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Western Clarion Jan 28, 1911

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Array * si. 616.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Jan. 28, 1911.
subscription mm'«| tim
ran T*ua      „••-■•
Conditions in East Force Recognition From Press
A few years ago the theory, chiefly
due to metaphysical teachers and the
slave concepts taught by them, that
poverty was a condition handed out
by an almighty boss as a punishment
for encroachments upon Divine law
and therefore to be borne patiently,
obtained. This conception is aptly
expressed by an eminent church prelate, no less a personage than the
most Reverend Dlomede Falconio,
apostolic delegate, ln a speech delivered before the Federation of
Catholic Societies at New Orleans a
short time ago, in tbe following
"Human Society has its origin from
God. and is constituted of two classes
of pdople, namely of tbe rich and the
poor. . . .The normal relations between these two classes should be of a
mutual confidence and harmony. To
obtain this happy end, each class
should faithfully comply with its respective duties, and either should re-
> spect the rights of the other." etc.
This conception of Ood and his alleged creation of classes is old. It is
beginning to be moss-grown and has a
decidedly "chestnut" flavor. It Is of
the greatest Interest to note that this,
as well as many more slave concepts,
are receiving less and less attention
and support, even among those whose
only visible business apears to be that
of bolstering up capitalism. Very
often of late these fellows have made
bad breaks. They have stumbled upon
truths, either by accident or design.
Whether they are doing so from a conviction that all is not well with present day society or whether on the
same principle as that which is supposed to actuate rats in deserting a
sinking ship, is an open question.
However, the fact remains that
much truth is being told, whether consciously or not, by the press of today.
One of the most reactionary anti-labor
pepers in Eastern Canada the "Dally
Telegraph" of St. John, N. B. (1:2:11)
published an editorial utterance a
great deal of which would almost have
done credit to the Western Clarion.
Under the caption "Poverty and
Housing" the following.ls said:
"A newsboy In a mission meeting
joined in the Lord's Prayer until he
came to the petition 'give us this day
our daily bread,' and then broke in
with the irreyerent gloss, 'and butter
on it'. Very few of us would think of
that addition, even in mirth for we
take our dainties as a matter of course.
But the fact that Impresses ttself
upon people, perhaps more strongly at
this season than at other times, ls
the amount of suffering and poverty on
every hand in our large cities. Very
sensitive people try to forget that
there Is suffering. Their pity makes
them cruel. They cannot bear the
Bight of suffering. If he ls a Dives,
such a man must flrst of all insist
that the police shall prevent people
like Lazarus, covered with sores, from
lying in plain sight at the gate. They
treat pain as, in these days of plumbing, we treat 111th. We get the plumber and carpenter to hide It so well that
even our civilized nostrils shall not
be offended.
"But an English statistician says
that 'the suffering of the indigent class
in our towns is greater than ever before; the condition of that class has
been aptly described as far worse
than Hottentots.' Against this is the
testimony of Lord Munnibagge, a great
authority in economic matters. He
'had never heard of a baby starving.
There was no such widespread distress as was represented. People were
always making exaggerated statements
about the poor. He did not credit
them! But he may have turned the'
wrong end of the telescope to his eye.
 '.   Few people starve to
death outright; but in every hard winter, physicians and charity workers in
large cities report suicides and deaths
from starvation diseases. Men try to
break into prison to escape cold and
hunger. Prison fare does not con;
tain many delicacies, but it is sure."
This utterance is a surprising departure from tbe usual and ls a practical admission on tbe part of a Orit
paper that poverty, dire poverty and
misery, does exist all around us. Of
course later on the editor switches off
onto the cause (?) of this state of affairs and here he loses hlnyelf. Either
he had not the necessary amount of
intelligence to perceive the real cause
or his masters had warned him. Anyhow he says "Easily among the chief
causes of poverty is the hard condition of the human lot as by nature
established. The prime reason why
bread must be so dear and flesh and
blood so cheap is that the ratio of exchange between the two has been Axed or largely fixed in the constitution
of the earth, much to the disadvantage
of the latter." All of which is merely
a learned way of displaying ignorance
or of shunting the minds of people who
read the paper off the real issue.
Any person who knows anything of
present industrial development knows
that today the race can produce
enough food, clothing and shelter for
all. The problem of producing the necessities, of life was solved long ago
when chattel slavery, and hence the
state and government, originated. And
almost daily since the origin of slavery
men have been adding to the productivity of their labor. Constantly machinery has undergone improvements
until today one man with the aid of
even ordinary implements can raise
enough wheat to feed thousands; one
man can produce as much working socially with his fellows as cpuld hundreds in the old days. Wherefore then
all this poverty and suffering among
the workers? Tho answer is not to be
found in the housing problem, as the
editor of the Telegraph implies. It ls
not to be found in the fact that the
workers live In dirty houses and communities. Enquire as you will of the
reformer, the sky-pilot, the would-be
saviours of society, for the cause. You
will always find their answers lacking.
Enquire as you will for the remedy—
they who know not the cause certain
ly know naught of the remedy.
Yet the remedy is so simple that he
who runs may read. My "Lord Munnibagge" owns we of the working class
through his ownership of our means of
life. We are just as much his property as though he still chained us to the
leg of our bench. Tbe bonds are attached to our stomachs, yet they are
none the less real. Let us strike at
his ownership, his power to exploit us.
Let us deprive him of that power. We
of the working class have the power
to do so once we become Intelligent
enough to strike him. The modern
state is the weapon that he uses to
hold us in subjection. We possess the
power to take that state from him and
abolish it, thus abolishing his power
over our lives. Will we do it? The
answer of that question may be slow
ln coming, but it will come none the
less surely.
wealth by the workers for the owners.
The Socialist damns this hard work,
mostly, I think, because It could very
easily be almost entirely done away
with (granted the overthrow Of tin
boss class) and the capitalist deifies
the idea in order that tho worters
may be Induced to keep on producing
goods for his enjoyment.
There's the whole thing "in a nut
shell". Put it up to the "dlg.iity of
labor" and "nobility of work" apostle
at the earliest opportunity. Don't let
them side track you on "healthy exercise" or anything like that. "Work"
to the boss, and his mental parasites,
means hard labor—"producing" live
dollars worth of wealth and getting
one dollar for doing It. This Is a f lave
idea, fit only for slave minds inhabiting—-If it can be put that, way—the
upper part of slave bodies. Surely you
don't come under this heading.
"No, I can't buy one mate. I've given
up that since I've been out here. I
used to be a bit of a sport when 1 waB
'ome in the Old Country bpt bllm'e I
can't do it 'ere."
This is the answer that I got while
trying to sell a ticket for our show
here in Brandon.
"You don't know .what tt is,"' he
went on to say, "I've got a wife and,
kids 'ome to look after, and I tell you
mate, lt ain't all beer and skittles."
Of course I told him that he was
lazy and extravagant, and that any.
man with any push at all could prosper ln this country. But I could, pot
convince him that this was so.
Then I started on another tack and
told him that he was a slave. I felt
perfectly safe ln telling him tbat, for
I was bigger than he was. 1 told him
that although he had been working
right along producing wealth, he did
not own any. And that while one class
owned  the  means  of  wealth  produe-
"No," he said, "I ain't a slave, I've
got a good bOBB, and if he don't treat
me right I can quit him any time." By
the way, his boss is a reader of the
Claricn. No doubt he would be sympathetic toward his poor slave.
Another worthy British "object"
said that he would not buy one. He
was not going to help us fellows out
"Why," he said, "I heard one of your
fellows talking on 8th street last summer. He had a dark beard (who's
guilty) he said something about the
workers not being patriotic. Tbe militia should have been called out to
Btop him. It was coming to him." He
agreed with me that the worker did
not get all that he produced. But be
was patriotic because he had something to be patriotic about. When will
you fellows here get wise to the fact
that you have nothing to be patriotic
The Salvation Army had a pot out
on the street here all Christmas week,
collecting money for the poor and
starving in Brandon. "Keep the pot a
boiling, keep the pot a boiling", and
ail this in the most prosperous year
during the history of Brandon. What
are you going to do when the next panic comes?
Are you going to wait until you are
up against it before you begin to
think? . Do not wait until your stomach is. empty, you can't work on an
empty, stomach, Neither can you
think. "Do it Now." Go to the Socialists' meeting's and get in touch with
the .Socialists, where ever you may be,,
and get.wise now.
The Socialists In Brandon are local-
ed at room 10, Nation block. The
room is open all the time, there are
books and papers to read, and you are
welcome. A T. H.
The hobble-skirt is not now fashionable in the "upper set." There is as
yet, however, no sign that blue overalls have lost their popularity with the
working class, although the artistic
tion, and he had to go to them for a land tasteful yellow ones are also
job, he never would own anything to largely worn—at knees and seat, more
write home about. I especially.
Wierd Conceptions of Socialism Among Untutored.
Socialism, to me, seems im-
measureable. It ls a subject that one
can travel over for years, and only
then touch on the surface. When,
however, one mixes with one's fellow-
workers, one finds ont they know, or
think they know, all about it For Instance, tbe Other day, I was informed
that the flag which happens to be acknowledged by Socialists, Is black, red,
and yellow. I was not aware that Socialists were so fastidious In their
choice of colors. I was under the impression that simple red suited their
taste. However, what do you suppose was the interpretation put upon
the colors? I will tell you. ' Black
stood for murder; red for blood; and
yellow for gold. I could scarcely believe It. When I have looked around
at the faces bf the Brandon bunch, I
have hardly associated them with murder or blood. I shall not say anything regarding gold.
Another individual, who, by the
way, is patriotism personified, gave to
me tbe intelligence that if capitalists
were to withdraw their capital, the
don't - you forget it. They care as
little about you, as does the cannibal
about the missionary. The capitalist
uses you and your energy to his financial advantage, and when you become less of an advantage than a
younger slave throws you on the
scrap heap. The cannibal, on the other hand, usee the missionary for the
glorification of his "Little Mary."
You might ask me, how you can improve matters. There ls only one way,
and that is, change the system under
which you are allowed to exist.
The workers must own collectively
all means of production. To do that,
you must get possession of the means
of government, by voting for Socialist
candidates. But, you might .ask, will:
the masters give up their property,
without a, struggle? Possibly not.
However, if you have the forces that
be under your command, I don't think
the master class will kick .ipuch. It
tbey do, why, then apply tbe, medicine
that has been served up to you on the.
many occasions you have become a
trifle obstreperous, viz. a few bullets
(By Wilfrid Gribble.)
