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Western Clarion Aug 31, 1911

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Array THE
No. 640
Vancouver, B.C.
August, 1911
Published in the Interests of the Working
Class Alone
Subscription: $1.00 Per Year
50 Cents   Six   Months
25 Cents Three Months
Elsewhere $1.25 Per Year
Dominion Executive Committee
Socialist Party op Canada
579 Homer-Richards Lane
Kingsley, Printer, Vancouver, B. C
„ The Western Clarion.
A fund for the publication of Socialist literature has been
-subscribed by a number of Locals at $10.00 each*   Other
Locals are invited to subscribe in order that more literature may
«■■ be published*   Below is a list of the pamphlets printed.
Locals subscribing to the Fund may obtain these pam-
i phlets at the following rates:—Five-cent pamphlets at $1.00
tper 100/ ten-cent pamphlets at $6.00 per 100; "Value, Price
oand Profit" $2.00 per 100.
Price List of Literature
Manifesto of the S. P. of C. \ 12° Per <*>*?
J  75c per doz.
Socialism, Revolution and   \ 10c per copy
Internationalism J  75c per doz.
Value, Price and Profit     )    |» *** ™W
J    oOc per doz.
The Proletarian in Politics X £| *** <*>W
J 25c per doz.
Slave of the Farm, 5c per copy; 25c doz.
Socialism and Unionism, 5c copy; 25c doz.
Struggle for Existence, 5c copy; 25c doz.
State and Government,  5c copy; 25c doz.
Note that the address of this office is changed to
579 Homer-Richards Lane. The Sicilian Messiah.
The historians have extolled the military prowess of the
ancient Romans. They have immortalized their generals*,
eulogized their civilizing influence and glorified the "Pax Ro-
mana," the peace they established in regions represented to be
occupied by rude, warring barbarians. In doing these the historians have not so much lied directly. The Roman armies
were most efficient righting machines. Many of their generals
must have been of no little ability; their conquests were wide;
and they carried with them a higher civilization, in truth, in.
the sense that they spread the sway of the most highly developed social order of the age; and the "Roman Peace" made
impossible the former internecine feuds of the barbarians they
conquered. The historians have merely hidden the reverse of
the shield.
The Pax Romana, like the Pax Britannica of today,
was established from no motive of paternal kindliness towards
the "backward races," but only that they might be at peace
to toil and be exploited of the fruits of their toil. The civilization they carried was a blighting slave civilization. Their
wars of conquest were not for the "honor and glory" of old
Rome, but were no more than slave-raiding expeditions on a
huge scale. Each Roman army was followed by another army
of slave merchants and their henchmen. Hardly was a battle
won before these vultures flocked over the field bidding for the
wounded and the prisoners of war. And each region, as it was
conquered, was parcelled out among Romans of the master
class and its remaining inhabitants reduced to bondage.
More than a hundred years B. C, Greece, Asia-Minor,
North Africa and Spain and Sardinia had been conquered The Western Clarion.
From these regions slaves had been harvested in such huge
numbers that they were veritably "a drug in the market."
Sicily, "the granary of Rome," had especially been flooded
with slaves from all quarters. Naturally wealth had increased
enormously, for, as always, the toilers with their power of
production really constituted the basis of wealth. Hand in
hand with its increase had been, of course, its concentration
into few hands. Where formerly the wheat fields and vineyards of Sicily had been tilled in small plots by a more or less
self-supporting peasantry, there had sprung up vast estates cultivated by armies of slaves, while the former tillers of the soil
i had been reduced to bondage or beggary. Until where the
population of towns and districts ran into the tens of thousands,
those with sufficient property to be taxable could be numbered
; in a few hundreds. Consequently there was no limit to the
arrogance and brutality of the masters, and the lot of the
slaves was of the most abject misery and degradation.
There was, in these times, at Enna in Sicily, an enslaved
Syrian named Eunus, belonging to one Antigenes, a slave-
merchant. Eunus was a fire-breather and fortune-teller, and,
at his banquets, Antigenes would order him up to entertain his
guests with an exhibition of his powers. The wealthy feasters
are said to have been greatly amused at his prophecies, particularly at his declaration that the goddess Demeter had revealed to him that he would be a king, and his promise that,
when he was, he would extend his favor to them. However,
he does not appear to have been as great a fool as they fancied,
and had considerable influence among the slaves, by whom
he was revered as a prophet.
As an indication of the cruelty of their masters an instance
is given of one Damophilus and his wife Megallis. The latter
is credited with a lady-like penchant for beating to death, with
her own hands, any of her female slaves who happened to
offend her. While of the former it is recorded that once when
some of his half-naked field slaves begged that they be better
clad against the chilly weather of the plateau, he exclaimed
that he would never be taxed for slaves' clothes and ordered
them lashed to the whipping post and soundly flogged to warm
mem. The Sicilian Messiah.
Under such treatment, and worse, the spirit of revolt
could not but breed among the slaves, most of whom were free
men torn from their homes and selected for their strength and
vigor. This revolt focused around the prophet Eunus and
finally culminated in a concerted outbreak by some four hundred slaves who, under his leadership, dashed into Enna in the
darkness and flung themselves upon their hated masters.
These, few in number, were speedily despatched. Damo-
philus, the cruelest of all, was haled to a mock trial, where he
defended himself with specious cleverness until interrupted by
an enraged slave with an axe. Megallis was turned over to
her bondwomen, who cast her over a precipice. Their daughter, who had been kind to the slaves, was safely escorted to a
distant city.
The plot, of which this outbreak was the culmination,
appears to have been widespread and deep-laid. It aimed at
nothing less than the overthrow of slavery and the establishment of a kingdom upon a basis of social equity and economic
freedom that would ensure a living to all who toiled.
Eunus, their Messiah, was chosen king. He selected for
his counsellor and general a Greek, Acheus. A choice which
turned out to be a wise one, and to Acheus the success of the
insurrection can largely be attributed.
Rome was at that time embarrassed with disorders nearer
home, and, further, so well had the Roman Peace been established in Sicily that no regular garrison was kept there. The
only immediate foe the slaves had to fear was the militia from
the cities. The revolt therefore spread rapidly and without
resistance. Slave holders were killed off in all directions and
the great underground prisons were opened and their inmates,
to the number of 60,000, were added to the ranks of the rebels.
The expropriated Sicilian peasantry also flocked to the standard
of Eunus. Out of these elements Acheus built up an army of
10,000 men with which he easily disposed of such forces as
were sent against him.
Meanwhile another uprising occurred in the south of the
island. Here an escaped slave, Cleon, and his brother Comanus, had taken to brigandage and had gathered about them
a strong band.   Hearing of the Messiah-king, Eunus, Cleon The Western Clarion.
took the aggressive against the slave-owners and offered freedom to all who would join him. After a succession of easy
victories and the capture of a city, his following had swelled
to 70,000. With these he joined forces with Eunus, and,
though with the larger force, he took a command under Acheus.
The joint forces swept Sicily, and when, at length, the Roman
army arrived under the praetor Hypseus, it was crushingly defeated. Other armies followed, as they could be spared, and
were wiped out, no quarter being given. For six years the
slaves maintained themselves and fought off the Romans with
unbroken success.
Rome was at this time torn with the agrarian agitation of
Tiberius Gracchus, who, though himself a patrician, sought to
revive the Licinian Laws against the great estates that had
encroached upon the public lands. So fierce was the political
strife in Rome itself that sufficient energy could not be devoted
to the Sicilian revolt. To this, as much as to anything else, is
to be attributed the long continuance of the slaves' kingdom.
At length, however, the toilers met their first reverse at
the hands of the consul Piso, who, with a force of 80,000
troops stormed the city of Messina. Eight thousand slaves
fell in the battle and thousands more were captured and crucified. Piso then marched straight to Enna itself and laid siege
to it. After a long and desperate seige he was driven back
to the coast. He was superseded by Rupilius, who laid siege
to Tauromanion, which was defended by Comanus, Cleon's
brother. The town held out so long that its defenders were
reduced, by lack of other provisions, to cannibalism. Comanus,
attempting to escape, was captured and brought before Rupilius to be questioned. It is said he committed suicide by
holding his breath. Tauromanion was finally betrayed into
the hands of the Romans and the usual butchery ensued.
Gracchus had been murdered by a mob of Roman patricians the year previous and the agrarian agitation quenched
for the time being, leaving the hands of the masters more free
to deal with the revolt. At the same time ten years of kingship
had told upon Eunus and he had lost his former energy and
vigor.   Continued victory and comparative affluence had also The Sicilian Messiah. 7
sapped the character of the undisciplined slaves and dissensions
had arisen among them.   Acheus was dead.
After the capture of Tauromanion, Rupilius, with a reinforced army, laid siege to Enna, where Eunus held his court.
It was courageously defended until Cleon was killed in leading
a sortie. Eunus and the slaves then lost hope. The bane of
the working class, treachery, again got in its work. Enna was
delivered into the hands of the Romans, and wholesale crucifixion was the order of the day. Eunus with a thousand
guards, escaped to the hills but they were hunted down. The
guards, seeing their case was hopeless, killed one another or
committed suicide. Eunus, with a few attendants, hid in a
crevice, whence they were dragged by the Romans. The attendants were crucified and Eunus was taken to Rome and
cast into a dungeon where he was devoured by lice, so it is said.
The old copy-book maxim about there being lots of room
at the top has an aged and rusty sound these days, it being pretty
well recognized that there cannot be a top without a bottom.
It takes a good many workers to make an employer of any consequence. If any of these "rise from the ranks," their places
must be taken, else they could not be employers. At that rate,
supposing every working man in the world to follow all the
advice offered him, it would take some millions of years for all
of the present staff to meet with success. Some of us will be
declining toward feebleness before our turn comes. 8
77ie Western Clarion.
The annual report of the Winnipeg superintendent of neglected children is full of meat, though we reckon it was hardly
anticipated that it would be meat for us. It cheerfully reels
off the following, which fell out of the mouth of Teddy the
Strenuous concerning the old methods of philanthropy;—
"We were then in the muzzle-loading stage in the fight
against evil. Men and women did mighty good work with
the muzzle-loaders, but we want to use breech-loaders now.
It is no assault upon the captains of hundreds and captains of
tens who still naturally cling to the weapons of their youth
when we advocate an improvement in the instruments with
which we strive to meet the evils in conditions today."
Then it proceeds to picture us the strongholds of evil
these "breech-loaders" are to be turned against. Here's some
of it:—
v v T
An investigation into the conditions and work done by
these children elicited the following facts:
Little White Slaves.
Their employment began at a very early age.
131  were six years old or under.
1,120 were six and seven.
4,211  were between seven and eight.
11,027 were between eight and nine.
22,131  were between nine and ten.
Here are some specimens of the kind of work done by
these children: Breech-loading. Popguns.
Little boy of six peeled onions twenty hours a week for
a weekly wage of eight pence.
Little girl under six carried milk thirty-five hours per week
for her parents—no wage.
Another was a nurse girl—a nurse girl under six! She
worked twenty-nine hours a week for two pence and her food.
A boy of ten was classed as a farm laborer; he worked
72 hours a week for a wage of three shillings.
A boy of twelve worked as a farm laborer 87 hours a
week for a wage of two shillings and sixpence.
A newspaper boy, aged 12, worked 100 hours per week,
including Sundays, and received three shillings and sixpence
and his meals.
One boy was in the habit of rising between three and four
every morning, started out at 4:30 to wake up twenty-five
working men who each paid him threepence a week. He returned from his dinner at 5:30 and then went around as a
newspaper boy from 6 to 9, then he went to school. The report states he was a very regular boy at school but often half
Another girl under six was an errand girl and ran about
the streets fifteen hours per week for sixpence.
The educational attainments of these children were very
low, none being higher than the fourth grade.
Selling papers in the streets occupied 15,182.
Hawking other, 2,435.
Service in stores, 76,173.
Odd jobs, 10,636.
Minding babies, 11,585.
