BC Historical Newspapers

BC Historical Newspapers Logo

BC Historical Newspapers

Western Clarion Apr 2, 1910

Item Metadata


JSON: wclarion-1.0318839.json
JSON-LD: wclarion-1.0318839-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): wclarion-1.0318839-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: wclarion-1.0318839-rdf.json
Turtle: wclarion-1.0318839-turtle.txt
N-Triples: wclarion-1.0318839-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: wclarion-1.0318839-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

 (i      A^4.mo
Showing How, in Relation to Elections, Justice Moves in
a Mysterious Way its Wonders to Perform. Gatefully
Discriminating Between the Rich and the Unjust.
It is generally believed by the wise
and the unwise, philosopher and fool,
that somewhere in these sublunar regions there exists and has its being
an entity known by the name of just-
tice. Poems have been profusely penned in its praise. Apostrophles may
be found in almost whatsoever book
we choose to take up appealing to its
mights. Monuments of chiseled stone
and moulded brass have been erected,
always taking the form of a classic
female, blindfolded, with scales and
sometimes sword in hand; and the
rostrums and pulpits of all lands are
ever filled with panegyrics to this
same Justice. But what stuff 'tis
made from; whereof it is born, 1 bave
yet to learn. It manifests Itself in
the laws of the land. It is administered.
"Utter true it measures mete, its
faultless  balance  weighs.*'
Rich or poor; great or small; those
hlgtt in councils of state or the meanest crossing sweeper of us all, receive alike consideration at Its hands.
And like the laws of the M tides and
Persians it knows no change. JusUcc
is Justice, nothing el6e, neither to hobnailed shoes nor ermine gowns.
And yet we have some heterodox individuals who will rail sans intermission one hour by the town clock against
those who administer Justice; aye
even 'gainst Justice herself. Declaring
she has been corrupted; insinuating
that the sly minx has been peeping
through her eye bandage. "There is
a law for the rich and a law for the
poor; We did not get Justice," is a
cry as common in the land as the
crows "caw caw." To prove thlB,
many periodicals, place side by side
certain judgments, handed down by
the administrators of Justice, showing
that she is a parUal jade, who favors
tbe wealthy, great and high of place.
Labouchere's "Truth" is noted in this
respect. And the organ of social democracy "Justice" has produced like
examples at Intervals.
I have no desire to emulate these
shining literary lights, I ara content
to take the wold as it is. I do not
bow the knee to "Billlkln". I know
there are laws, enacted by the Master
Class, which slaves must obey. 1 know
that these laws are not enacted for the
master, but by him. So sayeth the
doctrine of the class struggle. Consequently I am saved considerable
worry. Things as they ought to be I
leave to the devotees of Billlkln, I
deal with tilings as they are.
So when an excuse Is offered by
any one on the plea that he did not
get Justice, I feel that there Is another obstacle to be removed from
the path of the dlsinhereteel. I am,
therefore, constrained to take a tilt
at Justice and her worshippers. I
should have done so earlier, but my
time is disposed of to the C. N. C. company for sixty cents per ton, and I nm
as a result, much concerned ln seeing
that said company gets Justice.
It was with considerable surpr
and no little chagrin that the Social
ists of Canada read Fernie Riding's fail
ure to produce the goods at the last
election. Many said if we had got
Justice we should have won, and
thereby hangs a tale.
When the- ballots were counted it
was found that some score or so bad
voted at two different polling booths.
Now the Provincial Elections Act of
B. C. expressly forbids such practices.
Caap. 17, sec. 92. "If any elector
shall vote at more than one polling
place in any one Electoral District,
he shall, on summary conviction before a Justice of the Peace, be liable
to a penalty of fifty dollars and all tbe
votes given by him shall be null and
Seeing that so many had violated
the provisions of this Act, in Fernle
Riding we demanded Justiqe. First at
the re-counting of the ballots—but the
returning officer asked us how he was
to determine for whom these repeat
ers voted, and of course we had to
admit that so far as absolute proof
was concerned, be bad no means to
Accordingly we did not get Justice
in this respect.    The Trainers of the
Act  threw  that  little  portion  In  as
extra measure, knowing full well the
Impossibility of carrying It out.   However, one of the successful candidat's
(W. R.  Ross),  staunchest supporters,
Lome Whelan, proprietor of the Nap-
anee Hotel, a citizen of some standing,
voted twice in lils own name.   We entered procedings against him, not however, under sec. 92 but sec 181 which
"Every person who—
(a)   Applies for a ballot paper in
the name of some otber person,
person living or dead,   or   of   a
person living or dead, or if of a
fictitious person; or
<b)    Having voted once at any such
election for a ballot paper In his
own  name—is  guilty  of pefsona-
atlon anil shall, etc., etc., penalty
not exceeding $4(10, and Imprisonment   for   a   term  not   exceeding
one year with or without hard la
We desired to get Justice and place
our   worthy   friend   behind   the  bars
However,  ere  the   trial  came  off in
Fernie, Lome   went   down   to   Elko,
where  he  had    voted,    had    himself
charged under Bee. I'I!. and was duly
fined $50.   The lawyer who defended
him against our charge called him an
easy mark, not in   pite   such   direct
and impolite terms, 1 might add. Our
legal friend held the sub-sec.   (b) sec
181, does not mean what It says, but
means something else, and the learned
administrator of Justice was so much
impressed by the logic of the lawyer,
that had our host of the Napanee not
been  in  such  a  "hooted'  hurry  and
not Have been possibly scared by tbat
one year hard labor, be owuld have got
Against the many others who repeated .and the many who impersonated, . excepting two cases, we took no
action. We had no money, being ln
debt from our audacity in running a
candidate, ami If we left the prosecution in the hands of the individual provided by a gererous government, we
were assured of Justice. This person
Is the chief ol police Arthur Samson
by name, an important looking creature, but about as nimble-witted as
an Idiot, and about as useful, in the
role of prosecuting attorney at least.
We invoked sec. 16G against a lumber-mill owner. This see. forbids the
giving of spiritous or fermented liquor
in any place, within the limits of any
electoral District during the whole or
the day of polling. This mill-owner,
Sandy  McDougall  and  Arthur  Sanip-
ber camps, the great Conservative
party must needs drag boys into its
dirty work. One of these, an Assyrian! pleaded guilty. I am not aware
how the case ended. Those who induced him to vote could also have bean
charged under sec. 181. but we could
not see much use la spending money
when we were already ln debt, arid
seeing that we had got .Justice in
tbe other cases. We failed to get one
conviction. Tom Wheelan, of course,
in his haste, getting one against himself, did not count in our favor.
Of course we could have had an
Election petition upon depositing five
hundred dollars, but if we failed to
obtain a conviction where the offence
was direct and glaring, how could we
hope to gain one in a general way
where the evidence was complicated,
and the offence covert. We tried to
get the sanction of several to call
them as witnesses, but they were married men with families. Some of tbe
hotel-keepers could have given incriminating evidence, but their licences were at 'stake, so there you are,
where are youj
Law costs money, tn no mean bulk
either. We have not got the wherewithal!, and the other fellow has. Be;
sides he makes the law; he appoints
the administrators, and that should
be enough. He is not loading the
dice against himself. When we get
a little more class conscious; a Little
more courageous, a shade more sane,
we may take a hand In the making of
laws, then we will have a chance; not
till then.
Fernie Riding was lost, not beacuse
we did not get Justice, but because we
had not enough Socialists with votes
to count the other fellow out. Socialists are what counts. Maka them,
they will do the rest. When we get
enough, It won't make much difference how the laws are framed. It
won't make much difference how many
non-voters go    to    the   Conservative
Committee rooms and get their names,
addresses and occupations written on
a slip ot paper in a large firm hand,
so they wont forget it. None of these
things will matter a—ah "hoot" (ahem
gee whiz Mc but I am getting righteous). We will get Justice then because we will be powerful enough to
take what we consider Justice.
"The goold old rule sufficient still,
the simple plan. That he may take
who has the power, and he may keep
who can." applies to Justice aud Freedom also. But I want to tell you this
in case some may not be aware of the
fact, that Justice and Freedom are
rated at a higher value than two-
hits a month. It will cost you more
than that to enforce your conception
of Justice and Freedom. It may suffice to keep you a bona fide member
of the Party, and therefore give you
full title ito abuse men who are sweat
ing blood, but it never can give you
surcease from slavery. He who would
he tree must not only strike the blow
himself but himself must pay the
price, which conjured up the eternal
hell of modern days, as Burns has it
"Damnation o' expenses."