As there is a great deal of talk about'   While   the word Socialism is often
Says  Omar,  the  old  Persian artist
in words and philosopher of "have a
good time and do it now:"
Myself  when  young  did  eagerly  frequent.
Doctor and Saint, and heard great,
About It and about, yet evermore
Came out by the same door wherein
I went.
Which means that he heard much
"rag chewing," to use the expressive
lingo of the West, about something
and acquired little or no knowledge
thereon. This often happens nowadays. One of the writer's favorite
subjects—for theoretic discussion—is
work. This work is a great thing. The
capitalists deify it—to their employees—and let lt severely alone themselves. The word "work" has a certain definite meaning. It ls by no
means synonymous with "exercise."
"muscular exertion" or "mental effort."
When the Socialist reviles work he ls
not attacking games or pastimes.
Football is not work—except for professionals. When the capitalist
preaches the doctrine of work to his
slaves, he does not mean, take exercise, develop your muscles, swim,
dance, row, climb mountains etc., not
on your life! The work the Socialist
damns, and the plute deifies, is hard
labor in the process of production
which  results  ln  the  production of
Socialism at the present time and as
there is a great deal of mystification
as to whai Socialism is and means, it
may interest the readers of The News
Telegram to hear a little about the
subject from one who is supposed, at
least, to know something about lt, being an authorized exponent.
Socialism may be, and is, variously
defined. Devllle, a great French writer, defines lt as "The theoretical expression of the contemporaneous phase
of the economic evolution of society."
While this is correct, it ls rather too
long a definition; there are too many
big and unusual words used for the
average reader, so I will try to give
another and more understandable
Socialism is an explanation of the
changes in society. While this is not
complete, it ls, I believe quite understandable at flrst reading, and now,
hoping to have enlisted the readers'
attention, I will proceed to enlarge upon that definition by a short exposition of Socialism as a whole. When
one hears the same person saying
within a few minutes: "Eocialism is
all nonsense," and "Socialism will
never come," it indicates what a vague
idea of Socialism such a one has, in
the first remark dealing with Socialism
as something already ln existence,
though denouncing it as an absurdity,
and then speaking of it as not yet
come Into existence, and predicting
that it never will; the confused state
of such a person's mind is obvious.
I may state right here that Socialism
strictly speaking, has nothing to do
with the future.
Socialism, like other sciences, deals
with what is, and the future never is.
While Socialism may venture to predict in general what system of society
will replace the present, no one worthy
the name of Socialist, that is a more
or less well-informed and earnest
student of the science of Socialism,
will presume to go Into details of the
future state of society, yet. Socialism
is a science and science is infinite in
used, loosely and popularly, to Indicate the future social order, in the
words "nnder Socialism," it is not
strictly corect to do so.
Socialism is the means, not the end,
Socialists are working not for Socialism, but by Socialism.
To study Socialism is to study Bociety, and there Is a good reason for
studying society. Every one of us is
a part of, a unit In society. Whatever
affects society affects us, and in order
to conserve or assert and maintain
our interests, we must understand the
society of which we are a part.
Socialism, then. Is a science dealing
with the development of society, explaining its changes and enabling Its
students to become conscious and intelligent instruments of natural laws
economically expressed, for It must be
distinctly" understood that though It Is
not within tbe scope of this article to
go very deeply into the matter, what
is known as "social evolution" Is but
a continuation and part of the natural
evolutionary process which has, according to the evidence of science, always been In existence. But while
deep students of Socialism find it
necessary, eventually, to study other
sciences, and it may be incidentally
mentioned, in doing so in many cases
also find it necessary to give up many
beliefs and ideas once dear to them,
Socialism In itself is a study of associated man, explaining why he first
associated and why he changed his
form of society from time to time.
The name given to the basic principle of Socialism is "The materialist
interpretation 'of history," which
simply means that the real history of
mankind is the history of how mankind got its living; that to rightly
understand the changes in society one
must study the ever changing tool
and method of production; that as the
tools of production Improved, bo society changed its forms, and as the
instruments o. production are still developing, so society is changing right
now and must continue to change till
lt eventually takes on an entirely new
form. Understood ln this way, history
throes of starvation. Suppose It were
possible to withdraw capital (Socialists know it is not) how does the idea
of starvation strike you, the workers?
Starvation in the midst of plenty. I
know how it strikes me. 1 have an
idea, that I shall be around some one's
pantry. No, boys! if you want to
know about what Socialism is, you
must read about it. The instances tbat
I have quoted, are from men, who,
evidently, have not read one book on
Socialism. They have received their
"knowledge" from the capitalist class,
through their minions, the press. They
are not alone, however. Thousands
of others are equally as ignorant. The
master class are alive to the fact that
it pays them to keep you, their slaves,
in ignorance, and you, poor deluded
people, think they are studying your
Interests. If it were not pathetic, it
would be comical. If they are studying your interests, why did a bunch
of you strike in Winnipeg? Why did
a bunch of mining slaves strike in
Wales (and draw down on themselves
military and police?) Why did a
bunch of railway slaves strike in
France, all within recent date? You
know that directly you want a benefit the master class opposes you at
every point.
Study you, of course they study you.
You have had an instance of their solicitude for you recently, in the mine
disaster, West. In the mine in Lancashire, England you had another instance of their solicitude. Hundreds
of poor slaves being smothered, leaving widows and orphans to the tender mercies of the world. And what
for? To allow people to have coal?
Not a bit of it. If there were no
profits, the people could get their
coal from the bunkers of hell, for all
it concerned the master class.
It's profits, profits, profits all the
time our worthy masterB are after, and
working class would soon be In the 'served with cold steel.   I, personally.
have never had to take that kind of
physic, but I hiar or. good authority
that it has a very quieting effect. Yoa
must have the change, that is inevitable. With the wealth' getting Into
fewer hands; with the Increased productiveness of machinery; with unemployment forever increasing; with
the standard of living decreasing,
among the workers, the time must
come when you musi embrace Socialism. No more panics; no more mine
disasters, through carelessness; no
more humans thrown upon the scrap
heap. Human life is too valuable to
be sacrificed to the god Profit. It
should be a good thing to live, instead of, as at present, nothing but
poverty and want staring you in the
face. Think about it. Read about it
and see which gives you the greater
advantage—Capitalism or Socialism.
Yours in Reyolt
ceases to be a bold narrative of wars
intrigues and murders; the doings of
this king, that baron, or tho other
knight, to say nothing of tbe "ladye
fayre," and one understands that such
were and are but tbe bubbles on the
surface of the broad, deep stream
beneath—the useful workers.
To conclude this brief, all too brief,
article, Socialism is a study of this and
past societies. Tbe object of Socialists
is to hasten the next social order, tbe
collective order of society, which they
feel assured will replace the present
system, and as Socialists aro invariably optimists, hope, and believe will
come soon. What then?
That's not our problem. We wlll
leave that to those who have It to
deal with. Our work and problem is
now, and our hands are full, but as a
matter of personal belief I have the
fullest confidence that with the disappearance of the present system, with
Its national and class strife, mankind
will progress at a rate undreamt of
now and eventually become
"A race of peace-robed conquerors and
Achieving evermore diviner things.''
—News Telegram (Calgary).
A member of the local the other
night said: "This is an hypocritical
age," and he proved this statement
from his own observation, not from
books. He said: "The Grecians built
for beauty, the Romans for utility and.
strength. In these days they build for
profit; consequently we have 'jerry-
building', fake, sham, weakness, no
solidity, walls honey-combed with rottenness, hollow! hollow! hollow!"
Tbe Grecian cut the marble like
snow, ln Ibe days of individual production, ln the days of Adam Uede, the
craftsman loved to linger over his
handicraft, ln these days of socialized
production and machine hands, work
is mechanical and monotonous, Competition drives the capitalist, the capitalist drives the wage-slave. Profits
must be made. The capitalist becomes
u ferocious cannibal. The wage-slave
commits suicide by degrees. Capitalist exploitation ends in wage-slave annihilation.
The wage-slave Is no longer a man,
be ls a commodity. He has sold his
birthright fpr a mess of pottage. He
grows by what he feeds upon. Peed me
with food convenient for me—adulterated pottage. In these days of over
production a pious wage-slave fixes
his gaste upon the hills from whence
cometh his help, and starves lu the
midst of plenty. A wage-slave said to
me the other day:
I work fourteen hours a day, and
three on Sunday and'' with a Bmile of
satisfaction, "I get paid full time for
"Well," I said, "My friend, I'm afraid
you're a very grejedy feller." He
grinned with delight and poked me ln
the ribs. "It's a bit of orlrlght, ain't
It?" he bawled In my ear.
Yes", I said, "It reminds me of
what a yankee said."
-What's that?"
'Dream  delivers  us  to dream  and
there is no end to delusion."
"Come on,  blast  yer,"  he  smiled,
chock that lumber out."
Aad  so  at  last  we  got down  to
realities, which was most refreshing.
Published every Saturday hy the
Socialist Party of Canada, at the Offloe
et the Western Clarion, Flack Block
•Basement, 166 Hastings Street, Vancouver. B. C.
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whole plot, bombs and all bas been
manufactured by the powers that be
in Japan for the speci&c purpose of
committing a "judicial murder," a
crime which our masters pretend to
find so reprehensible. That In fact the
charge of assassination may be laid at I
the doors of tbe upholders of law and
And why not? The Japanese are extolled the world over as apt pupils, and
surely they have had lessons enough.
To leave aside Russia, one can cite
most modern examples ln "God's own
country," the United States, and even
that paragon "British Justice" has
shown what can be done in India, and
has moreover been injudicious enough
to let lt be discovered and published
broadcast ln good capitalist papers.
But Japan will find, aB others are
finding, that in repression ts no
remedy, nor in aught else. The roots of
the revolutionary movement are In
the very fibers of capitalism. In Japan,
as elsewhere, Capitalism is breeding
its own grave-diggers. Where there is
exploitation, is unrest, and without
exploitation there can be no capital
and no capitalism. The effects of oppression cannot be obliterated by repression, but only by abating the op-
CLARION, 1910.
Bound volumes of this paper for 1910
are now being prepared. All those de-
tiring a copy should order at once.
Price $2.50.
The sentencing to death of Kotoku
and his "fellow conspirators" brings
Clearly Into light the fact that Japan
has attained to the very pinnacle of
modern civilization. Not so much
from having condemned these revolutionists to death, even barbaric nations indulge ln that cheerful pastime,
bnt ln the fact ot having revolutionists
ot this type to condemn. As the capitalist system develops so within tt develops the spirit of revolt, and when
this spirit has advanced so far as to appear sufficiently menacing to call tor
harsh repressive measures, the omen
is infallible of capitalism's maturity.