Card box making, etc., 4,019.
The hours of labor were excessive, only
39,355 were employed for the period of ten hours per
60,268 were employed from ten to twenty hours;
27,008 were employed from twenty to thirty hours;
9,778 were employed from thirty to forty hours;
2,390 were employed from forty to fifty hours;
793 were employed over fifty hours. 10
The Western Clarion,
Two girls aged 12 years were employed in home work
and going errands as follows: Began work at 7:45 to 10
o'clock; then 12:30 to 1:30; then 4:30 to 8 p. m. One was
paid three pence a week and the other nine pence a week and
her food.    The intervals were spent in school.
Truly one is forced to the conclusion after reading the
above that this is the essence of child torture. What a farce
and what an infliction of pain to endeavor to educate the brains
in such poor, tired little bodies. How true the words of
"He who ha***-- seen the misery of man only has seen
nothing, he must sea the misery of woman; he who has seen
the misery of woman only, has seen nothing, he must see the
misery of childhood."
The Semi-Starved Child of the Slums.
The medical expert who examined the children going to
school under the authority of the Liverpool Board of Education comm ; 's as follows on the condition of the semi-starved
children of the slum districts:
"Starvation acting on a nervous temperament," reported
D~ Arkle as to the children whom he examined, "seems to
p»">d. :e a sort of acute precocious cleverness. Over and over
. rain I noted such cases of children, without an ounce of
[>erfiuous flesh upon them, with skins harsh and rough, a
rapid pulse and nerves ever on the strain, and yet with an expression of the most lively intelligence. But it is the eager intelligence of the hunting animal, with every faculty strained
to the uttermost so as to miss no opportunity of obtaining food.
I Tear that it is from this class that the ranks of pilferers and
sneak thieves come, and their cleverness is not of any real intellectual value. On the other hand, with children of a more
sympathetic temperament, starvation seems to produce creatures more like automata. I do not know how many children
I examined among the poorer sort who were in a sort of dreamy
condition, and would oniy respond to some very definite stimulus. They seemed to be in a condition of semi-torpor, unable
t© concentrate their attention on anything, and taking no notice
of their surroundings, if left alone.    To give an example of Breech-loading Popguns.
what I mean, if I told one of these children to open its mouth,
it would take no notice unless the request became a command,
which sometimes had to be accompanied by a slight shake to
draw the child's attention. Then the mouth would be slowly
opened widely, but no effort would be made to close it again
until the child was told to do so. As an experiment I left one
child with its mouth wide open the whole time I examined it,
and it never once shut it. Now that shows a condition something like what one gets with a pigeon that has had its higher
brain centres removed, and is a very sad thing to see in a
human being. I believe both these types of children are suffering from what I would call starvation of the nervous system, in
ine case causing irritation, and in the other torpor. And further, these cases were always associated with the clearest signs
of bodily starvation, stunted growth, emaciation, rough and
cold skin, and the mouth full of viscid saliva due to hunger.
With such children I generally had to make them swallow two
or three times before the mouth was clear enough to examine
the throat. * * * I do not think I need say any more
to show that the extent of the degeneration revealed by this
investigation has reached a very alarming stage. * * . *
In my opinion the children must first be taught how to live,
and helped to get food to enable them to do it."
"Worse than Slaves.
A report which has been issued by Miss Jones, a well-
known Yorkshire factory inspector, throws an unpleasant light
upon the evils which attend the employment of married women
in the textile factories.
"Married women in the West Riding of Yorkshire," says
Miss Jones, "in addition to bearing the children and caring
for the homes, are often expected partially, and sometimes
wholly, to support their family. In a number of cases which
have come under our notice the wives work all day in the
mill and on their return tidy the home, baking and washing
for the family. Many do not retire till midnight, rising again
early to make some preparation for a mid-day meal before going to work. In the dinner hour they quickly return, prepare the
meal, serve husband and children, swallowing their own food 12
The Western Clarion.
too hurriedly, and again hasten back to their duties. Their
lives often appear to be little better than those of slaves, and
many at forty-five are broken down women, prematurely aged.
"If a community is to be judged by the status of its women
certainly the condition of the working woman here reminds
one of coolie women in India or those of many of the African
tribes, where women are more or less beasts of burden. The
moral effect upon the men is very disastrous. It encourages
them in selfishness and idleness, and many of them become exceedingly lazy."
A forceful expression of what infant mortality means is
found at the end of a thirty-page study of the statistics for
Great Britain and Ireland.
"A high 'death rate' means a high 'damage rate' and
necessarily a high rate of suffering. It is not the fit who survive
and the unfit perish; it is—
" (1). That thousands of healthy babies are yearly done
to death by preventable diseases and unnecessary evils surroundings. I
"(2) That thousands more babies are crippled, have
their digestive organs seriously impaired, are sown with the
seeds of phthisis, become feeble-minded and physically deteriorated because they have never had a chance to live a healthy
"(3) That a certain number of babies are born unfit
to live owing to unnatural social conditions, and evils of poverty,
drink, disease and undue industrial pressure, amid which their
mothers live."
So much for conditions in England, turning to the United
States we find as follows:
During good years—
1903—Twenty per cent of the people of Boston in distress.
1903—Fourteen per cent, of the people of Manhattan
evicted every year.
Statistics show that about ten per cent, of those who die
in Manhattan have pauper burials.
■ ■ ■ —
juamaetmmai. Breech-loading Popguns.
During bad years—
1897—Nineteen per cent of the people in New York in
1899—Eighteen per cent of the people of New York in
According to the latest available data gathered from
official reports and publications of the United States we learn—
"In prosperous years not less than ten million persons are
living in poverty, that is to say, in an underfed, underclad and
poorly housed condition.
"About 4,000,000 are public paupers.
"2,000,000 working men are unemployed from four to
six months in the year.
"About 500,000 male immigrants arrive yearly and seek
work in the very districts were unemployment is greatest.
"Over 1,700,000 little children are forced to become
wage-earners when they should still be in school.
"About 2,000,000 women are employed in factories and
"About 1,000,000 workers are killed or injured each
year while engaged in their work; and about 10,000,000 people
will* if the present ratio is kept up, die in the near future of preventable disease."
Speaking of crime in the United States one well-known
writer states: "That if three-quarters of the annual crop of
crime there could be nipped in the bud it would save the country the staggering amount of $450,000,000 per annum."
It is hard to believe, but it is nevertheless a fact, that on
February 13, 1908, there were in the City of New York 101,-
277 absolutely   windowless rooms, most of them bedrooms,
inhabited by uie poorer classes—those who pay rent of $3.00*
to $16.00 per month.
In 1903 the newspapers of New York recorded the fact
that a messenger boy had been frozen to death in his delivery
wagon, too tired to go home, he laid down to sleep in his wagon.
A committee which investigated this matter in New York
found messenger lads of 14 and under who had been on duty
continuously for 20, 30, 40 and even 72 hours.   The* only "14 77ie Western Clarion.
rests during these long periods were snatches of sleep between
-messages on the wooden benches in the office.
In 1904 the same papers had this paragraph:
"Paralyzed from work a messenger boy lay unconscious
in the street for two hours, his limbs being temporarily paralyzed.   The child told the doctor he thought he had walked
about sixty miles that day."
Lord Shaftesbury, many years ago, deplored the awful
condition of London street boys.
In 1903 in New York, Buffalo and Chicago children
were found in exactly the same condition.
In last year's report I cited the case of the Jukes family
numbering some 1,697 persons in all. This one family cost
the State in which they lived the enormous sum of $1,250,000.
They were nearly all their lives in one or the other of the public
institutions and never did a day's honest work.
Another family, known as Ishmael, an Indiana product
numbered 5,000 persons, every one of whom was either a
pauper, a criminal or an inmate of a hospital or asylum.
Dr. W. J. Langfit, secretary Board of Inspectors of West-
em Pennsylvania Penitentiary, Pittsburg, has stated: In the
State of Pennsylvania we have a case in which we are supporting 154 feeble-minded people that are directly descendants
of one family four generations back."
Consider the following article written by one familiar with
conditions existing in large cities in the United States:
"It is a sad fact that too many children have to work. I
do not myself believe in child labor below a certain age. But
if our social system cannot permit of every child growing to
manhood or womanhood without doing any labor, let us see
what kind of work is preferable and what kind is distinctly distasteful or dangerous.
"I visited cotton mills in some Southern States and saw
frail young girls working all night in the thunder of machinery,
breathing the impalpable cotton dust which in a few years
sends them to a consumptive's grave. Breech-loading Popguns.
"I went into coal mines in Pennsylvania and I was shown
children ten years old, ten hours a day astride on a coal chute
picking with their bare fingers pieces of slate as they rushed
past. I saw their hands; the nails were generally torn off,
and some of them had lost the first phalanx of the index or
thumb and were handicapped for life. The mill girls were
paid three dollars and the slate pickers four dollars per week.
On your way home to-night will you please count the hundreds of barefoot boys who will try to sell you a penny paper,
and if you should not go back to your apartment before the
small hours, you would wonder when all the children got any>
sleep. {
"Cruelty to children!   You read in all the Sunday papers
that story of a wealthy woman who owns a home and a vacant
lot on Fifth avenue.    Of course I shall not tell her name.
But the vacant lot worth $650,000 is used as a playground
by a noble dog who wears a silk cloak which cost $50.00 and.
a jewelled collar worth $1,500.00.   Rubber boots, fur-lined*,,
to protect his poor feet   And an attendant sees to it that the»
priceless animal's wants are filled as soon as expressed.   Take-
a walk some day through the narrow streets of the East side.
Watch the wretched little creatures who are the children of
the common vulgar people who work for a living.    Their
cotton cloaks may have cost thirty cents when they were new*.
Their playground is the public street, and it costs them nothing,
except, of course, when a trolley car or a wagon runs over
them, and then it only costs them their lives.   And do you:
know that a Brooklyn judge granted an indemnity of one
dollar to a bereaved father whose child had been killed by
a car?
"And do you know what these children eat? Do you
know how many practically subsist on the free breakfast given
to school children by some philanthropic bakers of the East
Side? Do you know where they sleep? On a pile of rags
or garments their father and mother have been sewing on.
During summer they spend their nights on roofs or fire escapes.
And do you know that 100,000 children in New York go V
The Western Clarion.
without schooling or attend school only part the time, that is
an hour a day?"
wt* *w* *t*
And that's only a corner of it all. The evil seems somewhat firmly entrenched. But those breech-loaders that are
to be turned upon it to so much better effect than the old
muzzle-loaders. What are they? "Juvenile Courts," "Scientific Investigation" (it is to laugh) and "Playgrounds." Yes
playgrounds. For children that are too tired to go home and
too dead to open their mouths. We can see the battlements
of evil crumble.
When I have passed beyond the Pearly Gates,
At last resigned,
I hope there wont be no long hungry waits
A job to find,
But I shall find up there, among my mates,
A chance to grind
With lots of work and tons of overtime.
When I haye passed beyond the Portals wide,
They'll call my name,
And say he was the one that sure could glide
Through work like rain;—
Give him a pick and let him hit a mountain side
To soothe his pain,
Then I shall feel I have not died in vain.
—James Allan McKechnie*
11     ■■■■■
■MMM Sex Equality.
It might be said, of the writing of women there is no end.
They formed a stock subject for generations of male writers,
serious, sentimental and humorous, and of late the women
have taken to writing of themselves. Almost all have, however, confined themselves to charming gallantries, cheap gibes
or threadbare platitudes. Few have ever taken the trouble
to study and understand the subject. Yet time and pains
may be devoted to the study of many another subject with
less profit. If not so much for itself, at any rate for the rich
mines of interesting information that reveal themselves aside
from the main subject.
To the understanding of sex relationships an understanding of sex itself is clearly the first essential. And that lies in
the domain of biology, wherein, too, are buried the keys to
so many another problem. Like all other biological phenomena, sex has its origin and growth, and the circumstances
which determined its origin, dictated its functions and characteristics.
