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Western Clarion Jul 16, 1910

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Array HIS   I
Vancouver, British Columbia, Sahrday, July 16, 1$,0.
■***■———*-*—    '.    ■ ■ ■***■*■ ■ ■ ■
it's Growth and Development Through the Capitalist Stage,
Toward Socialism
That human society is an organism
. which has during the centuries of the
past evolved out of the most primitive
conditions and that such evolution is
still ln process has been recognized as
a fact only during quite recent times.
It will not be necessary at the pres-
lent time to follow out In detail the
Pgrowth of human society through any
lot Its preceding forms.    That which
(more vitally concerns us Is the present
I or capitalist era.   Suffice it to say that
^the  present system  of  property  and
wealth  production    sprung  from  the
1 loins of feudal society, its parent or
i predecessor.    At the proper moment.
and due to economic development, it
was brought forth and its roots firmly
' planted In the soil of private property
in the means of production, land and
' tools.
To study the development of the
capitalist system no better field can
be found than this Western continent,
.more especially the United States.
"With next to no feudal bonds to break,
and with a virgin continent possessed of unlimited resources at Its disposal, this system has grown up
through all the stages from tottering
infancy to doddering senility, almost
"within the memory of men now living.
Briefly the various steps may be
sketched ns follows:
First. Individual and usually small
ownership of land; tools of production of a primitive character, chiefly
hand%tools and the process of production a somewhat slow and laborious
one in consequence; land and tools
used chiefly by the owner in person;
exchange of surplus commodities usually confined within narrow limits.
Under such circumstances it can be
readily seen there was little or no
exploitation of labor. The man who
owned the land and tools used them
himBelf and thus stood master of his
products—the nearest approach to human freedom since the beginning or
the historical period.
Second, the tools having grown from,
hand tools Into machines, the factory
supplants the former domestic industry. The ownership bf tools passes
by easy stages from the individuals I
who formerly held them into the pos-
i session of an owning class, the main.-.
/ bers of which are thus step by step
1 freed from the necessity of operating
I them, and depend upon the non-own
ers for that purpose, whom they hire
tor wages. Once the factory had made
Its appearance the real competitive
era was inaugurated. Driven on by
competition the masters of factories
turned heaven and earth to morn highly perfect their Instruments of production and extend their markets. The
weaker succumbed in the struggle;
the strong grew stronger. Individuals
combined their capital into Arms. Firms
grew into corporations. As this concentration went on it became more and
more hopeless for the individual wealth
producer to attempt ta stand up In
competition against the masters of ma.
chinery. They were driven by scores
to abandon their out-of-date tools and
enter the factories, etc., for wages. As
the weaker capitalists were forced into
bankruptcy by their more powerful
competitors they were forced to add
their numbers to the wage-earning
throng. Thus the wage-earners Increased enormously in numbers, while
the number of owners decreased in
like ratio. During this, the "hey day"
of competition, the capitalists truly led
the "strenuous" life.
Third, the consolidation into one corporation of the plants of hitherto com
peting concerns, thus mobilizing sufficient economic power under one management to control the market. The
Standard Oil is an instance of this
form ot consolidation. The Inauguration of this so-called trust era marked
the beginning of the end of the competitive stage among capitalists. When
on aggregation of capital had been attained In a given industry, of sufficient
magnitude to control the entire mar-]c
ket of the United States ln that line,|i
the death knell of competition had
been Bounded in that particular indus-
tttr, so far as the capitalists interested were concerned.
As competition among capitalists diminished, competition among workers
became more Intense. As the instruments of production became more
highly perfected, and the method of
their operation more economical
through the concentration of capital in
fewer hands, the number of workers
required to keep the markets supplied
was correspondingly diminished. The
competition became ever more fierce
among the workers for that employment upon which their very lives depend, until conditions have developed
throughout this Western continent bordering upon those of civil war, and
these conditions are becoming more
accentuated each day.
Today a mere handful of capitalists
actually own the great dominant industries of all lands. By virtue of the
enormous power placed in their hands
by such ownership they dominate and
control, thus practically owning, those
industries that are as yet in a scattered or unorganized condition. This
handful of big capitalists are masters,
all else are slaves.
This position they occupy and maintain because ihey hold the reins of
government in their bands. By no
other means could they maintain their
mastery. They are granted the right
to govern by the workers themselves,
the enslaved victims ot" capitalist rapacity, out of whose servile carcasses
is wrung the rich profit that alone
affords a pleasing incense unto the
nostrils of the modern god, Capital.
We are nuaiing the end of the capitalist regime. Its system of property
and control of wealth production can
no longer satisfy the needs of mankind, nor meet the requirements ot
human progress. In other words, the
social organism cannot attain to further and higher development until the
capitalist fetters upon the production
and distribution of wealth be broken.
This means the freeing of Labor from
the yoke of wage-servitude. To attain this implies the conquest of the
public powers hy the working class
and the use of such powers to free
that class from economic bondage to
Let the workers press forward every.'
where to. the capture of the reins of
government to the end that its powers may be used to assert working
class mastery over the resources of
the earth and the tools of industry.
Dear Comrade,—Having seen your
name as Secretary, it occurred to me
to write you as a Socialist propagan
dist in this country. Of course, 1
know Socialists are busy folk as well
ln Canada as elsewhere; but a fraternal quest for authoritative information will, I think, be met ln a
kindly Bpirit by you; and, of course
anything ln the line of Information I
could Bupply from my experience as
a hard-working propagandist In England as to the condition of the movement here, would be done by way of
In lecturing I frequently deal with
the question of emigration to the colonies, as put forward by those who
urge overpopulation as "the" or "a"
cause of poverty. I believe it would
be helpful if, in addition to my view
as an English Socialist, T could gather
some colonist Impressions of immigration to their countries as regards-
benefit to the immigrants, to (he colonies, and the general conditions of
the'worklng class when they get overseas. Capitalism being international,
the line I take is, that emigration as
a remedy for British poverty conditions is, generally speaking, a failure,
and that in the individual's case of
changing well-developed capitalist conditions, to merely developing capitalist conditions in a new country there
is no escape from the unnecessary
menaces coming Into workers' lives.
Of course in dealing with this matter,
am frequently told by those who*
affect to have travelled that the col-1
onles prove if a chap wlll only work,1
be Bober, etc., and hla fellows do likewise, there ia no need for him or the
other workers for Socialist "nostrums." As for the British workers
(from their point of view), what they
need ls a good draining off of surplus
to other sparsely populated countries.
So opponents argue.
Perhaps a word or two on the general condition and prospects Of the
movement would be valuable not only
to myself, but to comrades whom I
mix with, who like to understand the
general international phases of Social-
Ism's progress. It would be a good
thing to have a specimen of literature
put forward by Canadian Socialists.
Sometimes one or other of comrades
here will be discovered ln possession
of a copy of "The Appeal to Reason,"
or the "Western Clarion," but be
hanged If the demand is not so great
one can hardly get a look in.
Since that most high, illustrious,
etc., Prince George V. came by lawful
right, etc., into possession of the
British Crown, Anti-Socialists are predicting a counter spirit to the development of Socialistic tendencies.
He is understood to be a terrible
fellow In the way of bonds-of-brothei-
hood and expansion-oi'-Imperial-spirit,
and opponents refer to him as the
"colonists" King. The idea is, ot
course, that the workers' attention will
now be turned to the colonial idea,
self-help and so or. Antl-Soclallsts
assert that the colonial worker is not
the material for Socialism—too full of
Samuel Smiles' ideas of getting on
by self-help and so on.
The movement here is just rallying
again after an extraordinary slump.
We seem to have been properly
"scotched" as Grayson puts it, but not
killed, and much depression has resulted from the confusion of the movement with mere Liberal proposals,
because of the peculiar situation at
the last General Eiection. The last
few months have seen little but internal strife, and the propagation of
Socialism by splits and counter-splits
in many towns. Bnt the Anti-Socialist
Union is active just in RIGHT time
to stiffen the backs of the faithful, and
rally us together. Ana I think there
ls a future before the new movement
started by the Colne Valley Socialists
without confusion of the name or
dilution of the demand. A lot of our
candidates were withdrawn last election through the almost inextricable
tangle that the popular mind waa in,
as to the Government battle cries and
tbe Socialist demand. There should
have been no tangle. But many candidates were withdrawn, and the rest
went under fighting. I was the
youngest candidate In the country, a
candidature locally, and not nationally,
promoted in the Barkston Ash Division of Yorkshire, but I unfortunately
became one of the withdrawn.
Excuse me for approaching you on
thefpolnts asked; but tney will be very
helpful; and you will understand the
fellowship of the Socialist movement
encourages me to think you will comply with a comrade's request. I will
oblige mutually on any point on which
I can give the ordinary, hard-worked
British propagandists view.
■ Fraternal greetings.
Yours for Socialism,
P.S.—The I. L. P. here are great on
Stitt and Ben Wilson. Are these accepted in America to the extent the
public are led to believe?
,lnst because the court cannot take
judicial notice of the fact that a storekeeper giving evidence at the city police court must necessarily mean Cordova street, Vancouver, when he says
his place of business is on Cordova
street, Alf. Johnson, sentenced to three
months In jail for theft, has a very
big chance oi obtaining his liberty.
Application to court was made on his | which they
How Property  Relations Have Always  Determined the
Judicial System
The axiom that "all men are equal
before the law," and also that the judicial system makes no difference to
any persons, or sections, has its refutation in history and in fact. All Ideas
of justice have had their basis in property ownership in the past and in the
present and no doubt in the future. It
can be proved historically for instance
that the appeal in criminal courts was
not actuated by any sense of justice
and righteousness, as the mealy-mouthed Christian would have us believe; it
was not a desire to redjpss a wrong;
it was a perpetuation of a class interest which originated and was founded
over 2,500 years ago during the reign
of Tullus Hostllius, who reigned as
King in Rome from 672—640 B. C.
To digress, however, for one-moment
let it be observed that in the previous
reign of Numa Pompilius, Trade Guilds
were started and also, the division of
lands among the citizens of Rome who
had been with the conquering armies.
The right of criminal appeal In great
Britain has been called the "Convict's
Charter," the "embodiment of right and
justice," "an ethical upliiting" and
other twaddle. As far as ethics go,
they have not had anything to do with
it, any more than the C. P. R. or the
Canadian Government are ethical
when they bet you a couple of years of
slavery to nothing that you cannot
cutivate land to the tune of 160 acres
give" you.   Ethics play a
behalf this morning by Mr. J. W. deB.
Farris, who urged that there was no
jurisdiction shown in the evidence before the magistrate.—The World.