Of the Revolutionary movement in
Japan we know little but can infer
enough. Some six years ago, Japanese
Socialist papers, flrst one, then another, used to arrive intermittently
through the malls between periods of
suppression. Finally they ceased to
appear altogether. The lid was on,
and Socialism could be neither preached nor printed. These papers had informed us of a mass of seething discontent, of strikes, of riots, of mine
disasters, of poverty and of an intense
exploitation of which our masters'
press, with all Its leased wires, appeared perfectly oblivious, and not at all
In keeping with the sunny, cherry-
blossomed Japan which they portrayed
to us, but resembling, with local
variations, any other civilized country
one might name. Given these conditions, that lt should not have a Socialist movement would have been most
The aim and object of such a movement could, of course. In Japan, he
ao other than here or anywhere, the
breaking of the rule of capital. The
method must necessarily have been
different to coincide with the form assumed by the rule of capital in Japan.
That form being nothing less than an
autocracy in the hands of the "Elder
Statesmen", though thinly veiled tor
■how purposes by a pretence of a parliamentary government adapted from
the English, naturally, no option ls left
a revolutionary movement but physical
torce aB a means to achieving a political revolution. And, on. the other hand,
tor the repression of this movement,
physical force alone will serve.
Hence Kotoku and his comrades
must die. What other course is open
to the Japanese Government? These
are the enemies of the existing social
order, a menace to this, the best of
all possible societies, in the eyes of Its
beneficiaries. The tide of revolution
must be stemmed and only by making
an example of these individuals can lt
be hoped to strike terror to the hearts
ot others similarly inclined.
Of the merits of the case little can
be known, the Japanese government
discreetly allowing only Its own version of the story to be published, displaying in this respect very much more
astuteness than the "white" governments from which lt has learnt ItB lessons. Its story will, of course, pass
well enough ln bourgeois circles and
to It, after all that is all that matters
for it hns understanding sufficient to
know that to the opinion of the workers little value need be attached and
less notice taken of their protests.
However, lt does, on the face of
It, seem somewhat improbable, to
say the least of it, that the intelligent
Kotoku, the translator of the Marx into Japanese, should expect to achieve
anything whatever by compassing the
assassination of a puppet Emperor, or
oven of the most powerful individuals
fn the land, especially with a. population, In the vast majority, utterly unready for intelligent action. Which
leaves r« -o alternative but that the
presslon, which can by no means be
Pressed onward by forces over which
it has no control, capital is marching
to Its doom. It must have profits and
more profits. To obtain profits lt must
employ workers to create wealth. To
realize the profits it must market this
wealth. To market lt, It must create
It more and more cheaply. It must
exploit the workers more and more
intensely. It must create greater and
greater poverty, fiercer discontent,
more dangerous unrest. It must repress the unrest it creates, and must
continue to create and intensify the unrest it must suppress. Is the end not
writ large?
schemes mentioned in the article we
are considering. These sops are manifestly promulgated for the purpose, of
distracting the slaves' attention from
i..e fact that lt ls possible for them to
operate industry purely in their own
interests, thus enjoying all the wealth
their labor creates.
Corporation readiness to submit to
government control is only proof that
centralized capital ls now powerful
enough to proceed about Ub business
legally and ln the open. They can
now repudiate the doctrine that "might
is right," because by their might they
have established their right. By denouncing that principle they will try to
delude the workers from ln turn overthrowing the right of capital with the
might of numoers.
Squirm as they will, however, the
capitalists' days are numbered. Even
as they devise plans to render their
position more secure, the proletariat
becomes more and more conscious of
Its position in society. Every day
makes plainer to the workingman that
from his labor springs the wealth of
society and that by owning industry
that wealth would be his to enjoy.
May that idea Boon generally prevail—
to the discomfort of all who live by
the toil of others. It
Geo. W. Perkins, late of J. P. Morgan
& Co., writes lengthily in the New
York Times on "The coming relations
between Capital and Labor." He lays
particular stress upon the fact that the
giant corporation Is a result of the
application of power-driven machinery
to wealth production, with the minute
subdivision of labor necessary thereto,
and Ib consequently here to stay, being a far more efficient method of
managing and controlling industry
than any which has preceded lt.
The tremendous power Invested ln
large combinations of capital should
not, Mr. Perkins thinks, be abused by
mere profit, seeking, but should be
exerted In the Interests of the "whole
people." On this point he remarks:
'It ls because the managers of corporations have ln many instances
failed to appreciate that they are Indeed trustees, and Instead have often
acted as they would had they been
partners in a firm, that we are today
confronted with the corporation problem as lt is generally viewed. That is
why we flnd the corporation regarded
In ill-favor in quarters where it should
be regarded with the greatest approval.
It ls gratifying to flnd In the history of
the past few years a growing appreciation od the paft of corporation managers of their trusteeship. The giant
corporation stands today for public cooperation and each of the elements of
Which the corporation is made up owes
its duty to each of the others. The
duty of the corporation to its stockholders is no more sacred than its duty
to its employes and to neither is its
duty greater than to the public at
"The inevitable conclusion from this
view of the position which the corporations occupy is that they are rightfully
subjected to Government supervision.
It Is proper and In every way desirable that the State should see to lt
that such corporations are managed
as they should be and that the rights
of all, of the public, of tbe shareholder, and of the employes are efficiently safeguarded. For my part
I am strongly of the belief that the
great corporations should be under
Federal regulation, and that publicity
should be the malnstem ln the system
of Governmental supervision. Enforce
rigid publicity and the evils of corporation management will disappear, for it
known they cannot persist ln the face
of public sentiment.
"The great corporation stands for
organization, and effective organization means Inevitably co-operation. Let
the old motto of "Might is Right" be
recast. Let us set up tn its place
"Right Is Might" and let competition
be replaced by co-operation as the
moving force In business endeavor.
Ruthless competition Is as much out
of place today as ls ruthless struggle
between capital and labor. It should
not be struggle but co-operation between these two and as between rival
business concerns emulation should
serve the purpose that heretofore has
been regarded as best served by com
It Is plain that the gentlemen con
nected with "high finance" are .veil In
touch with the trend of events. They
fully realize that it is necessary for
them to adopt some plan of conciliation toward their employees that wlll
tend to subdue unrest among the latter, and induce them to remain faithful to the corporations. Profit-sharing
and old age pensions are two of the
It Is said that Almighty Capital ls
about to breathe upon Vancouver the
breath which causeth expansion.
Whispers are abroad, also much tall
and haughty type, that where now the
stately stump and Imploring real-
estate sign engage the gaze, many
great factories with all the smoky
insignia of industrial prominence, are
soon to arise. The word "millions"
recurs with dazzling frequency in the
columns of local newspapers and
already the Indigenous Imagination
sees here a city pouring from myriad
stacks carbonic tribute to the clouds,
peopling the endless seas with her
commerce—great among the greatest.
Deducting much for the fond anticipations of the vendors of area, there
is still some of this with which it is
possible to agree. For even now the
symptoms of advancing civilization
are manifesting themselves. Here are
to be seen those crowds of mournful
creatures,, dismal accompaniment Of
centralized population, who wander
about the streets seeking for some one
to buy them, praying only for a chance
to work that they might know food
and shelter. They are the unemployed—the problem of progress, but they
do not care, they want to eat and be
sheltered; on jobs their hopes are
Already the jails are inadequate to
accommodate the numbers clamoring
(and otherwise) for admittance. This
is a sure sign of healthy growth.
Civilized man ls known by his prisons.
Here also bloom those charitable in-
sc.tutions which thrive so lustily upon
the attenuation of others.
Altogether, Vancouver is assuredly
prosperous and will grow. Measuring
her greatness by her miseries, the
most reliable method, she is in a fair
way to rank with the mightiest of
(Capital continued.)
While, therefore, with reference to
use-value, the labor contained in a
commodity counts only qualitatively
with reference to value lt counts only
quantitatively, and must flrst be reduced to human labor pure and simple.
In the former case, it is a question of
how and what, in the latter of how
much?   How long a time?
Since the magnitude of the value
of a commodity represents only the
quantity of labor embodied ln It, It
follows that all commodities, when
taken ln certain proportions, must be
equal ln value.
If the productive power of all the
different sorts of useful labor required
for the production of a coat remains
unchanged, the sum of the value of the
coats produced Increases with their
If one coat represents X days' labor,
two represents 2X days' labor, and so
But assume that the duration of the
labor necessary for the production of
a coat becomes doubled or halved.
In the flrst case, one coat is worth
as much as two coats were before; ln
the second case, two coats are only
worth as much as one was before, although ln both cases one coat renders
the same service as before, and the
useful labor embodied ln It remains of
the same quality. But the quantity
of labor spent on Its production has
An Increase in the quantity of use-
values Is an Increase of material
wealth. With two coats two men can
be clothed, with one coat only one
man. Nevertheless, an Increased
quantity of material wealth may correspond to a simultaneous fall ln the
magnitude of Its value. This antagonistic movement has its origin in the
two-fold character of labor. Productive power has reference, of course,
only to labor of some useful concrete
form; the efficacy of any special productive activity during a given time
being dependent on its productiveness.
Useful labor becomes, therefore, a
more or less abundant source of prod
ucts, in proportion to the rise or fall
of Its productiveness.
On the other hand, no change in
this productiveness affects the labcr
represented by value. !
Since productive power ls an attribute of the concrete useful forms of
labor, of course it can no longer have
any bearing on that labor, so soon as
we make abstraction from those concrete useful forms.
However, then productive power
may vary, the same labor, exercised
during equal periods of time, always
yields equal amounts of value. But
lt will yield, during equal periods of
time, different quantities of values in
use; more, if the productive power
rise, fewer, If it fall.
The same change ln productive power, which increases the fruitfulness of
labor, and, in consequence, the quantity of use-values produced by that
labor, will diminish the total value of
this increased quantity of use-values,
provided such change shorten the total labor time necessary for their production;   and vice versa.
On the one hand all labor Is, speaking physiologically, an expenditure of
human labor power, and in its character of identical abstract human labor, it creates and forms the values of
On the other hand, all labor ls the
expenditure of human labor power in
a special form and with a definite aim,
and in this, its character of concrete
use labor it produces use-values.
(Continued next week.)
«   •   »
Examination of excerpt from "Capital"
Clarion, 21st Jan., 1911.
