dues     1.00
Total $34.76
Local Coleman stamps   2.00
Local Meeting Creek, stamps  1.50
Local Calgary, stamps  ,. 10.00
Local Lethbridge, supplies   1.00
Total    $57.15
Dom. Ex. Committee, on account $70.00
Local Calgary, dating stamps, etc   2.60
Dom. Executive, charter     1.00
Total    $73.60
Comrade Editor:—
Enclosed you will flnd copy of leaflet Issued by Brandon Local. One of
each was delivered at the door of
every wage-plug's residence. We are
doing fairly well In Brandon. Having
regular propaganda meetings both indoor and outdoor. We also have an
economic class and a speaker's class.
Though small ln numbers, we have the
quality and determination. We will
turn out a bunch of speakers that will
surprise Manitoba before spring.
We have started what I consider, a
very good Idea, at each propaganda
meeting some member reads an article
from the editorial columns of the Clarion, and tells the crowd where it
comes from, and that they can have a
weekly dose If they come through with
the price. I think reading these articles is very good as few comrades can
say so much in so few words, as ls contained ln the editorial columns of the
Clarion. I am looking forward to the
day when a bunch of them will be published in pamphlet form.
Yours ln the scrap,
Meeting held Oct. 9th.
Present Comrades   McLeod   (chair-
1 man), McKinnon, Nicol, Brodie, Chap-
|j man, Sutherland, Allen Sydney Mines
1 and the Secretary.
Minutes  of  previous  meeting  read
i and approved as read.
|     Communications  read  from  Locals
Springhill,  Sydney Mines,  and Glace
11 Bay, St. John,   Newcastle,    Comrade
| Baritz and bill for Western Clarion.
■j    On motion the secretary was instructed to write the Dominion Executive
(to flnd out the reason why they did
not acknowledge our telegram.   Also
' what action they Cook re Barltz.
On motion the Secretary was in-
I structed to call in the charters of the
jiLocals that have not been holding
((meetings and paying dues, also to forward the names of such Locals to the
i' Dominion Executive.
There was    a    lengthy    discussion
i about a postcard received from Comrade Barltz and the Secretary was in-
I I Btructed to write    Comrade    Barltz
■stating the position of the Maritime
Executive that he could not speak for
rthe Socialist Party of Canada on re-
I liglon.
I     The meeting then adjourned till Oct.
23rd.,   unless a   special   meeting   be
> called.
j Fredericton Local 61 due stamps $6.10
I Fredericton Local 1 constitution .25
j Glace Bay Local 40 due stamps.. 4.00
St. John Local 20 due stamps... 2.00
110 Membership Cards      .10
Total    $12.45
tllom. Ex. Dues stamps $5.00
j Telegram Dom. Ex   1.00
| Postage 12
Total    *6-12
mfl —
.       Regular meeting held Oct. 10th, 1910.
L      Minutes  of previous meeting read
and adopted.
Present Comrades  Machln, Danby,
Howell (chairman), and MacLean.
I      Correspondence dealt with from Lo-
'  cals Canmore (Finnish). Medicine Hat,
/ Bellevue   (Finnish),   Edmonton,  Hill-
|  crest, Lougheed, Markervllle, Coleman,
Ersklne,   Red  Deer,   Lethbridge   and
Horse Shoe Lake, Dominion Executive
Committee and Com. McKenzie. i
Comrades Howell and Machin were
i appointed a committee to audit ac-
'. counts of Provincial Executive Com-
j  mittee.
1      The financial report was as follows:
!  Local Lougheed, stamps $5.00
\ Local   Edmonton,   stamps   and
supplies   5.25
Local Bellevue, stamps  5.00
Local Horse Shoe Lake stamps.. 3.00
Local Canmore stamps and supplies    10.40
Local Markervllle, stamps     2.00
Local Red Deer       10.00
Local Medicine Hat stamps     2.00
The Leaflet.
"Fellow Worker:
Brandon Local of the Socialist
Party of Canada ls taking this method of making Its aims known to you.
We wish to bring our views before
as many as possible of the workers
of Brandon, because we know that if
we can get you to study this subject, you will be with us.
The Socialist Platform is Just this:
'The transformation, as rapidly as
possible of capitalist property in the
means of wealth production into the
collective property of the working
class.' That ls all there is to lt,
nothing more, nothing less, just the
earth for the workers and nothing
for the shirkers. It is not a bad
platform as you must readily see
If you are a wageworker.
As the benefits from all property
go to the owners of it. you must see
that unless you own the property
you will get none of the wealth. Today the capitalist class collectively
owns all that is worth owning, that
is, the machinery of wealth production, "consequently they get all the
profit. We, the wage workers, get
only a portion of what we produce.
At the last election the Liberal Party
stated that we, the wage workers,
got 22.49 of what we produced, the
capitalists getting the remainder.
Acording to a leaflet issued by the
Liberals at the last Dominion election the amount of wealth produced
per adult wage worker was $2,700.
The same Liberal Government tells
us that the average wages in Canada
for male adults is $437.
As wealth ls produced by Labor
such figures should make you think.
If you are getting In the neighborhood
of $3,000 per year, stay with capitalism.   If not, study Socialism.