How  majestic  and   wonderful,  omniscient and omnipotent is the LAW.
The Sunday Chronicle of June 5th
gives an idea of what the English nation thinks of Teddy, the Blunderbuss. "Hubert" says: "I have often
wondered lately what they said to
one another when they talked his
speeches over amongst themselves
Particularly should I have liked to
hear the criticism of the acute, sinuous, penetrating, mocking French Intellectuals after that wonderful oration of his at the Sorbonne. I think
it was that oration which was made
up entirely of the reiteration of copybook headings, which told us that to
be happy we must be good; that procrastination was the thief ot time,
and so on.
"At the same time though, I confess that when I read that oration I
began to modify my views of Mr.
Roosevelt. I began dimly to discern
that there was something in the man
that I had not hitherto divined. There
must, I recognized, be something out
of the common in a man who could
stand up and talk copybook to an audience of Parisian intellectuals.   .   .
'On Tuesday last, Mr. Roosevelt
stood .up in the metropolis of the
British Empire, on a highly ceremonial occasion, and in plain, blunt language told an audience ot British Imperial statesmen and politicians how
and how not to govern an empire, if
to do that be not to be distinguished,
then I should uncommonly like to
know what distinction is. Remember,
too, the thing was not done on the
spur of the moment, as lt were; it
was not done in what we tolerantly
call an after-dinner speech, thrown
off irresponsibly In a moment of exaltation; it was done deliberately. Mr.
Roosevelt did not speak extempore;
he read from a typewritten document.
There was the magnlncence of it. Forgive me if for once in a way I employ
a journalistic eliche and say the amazing magnificence of it.
'Just think, just try to realize the
situation at the Guildhall—I think
there is a statue of William Pitt ln
the Guildhaii—on Tuesday last. Mr.
Balfour was there and Sir Edward
Grey  waa  there Each
of them has had to face problems of
foreign administration compared to
which any of the external problems
tackled by American statesmen are
as nursery quarrels among children of
five years old. And there they sat
land listened while Mr. Roosevelt, laden with all the experience garnered
during an agreeable holiday in Africa,
wagged an admonitory finger at them,
and told them how to govern Egypt."
"Hubert" goes on to say that he
does not believe the popular report
that Balfour was angry and indignant,
because he knows that Balfour has a
keen sense ot humour and he cannot
believe that his sense of humour failed him on that occasion.   It couldn't.
Further on he says: "And we, his
fellow countrymen, are not a bit angry with Mr. Roosevelt; we are not
even resentful; no, we are not even
tempted to scoff; we are contented
just to laugh, to laugh quietly with
that inward quality of merriment with
which men do laugh when something
happens that ls genuinely, honestly,
and at the same time Inexpressibly
"Hubert" doesn't accuse Teddy of
being rude. A child can't be accused
who doesn't know any
He was just blunt, with that
sort of lmperceptlve bluntness and
imperceptive with that sort of blunt
Imperceptiveness which enables a man
of great force of character but of middling Intellectuality to go so far ln
American political life, and which I
am not sure will not enable men of
Mr. Roosevelt's calibre and makeup
to go far in English life."
That distinguished speech of Mr.
Roosevelt's was not, as I see some of
my colleagues in the press are saying it was, due to swelled head; It
was due rather to Impenetrable head,
to—how shall 1 put It?—to an absence,
not of sense but of sensibility, to a
temperamental Incapacity to appreciate the incongruous and the correct.
The oration in Paris, though less,
let us Bay, Important, from an international point of view, was quite as
maladroit in i s way, quite as un-
(Continued on Pag* 3)
ot -udenesB,
small, in fact, almost no part, ln the
control'of justice or its administration,
as can be seen by the following incident.
During tho reign of Hostllius he had
a clever warrior whose name was
Horatio. The latter had vanquished
the Curatll and during the time of
spoliation had taken a line woven garment from one of the chief men of that
tribe, who happened to have teen espoused to the sister of Horatio. When
the warrior returned to Rome with the
pomp associated with victors of that
time, his sister observing the gown of
her fiancee began to cry at bis
misfortune. Thereupon Horatius drew
his spear and killed his own sister.
He was arrested, tried on the spot,
and sentenced to be whipped and
then to be hanged. He, with the permission of the King was allowed to ap.
peal to the people. He was released
upon his word after a small penalty
of penance. But what is the important factor is that he was a great land
owner and but for that fact he would
not have been allowed to appeal. Justice In this direction had its foundation upon the property basis of Horatius. England, ln 1909 A.D., has'
thought fit to adopt the same principle.
To another historical example where
property was the actuating Influence
for the development of faith, let us take
the greatest of Venetian Doges, Henri
Dandola, who took so great, a part In
the beginning of the Crusade. Was It
for the preservation o. the Cross that
those marauding gangs of rogues, vagabonds and thieves were sent out?
It was not for the raising of the standard ot the presumed ethical precepts
ot Christianity but for the robbery and
lunder tbat the CrusadeB were started.
When Dandola and his allies had conquered Constantinople a manifesto
now known as the "Venetian Manifesto" was sent to tho Pope. In lt they
stated they had reinstated Alexius the
Fourth as Emperor of Constantinople
because lie, promised us 200,000 marks
of silver and provisions for one year."
ln the case of landing In the city lt
is recorded that "the ships Paradise
and Pilgrim were commanded by the
Bishops of Troyes and Soissons." It_
goes on to say, "we put the people to
the sword In the streets until night
came on." It continues "Most Holy
Father, the quantity of gold, silver,
precious stones nnd other costly things
which we have found, far exceeds all
that could be collected In the city of
Rome and In all our ChriBtendon." After celebrating prayers and High Mass,
they elected Baldwin Court of Flanders
as Emperor of Constantinople and gave
him one fourth of the Empire.   "The
rest we divided among ourselves," says
the manifesto. It concludes with this
noble Christian sentiment, "We will en.
deavor to maintain possession of this
fine land, full of corn, wine, oil, wood
and pasturage and share it out in
fields to the noble Knights who shall
join their arms with ours."
The division of property and Its direct ownership was the basis of justice during the majority of the time of
the famous Venetian empire.
Another Illustration is the "Magna
Carta of 1215 signed by King John
of England. In it is a clause that is
exercised to this day. It is the right
of a peer or baron to be tried by his
own class. That is, that for certain
offences a member of the House of
Lords has the right to be tried by that
House. It was only just a few years
since Earl Russell was tried, not by
a judge and jury, but by the members
of the House of Lords for bigamy. So
you see that - a man who has to be
tried by his peers will look back to 1215
when the Barons for the preservation
of their property desired this amended
form of "justice."
Today in England, property, is still
the dominant factor which determines
a jury. Commonlaw juries are but the
people who nominally have a house to
their names. Special juries are men
who are householders of higher priced
property and aro in a good business.
Grand juries are in the main retired
manufacturers and large landlords
within the judicial boundaries. No poor
man can ever get on the grand jury
for an Assize Court.
So, then, if property has been the
basis of justice, it Is quite likely that
the laws being based upon the private
ownership of the means of life, are
against those who do not possess properly; they ere the working class.
In order that justice may be regularly
accorded to al I* it means lhat all must
first have an equal! access to all property, or that social ownership of the
means of life will put an end to laws
baBed upon private ownership. Generally speaking at least 98 per cent,
of crimer ln Great Britain are against
property. Life is always secure In a
well organized country. That is apart
from the risks attendant to industry.
Attacks upon the person decrease year
by year, but Inroads on property are
increasing.     '' '
So it behooves the working class to
strive for the judicial, administrative
and legislative' sections of the government in order to institute the system
whereby robbar'y and slavery will give
way to happiness and freedom. Now,
having thought this out what will you
workers do?
A Socialist Mass Meeting and Picnic
will be held on July 29th, two miles
south of Ixiugheed, Alta. S.E. >4. 20-43-
The programme consisting ot speeches, recitations and eongs will commence directly after dinner. The topic
"The way out of our present labor
difficulties" will be handled without
gloves. Addresses not over half an
hour long.
Everybody. cpme and bring your
neighbor. If we- don't make the eagle
squall and twist the lion's tail it will
be because the. Socialists don't know
how, yours for the revolution.
Hereafter Address
instead of Box 836.
Western Clarion
Dominion Ex.
B. C. Executive "Two
SATURDAY, JULY, 18, 1910.
Published mr Saturday br the
•e-elallet Parts' at Canada, at the Oalca
•f the Waatafa Clarion, Flack Black
Baaament, l«i Has (lags Street, Yaneeu-
var, B. C.
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"Box 1688 Vancouver, B. 0,
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
SATURDAY, JULY, 16, 1910.
Now and for some time past the
above words have been bandied around
pretty freely by (hose whose function
seems to be to chew the rag without
ceasing and to think not at all. Were
it a physical possibility for them to
•stop long enough to give their think-
tanks a show it might occur to them
to ascertain the meaning of the words
they use. We are confident the result
•would be a revision In their terminology.
So far as we have been able to dls-
couver, unless we, like Humpty Dump-
ty, are to make words mean what we
please, "economic" relates to the production of wealth, "politic" to the gov.
ernment of people, primarily, though
now somewhat corrupted through association with politicians.
The economic power of a "nation"
■would therefore signify its power to
produce wealth. Which, to an extent,
"would be dependent upon the natural
'resources of the land of Its habitation,
modified latterly by the facilities of
transportation. So that, at bottom, the
determining factor would be the productivity of its workers, in other words
their laboring power.
Of "economic power," then, it can-
*not be denied that the working class
has a complete monopoly and their
•reign, in this field at any rate, there
Ib none to dispute, (or the capitalists
ahow no sign of even attempting to
produce any wealth.
Political power is the power to write
the law, which predicates the power
to enforce It, the power of coercion.
'This, on the other hand, is the undisputed monopoly of the capitalist class,
for the workers write little law and
enforce less. They have no power of
The law declares that property In the
means of production la owned by
'Smith, Jones and Robinson. The court
so orders, and that goes. This leaves
the capitalists ln possession of the
.means of wealth production and the
•workers in possession of the power to
produce wealth. The former buy the
economic power of the latter and set
It to work producing wealth. That
-wealth belongs to the capitalists. It
may not be right and it may be unjust; we don't know, or care. We
do know that It ls legal. The law so
ordains and the power of coercion is
tbere to make It good law.
Let ub then cease worrying tbout the
economic power which we already have
and cannot use, and set ourselves to
acquiring the political power which we
"have not, bo that wc may then write
the law. Oood, Bound law that Bays
-that "Smith, Jones and Robinson are
"hereby relieved of the burden of the
meanB of production, which belong
henceforth to us, the workers. In wit.
ness to the validity whereof behold the
size of our club."