When we examined the nature of a
commodity we found lt to be a use-
value, its utility being realized by its
We saw also, that a commodity ls an
exchange value, it exchanges with other commodities.
Our examination has shown us, further, that the use-value, or utility of
a commodity depends upon its natural
qualities, and that exchange value is
a quantity, the proportion ot which ls
found in the exchange of commodities.
Now, a commodity is a product of
labor. Labor exercised with a definite
aim, as the labor of a tailor or weaver,
is useful labor, the results of which
are the use-values, coat and linen. The
use-values of a commodity is the relationship lt bears as an article of utility
to its consumer. '
Exchange value ls, as we have seen,
a quantity, a quantity of necessary
labor embodied in commodities, the
proportion of which ls found when
they exchange for each other. Use-
value drops out of sight ln the exchange of commodities, consequently,
definite and particular kinds of labor
drop out of sight. Thus it is that the
value of a commodity represents
simple abstract human labor.
. Wealth production is a social process; from the complex organism, society, no one can separate himself.
Today a commodity represents to us
the sum of the experiences and activities of brain, nerve, and muscle
throughout uncounted ages.
Skilled labor Is simple labor Intensified or concentrated, so that a given
quantity of skilled labor equates itself
with a greater quantity of simple labor. Because of this, Marx intends
throughout the book, to consider all
labor as simple labor, so that we are
saved the trouble of constantly reducing labor from its concentrated to its
simple form. H_
Commodities are each the result of
combinations of special kinds of labor,
as cloth and yarn,—tailoring and
weaving. But consider them as values
and tbey are congelations of human
activity, or labor simply. *M~~
It one commodity exchanges for
twice as much as another, we assume
that ln it Is contained twice as much
Sec. Press Committee.
Class meets each Sunday at 2237
Westminster Avenue, 3:30 p. m.
Mathematics class, 2 p. m.
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head. |1.00 per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,  B.  C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada, Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
"Life ls a tragedy, a tale of woe
For us." U is Indeed, I   know!    I
know I
And bo, I guess, it will be Just as
As the boss class stage-manage this
darn show.
"Earth's joys are naught, the 'higher
things' are best
Naught matters lt   we   pass    old
Peter's  test."
Thus spake the slave with eyes  upraised to heaven,
Then  dug his muck-stick  In  with
added zest.
We saw him stand, puff out bis chest
and bawl:
"I am the IT—on me things rest or
I asked my pard, "What alls that silly
He said: "He has delusions—that ls
But  yesterday,  in  accents  deep   and
He said: "This ls my own, my native land—
A patriot I." Lo! on the street today,
He   "hit   me   up"   for   price   of
"coffee and."-
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding: tile movement ln the province. F. Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 2237
•W.-hiininstcr Avn.ut\ Secretary, Wm.
LOOAL   VEBNON  B.   0.,   BO.  38,   8.   P.
of O. Meets every Tuesday, 8 p. m.
sharp, at L,. O. L. Hall, Tronson St.
Chas.  Clianey,  Secretary.
LOCAL VICTOBXA, BO. 3,   .8. T. 0*f O.
Headquarters and Reading Hoom,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre.
T. Gray. Secretary.
Committee: Notioe—This card ls
Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good street, Winnipeg.
LOOAL   PBBBXB,   S.   P.   Of   C.   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business
meeting first Sunday in each month,
same place at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
LOOAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   0.,   BO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G. Johnson, Secretary,
LOCAL TMXB, B. C, WO. 31, B. P. Of O.
—Meeta every third Saturday in
month, at 7:30 p. m. E. Anderson,
Secretary; W. B. Mclsaae. Treasurer.
Unattaohed Comrades in the distiict
are earnestly requested to get ln touch
with Secretary, who will answer all
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near pestofnee). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hah, T,
Machln, Secretary. Box 647, A. Mao-
donald,  Organizer,  Box   647.
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room ls open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake, 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Bissett, 323 Fourth
St., Organizer.
i. P. of C.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. ln
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
looal ladysmith: bo. 10, a. p. oi
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m.' ln headquarters on First Ave
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith,
B. c.
C, meets every Sunday ln Graham's
Hail at 10:30 a. m, , Spcialist speakers
are invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.  ■
LOCAL KABA, B. O, BO. 34, B. T. ot tt,
Meets flrst Sunday ih every month ln
Socialist Hail, Mara* 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Roscman,   Recording  Secretary.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. ln McGregor
Hall (Miners'' HaU). Thoa. Roberta,
LOOAL  NANAIMO,  BO.  8,  S.  T.  Ot  O.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock,
A. Jordan, Secy. Sox 410.
LOCAL   NELSON,   8.   P.   of tt,   MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p. m., In
Miners' Hall, Nelson. B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday ln
hall In Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOOAL   BEVBLSTOXZ,   B.   tt,   BO.   7,
S. P. of C Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. T. S. Cassidy, Organizer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
LOCAL BOB8LABB, BO. SS, 8. P. Of tt,
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secy., P. O
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets ln Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
54 Rossland.
LOOAL   VANCOWTBB,   B.  O,  BO.  1.—
Canada.      Business    meetings    every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Westminster Ave.   .
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
WAN.—Meets every Sunday, 3 p.m..
Trades Hall, Scarth St. Secretary,
Alex. Watchman, General Delivery.
Socialist speakers will be greatly appreciated.
Ben Simmons, P. O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters, 628 1-2 Main
Street, Room No. 2, next Dreamland
Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at 8 p.m.;
propaganda meeting every Wednesday
at 8 p.m.: economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh
Laldlow, Room 2, 628 1-2 Main Street
Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young
LOOAL    BO.    94,    TOBOBTO.   OBT	
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice St.
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every 2nd and 4th Wednesday; propaganda meetings every Sunday Bt J
and 8 p. m. By arrangement with
Toronto University popular scientlflc
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address all communications to Secretary, No. 10 and 11
Alice St.
LOCAL BBABTPOBD, Bo. 18, 8. T. ot O.
Meets at headquarters, 13 George St.,
every Thursday and Sunday nights.
Business and Speakers' Class on Thursdays; Economic Class' on Sundays.
Wage workers Invited. A. W. Baker,
Secretary, 9 George St. W. Davenport, Organizer, 141 Nelson St.
LOOAL   OfTAVA,   BO.   8,   8.   P.   of   tt
Business meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Robert-
Allan hall, 78 Rldeau St.   John Lyons,
Secretary. 43 Centre St.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sunday
in the Cape Breton offlce of the Party,
Commercial Street, Glace Bay, N. S.
Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491,
Glace Bay, N. S.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Maodon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, office ln D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make ths
subscription price of the International Socialist Review ln Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will moll tea
copies of any one Issue.
For 13.00 we will mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
184 West Klnzie St., Chicago.
District of New Westminster.
TAKE notice that David Stewart Ryan
of Vancouver, occupation miner, Intends
to apply for permission to lease the following described land:—
Commencing at a post planted near
an unnamed Island about two miles from
the south end of Texada island on the
east side, thence west 40 chains, thence
south 60 chains, thence east 40 chains
more or less to the foreshore, thence ln
a northwesterly direction to point of
commencement, containing 240 acres,
more or less.
Dated November 2nd, 1910.
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Melcahey, Prop.
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel  25c
The Rights of Man, Paine... ISc
The Story of Creation, Clodd 21c
Lifeof Jesus, Ronan  25c
Age of Reason, Paine   ISc
Merrie England  He
Ingersoll's Lectures, 1st, 2nd
and 3rd series each ISc
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
Price List of Literature
Issued by the Dominion Executive
"Slave of The Farm," or
"Proletarian in Politics," to locals subscribing to the publishing fund, $1.00
per 100, to others 26c per doz.
"Socialism and Unionism" to be published.
"Value, Price and Profit," to subribers
to publishing fund $2 per 100, to others
30c per doz.
' 'Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism"   to subscribers   to   publishing
fund $6 per 100, to others 75c per do z
USI in B.C.'    Cl<*^ViS" SATURDAY, JANUARY 28,1911
Tb- Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Dominion Executive
balance on hand July 1 '10..$ 765.95
Btecelpts tor half year ending
January  3,  '11 	
Total $1683.00
Expenditures     {1151.60
Balance   on   hand    $531.40
B. C. Provincial Executive
on hand July 1, '10 $ 685.90
leceipts" for halt year  ending
] January  3,  '11     420.65
NEL80N, B. C.
i Total
.$ 612.25
Comrade: —
Please flnd enclosed $3.00 for card.
Also quarterly report. Nelson local
never was so disinterested as they
seem to be at the present time. Why,
I don't know, the necessity for activity
was never greater, but the working
plug sure passeth all understanding.
Many are called but verily there be
but tew enter the Socialist hall.
John Harrington spoke to the slaves
at the last Friday evening meeting. He
gave a good address. We are looking
forward to Comrade Gribble's trip and
hoping for good results.
Yours in revolt,
I. A. AUSTIN, Sec'y.
[Balance on hand   $ 494.30
Audited and found correct.
Comrade Editor:—
At a business meeting of Brandon
Local, held January 9, 1911, It was decided to suspend Comrade Dean. The
authority and reason for the action
will be found in the constitution, article 2, section 8. When a member Ignores the constitution, he ceases to
function as a member.
Brandon   Local   regards   with   con-
Jear Comrade:
I Do you not think that it is time that
Ie Party published a series of propa-
Lnda leaflets?   There are many men
Fat can only be reached by the print-|(empti people whQ are ^.^ ^ nQr
word.   If a regular distribution of | cold ™m^tmmtmmn^,Mnmmni.
I Stable leaflets were made, many men
uld be reached that would not be
lached any other way.
Local Brandon is mapping out a sys-
m of regular leaflet distribution for
rery Sunday morning. We shall want
•om 500 to 1,000 leaflets every week,
    must,  of  course,  be  different
very week, as we intend to cover the
[strict regularly every Sunday.   If a
erles of leaflets ls not published by
_he' party, we, not having the price to
|ay for printing our own, will have to
i purchase American or English leaflets.   This we do not want to do, as
hey advertise their own party or their
pwn papers and we want to advertise
he S. P. of C. and the Western Clar-
Such leaflets could be printed very
I'heaply it in sufficient quantities.
They should have the address of West-
trn Clarion and the Dominion Secre-
ary. They should also have a blank
pace for any local information. Our
tarty, if it ls to hold its own, must
>e more Aggressive. We must make it
lossible for locals to do propaganda
ill the time and to do it as cheap as
ts possible. A good article for a leaf-
et would be "Jones' Boy" ln the Clar-
on a few weeks ago.