In primal forms of life sex js non-existent. The single-
celled organisms multiply by simple division. An organism,
attaining a growth at which its process of nutrition and alimentation, of feeding and digesting becomes embarrassed, splits
into two organisms. These, in due course, similarly divide,
their divisions again divide, and so forth. None of these are
parent or child, none male or female. They are all of one
generation and all exactly similar.    They are, in fact, one 18
The Western Clarion.
organism multiplied. However, this process, long continued,
"thins the blood." The organisms become weaker, more
poverty-stricken. Then two organisms fuse into one and join
their forces. They become regenerated and vigorous. A
new organism has appeared, the founder of a new generation.
Yet neither of the fusing organisms are male or female, being
exactly alike.
A step "higher" in organic life, among the more primitive
of the many-celled organisms, this process is, in effect, duplicated (with variations not to the point). An organism exudes
a cell which, fusing with another similar cell, develops into an
organism like to its parent. Here we have true generation, but
yet no sex as the fusing cells are yet alike. Later a differentiation between these mating cells arises. Cells of two sorts
are produced. The one comparatively large and passive, the
other small and active. The one with a store of protoplasm,
the other little else than nucleus and propelling tail. The one
well-fed, the other hungry. The latter seeks the former and,
fusing with it, fertilizes it. The two, now one, absorb the
store of protoplasm and commence to grow into an organism
of the new generation. And this latter is the general process
of generation throughout the "higher" forms of life.
It is only here, where the two reproductive cells are
differentiated, that sexes can be defined. And they can be
defined only by virtue of their differentiation. It is exactly
in their points of difference that maleness and femaleness consists and in nothing else. Neither is a complete organism,
conjoined they become one. The one is required to complete
the other. They are therefore the complementary parts of
a complete whole. They are not halves nor equals or there
would be no sex difference between them. Being complementary, there is no question of equaliy between them and no
basis of comparison, any more than between the violin and the
bow which go to make up the musical instrument. This holds
all through organic life. Without complementary differences
there is no sex.   Complementariness defines the sexes. Neither Sex Equality.
sex is inferior, equal or superior to the other, and there is absolutely no foundation in fact to the sex equality upon which the
feminists insist and no reality to the sex war as some of them
proclaim. The normal functions and characteristics of the two
sexes do not compete or clash. They dovetail into and complete one another.
There is, however, a reason for the attitude and opinions
of the feminists, superficial and erroneous as they are. Under
capitalism the functions of the sexes have been perverted. Men
and women have been brought into competition with one another and placed upon a basis of comparison. Not as men
and women, nevertheless, but as packages of labor power in
the market. Here women are assigned inferiority, not as an
inferior sex, but as an inferior grade of labor power. This
inferiority is determined by no considerations of sex or of sentiment, but by the workings of the law of value. "Progressive
women" are fond of multiplying data to prove that women
can perform this, that, or the other labor as efficiently as, or
more efficiently than men. For our part, we do not consider
a discussion of the relative superiority of labor power worthy
of much consideration, nor are we inclined to argue as to which
is the better slave. One fact cannot be disputed—women
receive the exchange value of an inferior grade of labor power.
And it is this commodity inferiority, mistaken for sex inferiority,
that is at the bottom of the so-called sex revolt.
This is no affair of ours as Socialists. Ours is a revolt
of the exploited class. Incidentally, of members of this class
many are women. Incidentally also, many of that class are
vegetarians. The one fact is of as much bearing on the class
struggle as the other.
As to the political enfranchisement of women, we frankly
do not consider the franchise of paramount importance to either
working men or women. The most urgent need of both is
enlightenment to their class interests. Knowledge of their enslaved position, of its cause in the capitalist class ownership
of the means of life, and of the way to emancipation through 20
The Western Clarion.
the working class ownership of these latter. Given that knowledge, and they will achieve their freedom, franchise or none.
Lacking that knowledge, the most full and perfect franchise
and the most "democratic" system of representation shall not
abate their slavery one jot or tittle.
In the attainment of this knowledge women make slow
progress, and naturally. Apart from the oft-quoted reasons
superficially apparent in their up-bringing and environment, lies
the deeper reason of their biological femaleness. The primal
characteristic of femaleness is passivity and conservatism. The
conservation and reproduction of the species is the female's
complement. Variation and unrest the male's. True, capitalism has partially perverted the femaleness of its women
slaves. Has made them take on, in part, attributes of male-
ness. And just to that extent has it tempered their conser-
vativeism and given them unrest.
fjm Jye 1*%
After perpetrating the following, Marie Corelli escaped:
"Then, what have our millions of people been about,
cheering their visible crowned head as though they were gone
mad with enthusiasm? Why such frenzy and rapture for a
King and Queen? Why? Because Britain is loyal to the
backbone, and Socialism no more than a ripple of discontent
on a stagnant pool."
Stagnant pool is very good, even if you do have to concede it a backbone. This is an age of stagnation alright, in
some respects at least. If you don't believe us read "Vendetta." Even Marie's license is strained through, when she has
a stagnant pool mad with enthusiasm. Maybe she means that
stagnation produces all the frenzy and rapture that is coming
to a king and queen.   She might explain her jokes though. The Prosperous Proletarian.
How the Wage-Slave Waxes Wealthy.
In this Upper Country of British Columbia every other
man you meet is a landowner. That he is a capitalist, of
course goes without saying, for has he not the title deeds to
from an eighth of an acre to a half of a square mile of land,
of the earth's surface? Of course, said deeds may be in the
hands of a gentleman who has at some time or other provided
the capitalist (?) with a grub-stake, or they may be with the
real estate company or individual who sold the present occupant the land on easy (?) terms. Perhaps it was the buyer
that was easy.
Never mind, they are capitalists, their land is going to
realize a vast sum of money one of these days. In the meantime they act more like slaves than plutocrats, having their
noses to the grindstone incessantly, and the height of their ambition in the present is to sell their labor power at the best price
obtainable, a job on the government roadwork being considered eminently desirable and the best yet.
It is hard indeed
of the working class.
they think otherwise,
present; but some time
they will either sell out
and discover a mine of
their land cleared and
"don't you know."
to convince these gentry that they are
It seems obvious to us, yet nevertheless
It is true that they have to work at
in the future they will make things go,
for a colossal fortune, or go prospecting
some kind, or they may figure on getting
blossoming out into a regular rancher. :22
The Western Clarion.
They are not like the ordinary logger or farmhand. No,
for they save their money, or to be exact, spend it on stumping
powder or improvements for the ranch, while the ordinary
working stiff, if single, blows what little surplus he has. They
are good steady workers, much in request at haying time; they
do not go off on "toots" or sprees, but invariably stay with the
job. Talk to them about Socialism and they will explain that
mis system is all right; they are making a living and getting
It cannot be denied that there are instances of these
individuals attaining their noble ambitions. Now and then a
mine is discovered and the discoverer receives a small portion
of its value as a potential profit-producer; now and then a
piece of land sells at many times its value, and occasionally
the bushranger manages by great efforts to clear his land, to
provide himself with a team, a plow and, most important of all
on the ranch, a wife. He becomes a farmer, a man who, according to statistics, works longer hours than any laborer and
receives less interest on his invested capital than any business
man; or, to be exact, if allowed wages for his time he makes no
interest; or if he reckons interest on the capital value of his
land, buildings, horses, cattle and implements, makes no wages.
We know of exceptions to this rule, but they certainly are
exceptions alright.
Let us analyse the position of the man who "succeeds,"
as it is termed. After fifteen or twenty years of strenuous work
he finds himself the possessor of five thousand dollars, we will
say, or a ranch of that value. After having worked all his
life and denied himself all pleasure and variety, he finds, sometimes to his dismay, that he has lost all relish for enjoyment or
travel; loafing is out of the question for him; he has no taste
for reading or research. And in most cases the money is not
spent to conduce in any way to the happiness of the owner,
l>ut is invested in real estate, or in dividend-paying propositions.
The writer knows men who are well off (financially) who still
work all day and every day on the farm or in the bush. Their
money is all right, it is earning dividends (we, as Socialists,
know what that means), it is increasing.   Still they work like 77ie Prosperous Proletarian.
other wage plugs. Well, they say, we shall be all right in our
old age; sure they will. They will work until they can work
no longer and are half dead anyway. Then they will have a
swell time, crippled with rheumatism, unable to eat a square
meal and cranky as hell.
We know ranchers who could keep a hired man or two
and live on surplus values extracted from their men; who could
sell two or three thousand dollars worth of hay every year
and need not do a tap beyond a little bossing—and they work
as hard as ever they did. These are certainly slaves par excellence—they hug their chains and care not to be free. As
Jim Johnson says, there is no accumulation of money without
robbery. And if the accumulator does not rob others in
amassing his wealth, he robs himself of leisure, rest, health; he
loses much or all that makes life worth living—he loses the
capacity for enjoyment.
Some, it is true, quit when the time comes; they give up
work, that is, manual labor. They sometimes go into business,
and as they are not business men and are not conversant with
the arts of lying, cheating, and dishonesty generally, do not
succeed in business, but frequently lose their little capital and
return to work—their normal condition. Some very careful
individuals place their money in the bank, where it is safe (?),
at a low rate of interest, of course, so that the real capitalists
who are onto the game of finance can use it to the best advantage in skinning the workers. But banks, often the most secure
apparently, go "bust" occasionally and we usually read in the
newspapers of numbers of members of the working class who
have lost the savings of a life-time. Many seek investments
in more profitable securities, mining companies, timber companies, all kinds of companies, most of which, though formed
with the apparent object of doing business, are really for the
express purpose of catching suckers. The industrious and
economical toiler loses his money and a gentleman of the non-
producing bunch gets it.
I have been told frequently that we Socialists only present
one side of a question. I will be fair; I will admit that some
few of the working class do attain some measure of prosperity mmmaom
The Western Clarion.
and do get some satisfaction out of it. I have one such in my
mind—a Socialist—a man who has worked hard and made it
stick. He enjoys life. But he does not say, as such men often
do, "I have worked hard and saved money; I have succeeded.
Let others do the same." He knows what a struggle he had;
he knows what he has had to go through in order to spend
peacefully the later years of his life. And he knows that no
such comfort as he enjoys, nor, in addition, absolute freedom
from anxiety as to the future, could be the lot of every individual under this system. This comrade still works a little; he
does it because he likes to, not because he has to. Under a
rational system work will be a pleasure. It will not be for the
purpose of enriching some idler, or performing some task which
we know to be really unnecessary. Everything will be systematized, all unnecessary labor cut out, no more idlers or parasites; everyone a producer, everyone a partaker—a full life,
a life of brightness and happiness, an opportunity to develop
the best that is in us.   The time is coming.   Be of good cheer.
And, in the meantime, sneer not at the comrade who is
"trying to "make it stick" under the present system,—who is
holding it down on the ranch or in the store or workshop. We
cannot all "live easy," as Mac kindly advised us in an editorial a month or two ago; we would be very pleased if we
^could. And while many good Socialists are hitting the ties
and riding the rods, travelling light from place to place, doing
as little work as possible and following the lines of least resistance, we shall not be within sight of our goal until the majority
' of the workers, of those that do the work of the world, that do
not 'live easy"; until the majority of those who have homes
and votes, and some little influence in their communities come
to realize their slavery, to feel the galling of their chains, and
with one grand and united effort break the shackles that have
held them down through the centuries and leaving their bondage forever behind them, bound forward into freedom, sun-
dune and the full joy of living.
ALF. JOHNSON. Competing With Himself.
Competition!   It is a magic word with the farmers; to
them it seems to spell everything in the way of prosperity,,,
cheap machinery, clothes, lumber, fuel, binder twine and the
thousand and one things which must be purchased to make a
living at all.   That this age has and is seeing the death of
competition in actual fact matters not at all, it was good' for
their fathers and is therefore good enough for them.   Softly, .
tho! their idea of competition has qualifications; they demand 1
through the various farm journals free competition amongst/
the manufacturers, but by no means amongst themselves.   Not
at all, hence the yelp for reciprocity and ultimate free trade.