We can't state In a small letter
all we would like about Socialism,
but we ask of you to study it up.
Take our papers, attend the propaganda meeting every Saturday night
on the vacant lot next Aagaard's
Cafe, or call at our Reading Room,
which is always open, Room 10, Nation chambers, 804 Rosser Avenue.
Read our Literature, Books can
be obtained from our library.
Subscribe to the Western Clarion,
$1 per year, 25c for three months,
the Party Paper, Box 1688, Vancouver, B. C.
evolution. It was beautifully thought
out and highly scientific, delivery fluent
and easy, yet Impressive. Our comrade Desmond, is very voluminous in
his knowledge of the subjects upon
which he speaks, and all through, very
scientific, hewing strictly to the line,
but carrying in himself the natural reflex of those qualities which make him
your friend as soon as you grip his
hand, and make you sorry to part with
him after the meetings are over and
you know he has to move on to some
other place. The lecture at Enderby
was principally on wages, but a little
talk on the value of brains ln our
movement was very Interesting. This,
and some talk along the lines of comparison between capitalist Interests
and working class interests, and the
answering of questions which were put
to him, completed his Enderby talk.
If I had the talent, knowledge, fluent
delivery and volumtnosity of Desmond,
my bally farm could go to the (four
winds and I would be out on the stump
all through the world. To a large extent I'm afraid the wording of the advertising bills kept away the people,
as lt was advertised that Desmond
would speak on Revolution, and as all
the papers are full of the Portugese revolution, the word Is most likely to
have been feared by the crowd. However it is quite plain to me that there
is a concerted move amongst conservatives here (liberals cut no Ice, are
dead practically) to use all their influence to keep people from attending
our meetings for fear they might hear
the truth; for, you know, the Truth is
what will eventually set us all free;
and political truth can only be obtained at Socialist meetings and from Socialist literature. This literature I
think they are told to sort out and burn
before being tempted to read it, as it
is "ungodly" and "likely to lead them
astray." You see one cur can drive
a whole flock of sheep. Shall we ever
make these "sheep" Into men or must
we "leave them unto time—the great
destroyer," and breed up men who will
not be driven like sheep but who will
stand and fight for freedom, and get
Yours in revolt,
This burg ls having a spasm of prosperity. The daily papers tell us so,
and they are never wrong. "Work for
all," ls the cry. New Industries starting up want good, strong, obedient
wage workers. And they are getting
them too! From north, south, east, and
west, the peddlers of labor power have
been pouring Into Hamilton this summer, all colors, creeds, and nationalities come to join hands round the mon-
Bter machine and produce surplus
value, and, incidentally, get what they
call a "living."
The writer had occasion to visit
Hamilton the other day, and while
there rounded up the "reds," or rather
visited them in their lair: The "Karl
Marx Club." A small bunch, but enthusiastic ln many things. "The workers must be organized industrially"
says one. "Politically, you mean,"
gently murmurs some one else. "Hamilton is no good for Socialist propaganda," Bays some one else. All join
In blaming the capitalist wave of prosperity for the lack of interest the
workers are showing in the movement
round here.
Oh, I don't know! In the flrst place,
most of the workers here don't appear
to know of the existence of any Socialist movement in town. Still they are
ready for the propaganda and will respond to it. I am sure of this. In
my talks privately with numbers of
working men they all told the same
Now boys, buck up and tell them
what's the matter. Never mind about
"organizing" them any more. The boss
does about all they can stand along
tnat line.
Show them the non-producers enjoying, and the producers going short of
the very things that they have" produced. Show them how ownership
does the trick, and how political power
upholds ownership. Then "sic em,'
ye terriers, sic em!" Capture the
power that enables you to be robbed.
I got two subs in Hamilton. What
have the local boys been thinking
about to let me do It?
W. D.
This is my laat report as organizer
fn Ontario this year. I have broken
down ln health so completely that
open-air work has had to be abandoned. I visited Lindsay and Peterboro,
but could hold no meetings because of
Illness in the main. The second night
at Lindsay I could not get an audience
and wasn't going to waste my breath,
as I had been 111 the previous evening.
At Peterboro, illness again deterred
me. I went on to Ottawa, where I
held a meeting on Saturday, October
1st, and spoke to the local on the
Sunday following. Held a very large
open-air meeting on the Monday night,
but broke down with a touch of fever
and was In bed most of two days.
Comrade Dr. Quackenbush advised
rest for me or something severe will
happen. I rested until the Sunday
following (October '9th), when I spoke
to the boys in their hall, on the "Revolution in Portugal," pointing out that
It was not any concern of the working
class. It was simply a change of government, and all action to overthrow
the monarchy was done by the capitalist class. The workers in Portugal
would have to fight just as hard to
capture political control from the Re
publicans as they would from the
On Monday night, October 10th, I
thought I'd go and start outdoor work
again. I did. I spoke for ten minutes
and cracked up. I could not continue.
I got off the platform and decided to
abandon all open-air work.
their neighbors as themselves, defining, ln the parable of the Good Samar-
tan, the word "neighbor" to mean
any one, whether compatriot or foreigner, who is in need of assistance.