Yours in the scrap,
•    •    •
!(In connection with the foregoing
iit might not be out of place to remark
that, while there can be no question as
to .the desirability of publishing pamphlets, leaflets and eventually books
of our own, yet the funds for that pur-
ose do not seem to be readily forthcoming. Only a small number of
Locals have responded to the Executive Committee's circular on the question, which we take the occasion to
reprint herewith.—Ed Clarion.)
I The necessity for a publishing department to the Socialist Party of Canada has for long been apparent; lack
of funds has hitherto hampered our
efforts in this as ln other directions.
However, a plan whereby this object
may be attained has been submitted to
the Dominion Executive Committee,
and the Committee, approving lt has
decided to obtain the opinion of the
locals before moving in the matter.
It ls proposed to publish; as a com-
[mencement, a series of five cent pam-
fphlets  Betting  forth, as  simply  and
I clearly as possible, the conditions of
tbe various sections of the working
class  under  capitalism,  the  manner
and reason of the exploitation, and
the remedy.   These can, by first printing them in the Clarion, be published
at a price that will make it possible
i to sell them, postpaid, for $1.00 per
1100.   Locals wishing to obtain them
at this price can do so by contributing
$10.00 to the Publishing Fund.
It a sufficient number ot Locals contributed $10.00 each for this purpose
the publication of the pamphlets could
be proceeded with. Once established
upon a sound basis, the field of usefulness of this fund could be extended to
Include the publication of leaflets for
distribution, and perhaps of more ev-
pensive literature. It is further proposed, in order that the always slender
resources ot the Locals may not be
unduly strained, that, at any time after
six months, any Local may withdraw
its contribution, in cash.
Locals are therefore requested to
kindly inform the Executive, as Boon
as possible, whether they approve of
this project and whether they are prepared to contribute to the Fund. If
a sufficient number of Locals signify
their Intention of contributing, the contributions will be called in and publication commenced.
Party discipline must, an'1 will be
Corresponding Secretary
W. F. M.
Dear Comrades.
Enclosed please find cheque for the
sum of $84.00 for subs to Clarion from
Dist. No. 6.
I contracted a cold while in attendance at the Diet. Convention in Nelson
and have not been able to get down
to the offlce since my return here. Will
send you the names and addresses of
the Local Secretaries and the number
of subs allotted to each Local as soon
as the Doctor wlll allow me to go down
Yours ln Revolt,
All members of Local Vancouver No.
1 should make particular arrangements
to attend the business meeting of Tuesday, January 81st, to discuss a special
order of business viz., organization ot
Vancouver District.
Denr Comrade Mc:—
There hay been so much ln the Clarion of late about religion one would
almost think that the Socialist party
had turned into a camp meeting, Instead of being a political party as it
should be. If men and women are to
be free, they should be free :o practise
any religion they see flt. Furthermore,
l consider that the clergy renderB a
service and If the people want that
service, being willing to pay for it,
they should have the right to get it.
As there ls nothing ln tbe Socialist
platform or program to prevent anyone from being religious if they want
to, I , for one, think that those who
have written on the subject lately are
only misrepresenting the aim and object of the Socialist party. In Karl
Marx' writings I have never seen
where he referred to religion, and in
all his writings and speeches, Debs
has never spoken about religion. I
would advise those writers to the
Clarion to go and do likewise.-
Mrs. W. D.
point in Herbert Spencer's "Principles
of Psychology," there was Tommy
Legge, with an open "Riddle of the
Universe" before him, explaining to a
stranger what was meant by materialist Monism; in yet another corner,
Comrade France was explaining to
a believer in a medieval religion that
it was the "inventions and not the intentions of man that decided his
mode of life and of course his religion
I strolled from one group to another
and finally seated myself near to Tommy. Just at that moment the stranger
asked why we were not allowed to
talk on the street. The conversation
turned to this subject, and while it
was in progress, the door opened and
in walked an "immediate demander."
These freaks are scarce in Brandon
but what few there are, feeling somewhat lonely, occasionally stroll up to
our headquarters. This one seated
himself near us, just as Tommy was
saying that the authorities had the
power and they would not let us talk
so there you are. Friend "immediate
demander" butted in with "well what
are you going to do, wait for the Revolution?" "No," retorted Tommy with
a sarcastic curl of his lip, "we will
pasB a resolution about it.". Friend
"immediate demander" suddenly took
an interest ln the game of bridge.
The stranger then said: "Though
not a Socialist I guess you can class
me as a sympathizer." "Cut it out,"
said Tommy, "we don't want any sympathizers, we are doing this tor ourselves not for your sake, nor for
Christ's sake, just for our own sakes,
so what is there to sympathize about?"
As time went on conversation became more general and at last Comrade Bert Bastable (the old puritan)
said "It's twelve o'clock boys one more
year of capitalism gone, another milestone nearer the social revolution."
The boys couldn't resist a hearty
shout, the noise attracted some passers by, who shouted up to the window "Happy New Year mates!" Back
we shouted ln chorus "same to you,
and lots of work! 1"
When the laughter had subsided
someone said, "Come on you quartette lets have the World for the Workers." Immediately the crowd was ser-
lou while we heard.
You tollers of the world, arise!
To bravely speed the day;
When all your forces organize
King Capital to slay,
And from the master class you'll wrest
The powers of the State,
Which wielded in your interest.
Your class emancipate.
The "World for the Workers" ls eas-
lly the favorite with the boys though
they like to yell out the Red Flag at
Some one suggested the Red Flag,
we yelled It out with sufficient energy
to raise the dead, then grabbed our
wraps, raced pell mell down the stairs,
and, with enthusiasm for Socialism
that will be hard to keep in check, we
wended our way homeward filled with
the joy that only a rebel knows.
The other day No. 612 came to hand
and "Barltz' Defence" caught my eye.
As be has seen flt to accuse me of
untruthfulness, and also by Implication of being responsible for the alleged confusion ln the maritime movement, I deem lt only fair that I should
be allowed to reply. Lacking the mod-
They are part of the stock in trade of
the very metaphysicians whom Barltz
claims to hold ln such disdain. They
belong to the vocabulary of those who
prate learnedly of "free will" and tell
us that "God gave us free wlll but
knows ln advance how we are going
to use that will," etc. Can it be possible that the learned, scientific reasoner of the S. P. G. B. has fallen so
low that he is compelled to make use
of such terms. Such phrases are not
contained in the vocabulary of the
scientific reasoner.
But let us get on—In a letter written
I believe ln October last, Baritz informs me that he ls or was at that
time a member of the S. P. of C. Now
as a member of the S. P. of G. B. he
says "Any individual who supported
any kind of fake party ls Immediately
expelled." Yet he comes to Canada
and applies for membership in and
even takes the platform as an official
organizer of a party which has to
"condone all political dodgers like"
etc. Presumably such a party is a
"take party" and Com. Barltz has sadly erred in departing from the principles of tbe immaculate S. P. G. B. by
joining such an aggregation of "political dodgers" and fakers. Consistency,
thou art assuredly a Jewel!
The pamphlet Baritz quotes so
lengthily says—"there Is therefore no
need for a specifically antl-religlous
test." That very test is what Barltz
has been clamoring for ever since he
struck Canadian sod. From his own
reports sent the D. E. C. and published
in several issues of the Clarion, it ls
readily seen that he almost entirely
lost sight of capitalism ln his furious
and thoroughly unscientific onslaught
upon religion. In other words he attacked the effect and lost sight of the
However, it is scarcely seemly that
the Clarion  should  be  filled  always
with bickerings.   I will therefore desist after I have said a   few   words
more—this in defense of the Maritime
Executive Committee. For the information of Com. Baritz I will say that
there are at least two members of the
M. E. C. who are far deeper students
of Socialism and of the Marxian analysis of Capitalist Production than he
(Barltz).   We have not yet seen any
Socialists as the result of the labors
of Barltz.   But the Comrades of the
M. E. C. can point to scores of elsss
conscious workers as a result of their
patient work among the workers of
Cape Breton.    These are the things
that count.   Results, Results! not big
noise.  We need men who are satisfied
to do their little all whether they get
their names In the papers or not. Those
are the fellows who are doing and wlll
do things for the movement.   Anybody
Can make a bell of a noise upon occasion and its only necessary to break a
6x8 pane of glass or Imbibe too freely
of the cup that cheers to   get   your
name in the  papers.    But these  big
noises  that  are  made  from  time  to
time by would-be "leaders"    of    the
dear peepul" don't hasten the coming of economic freedom for the toilers.   Barltz can make a big noise apparently but let him show us where
he has made a "real red" and we'll
think more of him than we do since he
has so far done nothing but make a
bid for notoriety.
reading the letter Gribble sent here
to be read at Local Toronto's meeting,
and now on its way to the Clarion -for
publication, they will see what exists
in "revolutionary" Edmonton.
In that domicile of O'Brien just now,
the Comrades are on the average a
little better than were the reformers
who were expelled from Toronto Local. What a merry bunch then! The
condition ot that local, necessarily
proteges of O'Brien, ls certainly too
funny to contemplate. I am certain
from what I know that on the main
line going from here to Vancouver a
good percentage of the members of the
P. ot C. are simply sentimentalists.
Faulkner says if we have to wait
until we attained the S. P. G. B.
standard before admitting members,
we would bave to wait a considerable
length of time. Agreed! Is it not
better to have a solid membership who
know exactly what they want and bow
to get it, rather than the elements
who make up the S. P. of C. today.
A clear Socialist party connot exist
without at the same time the members
are clear. Faulkner himself is misty
when he gets on the Asiatic question.
He says if the Asiatics were excluded
it would lighten the burden today and
stop tbe standard of living going lower. How is the exclusion of Asiatics
going to stop that? In every civilized
country the standard of living is getting lower and yet there is no Asiatic
"problem" ln them. Suppose there
was? It ts tbe capitalist class who
bring them ln and try to exploit them.
The lowering of the standard of living is directly due to the Increase in
the cost of living which is caused by
the lessening of the purchasing capacity of the workers' wages, which is
reckoned ln money, the standard being gold. This latter commodity is,
however. Just as subject to the laws' of
production as other commodities. Any
decrease in its cost of production,
makes it worth less. As, however,
commodities exchange on the ground
of the average and social necessary
labor to produce them, and gold lr. its
production costs less, lt will therefore
get In return less of those commodities where the labor cost has not un
dergone change.
where commodities have not decreased in the cost ot production to
the same extent as gold more ot the
latter Is required to buy them. As
wages cannot purchase those commodities it means the lowering of the
standard of living. Asiatics or no Asiatics, the comfort of the working class
wlll go worse whether we have Pettipiece or the B. C. M,
against them
The charge of the nomination ot
candidates being permitted by organisations outside the Socialist party is
proven by an examination of issue No.