That club is nothing else than a
Sufficiency of workers educated to
snow just what they want and resolved
to take nothing "just as good." Until
-we have that we are nothing; when we
have that we have political power,
power to coerce the capitalists into
letting go on pain of the usual penalties of gaol or gallows meted out to
Jaw-breakers who are not law-makers.
To this end In propaganda alone
"Hob our salvation. To that all things
else are secondary consideration, elections and the elect Included. Elections
;are useful only as occasions for propaganda. Elections used for election
purposes are opportunities not only
wasted but abused. The elect alBO
are Invaluable as megaphones for proclaiming the revolt, and an Incum-
■brance otherwise.
To propaganda, therefore, we must
devote our energies, leaving to Utopians the pleasing task of constructing
the future society or of reconstructing
the present one.
We have it on almost Indisputable
Liberal authority that the Socialiat
campaign funds In Winnipeg Centre
were furnished by the Conservative
Party ln order to defeat the Labor candidate. We dont know, you know,
but we are glad to hear It.
Of course this wlll come us a terrible
shock to Liberals, celebrated us they
are tor the purity of their Ideals and
the probity of their political methods,
nevertheless we are to shamelessly
deaf to the appeal »f the high inortil
code which they preach so sedulously
and practice so seldom lhat uny Mine
a t'oiiKer-'iitlvc or any other party tool*
like putting up the money for us to do
our own work, we wlll he Johnny on
tha spot with the bit.
However, while we have mmpli'lonH
of our own us to llui real lourot "f
those funds, of one thing there Ik mil
the least doubt; wherever they riitne
from, If they were Instrumental In defeating a "Labor" enndldiile they could
not have been Used to better advantage.
In the Held of politics the working
class has foes of many shades nnd
gradations, and Ihe order lu which
they rank Is roughly as follows: —
the Liberals are worse than the Conservatives; Liberal-Labor worse than
Liberal; "Independent" Labor worse
tnan Liberal-Labor; and near-Socialist worse than any. The more closely
they resemble the real thing nnd the
more cleverly they simulate friendship the more they are to be dreaded.
That they happen to be perfectly
sincere and eminently well-intentioned
merely aggravates the danger. The
ills that have been Inflicted upon the
workers by their enemies are outweighed by the consequences of the
earnest efforts of our "friends" on
our behalf.
Consequently we may be excused,
though we dont need It, for preferring
the most reactionary of the reactionaries to the most altruistic of reformers. They who are not with us without reserve are against us, be they of
high or low degree. Anyway we are
against them unalterably and Inflexibly whether they wear the aspect of
wolves, wolves In sheep's clothing,
sheep in wolves', or just simple, silly
We know that ln nothing short of
emancipation from wage servitude lies
any hope of easement for US. And
we are bound neck and horns to our
yoke-fellows; for us there ls no emancipation without emancipation for
all. And that cannot be until those
stubborn, tolling yoke-fellows of ours
KNOW as we know, why the yoke
galls them and how lt may be broken.
Hence, foes we are to all who would
teach them aught else, be their motives never so pure or their teachings
never so divine.
A feature which has been lending a
pleasing touch of humor to even the
most owlish of Vancouver's dallies recently Is a full page hired by the B. C.
Sugar Refining Company to advertise
the demerits of Chinese sugar. The
company appeals to all the best Instincts of our present civilization generally, and particularly to Its patriotism and race hatred. We doubt if its
appeal will bear any fruit for Chinese
sugar appeals to the pocket.
This Chinese sugar seems to have
been worrying the Company for some
time, for not long ago It circularized
the local grocers, threatening many
dire things If they did not be good
and handle only the company's sugar.
One of these recalcitrant grocers had
the bad taste to publish this confidential circular In the "World," to whose
columns it had the easy access always accorded heavy advertisers,
which compelled the worthy Mr. Rogers, of the B. C. S. R. C. to explain the
That Chinese sugar Is hurting Mr.
Rogers yet and more Is evidenced by
the present appeal to patriotism, for,
as It said, patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel. Mr. Rogers emphasises the fact that the money paid
for Chink sugar goes to China and Is
lost to the community, while If we buy
his sugar we cast our bread upon the
waters and lt returns again through
the wages of his employees. Furthermore, he points with pride to the fact
that he employs white labor only,
which Is true, or ought to be, for the
Company has exemption from taxation
and free water on condition it employs
white labor only. So, with characteristic patriotism, lt employs only white
labor, at Oriental wages. Moreover,
carefully conserves Its employees
from the dictation of any labor union
and unflinchingly upholds their liberty
„ work all the hours they can stand
and then some. Hence, lt ls evidently
rorthy of the patronage of all good
For our part, we .firmly adhere to the
great principles laid down, during Its
_.lef but brilliant career, by the famed
Asiatic Exclusion League, though the
League seems to have disbanded after
having excluded all the Asiatics who
were not already here, except those
who have since arrived. We believe
the Asiatic should be excluded, this
being a white man's country, ever since
we stole lt from the Indiana, and to
that end we consistently buy Oriental
products whenever' we need them and
they happen to be the cheapest in the
market. By this means we expect to
make so much work for the Orientals
In the Orient that they will not feel
like migrating in our direction. We
feel sure this remedy wlll be quite
aa successful as any other, and besides
It will be patriotic, practical and inexpensive.
However, we reserve the right to
amend our opinions If Mr. Rogers
■hould happen to see fit to take out
a full page advertisement In the Clar-
loll for a sufficiently extended period.
The growth and development of capitalism Is a Btudy well worth noting
hy the Social "Reformer" and revolutionist alike. To the former It would
give an enllghtnient he could not possibly obtain through any other source.
To the revolutionist It Ib ever a "guiding star" hy which he navigates his
course on the boh of capitalist soclu."
When Ihe social reformer understands
that society, Its Ideas, religious tenets,
Its modes und habits, Ub general culture, are not the work of Individuals
apart from the rest of mankind, but
essentially the result of certain given
conditions; that would then drive
awuy much of the misunderstanding
prevalent In their curious minds.
When economic conditions change so
do thoughts that were the remits of
the previous condition.
There are Innumerable striking Illustrations to convince et en the 'unlettered and unwashed" of the soundness of that proposition and in this
case I Intend to refer to just one country only, because it appears to hf developing on even faster lines than any
other country today.
Generally speaking, capital is simply
a condition and form which functions
Itself In one way alone; that is, it Is
the exploiting function of wealth.
Where capital exists there, too, m iBt
exist wage slavery. And lt is ob-ij'-
that to accomplish such a cor 1 tion
must mean the abolition of indi 'rial
private ownership in production. Tli<!
small owner of a plot of land must ha
swallowed up in order that he no-
make one ot that immense army who
will vie with one another for the
means of living. The destruction of
small capitalists by larger concerns
is inevitable. But where a country
has already its "submerged tenth"
where a country has the results of
capitalism so vividly marked as England, France, Qermany and America,
and that field for exploitation has almost gone to Its limits, or at least,
where less returns In profit to the
capitalist, the latter has to look about
for new fields worthy of expansion.
And today Slam forms a happy hunting ground for the English, French,
German, American, Dutch, Danish,
Italian capitalist.
The legations there are only kept
for business purposes. Those countries not trading being unrepresented.
There, too, that good old system
known as the judicial system has undergone a rapid change during the
last few years. Why? Because there
ls no longer any necessity for the
"extra territorial rights" (meaning
that an Englishman could be tried by
his own countrymen there). It haa
been abrogated, because of a grant of
strategic territory. Further, chattel
slavery haa been abolished.. But lt
must be added that already in Bangkok (the capital of Slam) there have
begun capitalist industries. Wage labor is now being employed in the city.
Outside (according to competent authorities) tbe people are much higher
in morals than In the city, which happens to be administered by Europeans.
Through the development of western
methods, the 'city nobility treat their
wives just as Europeans do (sometimes). The supposed inferiority of
the females goes by the board when
one has some economic power. Through
the same development of capitalist
ideas we find too that the king now
does not appear ln person to judge
cases in a court of law. It Ib now relegated to a number of Siamese lawyers
and English "advisers."
Of course there ls the Christian missionary who wants to teach the people of Slam, as they do in every other country, to hava a hall on earth, In
order to hava a hall of a time in heaven. They too are beginning their
Christianizing tactics. Soon will appear the Booze, after that a war, and
well—Slam will belong to either'Japan or Great Britain, and be made
hewers of wood and drawers of water
for the voracious and greedy spirit of
Today outside the capital, the people are living a life of primitive con-
munism. They are up to their own
standard, enjoying life In every sense.
The advent of the capitalist pioneer
will soon cut away the advantages they
possess and subject them to a servility
equalled only by that of the starving
millions who inhabit India today. Gradually the old forms wlll disappear.
Such a procedure as the feeding of the
destitute in the Buddhist monastrles,
an action similar to what occurred in
England prior to the Protestant reformation.
Electrification is already the order
of the day in Bangkok. It needs but
a few weeks now before the complete
effete edifice of Slam must crumble beneath the heavy exactions of capital
ism. Soon where morality .-eigne will
be prostitution and i.ntlousness.
There will be a cotniilete reversal of
the pre' _t "eneral method of production a id wltl it, too, the change in the
judici;', ett   .al and religious life.
There .3 no country today that has
not passed through a similar phase of
conditlc us Ai it ls the basis of all
society that wll, determine tha ideas
of V people. Given the opportunity
of enjoyment of all thu best things ln
life, he will raise himself to a higher
plane than he hn-j been situated no
far ln society. Pui <*tua'e the robbery
of one class b. another nnd you will
have as a result the bldeous i onalderu-
tion and cold I o d< dut-SB thai occurs
this day. The mati-iinl condition will
alter, I am s i . , I n hen it does, with
It go the id' j o' the people. Whilst
capitalism Is fo clnj "> natural function in so<-1 tj and is inimical to the
Interests of nut ki . I generally, lt can
only be by a ii owledge of the lame
and a lenalble application thereto that
oncli ' HI liu emancipated. The sensible i p,'Mention Is the control of the
polltic.ii    it  ' llieiy,
And it Is huii where the social reformer and the t< . ulutionlst come to
grips. 'I lie former timks that thu capitalist class can ' i induced to better
the condition of the working class. He
ls wiring lo vor'' or this, that, and
he other nicnsui jecause he believes
ii s good for thi i orker. No, you reformer' Yliere 4 no measure advocated b> any ci itallst government today tba. can be of any material advantage > the working class. Its an
utter aba. ty. \ ear by year the capitalist c ass . n .king more and more
profit ouf of the slavery of the workers. Unless Ihe function they have can
be stopped altogether, no action is
worth undertaking tor "alleviation."