Jesus did not soothe men to put up (|
with Injustice here in hope of heaven
hereafter, but he taught them to pray,
"Thy kingdom come, thy will be done,
ON EARTH aa tt is in heaven." And
immediately after his death his followers, led by the eleven disciples
who had been his constant companions, Instituted a co-operative commonwealth, which, as the times were
not ripe, did not last, but clearly Indicated, however, the Master's views
on the proper relation of man to man.
Had JesuB lived in the time of fullblown capitalism he would undoubtedly have been as whole-souled an
opponent of our competitive system
as he was of the system that prevailed
In Judea in his own day. For no one
can obey his injunction to "Do unto
others as one would be done by" without being an uncompromising foe to
the system of wage slavery that now
Also, the Jew, who honestly believes
in the divine origin ot the Mosaic
laws against the taking of Interest,
against the selling of the land forever, and commanding one to love
his neighbor as himself and to treat
the stranger as a brother, can consistently be a Socialist and should be
welcomed to our party. Likewise the
enlightened and honest Mohammedan,
Buddhist or Agnostic can and does
believe in our political program and
should not be excluded.
But Socialism has no room for, and
the Socialist Party should not select
as an organizer, the man or woman
who denies to another that freedom
of thought in religious matters that
he claims and exercises for himself.
Newcastle, N. B„ Oct 10, 1910.
(We suggest that as these matters
"belong to the realm of metaphysics,"
they be left there.—Ed.)
tjffore and Tfow
Comrade: —
Desmond has been through the
Okanagan and I attended two of his
meetings—one at Mara on October 10,
and the other at Enderby on the 14th.
Between these dates he was delivering
the revolutionary message further up
the valley, and I understand that the
comrades down along the Okanagan
lake district could make use of him for
three or four weeks, If arrangements
could be made between the various locals of the district.
Both the meetings which I attended were small so far as numbers were
concerned, but tho percentage of
brains as compared with carcasses
was large.   The subject at Mara was
'Joe Brant" runs a weekly pap*>r tn
a town famous all over the world.
Graham Bell invented the phone here,
sure he did. When the workers had
to elect someone to represent them ln
Parliament here they sent their boss,
that Intellectual giant, H. Harris, of
the "Massey Harris Co.," he of the famous bill to make chauffeur joy-riding
a criminal offence. Talk about legislation tn the interests of the working
class alone!
Brantford also boasts industrial
hives where non-hour services are held,
at which the manager or superintendent ls present to see that the'assembled slaves take the dope all right.
"Be content." That's right Mr. Preacher, we will be ever so contented and
humble If you are only eloquent enough about the glories that will be
ours when we are dead. But Mr.
Preacher and ail his ilk don't wait until they are dead to have a good time,
they have one right here. Bully for
them. Brantford Ib also the town thst
advertises that "Cost of living is lowest of any in Canada—Result, cost of
labor is the moat reasonable of any In
Canada." "Labor disputes at a minimum," no doubt owing to the "large
and excellent supply of labor."
«• Yes, Joe, old man, the Squeegee
Band and the Squeegee Watering* Cart
are not tho only curiosities ln Joe
Brant's burg.
W. D
In the Western Clarion of September 3rd, 1910, Comrade Moses Baritz,
writing from Gait, Ont., under date of
August 8th,/says that he told the seceding Socialists of that place: "I
certainly will expose the Kingdom of
God idea and twaddle about the
Brotherhood of Man." In the Western Clarion of September 10th, there
Is a letter from tbe same comrade,
dated at Toronto, August 20th, |n
which he says: "Someone asked me
whether I believed In God, and I answered, certainly not, nor could any
Socialist." In a letter to the Toronto
Globe of September 21st, qomrade
Baritz, writing "as the accredited organizer for the Socialist Party of Canada," says: "Finally, a Christian
cannot be a Socialist, and a Socialist
cannot be a believer in Christ or God."
And, to cap the climax, while the
Western Clarion, the official organ of
the Socialist Party of Canada, in its
issue of tbe first instant, editorially
declares that, "We cannot agree that
one cannot be a Christian and a Socialist," it goes on to say: "It ls
true that a man cannot consistently
be both." To allow that a man may
be both a Christian and a Socialist,
but not consistently so, ts, to Bay the
least, to class the Christian-Socialist
or Socialist-Christian as a very peculiar person. In fact, it singles him
out in such a way as to intimate that
he is not of sound mind.
While Comrade Barltz and the editor
of the Western Clarion have undoubtedly the right to hold what views on
religion they please, neither has any
right to dogmatically commit the Socialist Party to any such statement
that a Socialist cannot consistently be
a Christian or even believe In God.
Both these propositions belong to the
realm of metaphysics, not of politics.
The platform of the S. P. of C. sets
no religious or non-rellglous test of
membership, and no individual member, organizer or editor has a right
to do so. Whether a Socialist believes
in God or no God is his own private
business, and the party must tolerate
no Interference ln such matters. If
the candidate for membership is
sound in his economics, he should be
admitted; if unsound thereon, rejected.
Can a Socialist be a Christian?
What ls a Christian? As there are
some 300 sects which claim to be
Christian, we muRt be extremely careful ln defining the word "Christian."