467 of the Clarion and issue 518 where
O'Brien was nominated by the miners.
So the heading says. It ls not the endorsing of the candidates which ls
complained of, it is the fact that these
outside organizations have delegates
present, and seated with votes to nominate. It has shown that the miners
dominate the locals ln many parts,
what ln the name of goodness have
members and delegates of the U. M.
W., W. F. ot M„ I. W. W. or I. A. M.
got to do with business of a Socialist
As to the commodity struggle of O'Brien it is so much twaddle. A review
of the proceedings at Victoria will
show "reforms are ot doubtful value."
The notion that the better tbe standard of living the more intelligent the
workers become and "readier to take
an   Interest   in   their   condition   as
slaves in society" ls another fallacy.
It such ls the case why are not all tbe
flunkeys of the capitalist class and retainers of the aristocrats, Socialists
Also how is lt that the universities and
colleges haven't produced revolutionaries?
Faulkner Ib as faulty as Kautsky,
who took up the opposite position of
misery producing revolutionaries The
only method to produce Socialists is
by educating the working class to
their position.
Faulkner further is opposed to R. P.
Pettipiece heading deputations In a political capacity saying: "No Socialist
should go begging for anything to a
capitalist minister." If so, why tben
support reform measures in Parliament?
As for myself, I am prepared to go
on fighting until I flnd it impossible to
see a straight party in the S. P. ot C.
after that I will quit and oppose all
other political parties. That is my position.
(It appears to us that this will be
about enough of the Toronto affair.
Numbers of correspondents seem in a
hurry to take a fall out of Local Toronto and the members of Local Toronto want to answer every one ln detail and ad Infinitum, so far, not one
local has expressed Itself ln agreement with Local Toronto, and we
know of but one Local at all likely to
do so.    This  will, of  course,- denote
  the utter Idiocy of the party to Local
P's shrieking j Toronto, but to us lt points the advisability ot calling a halt and reverting
The utter cant   an*   hypocrisy   of J to the Clarion's proper function as an
exponent of   Socialism.—Editor   Clarion.)
Dear Comrade Editor:—
What was undoubtedly your function
  has been  undertaken    by    Comrade
esty for which Comrade Baritz is so Faulkner. He, not being quite so astute
It was the Saturday before New
Year's day, and the place, headquarters Brandon Local. When I strolled
In, the hall presented a little more
lively scene than was usual. In one
corner four hlgh-browed, Intellectual
looking Comrades were playing that
scientific "society" game, bridge. In
an opposite corner a jolly four were
playing pedro and the bidding was
fast and furious. Various groups
were gathered together in different
parts of the hall; here was a bunch
listening to Butler explaining a knotty
Trade MUnita
.... CopvmoHTS Ac.
Anyone sending R nliet rti mid description may
qntoklr aeoerMiln onr opinion free whether en
Intention le probably -inlentablo. Coronnintfin.
thine atrial lreoiilldoiiltiil. HANDBOOK on Patenta
■out free. Oldeet eseney foraeourutsprntentt.
Patents taken turoueli Munn A Co. receive
special notice, without obnrire. In the
Sckuntic America...
A handsomely lllnttratnd weekly. Lenreft otr-
atilaMon of any ai-lentiSo Journal. Term* tor
Canada, lil.1l a year, poaUtfu nn-natd.    Sold by
,1 WBreadwan
Justly famous I may say that I reply
for my own sake, not in behalf of the
Maritime Executive which ls quite
capable of defending Itself.
Somebody has Bald that the boundary between the sublime and the ridiculous is so flimsy that 'tis hard to distinguish one from the other. The saying loses none of Its truth and force-
fulness when we consider the work and
actions of this same Baritz since he
landed ln Canada. The day he landed
he met a Comrade who even though
he be not orthodox has done good work
ln tbe maritime and la a slave ln
thorough revolt, even though he be
somewhat erratic. Barltz had never
met this Comrade before but he nevertheless hailed him ln a half-Insolent,
half-condescending manner—"well, I
suppose you are one of these half way
Socialists!" This ls but one of the
many times that he has tried to patronize the S. P. of C. and its membership. I am one that will stand for no
patronizing from any person be he
Socialist or otherwise.
"Taere is no God but Allah," consequently there ls no authority upon
tbe Socialist philosophy and movement but the S. P. of G. B. and Moses
Barltz its great mogul. In fact, the S.
P. of G. B. has even Marx licked to a
frazzle. However Mc. has ln bis usual philosophic style dealt with the S.
P. of G. B. and the claims of Local 24,
Toronto and I cannot hope to add anything to that which he has said. I
merely wish to point out some of the
many things that go to show that Barltz, while claiming to be thoroughly
scientific, etc., is sadly lacking In thoBe
things of which he claims to know so
First note that phrase—"More to be
pitied than blamed" or "Fillmore Is
not so much to blame." "Pity,"
"Blame!"—Surely they are familiar
terms.   And where do we hear thera
as yourself, has ventured where "angels fear to tread." "The Barltz bomb,"
you choose to call lt, containing very
destructible ingredients has been
sufficient to waken up the sleepy
bones and baggage in the ranks of
the S. P. of C. today. I am beginning
to feel that our manifesto will cause
some of the wiseacres to either drop
out or hew to the line.
To deal now with Faulkner. He
says he agrees with your twist on religion. Let me state that if he bas
read my letter in Issue 612 he would
have seen the utter absurdity he harbors. I want to say that Socialism
cannot be explained without one understands the materialistic conception
of history and that proves the futility
of the double barreled belief in Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism and other
nonsense. To point out that on cannot be scientific and have notions of
Virgin births, salvation by baptism or
transubstantiating or any other of the
central doctrines of the numerous mental diseases, ls the only method a Socialist can adopt. I challenge the
Editor to make any assertion worthy
of a Socialist to show that man can
be consistent and support any kind
of "Divine" power, or belief ln the
"supernatural" and yet remain scientific.
As to making of locals and the state
of affairs ln the Dominion, all I can
say Is that I have visited locals that
hadn't the flrst notion of what Socialism was and in most cases those
locals were formed by Gribble. I
think Comrade Wayman wlll admit
that Montreal ls not flt for a charter
even ln the milk and water S. P. of C.
Then Ottawa, Steelton, St. John are
certainly not up to the mark hy a long
way. In fact wherever Gribble hns
been East, there are trails of reform
left behind. If the membership of the
S. P. of C. have the    opportunity    of
men, who say "Workers of the Woi Id
unite, except Asiatics," must be obvious to any clear headed Socialist.
That is Just what is uttered by our so-
called Socialists in Vancouver.
The back numbers of the Clarion
show sufficient evidence of hew
freaks have come Into Canada. What
about the Chicago, New York speakers
brought Into Toronto? What about
the speakers from Seattle to Van-,
couver and permission granted to two
B. C. Locals? What about that skate,
Rev." Stltt Wilson, and Ben Wilson?
Ontario has been the special dumping
ground for these Free Lances. Walter
Thomas Mills has been permitted to
do so. Why this is easy proven isn't
Good things do come out of Kerrs
If Faulkner and Editor of the Clarion
would read some of it, it would be
much better, perhaps they'd get rid of
that religious bug.
Cotton's Weekly is nothing else but
a reform rag. The Editor of It hasn't
sufficient ability to run a tripe shop,
much less a "Socialist" paper, lt may
be said of him as Brlnsley Sheridan
said of a certain M. P. about 1780:
"Much of what my friend says Is original; much is good; but what Is good
is not original, and what is original
is not good." That fits Cotton to u T.
He Is merely looking for a place, an
office seeker. His methods are unscrupulous. He knowB no more about
Socialism than a torn cat knows of
charity That he should have been tolerated seems an enigma to me. I
warnad both Gribble and Fillmore 18
months before about that Individual
Cotton. He seems as bad as Gribble
ln one respect advocating physical
force or else crying for votes.
The Maritime Provinces can be of
little use when they have such an Executive. I believe that what was
meant by unorganized locals, were
those locals where there existed no
Provincial Executive Committee.
The Toronto local has members
wbo subscribe for the Clarion and as
a local think the present policy enunciated in it is antagonistic to the Intellectual welfare of the working class.
Besides the Editor has not displayed
that Impartiality necessary to a Socialist official.
In regard to Asiatic exclusion, if
every Oriental here were to fade into
the Eastern horizon, the Strangulation
Army, slave importers extraordinary
would soon bring in enough white
brethren to make the Chinese standard of living look rich and gouty to
the anglo-saxon unfortunate.
The only way to settle the matter ls
to blow the dust of superstition from
all slave minds with the breath of economic knowledge. The following are
doing lt.   When will you start?
W. F. M 84
F. Machin, Calgary     16
C. M. O'Brien      7
Desmond     4
L. R. Mclnnls, Greenwood, B. C. ..    3
A. Hessman, Windsor, Ont     3
M. Stafford, South Wellington ,B. C.   2
W. D. Brantford, Ont     2
D. Galloway, Vancouver      2
D. Watson, Prince Rupert, B. C;
John Ford, Vernon, B. O; Thor Hansen, Hastings, Coulee Alta; H. Elmer,
Lincoln, 111.; T. M. Brown, White
Bluffs, Wash.; Ernest Wiltshire, Vernon, B. C; W. Watts, Winnipeg, Man;
M. W. Stechishln, Garland, Man; W.
Mackay, Onoway, Alta; W. McQuold,
Edmonton, Alta; Andrew Leit, Nanalmo, B. C; Bert Bell, Fort William,
Ont.; A. Stewart, Moosejaw, Sask.; F
Llebscher, Sllverton, B. C.i F. Gessler,
Phoenix, B. 0.1 Mrs. W. Davidson, New
Denver, B. C.i Andrew Manson, Nelson, B. C; J. H. B„ Victoria, B. C; J.
Hough, Nanaimo, B. C; F. Reynolds,
Beaver Point, B. C; T. H. Dunne, Arrowhead, B. C.i G. F. Jamleson, A.
Kreekls; A. C. Webb, Vancouver.
Bundles, etc.