The same energy utilized with advocacy of ref.irm could be generated In
favor of the stand of the revolutionist
who ssei.b Alone the abolition of capi-
'i" t property. He can not (and will
not) be stopped doing other than that.
The capitalist class in their effort to
"cure to themselves a greater return
Ui . building up a load, they will be
i.uable to car.j. It will collapse. And
t' revolutionist will be there to see
L^in'"" those who wo.ked and slaved,
stat ved nmidst all the luxuries they
had protuu -d, take the sals head and
guid" th r selves to control the forces
that had nde for the downfall of the
capitalist class. They will then organize the S cialist conditions of society. And t:uless the people In a
majority are Socialists, capitalism will
continue, or perhaps something • irse
may take its pi' •<*. The former
stands for su. .talist
class. The revolutionist Is not one who
speaks about bloodshed and "locking
out the capitalist . 'ass," and other
absurd nostrums; he ls one who Is
convinced that Socialism wlll be the
most effective system ushered into the
universe, and strives tor its incoming, by organizing himself under the
banner of a P . alist Party who
stand for the abolition of wage slavery immediately.
It is up to «iu members of the
working class to get this fully In your
minds. Unless you believe in the complete overthrowal of enpltalism by
political methods, keep outside. If
you believe ln the absurd "step by
step" Idea, your place Is In the Liberal, Tory (and thoir lickspittles) the
Labor ranks. Socin'is". -tand for the
Immediate break-up •' .Me slavery.
Social reformers, for i continuance.
So a social reformer ls anUKonistic to
the function that the working olass
That Toronto lot hav
to learn yet, you see.
P. of C. ls to be a rev
ty, it must expel ail wh
prehend and act upon
principles. The sooner thai element
is done with the better. Make them
quit, you Reds, where\'""." you find
them. Better have ten men who
stand united iu a solid principle than
a lot of chumi . who sa they are Socialists, but do all the; --an to assiBt
the master class, who a re and «. ill remain the inveterate enemies of the
workers. M >SWS   BARITZ.
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Cunudu should run a cunl under this
head, f 1.00 per month. Hecrotnrlei
please note.
Surlullst l'urty "f Canada, Meets
every alliirnutc Monday. 1). O. Me-
I'minle, Serrutur)', llox I Hun, Vancouver,  H.  0,
Ejxiciitlve committee, looTulil Party
of cwiuda.    Meets  nveiy    alternate
Moiidiiv,     I).  11.   McKenale,  Secretory,
Hon   II1SH  Vancouver,  II.  0,
Committee,  Soolallil   Party  of ca*i«
lulu. Meets every alternate Monday m
i.uiioi- Hull, I'liaiiih Ave. Bait,,, opposite postofllce.     Secretary  win  lie
picused to miHWi'i' uny I'oiiiinuiili'iitloiis
regarding the iiiuvuiiiunt In Hie prov-
Inco. I'. Iiuiihy, Hue., llox 017 l.'ulgury.
live I'olllllllllee. .Meets tlrst und third
Tuesdays In the month at 12 l-ll Adelaide St. Anv reader of the clurlon
desiriiiK Information about the movement  In Manitoba, or who wishes  tu
Join    Ihe    Party    please    cnnillllllllcult'
wllh the undersigned, w. ll. Stebblngs,
Soc, :mi Hood hi.. Winnipeg,
live I'olllllllllee, Snelullst Party ot
Cilliuda. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday ut Comrade MoKlnnon'e,
t'ottugc l.uue. Hun Cochrane, Secre
tury, llox 491, Olace Buy, N. S.
LOOAL VAXOOVVEB,    B.    C,   XO.   45,
Cuniidu. Business meetings every
Tuesduy evening at headquarters, over
Ndgctt's   Store,   Ul    Hustings   St.   W
!••. Perry, secretary, Box n'.ss.
LOCAL   ▼ABOOVTBB,   B.   O.,   Wo.   45,
Finnish.      Meets   every    second     nm
fourth Thursdays In the month at 16
LOCAL XABA, B. O, BO. 34, S. V. of C,
Meets first Sunday In every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Itosoinan.   Recording Secretary.
LOOAL  LABTtMITB  BO.  10,  I.  T.  of
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. In headquarters on Flrat Ave.
J.   H.   Ilurroiigh,   Box   31,   Ladysmlth,
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hull (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley,
LOOAL B088LAMD, BO. M, S. V. of 0.,
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday ut
7:.'I0 p.m. ED, Campbell, Secy., P. O.
llox 071. Ilosslund Finnish Branch
meets In (''Inlanders' Hall, Sundays ut
7:30 p.m. A. gobble, Seoy., P. O. Boa
70C> Itiisslund.
LOOAL  BBLIOB,  I.  P.   of  0.,  MEETS '
every Frlduy evening nt .1 p. m„ In
Miners' Hull, Nelson, H. c. 1. A. Austin. Secy.
LOOAL PHOENIX, Bo. 3, B. T. ot C, J
meets every Bunday at S:.1i> p.m., Inf
.Miners' Hull. Matt llnllldiiy, Organ-1
leer,  11.  K. Maolnnis, Secretary,
of C. Meetings every .Sunday nt ttl
p.m. In tho Luhnr Hull, Burlier BlockJ
Eighth Ave. 10. (near pnstoince). Clulil
and Heading Room. Luhnr Hull, f
Machln, Secretary, Box (>47, A. Mucii
doniihi. Organiser,  Box  04".
P. of c, meets every llrst nnd thlnl
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hull!
J. v Ihiiinnt, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAB,     ALTA.,     BO.     9.
Mirers'   Hull   und   Opera   House   at   sf
p.m.    Everybody welcome to call. H. la
Smith. Secy.
Hustings    St.     W.      Secretary,     Wm.
Mynttl. »
Helidiiuurtcrs und Bending Boom,
628 .Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesduy
• evening, s p.m. l'ropugundii meetings
every Sunduy nt Qrund Theatre. R.
Tliomus, Secretary.
LOOAL  NANAIMO,   NO.   S,   8.  P.  of  O.
■ meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hull. Business meeting
ut 7:00 o'clock shurp. l'ropiigundu
meeting commences ut sum o'clock,
.luck Bluce, Bee. Secy., Box SL'6.
LOOAL   PERNIE.   B.   T.   ot   O.   X0LD8
educatlonul meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall. Victorlu Ave.. Fernle, every Sunduy evening ut 7:16. Business
meeting first Sunduy In euch month,
same piece ut L':::n p. in.
David Puton, Secy., Box 101.
nine   ing
d  If t   e   S.
lonary par-
-11 to com-
By Wilfred Grflbble.
"What is it darkens o'er the sun,
And dims mild Luna's silver glow?
What Ib it we Instinctive shun,
That makes our blood so stagnant
Upon our spirits settled gloom
Has fallen, and we fain would know
The reason for our heavy doom,
We'd know the cause of all our woe."
Klngsley, thy reign ls o'er at last,
Old   tyrant,  long  ye've  done   whn
pleased ye;
McKenzie, you're bowled out at  last,
And Nemesis has surely sei/,i-d thi c.
To Shetland's island, storn.j, bleak,
Oh, Peterson, you'd best be   lleiug;
Por safety's sake, within a week.
You Karme, must be to Fi iland flying; ,
Oh,  Morgan, back to Edinburgh,
'Tis there alone that you'll find shelter;
And Mengel, while you've power to stir,
Depart for London, helter-skelter;
And  Stebblngs,  you must share  tbe
Of the Dom Ex's crime appalling,
meets every Sunday ln Miners' Union
Hull at 7:30 p. in. Business meetings,
1st and 3rd Sundays of each month.
George Heatherton, Organizer; ft. J.
Campbell, Secretary. Box 124.
LOOAL VEBNON, B. O, 38, 8. P. of C,
meets every second and lust Frlduy In
each month. Chas. Chaney, Sec, Box
127 Vernon, B. C.
S. P. of C.—Meets -'very Sunduy In
hall in Empress Tlieuter Block ut 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorhnm. Secretary.
Propaganda and busl - ss meetings at
8 p. m. every Sunday evenlns In the
Edison Parlor Theater. Speakers
passing through revelstoke are Invited to attend. 14. F. Gayman, Secretary,
C, meets every Sunday In Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. rn. Socialist speakers
are Invited to coll. V. Frodsham, Sec
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St 1
Business and propaganda meetlng.-J
every Thursday at ,:30 p.m. sharp!
Our Reading Room ls open to the pub-f
lie free, from 10 nm. to 11 p.m. dallyl
F. Blake, 6-19 Athabasca Ave., Secre-L
tary. Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth!
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Halt. 120 1-2 Adelaides
Street, opposite Koblln Hotel. Biisl-I
ness meeting every Sunduy morning!
1! a.m. Propugunda meeting Sunday]
evening S p.m. Everybody welcome.!
Secretary,  J   vv.   mnfng.   270  Youngl
Street. "
LOOAL TOSOWTO,  ONT.,  No. 34, 8.  P.I
of C,—Business meetings 2nd und 4th |
Wednesdays In the month, at the Labor Temple, Church St. Propaganda I
meetings every Sunday nt 3:00 o'clock
at the Labor Temple. Speakers' class
every Thursday et 8:00 o'clock at La
bor Temple. J. Stewart, Secretary, 62
Seaton St.
LOOAL   COBALT,   Bo.   S,   8.   P.   Of   C.
Propagundu und business meetings t
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miners' ,
Hall. Everybody Invited to Intend. ,
Kthlebert  Jones,   Financial   Secy.
LOOAL   OTTAWA,   BO.   8,   S.   T.  ot O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday In '
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. la Robert-
Allan Hull, 78 Rldeau St. The usual
weekly Inside propugunda meetings
discontinued during summer months.
H. 8. Oldham, Secretary, 123 Drum-
mond St.
LOOAL   lllin,   OWT.,   XO.   4,   8.   T.
of C.i mets every second end fourth
Wednesduy evenings, at 8 p.m., 66
King St. 10., opposite Market Hotel.
V. A. Hints, Sec, 98 West Lancaster
Business     und   Propaganda     meeting *
every Thursday st 8 p.m. In Macdon-
ald's hull. Union Street.    All are welcome.   Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary. Glace Buy;   Wm.  Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen:   H. G. Boss,.
Flnanclul   Secretury,   office   In   D.   N.'
Brodie   Printing   Co.   building,   Union
F -r-TS OWN       ^uitRS   or
fifST IN B.C CK»A-«S:
So you are doomed to go to Oalt,
A dreadful fate on you ls falling.