J. H.
How the Tool, With Which SHan Upraised Himself From
Brutedom, Has Now Outgrown and Mastered Its Cn>
Dear Comrade;:—
I have just returned from a trip out
east of here, setting dates for Comrade Matthews to speak, getting
seven .different dates "and places for
him. Comrade Mathews lectures on
"The Necessity for Working Class
Political Organization." I have been
out twelve days and did lots of walking on my trip, but the roads were
generally good. I was as far east as
■Trochu, 40 miles out and go;, three
orders for the Western Clarion.
Please find P. 0. order for $3.00 enclosed, your truly,
A slave for the revolution, .
The Socialist movement is a political movement on the part of those who
are slaves to the rule of capital. So
in order to Interest our class in this
movement it is necessary to prove to
them that we are slaves, as there is
no place in a slave movement for those
who think they are free.
As the old hand tool developed Into
a machine it began to cripple, maim
and kill those who put it into operation. At the same time It forced the
old method of the production of things
for use into the background, and forced
the production of things for sale or
profit to  the  fore.
Also It produced a new master class
and a new form of slavery, wage slavery which had the very appearance of
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ freedom. This enabled the new mas-
Bon, chief of police were great friends. | terB •„ their flght for 8UI)remacy with
Sampson's wife, being the guest of the the (,i,| masters, to impart the idea of
mill man. So we were assured of freedom so as to Induce the slaves to
Justice. As Portia would say more fignt on the|,. 8|de. when slaves know
than we desired. After much argil- t-,ey are siaves, they are constantly
ment on the part of Mr. Eckstein who ln ,-evolt, making trouble and expense
appeared for Mr. McDougnl, the learn-|-or t|,e masters, but slaves  who can
ed   administrator   of   Justice   decided
that there was  no  evidence tr, show
be hypnotized or mentally chloroform
ed so as to itiake them believe they are
what had been  In  the bottles which | fre6| have no excuse for revolting, and
Mr. McDougall so lovingly pressed upon all and sundry, it might have been
prussic acid, or something equally dangerous to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, such as Postum,
Peruna, etc. Furthermore the evidence did not make his worBhip cognizant of whether the bottle had been
offered within the limits of the Fernie
Electoral Riding or any other Riding
and, in all justice to the acused, he
must turn him loose. Good old Justice! Dear old Law.' Precious Old
BritiBh Fair Play!
In several of the polling booths,
whiskey was openly given. In one,
Corbln, lt was on the table beside the
ballot box. I do not wish to be misunderstood here. I am not attempting
to show that whiskey was the cause of
our defeat, I am. merely trying to
prove that the election law ls a farce,
a piece of machinery convenient
enough in so far as it appears, to protect all candidates, while in reality it
Is, as Mr. Eckstein told the Judge
during the Whelan case, "A most in-
congrous measure."
Not content with voting miners who
had1 left tlie rldlttg 'or years! W Win-
the masters are therefore saved
trouble and expense.
All Ideas that come from masters to
slaves must be false, anyhow worthy
of suspicion. "Seek ye the truth and
the truth will make ye free." It is
therefore, evidenced that it is not the
masters' business to impart to us the
truth, in fact it is to their interest to
conceal from us the truth in-so-far as
they can.
Let us see how free we are. The
slave masters of old bought their
slaves and owned them outright. Why?
Because it enabled them to exact from
their slaves all they produced excepting a slave's porlion, enough to enable
them to continue to slave.
The next social order was feudalism,
the serfs were not owned by the nobility, so it would appear that they were
free, but things are seldom as they
Before we investigate a thing, that
ls, before we study It, we have certain conceptions of it, after we Btudy
or investigate, In most cases w_e find
that the conceptions we formerly had
were false.    For instance, before I
studied Socialism 1 used to put up a
straw Socialism of my own, tear it all
to pieces and then pat myself on the
back. Socialism was easy to me. But
after studying the movement I found
the conceptions I formerly had were
So too, with these serfs, while they
were not owned by the nobility, they
were not free. The nobility owned the
soil that the serfs must have access
to In order to live. What benefits came
to the nobility by owning the soil?
Why the same benefits that came to
the slave masters by owning the slaves. It enabled the nobility to exact
from the serfs all they produced except a slave's portion.
The next Social ord-er is the one In
which we find ourselves, capitalism, under which a small and ever decreasing
number of the population own most
all the means of wealth production.
What benefits accrue to the modern
capitalist by owning that which we
must have access to in order to live?
Why the same benefit lhat came to the
nobility by owning the soil that the
serfs had to have access to; and the
Same benefit that came to the slave
masters by owning the slaves. It enables the capitalist class to exploit
from us all we produce except a slave's
What is the motive of slavery? Why
did one portion of the human family
family ever enslave the other? Simply
to get the product of the slaves' toil.
That is all there ever was to slavery.
Surely the modern capitalist gets the
product of our toil. True we are free
to quit any particular capitalist concern and try for employment with some
other, but we cannot quit the capitalist
class. They who own that which I must
have access to in order to live, control
my life. They who control my life
are my masters and 1 am their slave.
Never before in the history of human
kind was it possible to produce so
much necessaries and comforts of life
with so little labor as at the present
time, yet we are slaves.
With slaves, as with all other things
when the supply is greater than the
demand, they are deserving of less
consideration, for instance, turnips, unless It be to move them to avoid a
strong smell.  So too with slaves. Eng-
How long ago, who can say, so
many ages have passed and gone, so
many changes in our shifting existence, so many weary epochs flown
since that momentuous day wben our
remote ancestor first made the tool,
to be his servant in the hard task of
getting a living. Before the dawn of
written history, before, it may be the
era of articulate speech, before Egypt
raised he flrst collection of mud huts
by the life-giving Nile. Before Babylon's hanging gardens were dreamed
of, before Tyre existed, when Athens
was not.
Imagine him there, huge and ugly,
tusked like a tiger, covered in hair,
hardly able yet to stand upright
crouching ln some dim lit cave furtively thinking, yes I imagine we may
call lt thinking. In one hand a lump
of flint, roughly hewn to the semblance of an axe, things, thinking,
pondering over the terrible problem,
how to fit a handle. Light comes at
last and lo the axe Ib made, the tool
complete, from that day onward, a new
factor has arisen, a new environment
is created, an economic one.
Man made the tool to be his servant and his help, and so for a time it
was. By its aid he slew the larger
animals for meat, hewed out a rough
canoe, to go fishing, hacked down trees
to keep his fire burning, lived a better, easier lite, because Be tnough.
Flint, I Imagine, was cheap and wood
Inexpensive- to make a stone axe at
first a hard task, became in time easier and because it had started a new
train of ti oi ,-'ht, behold it presently
polished and ornate.
These were grand times, good Comrades, food for all who would but go
a hunting, right was, as it ls to-day,
might, life was easy, love free to all.
Rough drawings carved upon a cave
wall, etched, we hardly know how,
upon a reindeer bone, tell of heroic
combats in the darksome woods and
ot mighty gorging in the fire-lit caves.
Here is the early beginning of the
machine age, here was sown the seed
which presently should blossom out into our present-day macbinery.
The lowly paleolithic axe—the gigantic complexity of our modern macbinery; a strange contrast Indeed, yet
there can be no doubt that the former
was the progenitor of the latter. I
cannot but think that from the contemplation of this, its first essay in
mechanics, mankind has progressed.
Upon and because of this old rough
stone, wedged upon a yanl of wood,
Mankind has triumphed over nature,
has harnessed the powers of the universe, has mounted lo giddy heights
of power, alas only to become Ihe abject Blnve of lis own creation. I have
heard it said that some other force
was working beside the economic one
called Ideologic. Well, suppose it was,
today the economic has bo far overpowered the Ideologic, as to annex It
for Its own use.   Ideology becomes to-
land, tor Instance, where the unemployed arc so numerous in such small
space. They are dangerous to capitalist property. So they are trying to scatter them over Canada and elsewhere.