The only definition that will fit such
widely differing creeds as the Roman
Catholic and the Mormon, the Greek
Catholic and the Lutheran, the Pres
The attitude of the Socialist Pa
of  Canada  toward  the  Internatlo|
Socialist Congress, has been fully ;
tilled by the proceedings of that 1
It Is now admitted by parties whi
Re Clarion editorial on the above wer<J m0Bt enthU8lagtlc over the gp/
Bubject on October   1st.     I   read   it ^^ tha(. about M u accomp-ul
through and then asked myself, what wm that the de-egateg ,.got acqua,
lis   this  that  Mc   is  getting oft  hlsj^,.   wh„e mllliong of worker8
chest and dumping onto us now?   And
We had gathered to hear our nol
pastor on Foreign Missions.   After
choir bad sung "Bringing in the She;
es," he Bald:
"I shall take for my text this evei
lng the words of a great man, Mr.
R. Hosmer, director of some compi
lea   and   president  of  others:     'TI
Chinese, and in a lesser way, the Ja)
anese, are continuing to consume moi
of our breadatlffa, and I really thli
that with the civilizing agencies n>
at work among the millions of the Fi
East there will soon be an enormo
demand for Canadian flour.
"I am proud and happy .lo say thi
we of the church are the greatest i
the civilizing agencies to which he
fers.   You know, my children, the l°K-* ■"*       ft'
nighted heathen have been for a lot
time addicted to the awful habit of ei
lng rice, upon which they do not
fat.    This  displeaseth the  Lord,
it is written that a great many gi
and worthy men who are     anoint
have much flour to sell. , ..m-—
"Oh, my Christian friends, think m ■
the lost orphans in other lands, w«
shipping gods of their own manuf-jH,
ture and otherwise minding their o'
business, knowing nothing of the Lli
of Truth about No. 1 Northern. Can *f«fj ^.  „
stand by while these, our brethren ajSlj.,.(S|aL'
cast Into outer darkness to weep aWOt**********
wail, with no Ogilvie flour to gna
their teeth on?   I say NO, multlpli
by six. I
"Let us give our mites, that the I
may   send His   servants   across
waters, to operate on the appetites 5
these poor unfortunates who, if tlf
don't grope for the light ot clvillzatUp^
ought to.   Let us Prey." jfa
when I read the able article by Alex.
Lyon ln same Issue, lt seemed to me
that your offense was compounded,
but later on I started reading the preface to Arthur Morrow Lewis' book—
"Evolution, Social and Organic," and
found therein that he had met the
same class of goods as you. I will
quote him: "These lectures, notwithstanding their phenomenal sucess,
have aroused some opposition ln certain quarters amongst Socialists. This
opposition arises almost wholly from
the fact that the Socialists in question have yet to learn what their own
standard literature contains. When
they make that discovery they will
be obliged to do one of two things,
reject the Socialist philosophy or cease
opposing its public presentation . . .
A second thought will show that they
may do neither. There is a type of
brain, the specimens of which are
very numerous, which seems to pos-
esess the faculty ot keeping different
kinds of knowledge and contradictory
ideas, in separate, water-tight compartments. Thus, as these ideas never come together there is no collision. The most conspicuous example
of this Is the man who accepts and
openly proclaims the truth of the materialist conception of history—the
theory that, among other things, explains the origin functions, and changes of religion, just as It does those of
law—yet the very man who boasts of
his concurrence in this epoch-making
theory, using one lobe of his brain
will, while using the other lobe and
with still greater fervency, maintain
that the Socialist philosophy has nothing to do with religion at all, but Is an
economic' question only. 'The left
lobe knows not what the right lobe is
doing.' Dletzgen described these comrades as 'dangerous muddle-heads.' He
might have omitted the adjective. A
brain of this order renders its possessor harmless."
Since I have quoted this at length,
I will state further that I have read
the book through and can highly recommend lt to all comrades.
So Comrade Mc, having examined
another as witness to what you have
said, we can pronounce you "Not
Guilty." But don't you think these
ambiguous specimens are really a
drag or clog to our movement, and
can we be sure which lobe will actually do the VOTING when lt comes to
the ballot, and don't you think that
the left lobe might aa vigorously renounce tho Socialist doctrines as the
right lobe would propagate it? 1
think we can, with reference to these
waiting for our message, organlzatlj
that  are  supposed   to  exist  for  |§fr'
purpose of delivering lt, waste vaijfjk j
able time and large sums of moneyWr
order to practice a new brand of haaMk'!.
Some time ago, when the Social
Party of Canada intimated that tt
other uses for its funds than spe
ing them on the I. S. B. or the I. S j
a prominent member of the I.L.P.,
of us that "poverty was a weak exc|
to plead."    Here is what the Soo
1st Review, organ of the Independ
Labor Party, has to say on the mat
"The American delegation has
come a farce.   It has no practical slj
nlflcance  and   fulfils  no  useful   ^^_^^_^«
,5***:  '   J     j.1.*■    ~      I
pose.   Moreover, lt is very expenslvlW    I >\y   I
If all graft were done away wl*K.'^'.    '^'"-J
there would be a lot of moralists lc"**"|££''
ing for jobs.   Labor would still be aDlj.
to see the bottom of its purse, however.
*   a   a
We are pleased to report healthy;
activity among the sub-hustlers this
W. Gribble   Vfc
"Smith," Vancouver     9,
Man. Ex. Com  9.