Oh, Hawthornthwaite, past ts thy day,
Thy last address Is surely spoken;
Oh, Williams, sad lt ls to Bay,
Thy  cord   Is   loosed,   thy   bowl   Is
And Harrington to working men
Shall never more bo truthB revealing;
Palsied his arm, his able pen
Is rusting and his Ink congealing,
O'Brien's head Is bowed In woe,
His hopeful spirit now despairing;
Welch's laat Joke Ib cracked we know,
For he O'Brien's woe is sharing.
Alf Budden wlll no longer write
On working poor and wealthy loafers,
But spend Mb time, both day and night,
In raising wheat and catching gophers.
Says Fulcher, "Here's a pretty fix,
All propaganda I'm declining,
To mixing mortar, laying bricks,
In future In my mind confining;
And all the boys of Winnipeg
Have surely felt the Influence blighting,
And said, "No longer we've a 1 ;g
To stand on, what's the use ot fight,
So utter ls poor Wrlgley's woe,
Paralysis is on him creeping;
Woodhouse, Green, Taylor, Farmilo,
All  down  each  other's   backs  are
Palsied are Stewart's vocal chorda.
And Oribbles' bald head strewn with
While   Roscoe    Flilmores'    saying
Which must  be  writ in dots  and
McKinnon mourns and Brodie sighs,
McLeod In grief his form Is bending,
While Hoar to Heaven lifts his eyes—
But I this sad rhyme must be ending.
What ls the cause of all this woe,
Despair,  rage,  grief  and   lamentation?—
The last line of this rhyme will show,
Will give the needed information.
Oh! Mc, tear up the mailing list,
(The very thought my soul distress,
I pause to wipe the tears which mist
My eyes) destroy the type and presses.
'Tis useless now to longer seek
To swell the Clarion's circulation,
For twnety-flve whole cents a week
Are cut off (tears and lamentation)
It Is the Clarion's burial day,
The time has come the hearse to
The doughty Glaspell writes to say
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'Clock
Vancouver B. C. SATURDAY, JULY, 1«, 1910.
Tb1* Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive ConuBittees, Locals
-tnd General Party Matters—Address All Coaamunications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Dear Comrade:—
The following resolution was passed
by Local Brantford, Ont., No. 16, S. P.
THAT WHEREAS the province of
Ontario is in an unsettled state, which
is seriously retarding the propagation
of revolutionary Socialism, the sole
reason (or our organization, and whereas said conditions are caused by certain members of the S. P. of C. taking
objection to the Dominion Executive's
alleged autocratic action, and whereas this Local ls desirous of seeing the
mess cleared up, by taking lt to the
last resort: namely the Party;
WE therefore report ourselves as being In favor ot a referendum of the
whole Party, and in view of the fact
that some of the prejudiced members
might be under the impression that
there has not been a careful counting
of the votes, we would ask that the
voting of each and every local be published in the Clarion, thereby giving
every local the opportunity of correcting any errors that have crept in during the counting.
Yours for the line-up,
, Secretary.
Dear Comrade McKenzie,—Recently I received a letter from Com. Llss
of Berlin, who Informed me that a
new Ont. Ex. Com. had been elected
and that com. Lome Cunningham of
Guelph was the Prov. organizer, also
asking for contributions to assist in
keeping a permanent organizer In the
field. The following is a letter I have
just mailed to Com. Liss, explaining
my, or rather our, position, that is to
say, those here who have In mind an
organization known as the S. P. of C.
Dear Com. Lies:—In regards to ac.
tlon taken by Prov. Ex. Com., I must
say I was somewhat Ill-informed of
When you wrote to me at first I
was under the Impression that the
Convention was recognized as a convention of the Soc. of Ont., or rather
of duly authorized delegates and sane,
tloned by the Dom. Ex. Com., but as
I now know, the Dom. Ex. does not
recognize the convention as a convention of the S. P. of C. on account of
the parliamentary laws governing that
body which makes lt Impossible for
them so to do.
Insofar as Windsor is concerned you
can send an organizer here If you so
desire but we who retain our interest
In the Party cannot conscientiously
give any support to him until this
affair has been settled ln a manner
that at least has the resemblance of
party discipline.
Windsor sorely needs organizing,
but not so bad but what we can wait
until new members will not be troubled with reading a lot of literature
published inside the Party that is a
disgrace to any man who has a desire
to read something readable, not any
"Nick Carter" blood and thunder
You spoke of the organizer being
armed with literature of all descriptions and sub. cards to papers and
magazines published ln the II. S. and
Canada. Don't you think that we have
enough on our hands to accquaint new
members with the activity confined
to "our own" country; and Insofar as
papers are concerned I do not know
of a single Soc. paper published In the
U. S. that can any where near be compared to the official organ of the S. P.
of C, the "Western Clarion."
Aa near as I am able to judge everything has gone along exceptionally
fine insofar as Canada and Socialism ls
concerned and we have no room for
petty quarrels or personal feelings for
when yon come to consider the territory we have to cover and every avenue of Information that the wage-slave
treads along placarded with "Leave
Socialism alone" staring him in the
face it will require all of our energy
and funds to eliminate these straw-
men and brintj the plutos to a realization of Where they belong.
Personally I would suggest that
before any procedure, to Instruct all
Locals not only ln Ont., but In Can. to
assist Ont. ln settling for the good of
the Party the differences that have
arisen ln Ont. through what I believe
to be a little hasty action.
Yours in revolt,
F. Perry
Comrade Mc:—
I have been to a slaves convention,
and the wasted energy put forth trying
ways and means to keep the union
alive and trying to force up the price
of labor power ln a falling market was
criminal. The majority can't see this
point by reasoning, but the masters
will teach it to them soon. I listened
to an Attorney-General speaking, and
in fifteen minutes he told the slaves
more in this town of St. Louis than
their Republican Socialists would tell
them In a year.
Did you ever see a Republican Socialist, Mc? Well, there are all kinds
of them in that city and lawyer ones
too, and a platform as long as the
tail of Halley's comet.
But let us get back to the Attorney-
General's speech. He told the workers that right now the foreign bankers and big sticks were investigating
the Inflated curency, something like
two billions and a half, and what did
that mean, that we, the slaves would
be ln the grip of another panic, worse
than 1907. What was the worker going to do about lt? The trade unions
where are they going to stand or
Industrial unions? Nuff sed. And
fellow slaves, according to Cotton's of
June 23rd, Roosevelt ls going to form
a new party and radical at that, and
that-the Roosevelt club of St. Louis
has launched it already. Well, it can't
fool the workers any more than the So.
clallst party of St. Louis, lt was so
bad that the state officials have revoked their charter, and not before
time. Five different factions. Something like the Ontario faction trying to
pull themselves up by their boot laces,
figuring that the lmposslblists who
want the whole bakery are too slow,
but that if we had a few sops on the
platform we would catch a few stray
votes, and making resolutions about
affiliating with the International, when
we have comrades in the small towns
that are spending their few dimes they
have left after paying for their stall
and fodder, trying to spread the gospel of here and now, while the per
capita tax would put an orgonlzer tn
the Held, and give the slaves that stand
at a lonely post some help to break
down this wall of Indifference of the
workers. There Is only one way that
the Intellectuals or reformers lead and
that Is to disruption. You can't fight
the world behind Its back teaching the
workers reforms and think after you
have got them In to make reds out of
them, It don't work right.
Neither will the Manitoba Labor
Party live long, any old Politician can
use any plank in their platform and
promise more except article 13. Fellow
slaves nothing but the complete ownership of the machine will do us. Some
of the machinery that is surely putting
us to the streets and garbage cans.
One man and two boys do the work of
1,500 men. One horseshoe machine
does the work of 500 men. A nail
machine does the work of 1,200 men.
A modern saw mill takes the place of
800 men. One man by machinery does
the work of 1,100 In making pottery
In loading and unloading ships by
machinery In Toledo or any dock,
2,000 men are displaced. Mr. Owens
has invented a machine which is claimed will do the work of 50 men making
bottles. Sheets of tin are fed Into one
end of a machine, and at the other end
complete tin cans are dropped out, at
the rate of 38,000 per day; one child
can operate the machine. These are
bnt a few of the many Inventions, and
about the same increase exists ln all
branches of production, these figures
are taken from the census reports and
can be verified. How long, oh slave,
how long are we going to be in competition for that hideous nightmare a
Job. Well Mc. I have advised some
Socialists In that country, the home
of the free and the brave, to send for
a bundle of Charlie's dope, and a bunch
of Clarions, so look out for this order.
It ls too plain to ault some, but It iB
the beBt little sheet I see printed for
the cause.
Apart from 3 meetings in British Co.
lumbia, for over 6 months I have been
doing propaganda work in various
parts of Alberta at the expense of the
master class, thanks not to me but to
the slaves of the Rocky Mountain Riding. I took collections at most of the
meetings, most of which I gave to
local comrades. Some to the Bellevue
comrades to help pay for their new
hall, some to the Manitoba Campaign
fund, and some to the Provincial Executive to help the other organizers.
Ou the whole the meetings were encouraging. We need lots of organizers
I am now helping the Manitoba Comrades.
"Far more demoralizing than even
poverty lu its Influences upon tne
workingman, is the insecurity of his
position, the necessity of living upon
wages from hand to moutn, mat in
short which makes a proletarian oi
I ."The smaller peasants are usually
poor and often suffer want, but tfley
are less at the mercy of acciuent; they
nave at least something secure. Tne
proletarian, who has nothing but his
two hands, who consumes touay What
ue earned yesterday, who ia subject
to every possible chance, and hag not
the slightest guarantee for being able
to earn the barest necessities of life,
whom every crisis, every whim of his
employer may deprive of bread, this
proletarian is placed in the most revolting inhuman position conceivable
for a human being.
"The slave Is assured of a bare livelihood by the self-interest of his master, the serf has at least a scrap of
land on which to live; each has, at
worst, a guarantee for life itself. But
the proletarian must depend upon himself alone, and is yet prevented from
so applying his abilities as to be able
to rely upon them.
"Everything that the proletarian can
do to improve his position is but a
drop in the ocean compared with the
floods of varying chances to which he
is exposed, over which he has not the
slightest control. He Is the passive
subject of all possible combinations of
circumstances, and must count himself
fortunate when he has saved his life
even for a short time; and his character and way of living are naturally
shaped by these conditions.