In olden times slaves were not so
plentiful, and tbey received such con-
ideralion as to enable them to live
on the average about three score years
nd ten. Now with millions of
slaves idle In every empire in the
world, we are deserving of ho little
consideration that our average life is
about 3,1 years.
The first law of nature is self prcser-
ailon, they say a worm will squirm to
preserve Its life. Finding ourselves
going down, we first squirm Individually. Then we find the age of Individualism has gone by; that the Individual effort is futile. Then we commence to squirm collectively; to reform the society In which we find ourselves. And then we find It cannot
be reformed. England with all her reform laws is a striking example. Then
we commence to squirm collectively
for the overthrow of the rule of capital and its slave society. Such Ib the
Socialist movement.
day the reflex of economic conditions,
Primitive man was master of his
axe, bat slowly the position changed
and behold the modern axe, master oi
its man. Consider the proletarian,
slave to a machine, miserable servitor
of an Inexorable mass of fashioned
iron, burled under the Juggernaut
wheels of modern industry, mangled
and crushed, maimed and killed; fasl
as the stricken fall, thousands rush li
with joyous crys to become In turf
victims of their metal master.
Wretched wage slaves how long!
man, truly made in the image of got
(the machine) is'Oils all your life il
for Were you born into this worlrj
to grind, grind, grind at the command
of a devilish machine. Behold you
ln your slave uniform, as like one ah'
other as any other machine product,
working at set times and at high running power, stopping only to cool of)
and for oil. Living machine, thinking
machine, dreaming machine. Youi
lives are ordered by machinery and
often just to prove who Is boas you
are whirled aloft upon some swift run
nlng belt and dashed to the ground
a bloody mess. At Its strident com
mand you.dash to do its bidding, anil
anon it bellows you back again tt
your machine-made home—If any. Yot
are so many little cogs ln this gtan'
machine, and like all machinery. v.he\
you are worn out are replaced b]
others, you being consigned to thl
scrap heap. Rusted and broken uj
you die, no doubt blessing this glorloui
age of machinery.
The primitive axe caused a new line
of thought in man, has the modem
axe taught you not to think at all
Was this wild savage, hairy and, foul
a better man than yOu are to-day. Car
you not hear the voice of your lro*|
tyrant always saying, "He Who would
direct must own me, he Is my mastei
who directs; properly governed I an
a wonderful servant, but no man il
master of me today, no or all mankind
'tis I who am master, and so I shal
remain until that day whep you ar<
wise enough." Are you not wis*
enough yet? Will you never cast of]
the fetters of mechanical domination!
And direct where now you must obey!
You may think tbe capitalist ia
master of the machine, he is not. Doei
he own a factory or railway? Does h*
own a fleet of ships or many mines!
still he Is not master, rio or the wholi
Capitalist class, who, between tbem
own the machine arc not Its masters
but simply its owner. Masters of mei
they are, but of the machine never
"He Is my master who directs," am
there Is the rub, for they cannot direc
it, behold It directs them. There ii
but one way to own nnd direct thlt
machine and that Is collectively. Unit-
Is strength disunited as we are to-day
masters and slaves constantly war
ring, our Moloch of si caul und stee
grinds us In the mire. Thu' Capital
is class Is like the farmer who wal
gored to death by a bull he owned
Hayseed was owner by law, but yoi
would hardly say he was maBter
nevertheless his relations foughl
amongst themselves for ownership, foi
observe, his bullshlp was worth $2,000
The days of the capitalist class ar«
numbered, my lord the machine hal
spoken, but in the meantime, with yot
might, say, a sense of humor, he
simply overpowers them with his pro
ducts; stifles them as it were wltl
nniiiiia. They are like a boy dyin*
from a gorge of oranges and pop
Machinery rules. The Invention 01
steam which gave Ihe capitalists a
great lift Incidentally sealed theli
doom, a funny situation, and the much
Ine must certainly be enjoying its lit
tie joke. The capitalist lives In lux
ury and fear for his existence. Con
slant improvement in mnchlneiy, con
stant industrial war abolishes thi
weaker capitalist, and wealth nnd thi
ownership of the machine contract)
Into an ever narrowing circle; surviv
al of the Attest. The smaller cap!
talist feels the pinch flrst, the iroi
heel grinds him Into the proletariat
ranks.   Work comes to a standstill it
SATURDAY,   APRIL  2nd,   1910.
Ihe Western Clarion
-fnbllehea every Saturday by ths
■sctallet Party of Canada, at tha Office
at tha Western Clarion, Flack Blook
■s.ement, 166 Haetlnge Street, Vanoou-
**•*■, n o.
fljM V*T Tear, 60 oents for Bis Months,
at oents for Three Months.
Btrlotly  ln   Advance
Bundles  of   t>  or   more copies,   for  a
Krlod of not less than three months, at
• rate of one cent per copy per Issue.
Advertising  rates  on  application.
If you receive this paper,  it ls  paid
'ta making remittance! by cheque, ex-
■fcsnge must be' added. Address all
communications and make all money
orders payable to
Bax MS. Vancouver, B. 0.
Watch the label on your paper. If this number Is on it,
jour subscription expires the
next issue;:.
8ATURDAY,  APRIL 2nd,  1910.
"Editor World.—There's a whole lot
aof talk nowadays about remedying
certain civic evils and affairs. City
-councils have taken upon themselves
<o regulate certain vehicle fares, etc.,
:jbut nothing is ever done to curb the
.soulless grabbing of that highway rob-
iher—the landlord—the man who Is on
time each month tb collect his rent
in order to insure his permanent resi
dence on Easy streeet. The poor,
struggling shopkeeper, in very many
-cases, Is kept Jumping sideways to
keep pace with his landlord's visits.
There are certain stores on Hastings
street which are rented at most outrageous figures, one in particular being $800 per month tor this year and
9900 next year. Several storekeepers
of late have been forced to vacate
owing to the high rents. When is this
■extortion going to stop? It ls contrary
-to all reason, and nothing but sheer'
'hoggishness, against which the storekeeper is apparently helpless. The
-state ought to step tn and at least
jirotect him."
"Indignant Protest."
—Vancouver World
e    e    e
Good. "Poor struggling shopkeep-
war." we give heartfelt thanks to the
jgoAs for your existence, for some-
avhat, among other things, It compensates us for our own. Your "indignant protest" is music to our ears. We
jove to hear you wail.
"City Councils have taken upon
^themselves to regulate certain vehicle
.tare, etc." Ergo they should regulate
-.store rents. Quite bo. Also, while
• .they are about it, they might regulate the prices of the goods you sell.
Ah, but no. Your prices are by no
means to be characterized as "contrary to all reason and nothing but
-sheer hoggishness." You only charge
.reasonable prices, as set by that public-spirited body, the Retail Hucksters
Association.    You are ln business to
-serve the dear public, Not under any
-consideration  would you stoop to re-
i side anywhere in the neighborhood of
.Easy street.
Really we cannot for the life of us
-see why "that highway robber—the
.landlord—ls not satisfied with legitim-
-,-ate returns, like yours, for Instance.
TVe are sure he would feel much better. Of course, If he reduced his rent
•to a reasonable figure, you would at
once take that much off the provender,
- or whatever It Is, that you sell us.
'Wouldn't you? It would be the very
-first thing that would occur to you.
However, we are afraid that land-
lords are just naturally born with soul-
Jess, grabbing, dispositions, and, you
.know, "you cannot change human nature."   As to the state stepping in to
.^protect you, we are afraid that would
.be class legislation of the rankest kind
and would, moreover, be an unwarranted and unprecedented interference
•with the sacred right of property,
which he has lawfully acquired by ln-
<cdustry and.thrift, no doubt.
Anyway you are a free born British
--subject (lt serves you right if you are
aiot) and you don't have to be a Blave
■ -to any landlord. Tell him to go to—
.North Battleford—with his store. You
.can get another one. What? IU $800
•too? We weep for you. It looks to
jib that there is no hope for you, except, as yau are a pious person and
-gererally a good Christain when you
Are not a Jew, it may avail you to go
.-down   on  your   knees  and   pray  the
•-.Giver of all good things to send you
,-ra kind, Christian, landlord.
Let 'em all come. If we may offer our
aid, provided that the collective ownership of something be an ultimate
aim, we know of some very raw material we could profitably lend them.