Baritz, Ottawa   6*,.
G. Waples, Steelton, Ont  7*
A. F. Cobb, Lacombe, Alta  4j^f"
A. Taylor, Toronto  3,?
Jack Place, Nanalmo  2,
C, M, O'Brien  2,'
Norman,  Vancouver     2:
F. S. Faulkner, Great Falls,   Mont. 2
L. R. Mclnnls, Sandon, B. C  3
F. G. McNey, Victor. Alta  2
Wm.  Watts.  Winnipeg...  2
Geo.  Howell,  Calgary;   Harry Truman, Trinity Valley, B. C.;J. H. Bur-,
rough, Ladysmlth, B. C.; .7. A. Austin,
Nelson, B. C; J. V. Hull, Port Moody-;.
B. 0.J   R.  W.  Huston,  Asor,  Sask.;^
R. Thomas, J. S. Ferguson, Victoria ;;>
W. A. Dods, Wayside Mall, B. C;  Ajjj
Hogg, New Westminster, B. C;  Geo,,
Robson, W. W. Lefeaux, Vancouver. •
Literature, Etc.
Geo. Howell, Calgary, $8.60; Loc. Cal-eB
gary, Card and Bundle; Alta Ex. Com.^
Card; Loc. Moyie, Card and Bundle;
Loc. Regina, Card and Stamps; Wm,''
Watts, Winnipeg, Literature and Bdl.'.l
Loc. Steelton, Ont., Stamps.
byterlan and the Quaker, the Unitar
Ian  and  the  Anglican,  all  of  whom I coniradea, quote yourself by saying:
claim to be Christian, is that a Chris-,..go there you are—where are you
tlan is ono who takes for his ideal
Jesus of Nazareth, commonly called
the Christ. This Jesus, whom the
ruling classes In church and state condemned to tho cross, but whom the
common people heard gladly, taught
that there were only two commandments binding upon men, viz., to love
God with all their heart and mind
and  soul  and  strength,  and  to  love
Yours in revolt,
The advocates of Fletcherism, the
art of mastication, are forever telling
how people should eat, The workers
are more concerned with the getting
of something to eat than they are with
how to cat it—Ex.
Tr-.dc Marks
—-.--————^^^^ Copyrights Ac.
Anyona sending ft Steele*, and description mar
quickly n-'-orifiln onr opinion frea whether an
Invention Is tirohnhly pnlcutiihla. ('"iiiiinintrn-
tlonsstrictly confh!eiitl.-il. HANDBOOK on Oounit
sent frea. Oldest iiuency for sf curl.Jit patents.
I'ntonU takon  tl.ioni.-h  Munn a. Cu. recelTa
eptcial notice, without charge. In to
Scientific American*
A imndsomely iHiwtmtM ww-rtly. Law*. ctv>
culiUion of any m-luiitlitn Jinm-al. Ternm !«if
(.-art-iclA, 1*1.75 a yt .■■-, iNjeUKo lu'-i'i-M.    Sold '•g THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCQUV ER. BRITISH COLUMBIA.
-SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22nd", 1910.
Socialism And Unionism
It is quite frequently asserted that Socialism is
inimical to Unionism, taking that term to mean
Trades and Labor Unionism in its several forms.
When such an assertion comes from union leaders
of high and low degree who, at election times, are
found hand in glove with the politicians of the
old parties, nothing further need be aaid. And
when it comes from obviously honest and well-
liitentloned unionists, the briefest of inquiry will
Invariably reveal the fact that, of even the most
elementary principles of Socialism they have
not the slightest knowledge.
* ' On the other hand that assertion Is vehemently
denied and met with the counter claim that Socialism and Unionism have aims and objects iu common. Here also will be found either a defective
knowledge of Socialism or a hardly creditable desire to curry favor with organized labor.
Only nn examination into the objects of the two
movements and the causes which have called them
into existence will reveal their relationship, if
any, to one another.
The objects of a labor union are to raise the
Wages, shorten the hours and better the condition
generally of its members.
But what are wages? When a worker hires him-
self to an employer he agrees to work for him,
that ls, to give him a portion of his time and
energy each day in return for a specified sum of
money. Hence it is seen that to shorten hours is,
by decreasing the quantity of time and energy
given, equivalent to raising wages and may be
included under that head. Similarly, as wages
are. in the long run, not the actual money but the
"living'' which that money will buy, the betterment of conditions generally may also be Included
in the general term wages.
"We flnd, then, that the object of the union is to
secure for its members a betterment of wages.