'Either he seeks to keep his head
above water in this whirlpool, to rescue his manhood, and this he can do
solely in rebellion against the class
which plunders him and then abandons
him to his fate, which strives to hold
him in this position so demoralizing to
human being; or he gives up the
struggle against his fate as hopeless,
and strives to profit, so far as he can,
by the most favorable moment.
To save is unavailing, for at the
utmost he cannot save more than suffices to sustain life for a short time,
while if he falls out of work, It is for
no brief period. To accumulate lasting
property for himself is impossible; and
if it were not, he would only ceaBe to
be a workingman, and another would
taae his place. What better thing can
he do, then, when he gets high wages,
than live well upon them?
"The bourgeoisie is violently scandalized at the extravagant living of the
workers when the wages are high;
yet it is not only very natural but
very sensible of them to enjoy life
when they can, instead of laying up
treasures which are of no lasting use
to them, and which in the end moth
and rust (that is, the bourgeoisie) get
possession of."—From "Condition of
the Working Class In England in
1844," three years before Engels and
Mar* together wrote the "Communist
BRANTFORD, ONT. (tlon with which they operate.  And you
  claim that all should be well-fed and
The local here held a pic-nic on July | clothed and housed.   Very good.   Now,
(Continued from Page 1)
adaptive. An audience of Parisian intellectuals loves paradox and abhors
platitude. Mr. Roosevelt, to a picked
audience of Parisian intellectuals, ex-
chewed paradox and delivered platitude after platitude and platitude after
platitude. Now in the willingness to
do that sort of thing and ln the ability
to do it serenely, we have the secret
for which some of us have been for
some time searching, the secret ot
Mr. Roosevelt's—no, not of his greatness, but of his unmistakable success.
'Whatever doubts there may have
been as to the possibility of a second
presidential term for Mr. Roosevelt,
those doubts must have been dissipated by the oratorical performance of
Tuesday last. Nothing can be more
certain than that Mr. Roosevelt can
once more be President of the United
States it he bo desires."
Most of the European papers have
written In the Bame strain about Teddy. Herron's article, published last
week, in the Clarion, contains much
food for thought. There ls, however,
one thing that his prophecy does not
contain, and that ls the programme
of the party that Teddy will lead to
It may be that the election programme of Teddy's party will contain most of the immediate demands
now advocated by our Comrades on
the other side. LESTOR.
Thadi Mams
Copyrights Ac.
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ulcklr ascertain our opinion free whether aa
(lulck'IT ascertain our opinion
liiTenflon jsprohahlypat
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tlons strictly confidential. HANUBUUH on reunite
sent free. Oldest agency for aocurlng patents.
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SckMMic Hmcrkan.
A tiuto-Mly UMtnfatf WMklr. Ugg* «ir-
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1st In one of the parks. The Ontario
locals -were well represented, and
weather conditions were all that could
be desired. A batch of sporting events
were run off. Then came the feeding,
after which short speeches were delivered by representatives of the various locals present.
In addition to Locals Toronto, Berlin,
Guelph, Gait, Woodstock, Hamilton and
Brantford, there were also present quite
a sprinkling of comrades of the S. L P.
of Hamilton and Brantford and also a
number of ex-members of the party
from Toronto.
As each of these sections spoke to
the comrades present, it will be readily
seen that a vast amount of educational work was done among the younger
element and those who were from centers not in touch with the revolutionary movement.
Comrades Farmilo and Taylor of Local 24 Toronto, stayed over in Brantford, and spoke the following night at
the usual weekly propaganda meeting
of Brantford Local. Both were new to
this city, but delivered the goods in
good shape from the box.
A more deliberate dtlivery, which
would enable them fo have a reserve
fund, so to speak, would be a most valuable asset to both these men. This,
of course, will come with a little more
experience on the box.
Someone has said that of all
books In the world, the Bible is
most widely read and the least
derstood. In a sense the same is true
of Socialism. Men use the word glibly who scarcely comprehend Its real
meaning. Others condemn all It
stands for and yet could not tender a
definition if asked to do so; while
among the clergy, who are ever a drag
on the wheel of progress, the word
Socialism has of recent date become
quite popular.
Yet, ln pslte of the fact that the
Socialist is abroad, and that Socialist
literature Is to be found In every village and city of importance, there are
hundreds who still ask, What is Socialism?
The workev asks the question because he has been told that it means
comfort for him and his class; tbe
business man asks the question because he has been told that it means
confiscation; and the girl in the mod'
ern factory (or sweatshop) because
she has been told that It means the
breaking up of the home.
What, then, is Socialism?
To be quite plain, it is both an interpretation of history, and of how Society can be scientifically organized
to conduct all industry in its own interest. It means that the producers
of all wealth, the mental and manual
workers, shall collectively own and
control the land, mines, factories, and
machines of production, and that ail
comfort and well-being, socially created, shall be socially distributed.
It ls the direct antithesis of the
existing order of Society. Capitalism
stands for private ownership of the
means of life; Socialism for the collective ownership of the means of life.
Capitalism for Production for Profit,
Socialism for Production for Use. Capitalism for Wealth and Luxury for
the Few, and Grinding Poverty for the
Many; Socialism for Wellbeing for
All, and the ending forever of Human
Well-being for all and the ending
forever of human slavery!
Contrast that with the present system, with Its armies of unemployed,
Its Ill-fed children, its women walking
beneath the lamps, compelled by forces
over wbich they have no control, to sell
their bodies to tbe wolves ot lust.
"Ah," but some will remark, "those
men are drunkards that won't work;
and those Ill-clad children, their father
spends his money In beer when he
should buy them clothes; and that girl
with the angel face that sells her body
on the street, she prefers a life of sin
and idleness to a fireside of content."
But stay, friends, not so fast, and
I will endeavor to explain the phenomenon of unemployment—the reason
why children are Ill-clad; and the
cause of that girl's downfall. And ln
order to do this we must reason together; we must also understand a little about the present system of Wealth
I have said that Socialism is the
direct antithesis of the present system; that Socialism means collective
ownership of those things which today are privately owned by a few. You
admit that a few own the land, mines,
factories and means of transport; and
that the great, bulk of the people own
nothing, not even the tools of produc
ts it not evident the great majority
who own nothing must live somehow?
And ln order to live they are compelled
to ask the owners of the land and machines of production for work. The
owners of those things, the capitalist
class, are interested ln Profit, and only
employ men and women when they can
make a profit out of them—that ie,
jWhen those employed can produce more
than their wages.
You will also readily admit that
every new machine means a greater
power to create commodities, with an
ever-decreasing expenditure of human
labor. And so, when fewer men and
women are riqulred to produce food
and clothing and do the necessary and
useful work, and when we understand
that this is going on ln all the spheres
of Industrial activity, we have the reason why men are idle, children ill-clad,
and women forced upon the Btreet.
Men are idle, it is true, but it ls
not their wish. Capitalism cannot
employ them. Children cry for food,'
but it is not because food ls scarce!
There ls more than enough. And the
girl on the street, she is there because
under Capitalism she cannot live on
the Wage offered her, or because she
cannot get work; not because she deliberately chooses a life of degradation and shame.
Socialism  means   In  place  of  this
disorder, harmony;   in  place of this
want and woe, well-being for all, and
(the opportunity for all to enjoy the
ihe fruits of their labor—The International
Jffere and 9fi
By Spee.
What ls the matter with some of the
boys out west, I.W.W. ism? Down
this way It doe's hot seem so virulent.
Anyway there are a few of them alight,
ly touched and the disease expresses it.
self in this form here, "I am not an industrial Worker of the World, but I am
strongly In sympathy with them. There
ls something lacking, don't you know
about the Socialist Party's platform.
Now if we had a plan of how we
would run the machine of production
when we have captured the political
power!" Or else lt ls like this. "We
must have an economic organization
of the workers, thoroughly drilled and
organized to work In conjunction with
the political aim of the working class
At the Brantford picnic there was a
case or two ln evidence, "I.W.W. Ism."
I mean, I don't know the Latin terms
that are used for lt. Cameron, of Hamilton  seems  to  have  lt bad  though,
and is taking it seriously too.   A crisis ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
ls evidently impending with him.   At |™ent in full for energy expended by
What a joy it is to be civilized. Civilization la the result of a slow course
of development that throughout unnumbered ages haa been moulding the
human Ego that' it might burst the
shackles of savage darkness and
emerge Into the glorious light of
mind's supremacy over matter. It
still survives though. When one contemplates the benighted life of the savage one Is, or ought to be, appalled.
He, poor creature, never knew the delights of brandishing a modern municipal pick ln a civilized sewer. Nor
of bending, with a fixed and glassy
eye, over a typewriter for many hours
in each fleeting day. He worried along
for many years without being told that
he had dizziness, sick headache, sinking spells, neuralga, rheumatism, lumbago, erysipelas, warts or corns and
therefore needed Peruna. Nor was he
ever able to purchase vast areas of reputation from the Muskeg Realty Co.
Think of the energy he wasted, doing
what suited himself, that might have
bought champagne for the Southern
Grabitt Investment Coy. To be civilized is a constant source of satisfaction to me. Were I not so situated it
Is not likely that I should ever have
had the privilege of going to work
tomorrow nor of taking my place in the
firing line at a lunch counter. As lt ls,
I shall do both. The work may be
greater or less, but the grub le not
so uncertain, it will not be greater.
And there will be a fly in my soup,
but as there will also be one ln my
tea, things will be even. Every day,
I can read the paper and find out what
a great country this ls, and every once
ln a while I can go and hear a tall
hat with some politician under lt, tell
me what a great man I am. The savage knew none of these. Vicious creature, he actually beat the missionary
who came with them Sad the glory of
God, over the head with a club.
• a   a
Twelve thousand, five hundred think.
starters went to Manitoba to pry the
workingman away from the old parties.
• •    a
Local New Westminster reduces Its
bundle to fifty as the secretary says
lt is hot enough up there already.
a   a   a
John V. Hull, Port Moody, says "enclosed find" which hath charms and
soothes the savage breast. He wants
a bundle and some cards.
• •   • .
"Bughouse" sends three dollars pay.
that "Ontario Convention" he moved a
resolution to endorse lt and at the picnic alarming sysptoms showed themselves at times. The good cheer, icecream, cake, sandwiches, etc, etc., however, seemed to act as an antidote
and everything passed off O. K.