Our (?) manufacturers must be forced to bend to the healthy
effect of competition from the outside and no longer crouch
behind a tariff wall, like the abject cowards they are.   Lusty
voiced, the G. G. A. demand mis while trying to instill the
idea of co-operation amongst themselves.    Of course, if it is
right to co-operate amongst farmers it is eaually right to have
competition amongst manufacturers,  for do not our Grain
Growers worship at the shrine of Equity?
Then crown her queen
And Equity shall usher in
For those who toil and those who spin  ■
A brighter day.
Of course, it is not a desire to live easier, it is not the last
despairing squeal of a beaten bunch from which these poetic
gems emanate, it is the high-souled voice of patriotism. One,
sitting all dispassionate upon a mountain, filled with a lofty
desire to see all men glad and upon an equal footing.   It is ".•*•'..' 'jm.
The Western Clarion.
lhe spirit of Empire, exalted beyond the petty spirit of the
trader, living amongst the stars and wrapped in a mantle of
union jacks, to whom the terms of commerce are unknown. A
very God, whose garments may not be besmirched with tales
of tariff and the evilness of the commodity world.
They present a $1,000 bread basket to King George that
their loyalty may be made manifest. They vote the old party
ticket and plead for crumbs with grovelling words; they will
be and must be respectable and respected, even as Mr, Tate,
a mighty man amongst them commandeth.
Out of this demand for competition upon the one hand
and co-operation upon the other arises the cry, "Down with
the trust;" they vote money to investigate the cause and working of the trust, they disclaim in their local meetings against
this and that merger and pass resolutions—a most effective way
of fighting—against them. The strident cry of the great
machine co-operate must not be permitted to manifest itself in
the evolutionary methods of the trust, for can not the trust
force prices sky high, although they have not as yet, and
Socialists declare they cannot? But then it is well known
Socialists do not grasp the inherent evilness of human nature,
to which all men are victims, save the farmers.
Jesting aside, gentlemen, the trust cannot be squashed or
driven back in its final march toward control of the world's
wealth. It is born of the machine age and no legislation of a
capitalist nature will stem the tide. It is quite right and therefore will flourish, just as any creature best adapted to its environment is in the right and will prevail over its less progressive fellows. To Rockefeller, Jr., we are indebted for
this clear exposition of the case. He says, "that in order to
produce one American Beauty rose blossom, 99 per cent, of
the buds must be pinched off;" a perfect analogy, but only a
Rockefeller could liken a rose to a trust, better a vampire.
The sweet smelling joy of Omar the wise is too lovely to drag
into the arena of trade. The vampire, however, is not to
blame any more than the sun for rising; let us understand that
all things are a growth, the dew scented rose, the henna stained
houri and the stink wagon. Competing With Himself.
To develop from the primitive cell into the full pride and
vigor of maturity and then to glide into a something else is die
common propensity of all things, even of our much beloved
trust. It begins in a little partnership of huxters and slowly
grows into a joint stock company, reaching its highest point in
uie modern merger, and this despite aU efforts to curb its power.
The luddites of some years ago smashed the labor-saving:
machine, but the machine won out and the luddites are gone.
The trust wins because of its ability to fill the bill, it is economical, destroying the chaos of "small business," regulating in'
a measure supply although unable to anticipate demand. That
small business is ground under its iron heel and that it yelps,
therefore, is just as it should be, and furthermore IS, it is right-ait is just, it is proper, in a word it fills the bill, child of its
environment and most lusty of them all, it wins. For which
praises be to the high gods of modern finance.
Today is witnessing the stranglehold trustism has taken,
the small trader is at the last ditch and cries aloud for legislation, to which the supreme court replies with a trust-colored;
decision, that a reasonable trust may flourish as long and rob
as heavily as it can. To the ordinary observer it must be
quite apparent that big business owns and controls the legislative halls and big business with its necessary partner, co-operation and death to competition, demands that production come
under the control of as few people as possible.
The farmers, therefore cry aloud for co-operation amongst
themselves in vain, much as they realize the urgency of the
case, yet the 99 buds must be cut away that the 1 may grow
in beauty, and it is that very competition which they would
force upon the manufacturing interests which is the pruning
knife of modern conditions. The tillers of the soil are slaves
to modern Capitalism, working harder in the main than industrial slaves, poorly clothed and mostly unmarried. Each and
every little producer pouring his little lot of grain into the markets in competition with his fellow, underselling him on, all
possible occasions, striving to produce cheaper than his neighbor, cutting down here, and pruning expenses away there, he
at last reaches a level below his actual cost of subsistence.   In
&5S 28
The Western Clarion.
open competition, not only with his fellow Grain Grower in
Canada, but also with those of Siberia, Africa, Australia,
Egypt and other countries, the mortgage company garners him
in and it is the end. The trustified machinery he must pur-
chase, selling at the average value is a terrible burden to him,
they represent modem products produced in the most up-to-
date way, but he, poor slave, upon the average puts into the
grain he has to sell many hours of unpaid labor, thus the
tigures given here may not be correct, but the method of "robbery" made plain.
A binder may represent 185 hours of necessary labor and
exchange upon the market at that. The factories producing
these are most up-to-date and therefore able to survive. The
farm slave upon the other hand is not a modern by any means,
he is still using oxen and horses; there is much waste as
the orthodox economist has it, or unnecessary labor as we put it.
Now, when he comes to selling perhaps the product of his one
hour of old-fashioned labor, does he get its equivalent? We
are of the opinion that he does not. We have yet to see the
ordinary plug upon a farm, raising wheat or farm produce at
me prevailing market prices and making anything more than
a living. Add to this the influence of the frightful competition
prevailing today and the matter will be a little clearer. He
gets upon the average 65 cents per bushel and he cannot raise
grain for that, so that when it comes to exchanging values, the
185 hours of social labor worked up in the binder should exchange for 185 hours in wheat, and if this be represented, say,
1>y 185 bushels of wheat all would be well, but our slave working on his own has put many, many more hours therein and is
heaten. When it is considered that a binder is only one of
the things he must get hold of in order to farm at all, the
method of his extinction will be made apparent. Furthermore,
the machinery of farmers grows ever larger and beyond the
reach of our independent fellows. The days of the small
farm are numbered, the smoke of the great steam engine writes
his fate upon the sky and may it kill him quick.
You will perhaps hurl your thunders at the trust from
the legislative hills, but that you cannot, they who control uie Competing With Himself.
economic situation are also masters of the law shops, and when
will you farmers be that?   Quoth the Raven, Nevermore.
Your only way out is to study the Socialist dope and get
wise, then act together with the rest of the workers to own
and control all the machinery of production, till then be as
happy as you can passing resolutions.
efg<r*      $*rT*'       wrn*^
Judging from comments received, the Clarion in its new
form is being favorably received, and the finances are picking
up. A slight further effort will place it on its feet. Locals are
therefore requested to sell the bundles this week also at ten
cents per copy and forward the proceeds to this office. Hereafter the rate will be six cents per copy for bundles of. not less
than five copies monthly, to Canada and Britain. To other
countries, seven cents per copy.
The September issue of the Clarion will be out in time
for the thickest of the campaign. It will contain fifty-nine pages
of solid propaganda matter. ORDER YOUR BUNDLES
EARLY. waa
The Western Clarion,
At this time of writing wars and rumors of wars fill the
columns of the daily press, and even enter into the conversation of those Vancouverites who have time to spare from the
arduous task of tilting the office chair at a proper angle while
waiting for the shy sucker to invest in their distant fields where
every town is to be a railroad centre with a sky-rocketing of
values out-distanced only by the vivid imagination of the gladsome agent. But to return to the rumors of war. Commercial antagonism is, as always, responsible. France and Britain,
especially France, have "spheres of influence" on the North
African coast. Britain, possessing Gibraltar, has a naval base
handy to the spot, while France has home ports within a short
steaming distance of her "sphere," and both countries are
in a capital position to extend said "spheres," and with them,
their trade in those parts. Germany, who has not yet entirely
shaken herself free from the feudal system, entered late into
the race for colonies and spheres of influence, having been much
engaged in moulding herself into her present shape out of
the German speaking nations of the one-time extensive Holy
Roman Empire. As a nation and one of the European powers, Germany is a product of modern times, but capitalism
has been developing there as elsewhere, and since the unification
of the Empire has made enormous strides, and foreign markets are as necessary to her as to other nations. All the desirable parts of the world, that is those parts that can at the
present time absorb the commodities every capitalist nation
desires to sell, being already occupied, Germany's only chance
is the open door, so that her commodities can enter on equal
■i»l One Thing and Another,
terms with those of other countries. Her eye is on Morocco
and neighborhood, and her desire takes shape in the demand
for a naval base in those parts, so that she may be able to keep
the door open for her commodities, and doubtless before long
to obtain a "sphere of influence" like her neighbors. German
competition in foreign markets is to be warded off if possible.
The possibility depends on whether Germany has the greater
force or France and Britain. National force to be made effective must be backed up by money, and lots, of it, and it looks
at the present time as if Germany must back down for lack
of money, very aptly called the sinews of war. When commercial advantage is at stake, not The Hague, nor the babblings of peace societies will prevent war, but the lack of
effective force.
Germany is not the only country where remnants of the
feudal system still exist. The so-called radical part of the
capitalist class of Britain have long chafed under the dominance of the landed aristocracy as exemplified in the existence
of the House of Lords. Royalty itself is a relic of the feudal
system and is permitted to exist only while content to remain
a figure head, more or less ornamental. That the Lords have
no real power is proved by the fact that they are about to be
rendered as innocuous as the Crown, and are perfectly unable
to do anything about it. Power is force, and a long historical
process has shorn the Lords of their force and only the shadow
remains, and this can be taken away if the capitalists think
it advisable. This little storm is of no interest to the working
class except in the lesson that "power" without force exists
only in name.
A government which does not derive its powers by the
consent of the governed depends on force. Every election
day the working class consents to give the master class the
power to continue to rule and rob, but between election days
there is often a disposition to rebel on the part of sections of
the workers and the force which is always held in reserve by
the capitalist government, the executive of the capitalist class,
is brought forward and brings the workers once more to a
proper state of submissiveness—in that state of life in which 32
The Western Clarion.
it pleases their masters to keep them. A worker has no rights,
because he has no force by which to hold them. The working class has the force of numbers and by acting tagether the
workers could sweep their masters off the face of the earth.
They must first be brought to see where their interests lie;
must be brought to understand that they are slaves and that
the way to freedom is by the abolition of capitalism, and by
that way only. The problem of producing sufficient wealth
so that all may have abundance has been solved by the capitalist class and that class no longer takes part in processes of
wealth production. Its usefulness has departed, but by virtue
of its political power the capitalist class, though taking no part
in the production of wealth, holds in its possession all the
wealth produced. It seems obvious that by obtaining political
power the working class can, in its turn, take possession of the
wealth produced and capitalism will be abolished. It is the
object of Socialist propaganda to bring the majority of the
workers to see this, to become class conscious.
The greatest drawback to the spread of Socialist propaganda is the slavishness of the majority of the slaves. The
ideas they have absorbed from capitalist flunkeys of one kind
and another have stifled their own powers of thinking. They
have no arguments that the merest tyro in Socialist doctrine
cannot upset, but are themselves impervious to all reason.
Nothing short of a long course of semi-starvation will make
them think and hosts of them will get that, which, together with
the gradual closing of chances of escape still afforded by this
and other countries will render the slave with the capitalist
mind amenable to reason and swell the number of class conscious workers. Circumstances are surely with us, and the time
for a change will be ripe when a majority of workers desire
to make that change.