Of course this opens up a couple of
questions, among others—whale does
the Labor Party want? And what do
we want with a Labor Party?
As to the flrst, so far as we have
been able to ascertain, the Labor Parly
as a inline consideration wants to get
somebody somehow elected. Furthermore, wo understand from Ramsay
Maedonald, that the Labor Party's
chief strength Ilea in the fact that
it has no programme. This beautiful
arrangement will allow everybody to
want whatever he fancies, which gives
the tabor Party a much to be desired
breadth in contradistinction to Hie
narrowness of the Socialist Party. As
a Party the British Labor Party seems
to want all the things that the Liberal Party wants and a lot more besides. "When you can't get all you
want, you have to take what you can
get." So the Labor Party is content
to take what the Liberal Party wants
and wait for the rest.
As to what we want with a Labor
Party, that should be clear enough.
Owing to the pertinacious agitation of
the Socialists, and an unbroken succession of non-success on the industrial field,,Labor is awakening to the
necessity of going into politics and
'will not even be content with rewarding its friends and punishing its enemies. Hence it is particularly essential that it should go into politics under proper auspices lest it be misled
Into the camp of the Socialists.
For our part we are by no meaus
inclined to "view with alarm" the advent of a "Labor Party." We rather
doubt the possibility of It materializing in Canada even under the very
best of auspices, but If it does it wlll
at any rate provide a home for the
politically homeless.
Press despatches inform us that
-iOfflcials of the A. F. ot L, are planning the formation of a "Labor Party"
<llke they 'ave at 'ome). In Canada
also, a similar move is being made under auspices equally above suspicion.
Editor Western Clarion,—As I know
that your time ia fully ocupied, I will
make my message to you as short as
posible and right to the point.
The Expressmen in the United
States and Canada in the employment
of the great express companies for the
past thirty years have many times endeavored to organize and become a
recognized body of expressmen. On
every occasion, all who took part in
such organization were promptly discharged from their positions.
The expressmen are overworked
and underpaid and in case of grievances have no tribunal to appeal to.
Their masters are judge, jury and
prosecuting attorney. At present they
dare not mention that they are in sympathy with an order, or out they go.
They are shown no mercy.
The expressmen want to organize.
If they were protected until they
formed their order and filled their
ranks, they would muster one hundred
thousand strong and could protect
themselves afterwards. They have an
agent at every station, and agents,
clerks, drivers and transfermen in all
towns and cities in the United States
and Canada, as well as thousands of
messengers on tbe passenger trains,
almost every passenger train has some
or more messengers, thousands of
clerks in the large cities. When combined, these men and their families
number hundreds of thousands. They
have no voice in their business outside
their duties. The companies look on
them and act towards them, as a general thing, as a lot of nobodies represented hy nobody.
The express companies are wealthy.
They pay a large dividend on the capital invested in the business and on all
kinds of stock, hundreds of millions of
which do not represent one dollar's
worth of property or one dollar Invested. They call this watered stock.
The management is well paid. They
have their annual and semi-annual
meetings to discuss their interests.
Why should the express employees
not be allowed to have their brotherhood and hold their meetings the same
as the officials and all the other
branches of labor?
Could not a bill be put through legislature preventing the companies
from dismissing their employees for
forming or joining such an order?
Such a law is required for the protection of ail honest wage-earners. The
companies have all kinds of laws to
protect them but the employees have
not one that I know of. In six months
from the time such a law as this
would come In force, the expressmen
would have an order, tens of thousands strong. They would realize and
enjoy what they have been anxious to
obtain for thirty years.
Or again, would it be possible to
have the Brotherhood of Railway
Trainmen take the express messengers In their order, or under their protection? If this could be arranged, the
messengers would enjoy their rights
but the other employees would be still
left out in the cold.
Could you get some flrst class man
to take this matter tn hand and see it
through? Here is a chance to create
one of the grandest orders ln existence. Here ls a chance for a man to
become a benefactor to    a    hundred
thousand expressmen and their families, who will be the means of adding
comfort and happiness to tens of thousands of homes, who will be blessed
by all expressmen in this country.
If you can help the expressmen in
this matter please ("lo so, and you may
he richly rewarded. With your experience you may know just what move to
make.—R. D.
*    e    •
The trouble is that our experience
will not help you. Your own experience should.
Think of It. One hundred thousand
strong, and looking for a.Moses. 111-
palil, overworked and "shown no mercy," "treated as a lot of nobodies represented by nobody," and yet asking
why you are nott accorded rights and
privileges. Why? Ilecause you are
nobodies. You are mere packages of
merchandise and by no means as valued merchandise as the packages you
Your masters are "judge, jury and
prosecuting attorney.' Why not? Do
not they buy your services, and shall
not the buyer judge whether the article suits him?
And you would organize? You,
when "you dare not mention that you
are in sympathy with an order or out
you go." Why is it they can let you
out thus without inconvenience? Is It
not because they have no difficulty in
filling your places? Do not a dozen
just like you stand watting for your
job? Were you most thoroughly organized even In our most up-to-date,
though at present somewhat down-at-
the-heel, organization, would that materially reduce the number or the necessity of that eager dozen on the
anxious seat? What have you to organize? What skill or training to
give you a vantage ground? Can not
any common laborer among us who
can lift a parcel and read a label fill
your position?
Go to. Your complaint in the matter of wages and hours is groundless
Your masters, the express companies,
are righteous and just in the sight of
Mammon. They pay you a fair wage.
If you believe me not, ask them. They
pay the market price for your class of
labor power; the least at which lt can
be got. That their wage is fair is
proven by the fact that, when they
find it advisable to dispense with your
services, they experience no difficulty
in filling your place. If they did, they
would have to raise your wages, and
until they do they don't have to. If
you don't like their wages and hours,
you are free to quit. That is the freedom your fathers fought for, and you
vote for.
As to their "watered stock." Don't
you worry about that. Every dollar of
their capital ls represented by property—and you are that property.
What? A law to prevent discrimination? Absurd. Who ever heard of a
company discriminating against Its
employees? Not Bowser, nor McBride, nor any legislator of repute.
And then a law against the express
companies of all people; to protect
nobodies; when a U. S. parcels post
cannot be obtained by all the agitation
and supplication of the smaller capitalists aided and abetted by all the
magazines and journals whose advertising columns they patronize.
And once obtained, pray who will
enforce such legislation? And how?
If I hire you can I not fire, you as well
because of the tint of your nose as be
cause of the color of your opinions?
Admittedly it would cost you enormous effort to "organize." And then
what? Look round on those who are
organized, excepting some few who
have some advantage of skill which
you have not, and tell ub what comfort and happiness has been added
unto them.
Even more difficult would it be for
you to have legislation passed ln your
old by legislators financed by your
masters and their like. And then
what? Look around on those such as
you who have had laws passed for
their protection and tell us what measure of protection it lias won them.
There ls no help for you thus. Under capitalism you may receive nothing more than you are receiving.
Only in bending your energies to
capitalism's overthrow lies your salvation. There the force of your hundred thousand could be felt to some
purpose, and there only.
(Continued from Page 1)
the -smaller factories and the slaves
are dirven out to find another master.
Labor saving machines, ln themselves
so gigantic that only large capitalist
can own them, supplant more labor
and so onward. The ranks of the
workers swell to an enormous,extent,
fierce competition for jobs forces the
price of labor power down to and below the subslstance point, and do you
really know where the subslstance
point is?
The slave can only buy back a very
small portion of that he produces and
the rest, except In the case of luxuries for the non-producing class,
must bo sent abroad for to find a market, hut where? Africa, Egypt, 1 er-
sla, India, China, in fact all the one
time markets are being closed up,
choked  with  an  abundance  of  Occi
dental wares. Countries once barbaric have taken upon themselves the
yoke of capitalism and begin to produce for their own master class.
Wlnie then is this surplus product
to he dumped? Nowhere, unless a
way is found to build a railway to
Mars or some other planet. The end
musi be plain to you: our master (he
machine will whirl us Into Industrial
ananliy a thousand times worse than
It is today, Mow long before you will
sec this, you proletarians?
"Go  Count your dead  by  the   Forges
nnd  see the price you  must pay  for
servitude to an  iron  master.