That "Gourock case," should be pre.
served ln a pickle jar In the political
museum of an economic organization,
it having already used up about ten
columns of space ln the Western Clarion, besides provoking another fifteen
columns of replies. Poor, sick, slave,
he la not drilled and disciplined enough
but ne wants more and he wants an organization with it too. You will get It
and very soon, you will be drilled and
disciplined so much by capitalism that
you will howl and howl long and loud
for political action. The discipline of
producing wealth will surely bring you
around. I have to suffer from capitalist discipline and I used to suffer from
craft union discipline but the
discipline of an I. W. W., or
Industrial organization I would most
certainly reject with contempt. Cut
lt out Gourock, you are making some
of our people tired, some of the women
memberB here are commenting about
you. Get a job, or If you can't, take
something you have helped to produce
and get arrested. The jail or a job
should stop you from dreaming. You
have too much time on your hands,
otherwise you would not write so much
and In writing so much you have weakened your case, if your arguments were
sound, two columns would be all-sufn-
clent Instead of ten. You are too practical, telling the working class
what to do. Shut up, or tell them what
Is the matter. Who told you that there
would be a high state of Individualism
under Socialism? Was It God, or Del-
con or perhaps you have been there. I
told you before that you had too much
time on your hands. You are able to
see these superior people or else peep
Into the future. Get a job or get arrested.
I am part of an economic organization producing wealth under a Capital
1st government and my number is
Local Vancouver S. P. of C.
Sunday, July 17th, 1910
Leaving Evans, Coleman & Evaus whatf at 10 a.m. Tickets, $1
each, can be obtained from Fred Perry, 834 Pender St. W., W.
Alexander, Labor Hall, Cordova St.; or any member of tbe Party
at Headquarters.       ChiM'tR SOe S.S. "Britannia"
Clarion staff fn solving his chirograpby.
a    a    a
Local Victoria by R. Thomas, secretary, sends nineteen fifty for bundles,
card and button.   Refused with thanks,
a    a    a
D. Forrest gets two In Vancouver.
Ontario Is still  In the ring.    Com.
Davenport    Brantford     renews    and
names  another for  freedom.
a    a    a
M. W. Smith, Beaverdell, forestalls
the expiration of his sub, and has designs on another fellow's satisfaction
with things  ln general.
a    a    a
A notch ln the Socialist gun handle
for each of these: J. Johnson, Vancouver, Harry Peters, Klnistino, Saak,
Chas. Brooks Lethbridge Alta., and two
dollars for the maintenance fund from
H.  Norman,  Vancouver.
Vancouver has an eight-hour law for
city work and the aldermen who hope
to be re-elected are trying to enforce .
it, but:—-
"Owing to city contractors doing
work for the B. C. Electric simultaneously with that for the city, It Is most
difficult for Inspectors to distinguish
between the men employed on city
work and otherwise.   It is alleged that
contractor on Westminster avenue
has been working his men ten hours
per day in this manner. He alleges
that from 8 o'clock In the morning until 5 p. m. hlB men are on city work,
but from 7 until 8 In the morning, and
from 5 until 5:30 in the evening they
are employed on the B. C. Electric,
grading and trackage work. However
this works out, the same time sheets
are apparently being used, and no difference la being made in regard to
keeping track of tbe hours of work on
each contract."
The position Is yet more difficult and
complicated than that.
"Speaking of city Inspectors, his worship stated that he found that one of
the Inspectors on Harris street had
been ordered to work only from eight
o'clock ln the morning until 5 p. ni.,
and after leaving work at night was
not In a position to say whether overtime work had been going on or not."
Pamphlets Now Ready
Hazell's Summary of Marx'
C. M. O'Brien's Address in
the Alberta Legislature
Price Sc P«r 0m. lie Four
How,many times in the course of
discussion, are we confronted with
the grave misconception attached to
the word revolution. Webster defines
it as a great or entire change in the
reigns of government, yet the average
mind tenaciously hangs on to the
theory of blodshed, which often necessitates a considerable amount of
argument to dispel. While many of
the past revolutions have witnessed
untold loss of life, this has more or
less emanated from those affected
rather than from the revolution proper. All can be brought under the
heading of cause and effect.
Take any of the most important re-
volutons n the past, and cause and
effect appear as a golden vlen running
through our social system ln one unbroken chain, sometimes plainly visible upon the surface, at other times
below, but always there. That vein
is progress. We are never Btatic. That
seems to me self-evident, yet the
theologians ape-like ever continue to
say that "as it was In the beginning is
now and ever shall be," etc. etc. Such
Revolutions are the outcome of
changes which are easily attributed to
varying methods of production obtaining at whatever period we are investigating. Bread and all that It Implies
appears at the root of all change. It
is Inseparable from any of our social
Some may say that bread or the
the methods of production have nothing to do with changes in the biological world, but such is not the case.
The perfecting processes of production
create changed or new environments
which sooner or later affect in one
way or another, the organisms in that
environment. Then, again, it may be
argued that it cannot have anything
to do with the changes in our solar
system, but again I say yes. Though
.not directly, yet when we recognize
the Marxian materialistic conception
of history we also recognize that we
would not, or couuld not, understand
the constellations were it not for the
methods of production necessitating a
perfection In the realm of astronomy.
Our critic might tighten up his forehead for his last attack, that of plant
life. What has production got to do
with plant life and the revolutions that
take place there? Some can be
easily explained, for Instance, the perfected cultivation of the soil can bring
forth new species, which is done now
from time to time artificially. But in
wild plant life, temporarily, I will surrender many of these points that
science has taken up in one form or
another, have adequately demonstrated what a field of knowledge nature
has yet In store for us.
But to my mind the one thing that
looms out prominently in the revolutions of the past is the greed and oppression brought to bear by the ruling
class upon the working class, be they
slave, serf, or "freemen." Heretofore
the benefits of the revolutions have
always gone to the next class In as
cendency who were more or less the
most Intelligent of the oppressed, who
swayed public sentiment against the
military or feudal malefactors, only to
plunge them back again into a fiercer
conflict of struggle than before. The
cause is evident, the perpetuation of
classes. Yet It has one redeeming
feature about it, that is the tightening
of the class line, the elimination of
innumerable classes and castes ln society, causing, as it is doing now, for
the first time in nlstory, two distinct
classes, the exploiters and the exploited the propertied and the property-
less, the workers and the shirkers.
Well may we look with encouragement
upon the Inevitable social revolution
when we can dispose of class and caste
antagonism for alh time. It is then we
can say with absolute certainty, the
era of civilization has arrived and not
until then.
There still remains another word in
our vocabulary that causes misconception and which Is Inseparable from revolution, that is evolution. It seems
to be one that calls forth quibble from
our reformers, justifying the position
they take, but to my mind It is the
process of development leading up to
the revolution or the intricate labyrinth of change that goes to make up
and complete prior to the complete
change which Is the revolution. Beyond that for the present, I do not
mean to dwell upon evolution.
Now, just a word upon the social revolution, Its causes and effects. The
direct cause of the impending social
revolution ls that the capitalist mode
of production is obsolete and cannot
minister to the adequate requirements
of society. It has outlived Its usefulness, it has been useful in its day,
but that day has long since passed. We
hind, individual production, being now
have gone beyond, or at least left be-
In every sphere of industry occupied
in social production. No article of any
sort or kind Is produced today other
than by collective labor. This ls also
self evident, so I do not mean to dwell
upon lt. But In the face of such collective efforts we still retain individual appropriators. What an anomaly.
After actually co-operating In the production of wealth we allow a set of
non-producers, aye, paraslteB, to take
all above.what ls necessary to reproduce barely the labor power expend-
SATURDAY, JULY, 16, ,1918.
ed. Not only that but we alBO find
that the surplus value extracted from
the workers In the process of production is absolutely used to displace
the workers from time to time, which
affect them, being only human merchandise by cheapening the cost of
production. The struggle Intensifies
as capitalist production is perfected.
The purchasing power of the workers
is reduced until the master realizes
that he cannot dispose of his surplus
product. The mammoth machines
stop and the consequences you all
know, not only do the workers feel
this inhuman contest, but the capitalists themselves suffer from the uncertainty obtaining from such a system. Emanating from this unhealthy
system of competition the concentration of capital goes madly on, eliminating unnecessary factors in production, reducing the number of exploiters, yet Intensifying the exploitation.
The system calls forth intelligent
wage workers, who at last begin examining the fetters that are woven
and Interwoven around them. They
investigate the sypmtoms and arrive
at the cause. The citadel where the
power lies contains that magic wand
that has so long been the means of
blinding the eyes of the workers. They
recognize also that nothing short of
its capture will bring about the final
consummation of capitalist exploitation, which also means the control of
the might that goes to make the
plutes so Invincible. That new force
is already in the field; its aim and
object is to collectively own what we
collectively use. If lt takes co-operated labor power to run a flour mill, we
logically conclude it should be co-operatively owned and all the forces ln
production are making towards that
end. Quite a number already realize
lt; it remains for them, aided by the
forces of nature for illustration, to in
form their fellow slaves of these
changes, so apparent to the Socialist.
Only by their enlightenment can we
avert a repitition of bloodshed in the
coming revolution.
Awaken to your class interest and
humanity's future. The end is certain, the abolition of class antagonism, the Introduction of a collective
order of society, the elimination of
nine-thenths of our social evils. These
are the effects of a social revolution.
Workers of the world unite, you have
nothing to lose but your chains, but
you have a world to gain.
The present organization of society
has many anomalous and portentous
features. Who has not been struck by
the peculiar problem of a permanent
class of the unemployed? In this coun
try they are numbered by hundreds of
thousands, perhaps millions. Those in
power have never dared to collect accurate statistics On this point (though
the census laws have called it), except perhaps once in Massachusetts,
and then the result was so startling*
that it was never tried again. For
most workers there is constant uncertainty of employment; periods of enforced idleness being frequent, and
steady work exceptional. There is a
sense of insecurity, of ever present
fear for the future, that makes a dog's
life of it at the best.
Is there not something amazipg
about such a state of affairs? It is admitted that every able-bodied man is
capable of producing; by his work,
value equivalent to subsistence, at
least. No one pretends that the resources of this country are exhausted,
or have been outrun by population.
Nor does any one claim that there is
such an abundance for all that it is
unnecessary for these men to work.
For we know well enough that, under
present conditions, no matter how
much he has produced, stoppage of
work to the worker means starvation.
It is also perfectly clear that every
waste of labor power Involves a corresponding decrease ln the sum total
of our national production and wealth.
And finally, right in this body of the
unemployed, are men of every occupation, fully capable of supplying each
others needs, and willing, If only given
the chance. Why, then, must any be
idle? Why is this labor power
wasted? Why can not these men get
an opportunity to work? Is not the
system which results ln such Involuntary Idleness, and can find no remedy other than a debasing charity, condemned by such fact alone?
Alongside this fact of the enforced
idleness of the men, consider the growing employment in our industries of
women and even children in their
places. It ls not for us to point the
linger of scorn at the savage because
he makes the squaws do the work!