Wages being, superficially, the sum of money, but,
in the last analysis, the living, in exchange for
which the worker delivers up to his employer for
a specified time his physical energy, in other
words his power to labor, or, briefly, his labor-
Obviously this living must at least be sufficient
to Keep the laborer alive from day to day, otherwise the supply of laborers would become rapidly
exhausted. Furthermore, on the average It must
be sufficient to make possible the rearing of families in order to provide successive generations of
laborers, though in highly developed centres of
population this average is considerably reduced
by the employment of the whole family who are
thus individually enabled to work for less wages
as their collective wage is on the average sufficient to meet the necessities of the family
3o much for the minimum wage. The maximum
limit of wages is the most the employer can pay
and still have a profit, for clearly if the wage rose •
BO high as to eliminate his profit there would be
no alternative for him but to shut down his works
Between this maximum and minimum, wages
fluctuate. In newly developed localities where
laborers are scarce,  wages  incline towards  the
unions have been few and far between. True, the
conservative labor leaders point with pride to the
fact that wages have risen, but they are discreetly
silent upon the rises in prices of necessities which
far out-balances the meagre rise in the money
wage. During the last two years, 1908 and 1909,
for instance, prices have risen over 11 per cent,
yearly, while the average wages have risen less
than 7 per cent, in the two years, which shows, not
a gain but an actual loss of IB per cent. In the real
wage,  the living the money wage will buy.
At the same time the world's productivity is
being ever enhanced, the available markets ever
contracted, and new peoples with lower standards
of life are thrusting their cheaper wares Into all
the avenues of commerce, so that the army of the
unemployed grows ever greater, the competition
for jobs ever fiercer, just as the displacement of
human labor by the machine becomes more rapid.
Under these circumstances can it be said that the
outlook before the unions is anything but gloomy?
It wlll be Been that the non-success of the labor
unions is due to perfectly natural causes which
are inevitable consequences of the wage system
of production. To the employer, selllng"hls commodities in competition with others, it is essential
that these be produced as economically as possible. The incentive to cutting or keeping down
wages, to replace hand labor with machine labor,
to Increase his capital and enlarge his plant is irresistible. He must do these things or be driven
from the field of production by his rivals. The
contraction of world markets as nation after
nation reaches the stage of modern production;
the growth of unemployment and its consequent
sharpening of the competition for employment;
the steady and Irresistible rise in prices; all these
are the unavoidable and natural consequences of
the wage system, due to economic. la"ws inherent In
that system. The efforts of the unions are being
therefore, directed not only against effects, but
against effects which are absolutely inevitable.
What measure of success can be expected?
Knowing these things, the Socialist can see the
wastefulness of efforts directed along these lines.
Therefore, instead of devoting his energies to attempting to enhance his wages, the price of his
labor power, in the face of conditions which render that enhancement impossible, nay, which carry
an Irresistible tendency towards reducing those
wages, directly or indirectly, year by year, he
attempts to search out the economic laws governing this system of production and to learn from
them the underlying cause which renders these
conditions inevitable. The fruits of that search
and the logical deductions to be drawn therefrom constitute the Socialist theory and practice.
We find the fact that we must work for ever
less and less wages Is merely a necessary corollary to the simple fact that we must work for
wages. We flnd that we must work for wages
because we have not the necessary implements of
production to enable us to work for ourselves. We
must, therefore, ln order to gain our livelihood,
maximum    In older centres, where the supply of    work for those who own these means of produc-
laoorers is in excess of the demand, wages fall    tion.   We cannot employ our own power to labor, we
ty the minimum, and in extreme cases, below it,    must therefore sell lt to those who can employ it.
so mucn so that they are insufficient to keep the    Purchasing our power to labor, to them belongs
won-ers alive in season and out of season without    the fruit of that labor; in It we have no part for
recourse to   charity."
, Out of these conditions the labor unions arise
as associations of workers seeking by combination to raise their wages.    Their success or failure in this attempt is determined by the difficulty
. or esse with which their places can be filled if
they strike.
* In the earlier stages of the wage system of production the workers had some advantages in this
field.    Many circumstances were in their favor
Their employers were numerous so that they could
leave the service of one with reasonable prospects
of finding employment with another.    These employers  were   in   bitter   competition   with    one
another and were possessed of small capital only
so that a strike of any duration spelt ruin to any
of them; they were, therefore, the more ready to
concede their workers' demands.    Production  In
nearly all branches of Industry called for more or
less skill and training, so that workers could not
be so readily found to take the places of strikers.
During that period, therefore, the efforts of the
unions commanded Borne measure of success. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
With the evolution of Industry, however those se"' m comPet'tl°n w,tn our fellows, our power to
days have passed. More and more improved ma- lal)or tor a waSe- tne equivalent of which but a
chlnery, appliances and processes have taken the tew hours of the day's toll will reproduce. The
place of hand labor. Skill and training have be- hours we labor thereafter are the profit of the
come less and less a necessity, till to-day, In the masters. Out of that unpaid toll are their rent,
vast majority of cases, the worker is nothing but interest and dividends paid, for to the owners of
a machine tender, a mere automaton keeping step the means of wealth production belongs the wealth
with the exact and unerring motions of a huge    produced.
mechanism, performing no more than a fractional It follows, therefore, that were the means of
and subsidiary part in the process of the pro- production collectively owned by the workers,
auction of any article, having so little skill that, to the workers the wealth produced would belong,
should he strike, his place can readily be filled The fruits of what is now their unpaid toil would
from the ranks of the ever-increasing army of
hunger-driven unemployed.
At the same time the progressively Increasing
cost of improved machinery and enlarged plants
has called for increased capital, and so the numer.
ous small employers have been displaced by firms
and joint stock companies until we have to-day
huge corporations owning entire fields of Industry and with reserves of capital at their command
(hat enable them to withstand strikes of the most
prolonged duration and widest magnitude.