Thos. Gllmore, Kemah Sask $2.60
Local Greenwood, B. C     1.00
Local Grand Forks       4.00
w"e itallcf- tne mian-iT-*.-. ,-- buUU.„ ,
Rnffiaerru an4 -alk-era wha realise Ihe advisabil-
ity of ha viae their Patent ImaineM Iraniucted
by l'.x-vit.**. Preliminary advice free. Char-^ea
mocintu-. Onr Inv-mtar'a Aavlaer sent ■upor*
r*** mtpst. Mr Hon tk. Marion, New York Life Bld|
•doutifal I    nd Wiish.n-iton. U.C, U.S.A-
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday, Jan. 29
We have in our analysis discovered the source
and standard of the value of commodities. We
must now consider commodities In the process
of exchange.
In modern society, when we want to satisfy
any individual need, we do not exchange commodities directly. Thee two commodities functioning
in an active exchange may not be on the same
continent; their owners may never have seen
them. There ls a uiversal exchange medium
known as money which acts as the agent of exchange. This money has at different times appeared in different forms, but to-day gold and silver
assume that function. Gold, then, being the recognized universal commodity for which all other
commodities can be most readily exchanged, is
the measure of value. The standard of this measurement is the duration of simple average labor
time 1. e„ socially necessary labor.
As gold measures all values exchanged It necessarily follows that equivalents must be exchanged.
Two pennyweights of gold, a bum straw hat,
and a very bum pair of shoes, will exchange in the
open market for something like two dollars. The
two pennyweights of gold requires six hours of
social labor time to extract it from the earth.
The bum straw hat is placed alongside the gold In
a similar length of time; and the very bum pair
of shoes are ready to protect tne feet of a wage
plug in exactly half a dozen hours. Six hours
social labor time is the value of each of these
commodities. We have observed, however, that
in modern society commodities may exchange
through the medium of a common commodity,
which, owing to certain physical properties inherent in it, lends itself readily to acting as a
medium of exchange. AH commodities in the process of exchange, therefore, flrst reflect their
values ln this common measure of value. This
measure of value is called the money form.
To expand our agument. A, possessing the
straw hat, is approached by B, possessing the two
pennyweight of gold. The straw hat has attached
to it a mysterious symbol engraved upon a card
and is conspicuously displayed in a show case.
The symbol reads: "Two dollars." B looks at
the hat suspiciously and mentally calculates that
such a bum article never cost two dollars to produce, but he says not a word, hands over his
poke, which just tips the scale at two pennyweight troy, and takes the hat. B handed over the
two pennyweight of gold for a commodity, the
hat. This is called bartering commodity for commodity. A, however, finding two pennyweight of
gold dust a great inconvenience, takes it over
to the mint where he receives in exchange two
crisp dollar bills. On nis way home he sees a
pair of shoes in C's store marked with the self
same marking tbat his hat had displayed and remembers that he needs a pair of shoes. He enters,
and hands over bis crisp dollar bills in exchange
for tbe shoes. The boots look good to him, though
C is rather grumpy over the transaction, in fact
Intimates that he has lost on the deal, swears that
the snoe business is going to the dogs, and predicts ruin if be continues to sell at that price.
Here* we have the price form. Now, if A, B and
C had exchanged with each other two pennyweights of gold, none of them would have cause
to grumble, each would know that he had exchanged equal quantities. But in our example, B.
is dissatisfied with his purchase but has to put
up with it because he needs the hat and cannot
get one elsewhere for less; C is dissatisfied with
his sale but has no resource except to sell because he knows A can get a pair of bum shoes
at two dollars across the street. This brings us
to the law of supply and demand—If a commodity
exists in quantities exceeding the demand, its
price falls and vice versa. However, when the
price falls below value, the supply will diminish
because it will not pay to produce. Therefore,
while price may rise above, or fall below value,
the rise and fall compensate each other over
periods of time, and price constantly tends to
hover around value. Price is, therefore ,the expression In gold of a commodity's value. A certain definite weight of gold is given a certain
name, 1 e., an ounce troy of gold is called twenty
dollars (it is actually a fraction more). A pennyweight of gold, then, must be called a dollar, and
no matter how the value of gold may rise and fall
a dollar will always stand in the same proportion to twenty dollars, it will always be the
twentieth part. Gold Is, therefore, the standard
of price.   It Is now no longer necessary to have
the value of a commodity expressed in labor
time, or even in the weight of gold, but in terms
given to certain fractions of weight ln gold, as
one dollar or one shilling.
We have seen six hours social labor time transformed Into two pennyweight of gold, and two
pennyweight of gold become, In terms of money
or price, two dollars, and we have seen these dollars ln action as a medium of exchange. Our
observation has led us to the conclusion that
equivalents are exchanged. While A is the only
one satisfied in our example lt was merely suspicion that caused the others to growl. All three
commodities cost the same six hours. One thing,
however, is evident, that after the exchange there
is neither increase or decrease in value. Nothing
is added to the articles exchanged. If A bad
bought the shoes for one dollar, C would have
been tbe loser to the extent of one dollar. What
one gains the other must lose. Nevertheless, we
are aware that ln trade or commerce, that ls, in
the general process of exchange a certain class
can and does acquire enormous plies of wealth
from the process. By buying and selling they become possessed of this wealth. Obviously, there
must be at least one commodity which will
realize more in the sale than in the purchase.
Such a commodity does exist.
It requires no great scrutiny to discover tbat
people who are possessed of great wealth own,
in some form or other, the means of wealth production, land and machinery, and these people always hire others to operate their property. Such
property, owned by those who do not use it and
used by those who do not own it, the owners
extracting profit from the users, is called capital.
As the wealth of modern society is produced by
such machinery and land, we call our wealth
producing methods the capitalist system of production.
Other systems of wealth production were those
known as the Feudal and chattel slave systems.
Under the chattel slave system the owner of the
means of production bought human beings outright
and forced them to produce, giving them in return
sufficient to keep them in health and strength.
Under the feudal system the owners extracted
tribute from those who used their property, either
in direct labor, or in the fruits of labor. These
systems were, plainly, robber systems. No mystery needs' exploring there, for it Ib self-evident
that the slaves and serfs produced something
which was taken from them and no equivalent returned. Under modern society, however, we are
not owned by the machine-or-Iand owner, nor do
we pay tribute to them. Whence, then, comes
their wealth? From the purchase and sale of tbe
commodity hinted at above. Any person living
under the capitalist system of production must
have something for sale. The propertyless worker, finding machinery and land ln the bands of
people who cannot use them, sells to tbem or their
agents the ability possessed by him of using this
land and machinery—his life force, bis mental
and physical energy. This ls called by the seller,
"getting a job," and by the buyer, "hiring a
Here we have the aale of a commodity, a commodity, however, different from any other commodity ln many respects. A commodity that is
inseparable from its owner, which has absolutely
no utility to Its owner (we are considering the
propertyless worker) aand which must be sold
to ensure its owner of life. Bul these Important
differences from the general run of commodities do
not, in any respect, change the basis of sale. Tbe
cost of production in social labor time governs
the sale of labor power in precisely the same
manner as it does the sale of gold.
Considerable confusion arises on this question
which leads many minds to reason in a circle. A
number of Socialist who accept Marx as a political guide, fail, when discussing this point, to
get beyond the insoluble riddle of the Rlcardian
school. Engels has, to my mind, cleared this up
in the preface to the second volume of Capital.
Curiously enough, 1 have read the passage to
people of undoubted intelligence, and the point
has still evaded their comprehension. Grant labor
to be the measure of value, they say, and grant
further that the price paid for labor is its cost
of production, then, if it costs two dollars per
day to maintain a laborer, tbat two dollars, added
to the other factors of cost, must represent tbe
total cost of the commodity and the manufacturer
the   capitalist,   must  add   something   for  profit.
The fact that wages, representing the value of
labor power, are always less than the value of
the commodities produced by that labor-power,
appears to contradict the law of value. But lt no
more invalidates this economic law than does a
hot-air balloon Invalidate the physical law of
Let us try to grasp the law as formulated by
Marx. Two pennyweignt of gold requires six
hours ot social labor time to produce it. One
pound of potatoes, one pound of sow-belly, half a
pound of beans, on ounce of coffee, an ounce of
sugar, a pound of bread and a pinch of salt are
produced in a similar six hours. These delicious
viands will supply a healthy wage-worker wiin
sufficient energy to swing on the end of a long-
handled mud stick for an entire day of, say twelve
hours. Now, we nave a capitalist who wants
bands. Several wage-workers appear, only three
are required. Competition arises. The above-
mentioned cates are essential to the Innards of
the worker, so be cannot take less than what will
procure them, he cannot get more because the
jobs won't go around. He therefore agrees to
work for the grub before stated. But he does not
get lt ln that form. He receives two dollars for
his twelve hours' toil.
Two dollars is the price-form of, respectively,
two pennyweight of gold, the enormous quantity of
grub above-mentioned, and the amount of physical
energy capable of being expended in a day i. e.,
a day's labor-power. The value-form of these
various commodities is six hours labor. When the
capitalist comes to sell the produce of this day's
labor, he does not sell upon the basis of how
much spuds, sow-belly, etc., bas disappeared in
the process, but upon how many hours social
labor time the production thereof entailed. The
actual exchange made ls not so much grub for so
much energy, nor is the 'cost of production represented by the money paid or the grub consumed. The actual exchange made ls six hours
labor-time for twelve hours' labor-time and the
cost of production ls six hours labor-time. It
costs tbe capitalist six hours' labor-time to obtain
In estimating the cost of production, however,
we must not lose sight of factors other than
labor time. But any other factor which enters
into the production, such as raw material, machinery, etc., merely adds Its own value to the product, and does not add any new value. Labor-
time is tbe value creating factor. All other values
are merely transformed. When we view tho
problem ln its proper light the contradiction disappears.
Labor-time is the substance of value. Commodities exchange on a basis of a certain amount of
labor-time being embodied in them. They exchange through the medium of the universal commodity—gold. Labor-power being a commodity,
exchanges for the cost of its production in labor-
time. But while the wherewithal to produce a
day's labor-power can be produced ln half a day,
the owner of this commodity must surrender his
entire labor time for the equivalent of a portion
of its value-reating properties. He must sell it
because he cannot use it.