The actions of man are dictated by what he believes to
be his material interest. The ideas governing his actions are
determined by his environment, especially his environment
when very young. The minds of children are easily impressed
and such impressions become more difficult to eradicate the
older the child grows.    Theologians describe the immoral One Thing and Another.
actions of man as being due to "original sin," whereas the fact
is that a child is born into the world quite unmoral, knowing
neither good nor bad, with certain inherent characteristics due
to heredity (previous environment) which may be increased
or almost entirely abolished by the child's early training. That
this is a fact is recognized, for example, either consciously or
unconsciously, by all those seeking to better the lot of those
born in the slums of the cities of the civilized world. The
first thing they do is to remove the child from its environment
and place it where it may be trained to lead a decent, honest
life. Having obtained a chance to do this, at least according to the code of its capitalist rescuers, with very few exceptions the child does it. With the Barnardo boys in Manitoba
the number of backsliders is only two per cent. An editorial
in the World of July 29th bears this theory out with reference to a place in Pennsylvania where a Miss Lucy M. Bird
saved from a village jail a small boy convicted of robbing a
slot machine. She asked to be and was made the guardian
of the "bad" boy.   To quote:
"He was a delicate little fellow, who for two years had
not known what it was to eat at a table or sleep in a bed. His
case was clearly not one of incorrigibility, but one of neglect
and misunderstanding. Miss Bird rented an old, worn-out
farm and took the little lad with her to cultivate it. She found
the boy to be susceptible to kind treatment and considerate
"She had marked success with him, and soon others,
learning of her ability to make 'bad' boys 'good' boys, urged
her to take charge of other 'bad* children—girls and boys."
Her success has continued, "but," as the World goes on
to say, "as they were never 'bad' children, so now they are not
'good' children, but they are well trained, well cared for children, placed in the right pathway of life."
That is to say the children are creatures of their environment.
To rescue a few children here and there from the evil
surroundings of their slum homes (?) and place them in a
better environment is merely touching the fringe of the prob- 34
The Western Clarion.
lem of converting slum dwellers into good citizens. They cannot all be taken and placed in a better environment. Even
if this were possible, when the rescued children entered into
the world of competition for jobs, each job found for one of
the rescued would displace some one else, who would thereupon fall into the slums. Slums are a product of capitalism
and as long as capitalism endures, so will slums. Capitalism
must be abolished, then the slum environment will disappear,
and with it the so-called "criminal classes," and rescue work
will not be necessary.   There will be no one to rescue.
Thomas W. Lawson, of "Frenzied Finance" fame, was
recently among us, though in justice to Mr. Lawson it is well
to add that he has not really been among us proletarians, getting
merely as far as the Hotel Vancouver, where he could doubtless find some of his own kind. Proletarians are not very useful to a frenzied financier.
As in the time when Mr. Lawson was about to become
the savior of the people, he is full of wisdom, and this is given
without money and without price, and may be found in the
columns of the World of July 29th. He stated that in his
opinion we are getting into a new way of settling new countries. Formerly the settlers were men with lots of energy and
with little capital. This meant that conditions were created
in the new countries which rendered human energy entirely at
the mercy of capital, and that capital had demanded a tremendous share of the results. Out of this condition of affairs
had arisen the state we were in at present—tremendously
bloated, quickly got fortunes in the hands of a few, and great
unrest among the masses of the people. However, we can
take courage, for says Mr. Lawson, "Unless I am all wrong,
this is going to change. Capital is going to be almost absolutely at the mercy of individual energy, particularly in this
new northwest country. Why? Capital is a drug in the east
and has been gradually becoming a drug in Europe, particularly in British Europe." He goes on to say that there is no channel of investment left in those countries and though he had just
said capital was to be almost completely at the mercy of the
individual he states that force of arms would not keep capital One Thing and Another.
from exploiting the natural resources of this western country.
Mr. Lawson is quite correct in prognosticating an influx
of capital into this country. The influx has already begun, owing to th* want of chances of investment nearer home, but
there is no noticeable disposition on the part of capitalists to
become oiduiy submissive. Investments do not take place
unless the investor believes he will obtain a good profit and
no one knows that better than Mr. Lawson. The existence
of capital pi-supposes the existence of a submissive class, the
working class. It is the working class that is exploited, not
the natural resources of the country. Without workers the
natural resources of a country are worth absolutely nothing.
Far from submitting themselves to any individual the
capitalists of B. C. have made sure that workers shall be more
plentiful than jobs, and they rule here as everywhere, and will
so rule till the wealth now used as capital is converted from
production for pi ont to production for use, when the capitalist
as such will disappear. Even capitalist ethics admit that what
a man has produced himself should be his, and this also logically applies to what a class, the working class, produces. But
capitalist apologists claim tha-: :.ppitalists have a "right" to
profits for reasons stated in many voluminous works, and that
"right" being back*. J up by armies, navies, police, etc., seconded by press, pulr/-'1, and school, the "right" remains unchallenged except b" S cialists, who are yet in a minority.
So active, however, this minority that it causes many uneasy
qualms in the mind, of our rulers, and many curious things
are done in their efforts to silence it. Still Socialist ideas
spread and the day draws ever nearer when the expropriators
themselves shall be expropriated.   May we be there to see.
The Western Clarion.
We presume that cartoons are intended to be more or
less humorous. Occasionally they are. But, if they are, the
humor is almost always unintended. A case in point is a
recent cartoon in the Vancouver World depicting John Bull
in the guise of a policeman ordering Germany, a boy, down
out of the Moroccan apple-tree. The joke is that the affair
should so appear to any one, even a loyal cartoonist.
The fact of the matter is that it has been a clear win for
Germany. So far as we have been able to discover, Germany
had no business in Morocco except that it wanted a slice of it.
The Moroccans were raising trouble with one another, liking
trouble, presumably, and having a little time on their hands.
France and Spain were quarrelling as to whose right it was to
make the Moroccans be good. The landing of German troops
in Morocco was a bare-faced piece of aggression. John Bull
had no business there either, but did not care to see any German
coaling stations on his trade routes. So immediately he began
to polish up his firearms and write letters to the Times about it.
That Germany had any notion of fighting Britain and France
together was unlikely, but she went on landing troops, until
France and Britain began to talk war quite as if they meant it.
Then Germany consented to submit the whole question to arbitration, provided she got compensation elsewhere. Which
looks to us very like getting something for nothing pretty easy.
Furthermore, the incident will probably be not without profit
in another direction for the Kaiser and those whose trade-mark
he is.   The German Parliament has been stingy about money Morocco.
for battleships. The Kaiser can now say to them: "See
what a fix you put us in? Had we had enough battleships we
could have insisted on our rights.   Give us more battleships."
More battleships, greater armaments, they must all have,
cost what they may. Commercial expansion into new territories has about reached its limit. Much further expansion for
any one of the commercial nations is possible only upon the
ruins of another. Hence the feverish increase of armaments.
The one that falls behind is doomed. On the other hand the
limit of increased armaments approaches for all of them. They
can increase them only so far as they can borrow the money,
and the loyalty of the money-lending capitalists is carefully
calculated upon a basis of four per cent, interest without risk.
Moreover, so enormously expensive are becoming armaments
that peace will soon be more costly than war. So a war we
will have, and before so very long.
Let it come. The misfortunes of our masters cannot but
be to our good fortune. Nothing can be ground without bringing grist to our mill. Doubtless, fools a-plenty will be found
in our class to go to their masters' war. Some of them will be
killed and provoke us no more. The rest will return, but all
of them will not return fools and many will get wise soon after
they return. War is not so bad as it is painted and infinitely
less deadly than work.
ajy**    mjpt    mj^t
The death of Comrade J. A. Gallagher occurred recently
at the Provincial Royal Jubilee Hospital, Victoria, B. C.
None of his relatives or intimate friends are known. He owned some property which, if there are no claimants, will revert
to the State. He last lived at Mayne Island, B. G, receiving
his mail at North Pender P. O. Some five years ago he worked in Grand Forks, B. C. Anyone knowing the whereabouts
of any of his people will please notify them. 38
The Western Clarion.
At the recent conference of steel magnates at Brussels a
committee of thirty, with Judge Gary of the United States
Steei Corporation as chairman, was appointed to work out a
plan for an international steel organization. It will be remembered that just such a working agreement as this committee
aims to draft came into existence among the steel manufacturers of the States as the immediate fore-runner of the Steel
Trust. It is, therefore, not inconceivable that a similar organization is about to arise upon an international scale; Judge
Gary, of course, denies that such is the case, and, under the
circumstances, we do not see what else he could very well do.
According to him:—
"It has not the least semblance to what is called a trust.
I should call the Brussels congress a combination of friendly
associations of steel and iron manufacturers for purposes of
advancement and a better mutual understanding of all questions
of economical, ethical, or sociological interest pertaining to the
steel industry.
"The questions of regulation of prices, the distribution of
territory or attempts to circumvent tariff laws, which you suggest, have no part in the congress any more than a bar association formed by attorneys controls the individual actions of its
members or regulates the fees they must charge.
"I can use no better comparison than to liken the functions of the International Association of Steel Industries to that
of a bar association; its purposes are of the same order and its
powers are not greater.      ...
"A standard will be set for dealing with workmen and
determining how they shall be housed best and how to control
m International Industry
the sanitary conditions under which they will work."   (Echoes
of industrial feudalism, does it not?)
"This congress has accomplished a wonderful thing in
effecting an arrangement to standardize the steel products of
the world.
"A world-wide standard of sizes and specifications will
do away with a thousand and one petty annoyances and expenses in the steel business. It means a saving in cost of production as well as in cost of machinery."
Of course, we are all likely to believe that the steel magnates are inspired by the highest of humanitarian motives, but
here is a rather significant paragraph:
"The steel industry is the most important in the world, and
by this new international association will be so closely allied to
the commerce of the world that it will wield a mighty hand in
the politic? of the world and will have influence enough to
negative any proposed action apt to destroy the nation's basis
of prosperity."
Little wonder that the petty bourgeois papers throw a fit,
but for all that we can hardly do better than follow the Literary Digest in quoting the New York Press. Such a combination, we are told, is beyond any control "save by a federation
of world Powers," and its empire "makes the scepter of the
latest George look as empty of authority as a child's rattle,
makes comic a Kaiser's assumption of divine right, and reduces
the mightiest political potentates to the rank of the player King
in 'Hamlet.' "
"All of which is done while half-witted statesmanship
drools of tariffs and Canadian reciprocity, while a Wall street
Attorney-General insults the commonest intelligence with futile
prosecutions of trusts, and while one of the clearest thinkers
in the national life to-day, the President Emeritus of Harvard
University, gains a respectful and attentive audience when he
exhorts his fellow citizens to 'resist monopoly in evry phase and
form, and deal alike with all monopolies of credit, or money,
or transportation, or beef, or wheat, or of some manufactured
product, or of some kind of labor.'   .    .    .   The American 40
The Western Clarion.
nation asks for the suppression of trusts and the reply is the
formation of the biggest trust that ever was dreamed."
So mote it be. Empires, kingdoms and republics have
grown up on a territorial basis, but their day is passing. Their
foundations are undermined. The new empires are growing
up on an industrial basis. They know no territorial boundaries,
and none of color, creed, language or race. Industry is become international and the corporation is about to become
international also. Nationally, despite all outcry, agitation,
anti-trust laws, and court decisions, it is firmly established, and
so shall it be internationally despite them. "The dog barks, but
the moon sails on."
And it is not because Judge Gary and all his fellows so
will it, be their motives what they may. But because it must
be so, regardless of the yea and nay of the mightiest. These
men are but the servants of the wealth which they, in common
parlance, control. In actual fact, it is that wealth which controls them, driving them onward without respite. They, with
all their heralded affluence and power, their experience and
cunning, are no other than helpless automata, "impotent pieces
in the game It plays." Devising and racking their brains ever
for It. Escaping seldom except into the grave. Driven on
to lay foundations, by Its humourless irony, for a social system
whose thought they abhor. Grinding their own lives that the
slaves they grind may, in the fullness of time, garner the grist
ftirm    m^l   m^fM*
It is with deep regret that we learn of the death of Comrade G. Boerma, who was a member of Local Fennell Hall,
Sask. He was suffocated by gas while working in a well on
his farm. His remains were interred on July 28th in a manner befitting one who had been an ardent revolutionist. Several comrades made brief speeches, after which the Red Flag
was sung. In the passing of Comrade Boerma, the Movement
suffers a loss which will be keenly felt. Victoria's Turn.