Then you, the capitalist clas3. what
are you but the product of machinery?
You wear the machine uniform, your
children in infancy are dominated by
its sinister shadow, their very toys
are models of railways or steamships,
clockwork cranes and miniature mining machinery. Later they play, when
the slave child ls already gi hiding
out its little life in your factories,
with autos and motor launches, flying
machines and I know not what else.
The men amongst you, the majority
kinel enough fathers and husbands, at
the command of the machine become
incarnate devils. Sunday school teachers, some of you; members of churches, sincere, too, I believe you are,
will In the stress of machine rule cast
off any restraint you may have felt
while under the influence of religion
and call out your troops to slay the
workers. Your law courts, your parliaments, your soldiers, your sailors,
are all kept in being to make and enforce laws ln favor of our common
muster. Do not think I have any sympathy for you of the master class.
You will die of surfeit, we of starvation; you stand embattled under the
black flar of industrial piriacy. We
stand under ihe red, red flag of the
common blood brotherhood, face to
face, and sympathy there can be none,
until your flag of tyranny is torn
down and you as a master class swept
away. How far away that day is, who
can say or how near? Coming it is
and ever our ranks are swelling, ever
yours grow slimmer.
For those who pass up and down
before the two hosts crying peace!
peace! where no peace can be, I have
less than the ordinary stock of patience. Already the skirmishers are
engaged and soon the battle wlll be
fully joined. I have said unity ls
strength and there Is but one way to
unity. The class war is that way;
when Nike the winged victory shall
perch upon our banners, when the
master class shall cease to be, then
we can turn our hands, workers all.
to subdue and shackle our erstwhile
common master. While we wage war
against each other, the machine ls
our boss, when we unite In one class
the working class, we shall be able to
control It and not before. In thai
great day not many years hence we
hope, mankind shall at last rise to
its real level. No longer the servant
of economic laws but to a tremendous
extent their master. Free humanity
will look with wonder upon that paleolithic axe and upon the giant machine and perhaps never realize how
from that lowly stone tool grew up a
terrible tyrant. Will perhapB never
understand how humanity one and all
bowed down and suffered under its
iron yoke.
Prolelarlans of all countries, join
hnnds; unity Is strength, and there Is
no going back now. Your boats are
burned—onward to victory!
Mr.  Editor,
Looking up some Old Country papers
I read some of the election news. At
a meeting of a Conservative candidate,
questions were asked for, several were
sent up, among them was the following:
"If, us Mr. Balfour states, a two
two shillings per quarter tax on wheat
would tend to reduce the price of
bread, how much tax would have to be
imposed so that the consumer may
obtain bread entirely free.?"
The candidate replied that he could
not work a rule of three sum out in
his head. I have been trying to work
this out on paper and have been thinking this problem over for several days.
I was going to get records of the
amount of wheat sent in by the various
countries, so as to get at some solution, then it dawned upon me what
if Patten and his clique form a corner
ln wheat.
I give this up ln despair, perhaps
you Mr. Editor or some of our comrades would like to work this rule of
three sum.
I remain, yours in revolt,
Socialist Directory
ggW Every Local of the Socialist Parly o<
I'anada should run a card under thia bead
$1.00 per month.     Secretaries please note.
Socialist Party of Canada Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 836, Vancouver,
B. C.
Kxecutlve Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. Q. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box  836,   Vancouver.   B.  C.
Committee. Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday ill
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in the province. _ .
P. Oxtoby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary, Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuesdays in the nieuitli at I2I'J' Adelaide M
Any reader of the Clarion clc-ririiig information :l,out the movement in Manitoba, or who
wisher, to join the Party please noinmunieate
with the undersigned.- ,W. H. Stebbiug, Sec.
Ile.i Good St.
Committee. Meets In Labor Temple, 167
'•hurch St.. Toronto, on 1st and 3rd
Wednesdays. Organizer, W. Gribble, 134
Hogarth Ave., Toronto. P. C. Young,
Secretary, 940 Pape Ave.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box 13, Olace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 161 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
Propaganda and business meetings at
S p.m. every .Sunday evening In the
Edison Parlor Theatre. Speakers
pusalng through lievelstoke are Invited to attend. B. I*. Gayman, Secretary.    \V.  W. Lefeaux, Organlzor.
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. In headquarters on First Ave
lult'l, Williams. See., Ladysmlth, B. C
LOOAL MOYIE,  B, O., NO. 30 luXST*
uve,1y ,?,u."da"' ',V30„P'm'   '"   McGregor
Hall   (Miner's Hall),   Mrs.   Thornley,
Secretary. "
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p. m. U. Campbell, Secy., P. O
Dox. °7.4' R?"«land Finnish Branch-
meets In Flnlanders" Hall, Sundays at
7:80 p. m A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
766 Rossland, B: C. »
every   Friday   evening  at   8   p.m.,   in
Miners'   Hall    Nelson,   B.   C.      c    a
Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
LOOAL PHOENIX, NO. 8. S.  P.  OP 0.,
meets every Sunday at «:30 p.m., IB-
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organizer.    H. K. Macinnis, Secretary.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T. H
dpMach n Box 647. Secretary, A. Mac
iiaid, Organizer,    Box 647.
P of C, meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HalL
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
LOOAL   VANCOUVER,   B.   O.,   NO.    45,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, win. Myntti
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda
meetings every Sunday at Grand
Theatre.      K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOCAL NANAIMO, NO. 3,  S. P. of C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clockl
Jack  Place,  Rec.  Secy.,  Box  826.
Meets every Sunday night ln the
Miners' Hall and Opera House st t
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Headquarters 6U2 First St,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp-
Our Reading Room ls open to the public free, from 10 a-m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer. T. Blssett, 322 Fourth.
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Hull, 120 1-3 Adelaide Stxee
opp. Koblin Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. Secretary, J, W. Hilling,
270 Young St; Organizer, V. McDougall, 424.
Jarvis St
LOCAL   FERNIE,   S.   P.   Of   O,   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business meeting flrst Sunday In each
month, same place at 2:30 p m
David Peiton, Secy, llox mi
C, meets every Sunday ln Miners
Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
mouth.    Geo   H.Uiherton,   Ijrgielli-er;  R  ;J
Campbell, Secre'ary. Box 124.
of 0.—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays ln the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3:|$ o'clock at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' class
every Thursday at 8:00 0 clock at Labor
Tempe. J.   Stewart,  Secretary,
62 Seaton St.
LOOAL  OTTAWA,  NO.  S,   S.  P.   OP  O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Roberts-
Allan Hall, IS Kldeau St. A. G. lie
Collum, 68 Slater St., Secretary.
C., meets every Become and last hriday 111
each month, rims, Chancy Secretary, Hox
127, Vernon, B. C.
S3, B. P. of O.—Meets every Sunday ln
hall tn Empress Theatre Block at 8:00
p.  m.    Angus Mclver,  Secretary.
LOCAL MARA, B. C, NO. 34, S. P. Of O.
Meets first Sunday In every month In
Soclallst Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
LOOAL  COBALT,   NO.  t,  B.  T.  OP  a
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hall. Everybody invited to attea-d.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOOAL   BERLIN,   ONT.,   NO.   4,   B.   T.
ot C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., 66
King St. '•".. opposite Market HoteL
V. a. Ilintz, -sec., 98 West Lancaster Street.;
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Mocdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G.
Ross, Financial Secretary, cilice ln D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union
McKenzie King, minister of labor,
speaking on the Eight-hour Bill in the
House of Commons, began by saying,
"I am in favor of the principle of the
eight-hour day." The balance of his
speech was taken up showing the absolute impossibility of passing the
If you are opposed to Socialism,
studv it, that you may be able to attack it logically and sensibly, and If
you are Inclined to believe In It, study
lt that you may be able to give good
reasons for your belief, says Victor
R. Midgley, in the Lathers' Journal.
mesne ere usually socialists. Better look Into
the question (or yourself. Write your addreee
on the lines below, mail us tbe coupon with 10
cents, end ton wlll (et a hundred.pegs Illustrated maiailne and a SB-pate lllastreted book
that wlll help you decide very quickly which
side you ere on,
Hand Bt* two-cent stamps.   AddrtM
Charles H. Kerr 4 Co.. 134 Khile St, CMca-o.