Consequently, except In one or two favored
trades where some vestiges of skill and training
are still a desideratum, the successes of the labor
we have sold out and receive our portion, at best
a meagre living, becoming yearly more meagre.
Thus, by virtue of their ownership of the means
of life our masters can compel us to toil for them
upon pain of starvation; compel us to deliver up
to them the fruit of our toil, and to receive In return sufficient to sustain us in life from day to
day. Wherein we make the humiliating discovery
that our lot ls but a slight modification of that of
the chattel slave; that we are none other than
slaves masquerading in the garb of freemen, in
that, while we may quit the service of any master,
for some master we must toll; that while the
master owned the chattel slave for life and must
provide for him in season and out of season, our
masters own us but for the day, to-morrow we
must provide for ourselves as best we can.
Seeking the cause of our enslavement we flnd
It in the ownership by the masters of the means
of production, the mills, mines and factories and
the avenues of transportation. Owning these they,
as a class, command our labor.   To them we must
then be theirs to use and enjoy. The enhanced
productivity due to improved mechanical appliances and chemical processes, the benefits of
which accrue now to the masters would accrue
then to the workers, to whose Ingenuity they are
due and by whose effort they are employed. The
lessening of the labor needed then, ln place of
constituting, as now, an ever-pressing peril and an
increasing source of hardship and degradation,
would, by lessening the necessary hours of work,
be but a boon and an easement to the workerB.
Increased productivity, instead of spelling intensified poverty would but signify enhanced ease and
plenty. '■.■i'if.i
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
fefvit^aiUernt Irrtso-BBrulTiiffofflrraW
Union-made Cigars.
IMt-aOan .
. rtiirr-vTmrmnTimni imwia i\m«e. „ ajsiamj-iits'titla ul
aiittiiMiMwowiwimiicwwiiWflfn*ja«rr itortwiw mms-
uiri, Cajirito m mom mmmkt. mV. '•
... emtabMvttopmtrlmmmiUml
f. yr.GUteu**.
■• (WILE
"Which Stands for a Living Wage
Vancouver Local  867. 666
But between the workers and the ownership ut
the means of production everywhere stands the
State. If the property of the masters is stolen,
restitution and punishment come at the hands of
the State. If the ownership of property is in dispute, the State adjudicates. If property is threatened the State, with police and militia, with judiciary and legislature, hastens to its defence. The
title deeds to property are written and guaranteed
by the State.
The State giveth, the State can take away. It
is now the instrument ot the masters to preserve
their property. It can become the instrument of
the workers to turn that property into their hands.
Now the control of the State is in the hands
of the masters. The old political parties represent, if they represent anything, but warring factions of the master class. Whichever party wins
to political power neither helps the workers. The
politicians reign but, unseen, the capitalists rule.
Be he never so honest or well-meaning, the old
party politician can but serve Capital, not Labor,
whether or not he wills or knows it. By training,
education and thought he is the henchman of
So long as the workers can be beguiled into supporting any of the parties of Capital, that is any
party which is not against Capital, Capital is safe,
be the victorious party never so fierce in its denunciation of abuses, never so sincere In its professions of sympathy for Labor. While Capitalist
ownership ls untouched, Capital is master, Labor
slave. Only by themaelves conquering political
power for the purpose of abolishing capitalist
ownership of the means of production can the
workers ever obtain any easement. They must
have the whole loaf or be content with none.
So to the conquest of the State we, of the working class, have set ourselves. Not for honor and
glory. Not for personal political advancement.
These we might achieve more easily otherwise.
Nor for the love of suffering humanity. But because we know we are slaves; we have lived enslaved long enough and are determined at least
to die freemen.
The task we have set ourselves is stupendous
but we shall accomplish it. Arrayed against us
are all the powers at the command of the master
class; their wealth, their press, their colleges and
their pulpits. But on our side fight the slow but
unswerving forces of evolution, which make our
growth uncheckable, our triumph assured.
Capitalism, which seeks to combat us, Itself
creates us recruits for our ranks, foments our revolt. Capitalism, whose upholders deny the feasibility of the Socialist society, exists for no other
end than to prepare the way for that society.
Our forbears were rude, unlettered, unorganized,
unintelligent and totally lacking the first principles of cohesion and organization. In a few brief
generations Capitalism has gathered us together,
educated us, drilled and disciplined us into a huge
co-ordinated army of production, given us ideas
and aims, interests and aspirations in common.
The means of production, too, were primitive
and scattered. It has brought them, so to speak,
under one roof and has developed their efficiency
many hundred fold. It has organized them ready
for our collective ownership, and has Imbued us
with the desire to own them, nay, has dictated to
us the necessity of owning them, leaving us no
alternative but to own them or perish.
The greatest obstacle in our path is the ignorance of our fellow slaves of their enslaved condition. But that ignorance ls being steadily dispelled. Again Capitalism, while in the school and
the press it teaches otherwise, in the mine and the
mill it repeats our lesson everlastingly, without
ceasing, it prepares their minds for our gospel to
which they hearken year by year more willingly
and ln greater numbers. With so able and willing a helper who can deny us the ultimate victory.
Unionism arose under other conditions to meet
the needs of the day. It met them but its day is
passing. Not without turning the clock backwards
oan we raise It again to power. But every forward turn of the clock brings us nearer Socialism.