The labor-tini? expended over and above what ts
required by the laborer is called surplus labor-
time. Value resulting therefrom is called surplus-
value, and surplus-value is unpaid labor. It is
here that the genius of Marx manifests Itself. It is
here that political economy becomes a power in
arousing the modern slave to a realization of his
true position. So long as he remains a subject
to the owners of wealth producing machinery,
through their ownership of bis means of retaining
a hold upon life, he must sell himself for what will
give him security for only one day. As the insecurity of life becomes impressed upon him, the
hopelessness of any betterment while the present
system lasts becomes an Incontrovertible ami obvious fact, the primitive Instinct, dominant in all
life, for self-preservation will force him to seek
means whereby his life and the lives of those he
most regards may be placed upon a higher basis
of security. And the animal who is conquered,
in his frantic effort to secure life and avoid pain,
the power and terrible forces of contending natural
elements which he cannot injure or destroy, shall
not be found wanting when he realizes that his
fellow animal stands between him and life. Accumulated experience systematized was the power
which conquered Nature, and to that same power
must we appeal to overthrow slavery.
The race ls still to the swift and the battle to
the strong, but to-day, steam and electrical energy
augment the natural powers of mun. and the
machine gun adds to his stature. Knowledge is
the power with which we shall obtain ownership
over all. Know ye the facts of science and yo
shall be free. Eschew the thin potations of sentimental sighing over what ought to be and address
yourselves to the task of securing your hold upon
The Editor Western  Clarion: —
At propaganda meetings which I
have attended, there bas been some
I. W. W. man who bobs up serenely
and fires at the speaker some such
question as follows: If government
and the political state are merely a
reflex of the prevailing methods of
production, why bother to change
them Instead of devoting our energies
to changing conditions on the Industrial field? Now this question goes to
the root of Socialism. It is one thing
to study and explain historical events
in the light of this law, and quite another thing to fathom the workings of
this law in the present and forecast
them in the future; though we may
form broad general Ideas on the subject. This I. W. W. question seems
reasonable on the face of It. If politics
ls merely the reflex or shadow let us
address our efforts to changing the
substance, the real thing, economic
conditions; we are merely lighting
shadows or putting the cart before
the horse by engaging in political
strife! And undoubtedly this plausibility of reasoning often carries
weight, but I think nevertheless Unit
It is superficial and misses the root of
the matter.
One thing we have to remember ls
that economic determinism concerns
human affairs' and that human beings
are the material In which it works,
also the agents through which lt
works; and another thing, thut causes
are followed by their effects.
All readers of the "Clarion," interested in understanding this question,
Bhould carefully read A, Budden's
very illuminating article In the "Clarion" of December 81, on "Socialism
and Evolution." He there illustrates
the working of this law from ancient
times down to the present and makes
clear the Inevitable process through
which we are passing, the changes
w'.iereln the political state or reflex
must adapt, und is adapting Itself to
the great changes that have already
taken place in the methods of produc
tion, from individual to social. Now
the point is this, that this change in
tbe political reflex must take place
and just so far as men are intelligently
taking part in and promoting that
change, just so far will Its action be
a healthy process conserving the social welfare.
The economic evolution of society
has been to man collectively, a more
or less unconscious process. The political evolution has been a more or
less conscious struggle.
Natural laws govern all life, but
allots to man a certain function ln
modifying bis conditions under those
laws, the institutions of society, political and otherwise. Thus these Institutions are a reflex of economic
conditions,  based on  material needB.
Shall man discharge thlB function
Intelligently, as Socialists seek to do,
to bring about the change In the political state into harmony with that
which has preceded it in the economic
stale, or shall he Ignore nnd neglect
Ex-King Manue" of Portugal Is reported to be renting, for his own use,
an elegant mansion with several acres
of beautiful grounds at Richmond, near
London, England. The ordinary worker who gets fired does not as a rule
rent an expensive dwelling in the West
End or even eat dinner at the Rainier
Cafe. First of all he endeavors u>
scare up a new job In order to be able
to hang onto his dollar a week room
and his occasional blow-out of doughnuts and coffee. Not so Manuel. He
does not appear to have looked up any
possible vacancies. for kings or emperors. We did not notice his ad. in
the "Wanted" column for a job aB
monarch, by an energetic and pushing
young ruler. In fact, apparently, he
has cut out work altogether and will
retire on his means.
ThlB ls all the more surprising when
we note that the new regime In
Portugal   has  confiscated  his  estates
this function—ns some of our I. W. W. jand property there.  So that we might
friends advise—with the likely result;expect to find him near broke and per-
of chaos and anarchy for a period In
human affairs, nnd perhaps n period
of reaction?
Workers, your time has come! Society depends on you as never before,
on your brains as well as your brawn.
The machine, owned, organized and
controlled by you is all that Is now
economically necessary to society and,
for the rest, Individual freedom such
as has never been known, freedom
for a full, human life In harmony with
natural laws and not as now, more or
less antagonistic to them! Will you
Intelligently sleze the powers of the
state to bring about your emancipation or will you drift into it through a
welter of chales and anarchy, or perhaps a prolonged period of slavery
even more degrading than you endure
Aa long as the producers specialize in
work there is not much fear of them
contracting any other "bad habits."
haps taking a steerage passage for
Canada, our happy home, and ending
up at a railroad construction camp in
company with other Portugese and
Dagos. Not so, not at all. Apparently
be is well fixed and the reason for this
I discovered recently. In common
with all other European monarchs,
Manuel lias for several years been Investing large sums of money in gilt-
edge securities in other countries.
Thus lie will now be able to live, and
to live well, on the Interest coming to
him on these Investments. While he
was working he saved his money, Invested it wisely, and now see the
Labor produces all wealth and of
course the workers pay the interest on
these gilt-edge securities. So that now
Manuel can no longer live off the
Portuguese workers, he can live ln
l luxury from the toil of the workers
of other countries, notably Great
Britain, where most of his savings are
invested. It must not be supposed tbat
the workers of Portugal will be better
off because one of the parasites has
lost his hold.' He haa been shaken off
by the capitalist class of Portugal, who
alone wlll benefit by the new state of
affairs there. Nor will the workers of
England be any worse off because King
Manuel chose to invest his capital ln
that country. For the workers must
pay Interest on all Invested capital,
and the personality or place of residence of their bond-holders is of no importance to them. They are slaves and
all that is coming to them is a slaves'
portion—a living.
So these royalties are not such fools
after all. Seeing that they may possibly lose their jobs, and tbat the
chance of getting another would be
slim, they invest their capital ln
securities in other countries. Thus ln
the event of their own subjects refusing to longer support them, the
working class of other nationalities
must do so. Great rig, good heads. If
they cannot function aB kings they can
at least enjoy life as capitalists. For
these and all other mercies, oh, Lord,
make us truly thankful.
But when the workers get wise and
they refuse to longer support the capitalist class. When all the kings and
emperors are fired, when all their
securities are worth as much as the
paper they are printed on. When a
king's own subjects refuse to support
him and the workers of other nations
beg to be excused. What a very unpleasant predicament for the kings,
Emperors, Plutocrats and Parasites
great and small. They will be strictly
up against tt.
As I sit by the stove In my log-cabin
back on the bush-ranch and meditate
on what the future holds in store for
these gentlemen, I em mucb amused, I
am considerably tickled. Not that I
would wish them any evil, oh, dear no.
We have frequently ben Informed by
our rulers that work is an excellent
thing, a useful exercise, a pleasant
pastime and they will tben have an
opportunity of experiencing these delightful   vocations  and  earning their
Socialist Party of Canada
We, tbe Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working claBS.
Lauor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of tbe
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The cspltallst is therefore master; the worker a
So long as tbe capitalist class remains In possession of the reins of
government all the powers of tbe State will be used to protect and
defend tbeir property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to tbe capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property ln tbe means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This Is tbe class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering tbe
public powers for tbe purpose ot setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in tbe means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party wben in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of tbe working class and aid the workers ln their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, tbe Socialist Party is for it; If it will not, the
Socialist Party Is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in Its hands In such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
own living. If they want crowns and
thrones they can make them themselves. God save the King, and all the
people said Amen. A. J.
To the Editor Western Clarion:—
As you see by the enclosed program, Toronto Local No. 24 have
made arrangements with some University professors to hand out to the
said Local a series of scientific lectures (15 in all) on various subjects
ranging from "A Critical Examination
of Karl Marx Economic Theory" to
The Roman Occupation of Britain."
Well, the first lecture came off
January 9th. I went down expecting
to see either the Professor or Karl
Marx floored. But the show was a fizzle
Karl Marx's theory of value was too
hazy for the Professor to hit. But
the hitting, such as it was, dazed the
Comrades. The Professor won,. As
an exhibition of the poverty of the
knowledge of Marx's Economic theory tbe thing was a success to the
Professor. Here ls a few sample
shots that downed the Comrades:
1. In exchange the use-value of
Commodities cannot be, and are not,
2. Labor time is not the only
measureable "Common Thing" In
3. As values ,all commodities are
not "only definite amounts of congealed labor time."
4. Scarce things (land, oak trees,
gold nuggets, etc.) have value but are
not reducable or measureable in average social labor time.
5. Capitalists profits are not in
proportion to workmen employed.
These shots should be as rubber
dolls to the novice in economic theory, but the Comrades of No. 24 batted
wild, muffled balls, and played like
I think if Socialists would drop this
"Socialism aud Religion" rot and go
and cut ice in the field of economic
theory, they would make a better
showing when a second-rate college
professor undertakes to criticize the
scientific basis of Socialism.    MAC
Editor Clarion, Sir: —
I clip enclosed from the "Oregot
ian" just to let you see what the
think of the working man here. Ther
are thousands of men out of wor
here. The streets and saloons are ful
ull the time, and they are begging fo
a flop in the cellar for five cents.
Today I was In the lodging hous
when two men came to ask lor fW
men, one to help sink a well, the other
for shoveling. It was raining torrent
and all they were offered was twent
cents an hour; men were trampini
over each other to get the jobs at that
That is just a sample.
To allow human attributes to,
mere wealth producing machine is]
absurd. Therefore, in the study of po]
lltical economy we must at all time
refuse *o consider the wage worker!
as "human" in any way. The fact thai
the wage worker machine eats, makefl
It no more necessary to consider hin
or her a human, than the fact tbat J
machine requires oil to keep it ill
working condition makes It necessarjj
to consider said machine as human. |
Comrades in the, Okanagan who wan
organizing- or propaganda work done
get in touch with H. Glldemeester
Mara, at once. Send particulars o
your district. This also applies to thi
Simllkameen country, Hedley, Olalll
and Keremeos take notice. Contribu
tlons to organization fund are wanted;
anything from a nickel up goes. Send
'em in.
Bring your dull razors to
Clarendon Pool Room, opposite
car barm
Weitrointter Avenue
Vancouver, B.C.
(J If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will send a man
to measure yonr premises and give yon an estimate oi cost of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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