What all married people and
those contemplating marriage,
ought to know. By W. K. C.
Larson, M. D.; and John Cowan,
M. D. $3.00 by mail. Dr.
Browne's True Marriage Guide,
$1.60 by mail.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St. "W.
A. F. Cobb
Merchant Tailor
OKotoKs,   Alberta
For every ault sold through
this advertisement I will give
$2.00 to tha circulation of tha
Western Clarion.
1. Writs me for sample* of
2. Mention the price you want
to pay for ault
3. Compare my sample with
the price.
4. If suitable, send me deposit ot $5.00.
6. I will guarantee to deliver
suit to fit within three weeks.
6. Clarion will acknowledge
receipt of $$.00 from m* whan
mlt is paid for.
Suite to measure from $1640
Propaganda Meeting |
Sunday Evening, 8 o*Clock
City Hall
B. C. SATURDAY,  APRIL 2nd,  1910.
Tb'- Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Charter   (with    necessary    supplies to start Local)  $5.00
Membership  Cards,  each    01
Dues Stamps, each 11
Platform  and  application  blank
per 100   25
Ditto ln Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukrainian, per 100 50
Ditto ln Italian, per 100     .50
Constitutions, each 20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen 60
Collected by Geo. Paterson — $ 16.00
Collected by C. Chaney  37.00
Collected by W. H. Tucker.... .60
Collected by   H.   C.   D.   Gilde-
meester     31.25
Collected by j. Ford..:  2.25
Collected by J. Stewart  -.50
Collected  by  A.   Leitnen;  7.45
Collected by Cyril Rosoman... 26.00
Collected by W. Wiimlka  12.75
Collected by Fred Dean. ..•.■; .,•. ...5,35
Collected by C.  H. Lake  39.00
Collected by j. F. Johnson  26.75
Collected by E.  F. Wiltshire.. .50
Collected by Alex McLennan.. 17.50
Collected by J. W. S. Logle.... 25.00
Contribution  by  Geo.  Jordan.. .25
Contribution by Alf Johnson.. 2.00
Contribution by Thos. Gray 50
Contribution by Eli Watersoni. 1.00
Collected  at    Meetings    Local
VernOn     40.55
Collected at Meeting    at    Enderby     26.00
Collected    at    Meeting    Local
Mara     2.00
Total    ." $320.00
Hall   Rent,   Hullcar $ 10.00
Hall Rent, Vernon      5.00
Hall Rent, Armstrong      5.00
Hall Rent,  Penticton       3.00
Hall Rent, Salmon Arm       1.00
Stationery         2.20
Postage and Express         9.02
Printing    !     35.00
Literature        41.75
Sundry Expenses 43
Transportation          5.65
Telegrams and Telephone       2.30
Deposit      100.00
Candidate's Expenses     43.25
Voters' Lists         3.00
.1. Fitzgerald, Expenses      20.00
Expenses  Grib'e's  Tour       8.00
By   Balance  on  hand     26.60
Total    $320.00
On behalf of Campaign Committee,
Accounts audited and found correct,
March  13th, 1910.
There are three receipt books out
yet. supposed to be lost.
The balance of $26.60 was upent as
$13.30 voted towards Provincial Org.
Fund; $13.30 voted towards Clarion
Maintenance Fund.
Revelstoke, B. C.
March 23rd, 1910
Editor Western Clarion:—
When i was back east a bit, where,
by the way my eyes were first opened to the light of freedom, I used to
oft-times Bay to the comrades there,
that I hoped to sometime be able to
get out to British Columbia, where
tbe "real reds" blossom.
Well, when the opportunity, or rather the necessity, came and drove me
out here, I resolved to watch and listen
to the new and hazardous ways of
knocking holes Into the heads of the
working plugs that something might
leak In. But much to my amazement,
after being segregated In thlB burg
for a few months, I have failed to see
or hear of any Improvement on my
"back east" methods, and dear reader
let me Impress upon your mind right
here that my eyesight ts good and my
bearing the best.
It was reading the letter of Comrade
Stafford's of March 19th, that made
me resolve to write thla. There were
many before him too, complaining of
members of the Party who take no interest in propaganda work. He says It
Ih beyond his comprehension. Well
I am not going to say that, I don't say
I know but here's my gueBs that if
the memberB of the Party would devote more of their time to devising
ways and means of spreading the gospel Instead of chewing the rag about
whether we are robbed most In the
cradle or the grave and other Buch
subjects that interest would not lag
to the same extent as it does now.
It seems that not only are Individual
memberB neglecting propaganda but
whole locals are falling asjeep. Now
a word to you delinquents.    What do
you think this Party Is? An old worn
nn's debating club? Do you think that
you pay your two-bits a month for the
privilege of getting together once in a
while ami chuckling to each other
that "we're all slaves, but hush, the
other fellow doesn't know It?" Do
you think, because you make a big
holler every election time, that you are
doing all that's necessary? This Party
has only one thing that it exists for
and that is the "education of the working class" If you are not doing your
best to this end, you are carrying that
due book under false pretenses, wheth-
or Its paid to date or not, and If any
bunch of you have a charter hanging
on the wall It ought to be taken down.
Don't think that because you read
Marx from cover to cover (with the
covers facing you perhaps) and can
rhyme- off a five cent pamphlet by
heart that you have all the knowledge In the world, even if you had
you owe that knowledge to this Socialist Party arid its up to you to use
it in aiding this Party in its mission.
Unless you are doing propaganda work
you are not earning that stamp in your
due book.
This movement is no Sunday school
picnic, its based on a class struggle,
a fight, and a fight to a finish. It is
not sufficient for a member of this
Party to know what Socialism is. He
must be able to impart this knowledge
to others and continuously do so. I
don't deny, that taking you as a whole,'
you B. C. Reds have the knowledge,
but for action, continuous action, look
a little farther east.
Now anyone of you, who don't like
what I have said, just grab your typewriter (the machine, I means), and
send along your objections. Thanks
to the knowledge I have received from
the Party, the number of enemies I
make falls to ruffle my silk underwear.
Still on deck as,
There seems no utterance ln all the
writings of Socialism which is so obstinately ignoreel by the comrades than
lhat which is contained in the words
"workers of the world unite."
Considering the Intolerant spirit of
infallibility with which comrades robe
themselves, and the bitter and venomous spleen which they show towards
olher Socialists who have apparently
not been blessed with their gigantic
brain power, it makes us think there
must be something which either they
or we do not understand in those
words, "workers of the world unite."
We have stood amazed as we have
seen them hacking right and left with
their broadswords amongst their fellow workers crushing skulls of all
kinds, Stltterers, Graysonlans, Hardies, Campbelloons, Untermonsters
aud various other misguided men, and
then they have appealed to the general herd who were looking on at their
inglorious work with "workers of the
world unite."
Oh that some of our brilliant essayists gifted with dissecting genius
would strip the skin and flesh off that
so simple phrase and tell us exactly
what he thinks It means.
How are we to unite? What are we
to unite? Does lt mean that we are
to boll down the gray matter of our
brains and run It into a huge think-
tank where lt may be stamped by the
gods with the correct views on Socialism, religion, science, marriage, and
everything else? Really, some expositors of the text would make ub think
If any man imagines that there wlll
ever be a party unanimous on all
points, trivial as well as vital, he had
better quit the field for he ls beating
the air. Unanimity is eternally impossible and moreover if lt were possible lt would mean stagnation and
death to the cause. But unity in diversity is possible. We can have one
purpose without having one mind. We
can believe in our platform without
agreeing as to the speediest means of
making its aims possible. We can
unite on the essential basis of Socialism with England and Germany and
France and America and other countries. And if Socialism is to be a universal movement ln reality as lt ls in
name, our racial and national and local prejudices must be sunk ln the
common cause of Incessant warfare
against capitalism.
Can we hope for the workers of the
world to unite at our appeal when we
will not unite? Can we presume to
teach them the benefits of co-operation
when we refuse lo co-operate, lt were
too absurd to think it. Unles we are
prepared to affiliate with the International Socialist Bureau we must strike
out our speech making and writing
such empty, meaningless cant as
workers of the world unite."
Dear Sir —
Gourock, in your Issue of Feb. 19th,
is puzzled about what pacticular brand
of Socialism the 1. L. P. stands for.