In a most charming corner of Vancouver Island, which
one reaches by boat through a series of beautiful channels that
wind alluringly among tall real estate signs, nestles the city of
Victoria. This city is made up principally of a Conservative
Government and other remittance men, with accessories. The
latter consist of a city council with mayor, a police force, a
court and other like things which it is absolutely necessary
for such a population to have, to straighten itself out with in
the morning. There are workingmen there too, but they do
not count as real population except in the advertising circulars
such as "the Week," etc. Their presence is tolerated as long
as they do all the work, patronize home industry and keep
quiet. Lately some of them have been breaking the rules and
have been chastised.
Wherever there are workers, there are Socialists, and
wherever there are Socialists there is very apt to be somebody
out on a soapbox, talking. Victoria is no exception. Now a
city with a set of principal inhabitants like those aforesaid, is an
extremely respectable, intensely loyal and devotedly patriotic
city, seeing hat respectability (in public at least) and the King
are somehow associated with its source of supply. Socialists
lack these virtues, having rather a wicked tendency to trenchant criticism of all things, including kings. Therefore the Socialists offended the delicate ears of Victoria. Their offence
was, of course, all the greater in that they spoke the truth.
There is but one course open to upright, christian, bourgeois
citizenship when it is made to feel intellectually inferior to disreputable, disloyal, unchristian workers, by being beaten in argument. That course it pursued in Victoria, viz., it called for
the police.
On Sunday, July 23rd, the police made their attack. The
Socialist meeting was in progress as usual, with an average 42
The Western Clarion.
crowd. The police appeared and of course drew a big crowd
as the average person is always curious to see a policeman doing something. Their audience, however, proved too much for
the bluecoats on foot, and a mounted force was sent for. These
rode through the crowd trying to start a riot, as usual. This
was to get an excuse for attacking the Socialist Party, and is
typical of the inherent cowardice of the trading class. They
are always afraid to state their case openly, to say that they
know our dope to be detrimental to their interests and vital to
the welfare of the workers, and that therefore they are going
to punish us on that score. No, they must hunt around for some
petty excuse. They need not worry themselves. We are going to get them anyway.
The fracas ended up by fourteen Socialists and I. W. W.
men being taken to jail, although the crowd had not allowed itself to be annoyed into starting trouble. After having their
case postponed a couple of time, these men were tried on
Monday, July 31 st. Seven of them, Comrades Hillis, Brown,
Stedman, Burroughs, Bardsley, Barlow, and Beach of the
I. W. W. were found guily of disturbing the peace and were
fined twenty dollars each or ten days in jail. This is about
the biggest tax that has ever been placed on a man's tongue in
Canada. However, the disturbers all elected to go to jail, preferring to live on the city, however poorly, for ten days, rather
than pay $140 for its little joke at their expense.
While the case was pending, a committee went to the Mayor
to complain of discrimination in favor of the pied peddlars of
paradise. Mr. Morley, the mayor, said he would not stand
for discrimination but they must do as the police told them.
This was very fine diplomacy. In fact, one could tell at a
glance that he was making a really earnest effort to de diplomatic, without his even mentioning it. Of course he wouldn't
stand for discrimination, but he would stand for the police
doing it.
Constitutional "free speech" is a myth. The question is,
are we big enough to address meetings on the street corners of
Victoria? Or, is a pettifogging civic administration big
enough to stop us?   We shall soon know. Winnipeg Leaflet. 43
(Leaflet issued by Local Winnipeg, Man.)
"Give us lower prices, cheaper food, cheaper clothing, the
grocer and clothier, the butcher and coal dealer are robbing
us," is the cry that is heard on every hand. "Down with the
trusts and high prices, so that a working man can live."
You've heard it. Certainly. Perhaps you have been
complaining along that line yourself. If so, I want to ask you
a question: In the "good old days" before the trusts came, you
bought a certain article, say for $10. You say it was worth it,
and you were not robbed. True. But tell me, why you gave
$10 for it. Why could you not buy it for $8? Why was the
article and $10 in money equal in value? Now, remember,
if you cannot explain this intelligently, you cannot explain intelligently whether you pay more for things than they are worth
As a matter of fact, the wage-workers are the only ones
that are robbed, and they are robbed in one place only, and
that place is the slave pen where they work, be it factory, railroad, department store, post office or farm. The hand that
pays you for your work is the hand that robs you. Remember
It is also true that lower prices will not benefit you (the
worker) in the least, under industrial conditions as existing today.
In the first place, let's take just a glimpse at the industrial
world and see what conditions we have to contend with. (1)
In the factories and workshops, farms and railroads, every- 44
The Western Clarion.
where, we see men, women and children toiling long hours over
machines that have increased their productive powers many-
fold. (2) As a result of this labor-saving machinery, together
with the necessity of those who operate that machinery, to work
as many hours as ever, we see on the streets thousands of men
out of work—looking for jobs. (3) We see labor divided into
little ineffective craft companies, some flying their white flags of
truce and merely looking on while others go to defeat after defeat single handed and unaided. (4) We see the capitalists
united on the political field regardless of craft, industry, race,
color, age, sex, politics or religion.
Their political interests are identical and they know it.
That is enough. Now in the face of these conditions,
do you workers who have been working and agitating spending time and money advocating measures that would merely
"decrease the cost of living," do you think for a minute that
under these conditions you would be benefited by them? Not
one iota.
An Illustration.
Let us say that horses require on the average about 15 lbs.
of hay and 6 qts. of grain daily to keep them in average working condition. Now if you own and work a horse you must
provide it with that amount daily, no matter whether the prices
of hay and grain be low or high. Or you must give your man
"John" daily, money enough to buy hay and grain enough to
keep your horse in condition. Now if the prices of hay and
grain fell, you and not the horse would be the winner, as the
horse would only require the same amount of feed as before.
The same with the working class. They require the same
amount of necessaries yearly, be prices low or high. When
prices fall, the unemployed, eager to work for even the bare
necessities of life, will work for a Wage that will buy those necessaries and take the jobs away from those working.
So "low prices" will not benefit you any more than they
would the horse as long as you by doing the work of two men, Winnipeg Leaflet. 45
help to perpetuate the army of unemployed which acts as an
automatic regulator and reducer of wages.
When you are agitating for "lower prices on the necessities of life" you are also agitating for lower prices on the commodity you sell, "labor power." When the prices of the necessities of life fall, wages will follow, just as sure as the mercury
in a thermometer shrinks in cold weather.
Under existing conditions, high prices for labor power and
low prices for the necessities of life, would be as great a phenomenon as a river flowing up the mountain, or rocks floating
on the surface of the ocean.
It is argued sometimes that Socialism has never been tried,
and we do not know whether it would work or not. Well "low
cost of living"-ism has been tried, on a large scale, too, in England, after the repeal of the corn law.
How did it work? Excellently, i. e., for the employers.
Wages once started downward did not stop where the cost of
living did, but went still lower. Result—a lower standard of
living for the workers. Who wants to see this repeated in
America?   Not the workers, surely.
In conclusion, I will say that it is of the utmost importance
that the working class understand such things as this: "Will
it benefit the whole working class?" That's the question to
apply to every proposition that comes up, and the way to find
out whether it will or not is to apply the test of Marxian Economics. Education is the greatest need of the hour: without it,
there is little hope. As education grows, organization will grow
and hope will grow. An educated working-class will waste no
time chasing will-o-the-wisps, but press on and on to emancipation from slavery. 46
The Western Clarion.
Just as with Labor Exchanges and Old-Age Pensions,
so with the latest dodge, State Insurance, it is a soporific. All
along the line of Liberal legislation an examination shows that
the benefits go to the employing class, not to the employed.
In working-class districts all over the country, the people
are told from Liberal platforms that poverty and destitution,
sickness and disease, are to be vigorously dealt with and eradicated, while at the same time the employers are being assured
that these schemes, far from costing them anything, will, in
the long run, result in a greater return for the sums that are
to be expended.
Lloyd George, at Birmingham, exposed the mockery of
the claim that these measures are being introduced to benefit
the working class.   He said:
"Take a brewer's horse. How well he is looked after—
well fed, cared for, and doctored. If he does not feel up to
the mark he has got a guardian there specially looking after
him. He says there is something the matter with his horse
today. He is kept there, is doctored, until he is right. That
is not merely humanity, it is good business. Take a machine.
If you neglect a machine, a very small matter develops into a
big one. It may simply mean that you want to oil a bearing,
to tighten a screw. But if the machinist says I cannot afford
to allow this machine to rest for two or three days in order to
overhaul it, what happens? That machine has a bad breakdown sooner or later, and it may have to be scrapped. It is
good business to overhaul a thing of that kind in time before
it develops." The Real Motive. 47
Just so. To keep the worker in a fit condition ensures
a greater output, and the increased efficiency resulting from
such condition will enable the employer to wring more profit
out of his victim, for, while the labor-power may cost a little,
the return is certain to be greater.
A paper issued by the Government contains still more
significant statements from German employers who have experienced the working of similar insurance schemes. The president of one of the largest associations of employers in the
iron and steel industry, basing his opinions on special enquiries
addressed to leading firms, says, among other things:
"The laws 'pay* employers from their own standpoint
since they, too, are given a greater feeling of security * * *
and they are protected against constant disputes with exacting
"The proof that these laws are remunerative to employers
lies in the fact that an employer has an interest in having at
his disposal a healthy and efficient labor force."
From the "Chemical Industry" comes the statement that:
"From the standpoint of the employers these laws are remunerative to the extent that the efficiency of the worker is
increased, and without the insurance laws correspondingly
higher wages would have to be paid."
Herr E. Schmidt, president of the German Tobacco
Manufacturers' Association, says:
"Today, however, these contributions are booked either
to the general expenses account or the wages account—for they
are, in fact, a part of wages. . . . Speaking as one
employer to another, I am of the opinion that the investment
in these insurance contributions is not a bad one.'*
Apart from the capitalist, as employer, the statement of
the Poor Law Board of Frankfort-on-Main that "the insurance laws have unquestionably afforded direct and permanent
relief to the Poor funds** is reiterated by the thirteen towns
quoted. 48
The Western Clarion.
To sum up'the whole situation, it is but necessary to quote
Dr. F. Lahn, Director of the Bavarian Statistical Office, bearing in mind that the State referred to is a capitalist State, and
that "national economy*' means for the working class a greater
speeding up—an economy in the matter of wages.   He says:
"Industrial insurance is regarded by many people simply
as a burden placed on certain branches of economic production,
and is judged in the same way as taxation. Such a view is just
as one-sided and fallacious as if one were to represent our
schemes of sanitation, education, and poor relief as a system
of national taxation instead of as important constituents of our
national system of social welfare, devised to awaken slumbering
powers in the body politic, to use them in the service of the State
by the nurture and increase of our productive efficiency to
further the national economy and the welfare of the State.
If it is true that in the keen rivalry of the nations victory will
lie with those peoples which have at command the greatest
reserves of strength and health, industrial insurance must take
a leading place in this policy of industrial welfare."
Just as Germany a few years ago recognized that in order
to obtain the markets of the world they must have efficient
laborers, so today the "British" capitalists, ever behind, realize
that to combat Germany they must economize, they must obtain a better quality of labor power—if possible without increasing its cost. Hence there is a welling-up of the milk of
human kindness in the capitalist breast, and we get State
Insurance and the like.—TWEL, in Socialist Standard. The Workers Share.
An Address by T. Edwin Smith, late Travelling Investigator
U. S. Bureau of Labor, Washington, D.C.
Part i.
Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen:—In my speaking
here tonight I am going to assume three things. First, that
you are all workers of one kind or another. There may be
a small shopkeeper among you who thinks he is an independent
business man, and there may be a few farmers here who own
their own farms and therefore think that they are not wage
earners. They all, however, are workingmen, and if they
would only look matters square in the face they would see that
they are only wage slaves like the man in the factory. I am
going to assume, second, that none of you want to work, but
that you are all willing to work enough to earn a living, and,
third, that after you have done your work you all want your
I am going to prove three things to you. First, that after
you have done the work you do not get paid. Second, that
there is a system that will give you what you earn after you
have earned it, and third, that this plan is practicable and not
too far away.
In the first place, you are not getting your earnings after
you have worked for them. You get a small share ranging
from one-fifth to one-half, depending upon the degree of development in the particular industry in which you are engaged.
All manufacture consists in taking either a piece of raw
or partially finished material and by performing some more or 50
The Western Clarion.
less intelligent movements making it more useful to society.
Because of these movements the article takes on an added
value and the seller of it is able to get a higher price for this
completed product than he was for the raw material of which
it was made. Now, the keynote of the whole matter is that
this added value has been produced by labor. Let me illustrate.
Suppose you are a woodworker. You take a stick of
oak timber twelve feet long, twelve inches wide and two inches
thick. You will pay two dollars for this piece of partially
finished material. You saw it up into thirty*-six pieces two
feet long and two inches square. Then you put these pieces
one at a time into your lathe and turn them into balusters.
These will be worth fifteen cents apiece, or the lot sell for
$5.40. This is $3.40 more than the lumber cost. The same
amount of lumber is now worth $3.40 more than it was before.
This is because it has been changed by the application of
human labor and is now more valuable to society than it was
before.   The labor that has been applied to it is worth $3.40.
Suppose you are a blacksmith. You take a steel rod
fifteen feet long and in half a day you make six heavy farm
clevises. The steel would cost about $1.50 and the clevises are
worth 75 cents apiece or $4.50 for the six. Your work has
added $3 to the value of that steel because you have made it
that much more valuable to society. No one will deny that
your labor has produced this extra value.
Suppose you are a carriage painter working in a paint
shop for wages. You can paint two buggies in a week and
give each one five coats. The men who are having the work
done will pay $30 each or $60 for the work done by one man.
That man's labor has added $60 worth of value to those two
I said that after you had done the work that you did not
get your earnings. Let me explain what I mean. To go back
to our first illustration. After you have turned out these 36
balusters you go out and sell them. Just as you get the money,
the man for whom you are working comes up and takes half
the money and allows you to keep the rest, and he expects
you to be thankful to him for letting you work for him.   An The Worker's Share.
ordinary woodworker at $3 per day will do the work in half
a day. In half a day then he produces value to the amount
of $3.40 and gets in wages $1.50. He lacks $1.90 of getting
the full value that his labor has given to that piece of timber.
I say he should be getting it all. The blacksmith may get $4
per day. He can make the clevises I mentioned in three hours.
He will get $1.50 for adding $3 in value to the iron. You
see here the wage slave is getting exactly one-half 6f his
product. He ought to be getting it all. That carriage painter
that I told you about, if times were good, might get $21 for
his week's work, and the paint that he uses costs perhaps $6.
His labor has added to those two buggies value to the extent
of $56 and he gets $21 or less than two-fifths.
These instances are all from the hand trades, and I have
chosen them because I want you to see how the present system
works in the easier industries to figure up. Of course, in
figuring up the value of a factory-made product we go about
it somewhat differently, but the principle is the same. In
computing the amount of labor that enters into a factory
product, we must consider the labor that has gone into the
machine on which the article is made. Also we must arrive
at the value that the buildings give to the goods. This brings
us into the realms of Cost Accounting, and the process is rather
complicated, but the theory is as simple as you please.
Suppose the man who is turning out those balusters puts
in a circular saw, a power lathe and a gasoline engine to run
them and then builds him a small shop to house the work. The
outfit we will assume costs him $300 and the shed that he uses
for a shop costs $400. The building ought to last him for
twenty years, and it probably will. So then you see the
building is worth $20 per year. That is it adds $20 to the
value of the goods made in it. The machinery will perhaps
last him ten years, so that his equipment will give $30 per year
to the goods it turns out. The taxes the man will have to pay
we will assume to be $10 per year. Altogether his property
adds $60 per year to the value on the goods he makes. There
are 300 working days in a year, so it amounts to 20 cents a day.
He will burn 15 cents worth of gasoline a day in a one
and one-half horse power engine. 52
The Western Clarion.
With this plant he can do twice the work that he could
when working by hand. If he continues to make balusters all
the time he will turn out 144 in a day and thereby create value
to the amount of $13.60, because he can take wood planks
worth $8 and make them into balusters worth $21.60. Here
is the analysis of the cost of that day's work:
144 Balusters at 15c  $21.60
Material    $8.00
Equipment and taxes 20
Power 15
Labor      13.25
This is the principle of Cost Accounting and this same
plan can be extended to take in any number of items. As
the business becomes larger and more complicated there are a
lot of other things to be considered and a lot of extra work
arriving at the various costs, but the principle is the same
whether the factory makes one article or a thousand.
Now suppose one of you is working in this very small
factory for a capitalist who happens to own it. He pays you
$4 per day and you think you have a snap. You are contented
with your lot and think you are getting all you are worth.
Let us examine that cost account again and see:
144 Balusters at 15 each  $21.60
Lumber $8.00
Equipment and fuel 35
Labor    4.00
Profit     $9.25
You see the owner of the plant is getting more than twice
as much off your work as you are. Of $13.25 additional
value given to that lumber by the process of manufacture you
get $4 and the owner of it gets $9.25. You get a little more
than 30 per cent of what your labor creates. You get a little
less than one-third of your product.
You will notice that the value added to the raw material
by the machinery, plant, taxes and fuel in this case that I
have explained is almost exactly one and one-half per cent.   I The Worker's Share. *
have had the opportunity to figure out the value added to
material by the plants in several factories, both large and samll.
and I have found this is pretty uniformly true. In my writings
and ia my talk here tonight I am going to assume that proportion in every case. There is no rule about this matter; it just
happens to be so on an average.
Some of you misguided wage slaves think that the process
I have just explained is an exceptional one. Some of you do
not think this always happens, but it does. Just to prove to
you that this is always true, I have made a list of all the industries that there are in Calgary and for each industry I have
figured out the amounts as well as the percentages of the cost
of the finished article that goes to material, labor, equipment
and profit. I have not taken the figures from the Calgary
plants alone, but I have averaged the amounts from all the
factories in Canada.
If you are employed in P. Burns' packing plant over here,
and you want to know how mch of your product you are getting, I do not analyze P. Bums' plant alone, but I give you
the average of all the packing plants in Canada.
Table No. 1 gives the average wages per man per year
in the different industries, the average value of the raw material the man uses and the average value of the product of his
year's work.
Averages per year per man:—
Wages Product
Industry.                       per year. Material. per year.
Portland Cement $353.25 $275.03 $1,470.00
Malt liquors  413.43 1,045.55 3,138.21
Printing   424.25 54.82 1,338.77
Harness and saddlery...  323.61 844.40 1,585.75
Wooden boxes  261.91 533.48 1,055.70
Awnings, tents and sails ..310.64 618.04 1,535.09
Meat packing  369|64 9,203.09 10,522.04
Flour milling   380.30 7,819.20 9,446.85
Painting and paperhanging 493.70 291.45 1,103.07 54 The Western Clarion.
Blacksmithing 488.27 296.12 1,299.23
Soap  344.59 2,979.56 4,487.33
Gas 473.97 878.35 927.19
Electric light and power. 501.72 52.91 2,253.61
Cigars and cigarettes 329.75 378.41 1,287.03
Most of you men get more in wages than the amounts
given here, but that is simply because you are out here where
business is not organized to the extent that it is in the older
settled parts of the country. If your wages are higher than
those given in this list it means that some men are not getting
as much even as this list states. If you are in the cement works
and you get more than $353.25 per year, you can be sure that
a lot of men in the other twenty-one factories are getting a
whole lot less. Now some people may want to know where
I get my information. Every manufacturer in Canada is
obliged to make a report once a year to the Census Department and in this report show how much business he has done
during the year how much he has spent for raw material, and
wages and a lot of other information that the other business
men and manufacturers want. These figures, up to a short
time ago, were published in an official report that anyone who
wanted could get. I have a large number of these reports at
home and the figures that I have just read are collected from
them. These figures are supplied by the manufacturers themselves so they cannot deny one of them.
The thing I want you to notice most about this table is
the large value of the product of each man's work in a year
and then compare that with the wages he gets. On an average
for all industries and all Canada you will find that a man's
wages is equal to almost exactly one-fifth of the selling price
of the article he makes.
Another thing I want you to notice is that in averaging
the wages paid I have included all the employes. Presidents,
Directors, Managers and Superintendents as well as the high
salaried lawyers. Though I have used the term wages, I have
considered wages and salaries. Salaries of officers, office help,
salesmen and lobbyists are lumped with the wages of the men
who do the hard rough work in the shops. These bring the
average far higher than it ought to be, because some of the The Worker's Share. *
corporation lawyers get as much as $25,000 per year. You
can see that one salary of that much will bring the average
wage of five hundred men up fifty dollars a year more. I have
taken those in so that the apologists for the present system will
not have a leg left to stand on.
Table No. 2 gives a few percentages that I have worked
out from Table No. 1. The bare statement of facts does not
mean much to any of us. We want to know what share of
our product our wages is. We want to know how much we
would get in wages if we were getting all that is coming to us.
We want to know how much of the price of an article goes
for material and most of all we want to know how much profit
is made off our work by the men who happen to own the tools
we must have to work with.
In the first column I have given the share of the selling
price that goes to wages and salaries. In the second column
the share that is raw material. The third column is that share
of the value that is given by the equipment and fuel. This
is the general average that I have worked out from a number
of actual cases. The last column is the share that is profit.
Either in the form of rent, interest or dividends.
Industry. Wages. Material. Equip't Profit
Perct. Perct. Perct. Perct.
Portland Cement   24 18.7 1.5 55.8
Maltliquors 13.17 33.34 1.5 51.99
Printing 31.7 26.5 1.5 40.3
Harness and saddlery 20.9 53.24 1.5 24.36
Wooden boxes 24.8 50.5 1.5 23.2
Awnings, tents and sails 20 40 1.5 38.5
Meat packing 35 87.3 1.5 1.1
Flour milling  4.02 82.7 1.5 11.78
Painting and paperhanging.. .44.7 26.4 1.5 27.4
Blacksmithing  37 23 1.5 38.5
Soap making   7.66 66 1.5 24.84
Gas 17.4 32.1 1.5 37
Electric light and power 22.4       3.37 1.5 73.73
Cigars 25.6 29.4 1.5 43.4 56
The Western Clarion.
Now we believe that labor should have all the additional
value given to the raw material by the process of manufacture
that is not given by the raw material and the machinery. We
say the material and the equipment can not give to anything
values greater than themselves. All value added except the
bare cost of reproducing the machinery and the materials is
the product of the human labor.
The next table then shows you what I have been driving
at this whole time.
Table No. 3.
Portland Cement 80.3 30 $3.33
Malt liquors   15.16 22.7 4.40
Printing  72. 44 2.27
Harness and saddlery 45.26 46. 2.17
Wooden boxes 48 51.5 1.95
Awnings, tents, etc 58.5 34.5 2.09
Meat packing 11.2 31.2 3.02
Flour nulling 13.5 25.4 34.94
Painting and paperhanging  .72.1 62 1.61
Blacksmithing 75.5 50 2.00
Soap 32.5 23.6 4.28
Gas  66.4 26.1 3.83
Electric light and power 96.1 23.1 4.33
Cigars and cigarettes 69 37.4 2.70
These figures are not nearly so terrifying as you may
think. Just to show you how they work we will assume that
you are a wage slave in the cement works here in Calgary
and you want to find out exactly how you stand. You know
that you are only one out of several thousands and that your
conditions are to a great extent determined by the conditions
of the thousands in the other factories. By looking at Chart
No. 1, you will see that the average wage of a wage slave
in a cement factory is $353.25 per year. You may be getting
more than that, but if you are, the capitalists are getting it out
of you in some other way. You will see that the average
amount of cement that the average wage slave makes in that
industry is $1,470 worth in a year.