We do not seek to accomplish the Impossible, to
get blood out of a stone, to better our condition
within a system whose very existence predicates
that our condition must grow worse. We seek
only the possible nnd the only possible remedy.
The wage slave's salvation lies In emancipation
and in nothing less.
That Is the_alm and purpose of tha Socialist
Party. With unionism we~have nothing in
common but a working class membership. Bui
there they are striving, as sellers of wares, fur
a better price. Here, we are striving, as slaves,
for freedom. With the fortitude and tenacity of
the working class they are fighting a losing fight.
We are fighting a winning one. The more battles they lose, the more recruits we gain.
On the other hand, between the Unions and
the Socialist Party, working on different planes,
there Is little likelihood of conflict, except for the
allegiance of the working class, and in this, assured of victory, we can afford to be magnanimous
and pass by without vlndlctlveness their innocuous attackB whether well meant or ill. Their interests He within the wage system, ours without
it. To the Socialist Party their internal affairs are
of no concern and of but academic interest. Whatever they do, whether they federate or disintegrate, whether, caged in the Iron laws of the wage
system, they accept the Inevitable, or dash themselves against the Btout bars, they will do what
they do at the stern bidding of necessity. We can
neither help nor hinder them. We can but spread
our message among their membership as among
the memership of our class generally, trusting
Time and capital to bring results.
But can Socialists and Unionists work together?
Yes, when Unionists are Socialists, not before.
Propaganda Meeting ]
Empress Theatre
Sunday October 23
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, In convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles snd programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. Tbe capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long aa the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which Is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure It by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economlo
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in offlce shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for It; if It will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Dear Comrade:—
Local Toronto has been very active
with resolutions regarding the actions
of members of -the S. P. of C. What
does it amount to ln the final analysis. I say they would have been better employed getting subs, for the
Clarion. Comrades Pettipiece and
Simpson are both identified with the
labor movement and at times they
are called upon to represent their particular organization. As representa-
tivea of a union they are the mouthpiece of that union and therefore individually are not responsible to the
ixical for their actions. Both Comrades are well aware that unions are capitalistic, but as they are chosen by a
body of men to be their mouthpieces
it is reasonable to suppose that it
would not be policy to express their
own views.
Leaf we forget, however, the Socialist Party haa no worker who haa
ao persiatently drummed away, on and
off the aoap box, the aima and objects
of the S. P. of C. as Comrade Pettipiece. If the Toronto Local want to
control the Trades and Labor Council, why interefere with two Comrades
who are only getting their living by
doing the work they are paid to do.
Surely there must be a branch of the
Industrial Peace Association at Toronto, why not control it and at one
U'veep of the arm, take in the United
Trades and the Manufacturers' Association? Why on earth should a wage
slave of a union be subjected to persecution by a local just because he
plays the tune selected by the body
that pays the piper. We are all slaves
and if any local attempts to direct
the slaves of a corporation, the corporation would not stand for it and the
Blave would soon be without bis portion.
When the Laborites become intelligent enough to vote the Socialist ticket, the Socialist Party can determine
the policy to be pursued by their representatives and in so far as the
majority of the unions were socialists
it would be up lo them to get after
him and keep him toeing the mnrk;
but for goodness sake remember there
is a bread and butter question to consider, and aa long aa our comrades
utilize their spare time to putting their
fellow wage alaves wise and pointing
the way out of the trouble, we need
not concern ourselves about their job
even If they are labor fakirs. They
are slaves who at times rebel at things
as they are. But they are acting for
capitalistic concerns and they must
obey their masters orders.
Sell more Clarions and make fewer
Yours for the revolution,
Since I have last reported, I have
assisted the Comrades of British Columbia at 15 meetings, received $76
out of the collections.
In my last report I was made to
say tbat at about thirty-eight meetings in Alberta, we collected about
twenty dollars. It should have read,
"On a few occasions I was in need
and the comrades gave me in all about
twenty dollars, out of the collections.
ti. M. O'BRIEN.
Calgary, Alta. Oct. 13th.
Notice l» hereby given that an application wlll be made under Part V. of
the "Water Act, 1909," to obtain a license
In the Division of New
Westminster District.
Alf. Wynaraert. Gibsons Landing B. C,
Pynos Creek, back of District Lot 1657
on timber limit, 1-9 C, pipe from point
of diversion, 8 chains north of northwest corner post of Dlstrlot Lot 1667;
Lot C West Subdivision, IS 1-3 chains
wide, 1-3 part of west boundary 1617,
53 hitch I own; domestic Irrigation; 25
acres west subdivision of Lot 1657, be-
lnf-f Lot C.
This notice was posted on the lBt day
of October, 1910, and application wlll be
made to the Commissioner on the 9th
day of November.  1910, at 10 am.
Names and addresses of any riparian
proprietors or licensees who or'whose
lands are likely to be affected by the
proposed works, either above or below
the outlet are: H. Burns, A. Wllkman,
T. L. Wiren, J. Wiren, A. Riua, J. Chaster, Stelnbruner, Walker, of Glbsona
Gibsons Landing.
t|If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate of cost of
Installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company,, Limited.


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