Well,  there  is  only  one    particular
brand that I know of, and the 1. L. P.
is it. The capitalist parties In Britain, and their organs, think of it as
such, and as they are pretty astute
gentlemen they at least in this In
stance are not liable to bo wrong.
They at least know their enemy; it
Is a pity Gourock does not knew his
The socialistic nature of the "Socialist budget" of which he speaks, must
exist only in his own imagination;
apart from the imaginative editors of
the British capitalistic press of which
he seems to be an indulgent reader.
I am sure the Independent Labor Party in Britain do not see it in this
light. However, when you can not
get all you want, you have to- take
what you can get. I believe your Socialist representatives in this country are afflicted with the same disease.
. I am no apologist for Snowden; he
can very well take care of himself,
but I object to the tone of the whole
article so far as it refers to the I. L.
P. The I. L. P. does not stand committed to compensation for industrial
capital taken over by the nation, that
has no place on its programme. The
light of Socialism, as exemplified in
the I. L. P., does not shine through
the eyes, nor Is made manifest In the
speech of Philip Snowden as Gourock
would have us believe. Snowden may
be a very estimable man, well-liked
by his comrades, but he carries no
brief; no more than any other member of the I. L. P. It may have served the purpose of some capitalist
newspaper to assume that he did, for
they have assumed the same thing
about every prominent Socialist at
some time or other when they wished
to gull the credulous public. For Instance, Blatchford was the "leader"
when they wished the public to believe that the I. L. P. was an organization of a theists, and so rouse the
hatred of the religious public against
them. The same thing has happened
when any prominent Socialist has
made a pronouncement about anything
contrary to their narrow, orthodox
views, or contrary to their class interests. They simply wished to discredit the Party in the eyes of the people, who, sir, as you know, do not understand.
Gourock, it seems to me. should
know all this; his non-de-plume has a
sort of familiar Clyde-side Rothesay
air about it, and if I am not mistaken
there are lots of I. L. P'eers down
that way. He surely must have met
lots of them, but perhaps he was not
a Socialist then In those days, and
took them for his enemies, and by
3ome strange perversion of human nature still considers them so. Of course
there might be another reason.
His assumption that the Snowden
I. L. P. Socialist state would be capitalism's coercive weapon against the
workers, and that the industrial capital of such a state would be the very
essence of capitalism, staggers me. If
this Is true, there Is no need for any
Socialists or Socialist organizations.
They Will simply be wasting their
time, money and their lives to build
up a commonwealth or socially-owned
state wherein the people of that state
wllh their socially-owned industrial
capital will use the socially-owned machinery of the state to coerce—who?
It could only be themselves. This ls
the only meaning I can get out of
tlourock's otherwise meaningless
I have alwayB understood, heretofore, that it was the present capitalistic state that was capitalism's coercive weapon against the workers,
and that it was the private ownership of Industrial capital which constituted the essence of capitalism.
However, thanks to the bright
sparks emanating from Gourock's anvil, I am learning some. Capital, according to him, means money and
other things. My Socialist tutors used
to tell me it meant the other things,
and that the proper function of money
was simply that lt was a medium of
exchange between these things and
betweeen the commodities which these
things produced.
We live to learn.
Yours  fraternally,
amination is undergone.   After claim-
' ing yourbaggage, you are embarked on
a tender to Ellis Island, are marched
up three flights of stairs, In single file,
bareheaded, into a large pen, decorated with the Stars and Stripes.   I say
pen,   for  it  resembles   one  with   the
rails up and down the room.    Once
in there, three more doctors have to
be passed, a minute questioning has
to be undergone, as to means, etc, because even In this free country, penniless men are not wanted. Once past
these you may go and look for your
final port, but never for a moment do
you feel free.    To see the way lmi-
gisiiits are cursed, badgered and hauled mound, serves to remind one of his
condition of slavery.   Uncle Sam's officials  have a way of their own  to
welcome strangers.
Of a two day's trip on the train, I
will not speak, save to say it was
of the usual weary type common to
immigrant trains. Floor filthy, no
washing place available, we were compelled to wait till we got off.
Arrived in Chicago, I witnessed one
of the ways, the poor foreigners are
fleeced. As soon as they were herded
into a room, a fat policeman opened
the door and turned loose on them a
small army of expressmen, who seized
hold of their baggage regardless of
protests and compelled the poor fellows to hand out what they thought
fit, on getting it to where they were
1 met several comrades In Chicago,
Kerr, Simons, Berlyn, known as "Father of the Movement ln Chicago," Cur-
tlss and others. There is sad confu
sion of ideas there, regarding tactics,
ranging from I. W. W. extremiBm to
the old time trades unionists policy
The municipal campaign was on and
the party had a full ticket ln the field,
though not expecting to gain any seats,
300,000 pieces of literature were being
distributed, but that hardly touches
I must now comment on a sore point.
A humber of comrades over here are
under the Impression that the I. L. P.
is the only traitorous party ln England and that the S. D. P. are straight.
H. M. Hyndman strengthens the impression by his recent article in the
International Review.
A letter was recently brought under
my notice, the writer of which had
been 15 years in the S. D. P., but after the recent elections he resigned.
Describing the 8. D. P. in his letter
he says: 'The S. D. P., by their little
narrow tin Bethel Ideas, are driving
men out of the party. They are a
fraud, mouthing on the class struggle,
and then seeking a one and one arrangement with the Liberals." I know
for >a fact that many members are
leaving in disgust, thanks mainly to
the S. P. G. B. exposing of their rottenness.
In last year's Liberal Year Book 1
saw both the S. D. P. and I. L. P. down
on the list of organizations that could
be used by the Liberal Party. Then
Hyndman writes over here and tells
the American comrades of the treachery of the I. L. P. What about Que-
let at Northhampton (see Soc. Standard, February number). One might
think Hyndman was a martyr to the
cause, he never fails to mention, he
has been thirty years figthlng the class
to which he belongs, on behalf of the
workers (very kind of him). Methinks
I know men in the wage slave ranks
who have made sacrifices too. (Nuff
Another point, what do papers like
the Appeal hope to gain by exaggerating or quibbling with the truth as they
do when they tell their readers that
the Labor Party has increased In England by 200,000 votes, and 11 more
members, they are deliberately fooling them into bellevelng Ihe Socialist
movement Is going great there, when
the actual facts are that the Labor
Party is really weaker in numbers, and
very much bo in prestige. The 11 more
hien were there In the House before as
miners members and the voters who
swelled the labor vote were Liberals.
These are facts that defy contradiction.
But the movement In England wlll
clear, the signs are all portentious of
a change, many members of the fake
Socialist Party are leaving them for
a stralghter organization. I speak of
what I know to be true from cases
I have seen. Let the party in Canada
keep straight, and clear the reformers
out, and there will be no crying over
spilt milk ln years to come. May
the revolution go on.
Yours for revolt
F.  S.  F.
I have at last got to the land of
the free. Weary of hunting a master
in England, I thought I would get me
thence. I embarked at Liverpool,
therefore, for the land of Liberty and
Jobs galore. To undergo the rigorous
examination, imlgrants endure, would
alomst convince one that the States ls
the promised land. Third-class Imlgrants are passed by a doctor on leaving home, and possibly to guard against the unsanitary conditions ln the
steerage, they are also vaccinated.
Then, before passing the Goddess of
Liberty, that welcomes the fugitive
from the old countries, a further ex-
It is about 400 years now since the
benefits of Christian civilization were
flrst conferred on the people of this
continent. The discovery ot America
by Christopher Columbus gave the rul
Ing class of Spain the greatest oppor
tunity of spreading the light, and for a
hundred years or so pirates and
priests, cutthroats and adventurers,
swept across the New World bestowing the benefits of Christian teach'
lng. The quality of mercy was not
one of those benefits, and populations
that were not wiped out completely
and whose Wealth was confiscated,
were used to bolster and strengthen
the Institution of chattel slavery.
Near this time originated those wonderful tales extravagantly favorable
to the new country, perhaps with the
object of inducing immigration sufficient to carry on the good work. But
be that as It may, from that day to
this emigrants have swarmed westward seeking the land of their desires.