By table No. 2 you will see that the wages amounts to The Worker's Share.
24 per cent, of the total value. The coal, limestone and clay
used amounts to a little more than 18 per cent, while the
equipment on an average will be one and a half per cent
What is left, in this case 55 per cent, will be profit. Now
the shareholders may not get all of this profit. Some of it will
go to pay interest on the bonds that the Cement Merger has
issued. Some of it will go to the banks for advances of cash
that is necessary to go on with and some of it may go to some
parasite in the form of rent for factory sites or offices or as
royalties paid to the owners of quarries or clay pits. This is
the reason the companies do not pay a fifty per cent dividend.
After all these other forms of profit are taken out, what is left
goes to the shareholders as dividends on the stock and on the
water that has been injected into it.
As I said before, all the value added to material by the
process of manufacture, except that given by the material
itself and the equipment, belongs to labor. Now turn to table
No. 3 and you will see that after we have taken out these two
items there is still eighty per cent. left. This eighty per cent,
is the value added by the efforts of the worker, and according
to our reasoning he ought to get it. Instead he gets only twenty-
four per cent, of the value of the finished article or only thirty
per cent, of the value added by his labor. You see that
taking the average of all the cement workers in Canada the
worker is getting only a little less than one-third of the value
created by his labor. If he were getting the whole value he
would get $3.33 for every dollar he is getting now. If you
are a cement worker and you are getting $2.50 a day your
labor is creating value to the extent of $8.33. That is, you
ought to be getting $8.33 where you are only getting $2.50
By this last table you can figure out yourself how much
you ought to be getting if you are a worker in any of the industries mentioned here. If you are in a flour mill and are
getting $3 per day, look in the third column of table No. 3 and
you will see that you ought to get $3.94 for every dollar you
are now paid, or $8.82 per day.
(Concluded next month.) 58 The Western Clarion.
All thro the days that are past and gone
Since I was a child,
The wanderlust has lured me on—
I have heard the call of the wild.
Today I rest, but not for long,
Travel soon I must—
The distance sings its syren song—
I feel the wanderlust!
*Tis maybe drop of Gipsy blood \"
Somehow has come to me,
To beckon over fell and flood, \
To call o*er land and sea;
Maybe from old Phoenecians sprung, ;
A reckless, roving strain
Of impulse, down the ages flung,
In me spring up again.
Maybe some Viking, staunch and stout,
Rover of ancient days,
Through me still sends his spirit out
To tread lifes devious ways. *
I only know that, South or North,
After the sun*s decline,
Whatever stars may glitter forth
I hail old friends of mine.
I've slept beneath the sundogs bright,
In lands of ice and snow;
I*ve slept where tropic fireflies light !        '
The jungle with their glow: \**
The white cliffs fade, I feel no grief
What tho these fade away
I'll see the peak of Teneriffe;
I've friends in Table Bay.
I know Australia's sunny shore,
The white Canadian snow, **
The iron coast of Labrador, r
The Wanderlust. 59
Rich plains of Mexico,
Past Biscay thro those narrow straits
Where Gibraltar stands,
To where voluptuous Naples waits,
Smiling, with outstretched hands.
And on and on, it's now Port Said,
Colombo springs to sight;
The twinkling lights of Adelaide
Are showing in the night.
And on, and on, the swift miles glide,
The swift hours fade and die;
O'er Sydney harbor—Austral pride—
The Southern Cross swings high.
'Tis good, and yet I cannot stay,
Fresh scenes, fresh faces wait—
A few short weeks, then parting day—
"Hey for the Golden Gate!"
"Now all aboard!" the clanging bell,
Swift wheels that grind away—
Chicago's good, but fare her well—
I'm off to old Broadway.
'Tis stale, 'tis dull.   What's there to choose?
There's better things by far—
To see the girls in Vera Cruz,
The boys in Panama.
Then rest awhile, but not for long,
The wanderlust spurs still —
Hey for the rolling Amazon,
The forests of Brazil!
Heigho!   Heigho!   I've seen'em all—
I've wandered far and wide;
Yet still to me the voices call,
I'm still unsatisfied.
I'm resting now, but not for long,
Travel soon I must;
The distance sings its luring song,
I feel the wanderlust. —G. D. 60
The Western Clarion.
If we are to credit those who are supposed to know, the
Dominion elections will be over within the next two months.
It therefore behooves the Party members everywhere to get
busy and make the best of the occasion to advance our propaganda.
The squabble between the two old parties is of little
concern to us, except that we should make it clear to those of
our class whom we can reach that it is also of no concern to
them. In reciprocity in the exchange of commodities between
the United States and Canada there may be some general
advantage to both. There undoubtedly is considerable advantage in it to certain sections in both communities, otherwise
it would never have been mooted. To other sections there is,
equally, no little disadvantage, else it would not be so bitterly
opposed. Whether the balance favors the general advantage
or disadvantage we do not know, and have no intention of
troubling to find out. Sufficient for us that we see neither
advantage nor disadvantage in it for our class.
Reciprocity in exchanges of any or all of the wealth
produced cannot be a concern of the producers, as it is none
of their wealth. To put it plainly, the producers of the
wealth of the two nations have no more interest in the conditions surrounding exchanges of that wealth than a cow has in
the exchange conditions of butter. And for precisely the same
reason—it is not her butter even though it is the tissues and
fibres of her body that are incorporated therein, as are those
of the producers incorporated in the wealth they produce.
In the case of either, whatever be the conditions of the exchange of their products, all their portion in life is their stall The Elections.
and fodder as stall and fodder go. When there is no profitable market for butter the cow is butchered and eaten. In
similar conditions, the producer, being stringy, lean, and unpalatable, is turned loose to starve or seek new pastures. And
just such and no other will remain the condition of the producers until they arrive at an understanding of the fact that
their sole interest lies in the ownership of the products of
their toil through ownership of the means of production.
An election affords us an opportunity of spreading this
knowledge further afield, and that is, at present, its sole value
to us. The candidates we choose should therefore be selected
solely upon the strength of their qualifications in delivering
our message. The election of candidates is a matter of comparative insignificance besides the education of the electorate.
With an educated electorate, representatives will be inevitably
forthcoming when required. Without an educated electorate
their election would be in vain. 62
The Western Clarion.
Socialist   Party  Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party of
Canada should run a card under this
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, 579 Homer-Richards
Lane, Vancouver, B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday.    D.  G.  McKenzie,  Secretary,
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada-
Meets every alternate Monday in Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will lie pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement in the province. F.
Danby,   Secretary,   Box   647,   Calgary,
Committee: Notice—This card is inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good Street, Winnipeg.
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every first and third
Saturday in the month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters, Ma*n Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement in this Province. A. Gildemees-
ter, Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace .Bay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL  PERNIE,   S.  P.  of  C,   HOLPS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting first Sunday in each
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary, Box 101.
LOCAL   OREENWOOD,   B.   C,    NO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call.    C.
Premerlle, Secretary.
LOCAL LADYSMITH NO.  10,  S.  P.  of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., in headquarters on First Ave.
Parker Williams, Sec,  Ladysmith.   B.  C
LOCAL ROSSLAND, NO. 25, 8. P. of OL.
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
LOCAL  MICHEL,  B.  ©.,  NO.  16,  S.  P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the first
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. in the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian.
second Sunday, 7:30 p.m., in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts,
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., In
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C I. A. Austin, Secretary.
No. 15, S. P. OP C—Headquarters
Room 3, Dupont Block, over Northern
Crown Bank. Propaganda meeting
every Sunday, Crystal Theatre, 8 p.m.
Business meeting every Monday, 8 p.
m. B. W. Sparke, Recording Secretary; H. Gilchrist, Organizer; J. CL
Williams. Financial Secretary.
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday in
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H Gorham, Secretary.
S. P. of C Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
C Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C The Western Clarion.
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. in Public Library Room. John
Mclnnis, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
P.   of  C.     Business    meetings   every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Main Street.    F. Perry, Secretary,' 518
Hornby Pt.
LOCAL  VANCOUVER,  B.    C,    NO.   45,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
Main Street.    Secretary, Wm, Myntti.
LOCAL VERNON, B.  C, NO. 38, S. P.
of C. Meets every Tuesday, 8:00 p.m
sharp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St.
W. H. Gilmore, Secretary.
LOOAL    COLEMAN,    ALTA.,     NO.    9.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Hossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class, Friday at 8 p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieo, 2a9 First St.,
Brandon, Man.'
S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays in the month, at 4 p.m., in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock, Box 1983.
OP C.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. m., in the Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, 3 p.m.
W. Harrison, Sec.-Treas., General Delivery, Moosejaw; A. Stewart, Organizer, South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer, W.  Stephenson.
of C. Headquarters, 628 1/2 Main St.,
Room 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate
Monday evening at 8 p.m.; propaganda
meeting every Wednesday at 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh Laid-
low, Room 2. 528 1/2 Main St. Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young St.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and reading room, Labor Hall. Geo.
Rossiter. Secretary, Box 647.
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. in Trades
Hall, Scarth Street. Business meetings second and fourth Fridays at 8
p.m., Trades Hall. Secretary, B. Simmons, Box 1046.
LOCAL  OTTAWA,  No.  8,  S.  P.  OP  O.
Business meetings flrst Sunday in
month in open air, followed by a picnic during summer months. Propaganda meetings every Saturday night
at 8 p. m., at the corner of McKenzie
Avenue and Rideau Street. A   Mc
Callnni, Secretary, 140 Augusta Street.
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ros**.,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
♦■ji'-.,i'|..«^'^#..'"^«^'^»^^t^».^^«.t..'[,.#^.#^'[..,-,'»,.#w'|, .'m.*..*.,*..*..*.....'!^*..*....,'!^*^.....*..*.-*..*..*..*..*.'*..^'*.^-*
* ^ST'NB.C. CTCiM**!*
■^-^•-.Jm^*-^^^^-^-.-^^....^ 64
The Western Clarion.
Trade Marks
Copyrights Ac
Anyone sending », -sketch and detwrlptlon may
quickly ascertain our opinion free whether an
Invention Is probnbly patentable.  Communlca.
tlons strictly conudeiitfal. HANDBOOK on Patent*
Oldest agen«y_forsocarttiepatents.
i probnbly pat
__  agency tor secnrnigpf _.
Patents taken throuirb Munn A Co. receive
gpecial notice, without charge, In the
sent free. Oldest
Scientific Htncrican*
A. handsomely illustrated weekly. I-awst elf-
eolation of any scientific journal. Terms for
Canada, $3.75 a year, postage prejiaid. Bold by
all newsdealers.
MUNN ftCo.**''-""^",; New \ort
'   »-,.,...».   -*.-w^a,   cm,, tr a.    •***'a--K»n-r--<-r    «•<   *%
Removed to 518 Hornby Street
from 824 Pender Vancouver
Cf Printer
Book and
165  Hastings   Street West
VANCOUVER,   B.   0.
of these books selling
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    25c
Life of Jesus, Renan 25c
Age of Reason, Paine...... 25c
Merrie England  20c
God and My Neighbor,
Blatchford     25c
Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c
Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c
Evolution of the Idea of God,
Grant Allen  25c
Postage prepaid on books.
The People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
Ye solid*, the business of Manufacturers,
Bngineern and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Experts. Preliminary advice free. Charges
moderatfr. ©or Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion & Marion, New York I,ife Bldg,
Montreal; "nd Washington, P.C, U.S-A.
510 Dominion Trust Building
Vancouver, B.C.
A good
place to eat
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mulcahey, Prop.


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