The census reports show that this evil
is growing steadily. And as a direct
result of lt, a danger is arising that
threatens the very life of. our institutions, dependent as they are for their
success upon the Intelligence of the
people. The children are being kept
out of the schools. It is estimated
that in New York City alone nearly
100,000 children of school age are not
in the schools.
Ib not that system twice condemned,
which not only forces idleness upon
the men, but takes women from their
homea and children from the schools
to displace  them, throwing the bur
den bf the world's work upon those
least able to bear it?
Consider, for a moment, one other
anomaly—perhaps the most striking of
them all. With the concentration and
organization of industries in the form
of the pool or trust, it is frequently
found that If the means of production
at hand are fully utilized, the supply
will be in excess, not, mark you, of
the real needs of the people, but of
the commercial demand. Then comes
the first step in a vicious circle. Either
a general curtailment of production is
resorted to, or some of the factories
are closed; which but increases the
mass of the unemployed, of those suffering from the lack of the very
things, possibly, which these factories might produce, and willing to work
to get them ln plenty—and both Idle!
How is it possible to defend the system which forces us into such an absurd deadlock—one so terrible in Its
consequences; which restricts production, and even creates artificial famines for speculative purposes, while
millions are getting barely enough to
keep them alive, and millions more
are so lottle removed from destitution
that a few weeks' idleness would reduce them to pauperism?
And take it tn the unregulated fields
of producton, where competition is
still a force. Here things drift helplessly round, periods of activity and
periods of depression and panic following oue another with a certainty
that can almost be predicted. All for
a time seems going well, when suddenly we are confronted by the preposterous bugaboo of overproduction, that
riddle which capitalism has never
solved. For the shutdown to which lt
resorts ls neither more nor less than
a confession of absolute incompetency,
and but Intensifies the evil by destroying what little purchasing power the
workers may have. And with what
result! Enforced idleness and consequent privation and suffering on the
one hand, and storehouses filled to
overflowing on the other. The workers reduced to beggary, not because
they have exhausted (he resources of
nature, but because they have produced too much! Were it not so trag-
is in its results, such an exhibition of
topsy-turvy-dom might seem a fit subject for the farcical pen of the author
of Negative Gravity. It is the reduc-
tio ad absurdum of capitalist production. And yet we are told It is the
exhausting brain-work and the far-seeing sagacity of the capitalist which
entitle him to filch from the workers
such a disproportionate share of the
product! Verily, "The rich man Is
wise in his own conceit; but the poor
that hath understanding searcheth him
These anomalies might be multiplied indefinitely. They are patent on
every side to anyone who looks beneath the surface of events. Not
merely normal features, they can be
shown to result inevitably from the
present constitution of society. When,
therefore, the upholders of such a
travesty of common sense throw
stones at the Socallsts, calling them
discontented cranks and visionaries incapable of logical thought, It ls at
times difficult to decide whether to be
more indignant or amused.—The People.
Dear Comrade,—Many and conflicting are the ideas expressed as to the
policy of the S. P. of C. A good many
of those who vote the ticket seem to
have a hazy idea that the S. P. of C.
nominate and run candidates for Parliament for the express purpose of
dishing out such scraps of legislation
as will tend to better the condition ot
the working, class. In some mysterious way they expect that a handful! of
men n Victoria and Ottawa will have
the power to stick loaves In their
mouths, demolish their two-by-four
shacks and raise palaces wherein they
might dwell. Having been led as they
fondly think, as far back as history
wlll take us (at least as far back ln
the dim past as I have been) lt would
seem that it Is beyond their mental
ability to grasp the Idea that might is
The Roman Empire was mortally
wounded in the heart o. the empire by
virtue of the fact that the Pleblans
and slaves became so numerous as to
be a menace and finally crush the
power of the Patricians. It is safe to
assume that the renegades of the Roman Empire thought they were being
led, no doubt the mass of rebels
thought they had ln their "leaders," a
Moses or two.
The workers of today (those who
take the trouble to read literature that
shows their position in society) find
to their cost that after all their struggles they have only created a new set
of political bosses, and since the workers are In a position to say who would
write the law and see that they obeyed
their dictates, the workers are the
leaders, the skates whom they send to
the halls of legislation are their tools
(If the workers had savey enough).
The S. P. of C. Is not in business to
create a new set of political bosses.
The membership of the S. P. of C. are
determined fo once and for all do
away wltb political bossism or any
other bossism. Of course the S. P.
don't want to do away with Capital.
Bossism for the members   of   that
worthy party like to hear the squeal
of those who are starving, besides, It
causes a pleasing grin on the face of
the great God Capital.
The position is this today, or rather the position through which we are
passing. We find that those who keep
our noses to the grindstone can only
do so so long as they have control over
those "beneficent" institutions—the
police force, the army, the navy.
Again we find that might is right. The
ranks of these thug institutions are
filled for the most part by proletarians,
the very class to which we belong.
Get control over these Institutions and
the battle Is won. In order to awake
tbe workers, to get them to claim their
own, the S. P. of C. carries on a ceaseless educational movement; the battle
cry Is, Labor produces all wealth,
therefore to Labor all wealth should
belong. Workers of the world unite,
you have nothing to lose but your
chains and a world to win.
There IS no denying the fact that
Labor produces all wealth. Take the
farming Industry. Begin at the land—
the prairie of say Manitoba. It is
there all right, but under what circumstances can you say it is wealth? Only
when you can get sustenance for your
flesh and bones from that land. Wheat,
spuds, etc., don't grow on their own
accord, so the land must go through
some process before lt can yield the
sustenance required. In this process
there is a varied set of mechanical
appliances used—plows, harrows and
a whole lot of other things (which I,
being a miner, am unfamiliar with).
These tools did not drop from heaven
like the manna. The metal had to be
dug from the bowels of the earth, had
to be fashioned in workshops, had to
be transported to the farm and the
formhand had to go through the same
rigmarole as the other fellow before
he could partake of that which Is essential for life, namely, the miner dug
the metal, for his food, clothing and
shelter, and got skinned In doing so,
all others who take off their coats or
work with them on, for that matter,
'Tis a funny world, those who toil
mentally and physically, producing the
wealth of the world (necessaries of
life) expending their energy that they
shall have the pleasure of being kicK-
ed around by a few parasites. Barnum & Bailey never yet had a freak
that could compare with this great
human monstrosity.
To show the workers the absurdity
of their position is the mission of the
S. P. of C. Once they grasp the situation they will cleave a way for liberty.
It is impossible to conceive of coal
being wealth ln its native state. When
it is lying fathoms below the surface,
what use is it? How much heat will
It generate so that iron may be fashioned into useful mechanical appliances? One might mention an almost
endless string of such questions. For
instance, what would be the use of
men burrowing in the earth for mineral when they cannot get sustenance
The greater the subdivision of labor
for their bodies from the coal or metal
the greater the productiveness of labor. By having a section of tbe human family trained to dig coal, another to fashion machinery, bake,
plough, and so on, the workers can
produce more economically. Hence
we find today that the world Is a huge
bakery wherein the workers, no matter what their calling may be, are but
mere cogs in the wheels of machinery.
So much so that, as has happened
when a wheel, and on rare occasions
a cog, refuses to act there is a great
deal of friction which is liable to throw
other machinery out of gear. All that
is necessary for the production of
weath is the expenditure of labor-
power. The earth is here with all the
family craves for, and to keep the
wheels and cogs from refusing to act
(strikes, etc.), to teach them that as
tbey, the workers, are the salt of the
earth, that there Is no need for them
to punish themselves with starvation
in struggling to keep their money
wage as lt Is or raise it as the case
may be, is why men are banded together in tbat organization known as
the S. P. of C.
King George, ex-President Roosevelt,
President Taft and President Diaz
were recently made life members of
the World's Sunday School Association Convention. The first is a small,
weak, and otherwise unknown quantity. The second a large, strong,
fussy man. The third Ib a rather substantial echo of the second. The
fourth is the biggest tyrant in the
New World as the Czar is in the old.
He has also several savage specialties
in the way of properly securing Mexican slave submission. And these be
your Gods.    Oh, Convention.
George Bernard Shaw says somewhere, "The savage bows down to
idols of wood and stone; the civilized
man to idols of flesh and blood. A limited monarchy is a device for combining the Inertia of a wooden idol with
the credibility of a flesh and blood
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
onr allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producere tt should belong.
The present economic system ie based upon capitalist ownership of the
aaeaaa of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist la therefore master; the worker s
So long aa the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reine ot
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights In tbe means of wealth production and
their control of tbe product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to tbe capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ef profits, and to the.worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
peint ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transforma-
tien of capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker Is rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession ot the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist, Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in offlce shall always and everywhere
until the present system Ib abolished, make the answer to this question
Hb guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party ls for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itselt
to conduct all tbe public affairs placed ln its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Books of all Kinds
Paine's Age of Reason 15c
God and my Neighbor, 	
Blatchford 20c
Ingersoll-Gladstone Controversy 40c
The Marvelous Story of Man I SO
Ingersoll's 44 Lectures 1.25
The Riddle of the Universe,
HaecKe) 25c
Six Ingersoll Lectures  25c
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
.. lid- tha business of Manufacturers,
tfafiHneerii and ethers who realize the advisability of baring their Patent business transacted
byBxpeita. Preliminary advice free. Charges
mode-mil. Oar laveator'a Adrlaar aent upon
request. Marion ft Marian, New York I,lfe Bidg,
aoatraal: • nd Washington, u.c, Xl.&JL.
(To Locale.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to etart  Local)  $5.00
Memberehip  Cards, each 01
Duee Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100   26
Ditto in Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukranian, per 100. 50
Constitutions, each     -20
Ditto, Finnish, per doien       W
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make tha
subscription price of the Interna-
..°8S' Socialist Review In Canada
»1.20 a year instead of 11.00. Ws
can, however, make the followtns
special offers: •
For »3.00 we will mnll thrae
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year
For 70 cents we wlll mall taa
copies of any one Issue.
For 13.00 we will mall tbe Re-
n.n.. 0c"e.>;fa.r«ttnd   th0   Chlcaga
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 West Klnzle St.. Chicago.
305  Cambie  Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mtffcahey, Prop.
neighbors,  eend for a bundle of
"RobtrtckyJ Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
SO cants a year
135 Stephen St.       •Winn!**--*, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Union-made Cigars.
"Which Stands for • Living Wage
Vancouver Local  867. 5M
fllf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will eend a man
to measure yonr premiss* and give yon an estimate ot cost of
installing the gar. pipee,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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