Ponce de Leon's searching for that
land wherein played tne fountain of
eternal youth, wa8 not more futile than
the efforts of the vast majority of
these new-comers. Nor ls lt on record that any found the glorious isle of
Avalon, that beautiful land where It
was always afternoon. The golden
land of Eldorado was not for them to
enjoy, but to labor In with the rest
of the slaves producing for others to
take, the fabulous wealth so wrung.
The land of Great Desire was always . farther distant than the great
slave class ever reached! and even
though they have spread over all lands
now they have never yet sighted it.
Nevertheless the real estate and emigration agents of today will locate for
you, for a commission, the desired
land any place between Punta Arenas
and Dawson City. If they cannot put
you on to the land where lt is always
afternoon, they can at least place you
where it is always afternoon for 12
hours every day, anyhow.
Emigration as a cure for the Ills
that beset the workerB of all lands is
folly, the burdens they would avoid
by quitting one land merely being
transferred to wherever they may go,
and sooner or later they find themselves once again face to face with
the same proposition.
Labor which is said to have conquered everything has failed to ach
The previous five months show a
particularly good record for the Clarion's sub. hustlers, considering that
sub. hustling has never been made the
chief end and aim of the Clarion, as
seems to be not Infrequently the case
with some we might mention. There
1b only a small percentage of the population that will absorb Clarion subs.,
but it is growing larger all tbe time
and it will keep the sub. hustlers hustling to keep up with it, especially In
the hot weather lt seems. Well, It's
not very hot yet and March shows a
deficit, so let every one do an extra
stunt for April.
• • •
Gribble says he means to hold the
belt.   Eleven more; 'nuff sed.
* *   e
Local Victoria pays up for a bundle
and card.
• *   •
Com. Bryce of De Maine, Sask.,
catches a farm hand and an editor.
»    *    e
Somebody in the crowd at a Vancouver propaganda meeting passes up '
a dollar for a bundle for the Manitoba
e    e    e
And somebody else drops into the
rat hole and leaves another to be put
where it will do the most good; so it
goes there, too.
ieve a victory over one thing, and that
thing is economic power. This power
ls still held by that small class in society that rules—today called the capitalist class—by means of its control
of the power of government, the political machine. With this last conquest all that labor produces will be
Ub own. The position of tbe working
class is becoming clearer; they must
soon be ready to strike the blow.
Thus alone can they reach the Land
of Great Desire.
Meanwhile W. H. S. is not Idle because Watts is working, so along come
two more from the 'Peg.
"Give us the good sound stuff. No
palliatives for ours." Says Com. Glas-
pell, as he sends up $3.00 tor Local
Gait's bundle.
"> *    e    •
Com. Spencer of Bowden gets three
while rustling up dates for Organizer
•   •   •
Local Ottawa renews its bundle anil
wants its bill.
• •   •
Com. S. Moen finds a bundle aa useful and as badly needed ln Cranbrook.
as in Klmberley, so he renews lt.
• e   •
Com. W. Edwards finds two more in
Vancouver who need the Clarion.
• •   •
Still working at It Is Com. Maxwell,
who forwards two more from Cumberland, B. C.
His sub. and a dollar for the maintenance fund ls the way Com. Haigh of
Vancoucer does it.
Air—"Heroes and Gentlemen."
Written at the wish and in memory
of "Bob" Stroud—he was one of such
They rise! The slaves are rebelling,
Must'rlng In a mighty host for the
freedom to be won;
The shout of revolt is swelling,
They are gathering to train for the
duty to be done.
Men of the farm and men of the mine,
Men of the forests and maple and
. One at a time counts If you keep lt
Men of the mountains and the plains, UP •» do the following comrades: J.
Free from mental fetters and chains, Rolls. New    Westminster, B. C;    J.
Men of every country, race and Stewart, Toronto, Ont.; L. E. Drake.
natlon, Bellevue, Alta.; H. Colllngwood, North
Battleford, Sask.; Mrs. Bone and W.
J. Curry, Vancouver, B. O; C. V. Hoar,
Portland, Me.; Geo. McKay, Olalla, B.
C.J A. Stewart, Moose Jaw, Sask.; F.
J. Peel, Toronto, Ont.; A. M. Conlbear,
Orville, Ont.; Israel Garand, Dawson,
Y. T.; J. W. Trebett, Geo. Worth and
A. Irvine, Vancouver; W. L I.uddlng-
ton, Bangor, Me.; J. Rosenstein, Honolulu, Hawaii; Geo. Armstrong, Winnipeg; Geo. Karley, Chesley, Ont; C.
Steen, South Hill, B. C, and E. Lothian, Vancouver.
For that's the sort of men we need in
the Party;
Clear  of head and stout of heart—
true revolutionists;
Strong to endure, earnest to do,
As Rebels and Socialists!
Into line they fast are falling,
As  they  see  their  mission   is  their
galling chains to break;
They hear the Clarion calling,
Calling  them  their  power  to  use  a
great new right to make.
Men of the country and men of the
Vowing   the   red   flag  shall   never
come down;
Men with the wisdom of old,
Men  who  with youth  are spirited,
Working, striving every day for freedom!
The host is every Increasing,
As It daily gains recruits they're in
hard fighting trained;
Never they the fight are ceasing,
And  never  wlll  they  cease  lt  till
their class the world has gained.
Men who cannot   be   frightened   or
Men whose minds are not to be sold,
Whose hearts with one great hope are
And minds with one great purpose
Uncompromising  revolutionists!
Price, each -    50c
To Locals five for $2.00.   Apply to your
Provincial Secretary.
Dear Comrade,—Please change my
addres to North Battleford. I am holding down a homestead this winter
about forty miles from the post office,
but I managed to get my Clarion ail
along, for which I am duly thankful
although I don't know who I am thankful to. If I was a follower of the'Carpenter" he would get the credit, but I
feel sure he doesn't live around here
so will have to thank some of the old-
party homesteaders for bringing my
mall from Jack Fish.
There are no Reds around here yet,
but I am trying to bore through their
hides, which I find damn thick. One
old mutt "don't know what he would
do without the rich." The trouble Is
to get them to read anything but Dick
Turpln and such stuff. 1 guess they're
too bone headed to savvy anything
else.   Excuse pencil; my Ink froze up.
Yours In Revolt,
305  Camble Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mulcahey,  Prop.
E. J. Hemming wishes us success $1.00
J.   Coxon,   Jimmy's   always   on
deck   1.50
E. H. Manchester says we can al-
depend on him   1.00
David Evans, Michel, trusts lt will
help ub a bit   1.00
Harry Assnn, Vancouver,  donates
for our fight   l .00
Berlin, Ont.   Who said they were
dead?     5.00
Cobalt, Ont.   John    Fraser    says
"Fraternity"?   5.00
Fernle, B. C.    I thought tho fire
destroyed Fernle   11.00
316 Good St.
Winnipeg, Man. FOUR
The New Slavery
Lecture on Social Economics delivered by W. J. U. before the Backsliding Bachelors' Club, under the auspices of the M. li. defunct class of political economy.
Comrade Chairman and Fellow
Slaves: A well-known philosopher (I
do not recall his name at the present
moment), is reported to have expressed his contempt for our present
boasted civilization in the following
significant and rather scathing terms:
"What avails it that tbe waste places
of the earth have been turned into the
highways of commerce if the many
still work and want, and only the few
have leisure and grow rich? What
does it profit the worker that knowledge grows if all the .appliances of
science are not to lighten his labor?
Wealth may accumulate, and public
and private magnificence may have
reached a point never before attained
in the history of the world, but wherein Is society the better, lt is asked, if
the Nemesis of poverty still sits like a
hoHow-eyed spectre at the feast?'
Johp Stuart Mill, the English economist, Bays in one of his writings, "It ls.
questionable if all the mechanical inventions yet made have lightened the
day's toil of any human being." He.J
should have said, however, "of   any]
human being not fed by other people's] perly understood, enable us to act in
I qtlote the foregoing passages, not
because tbey draw your attention to
emplracle facts of which you are not
already aware, but rather because tbey
serve to express, in the words of men
prominent in the literary and scientific
are women and children crushed under the Juggernaut wheels of capital,
but, as one writer says, "a great deal
of capital which appears today in America without any certificate of birth,
was yesterday in England the capitalized blood of children."
Incentive, private property and
homes (Bave the mark!) are practically speaking unknown quantities in
so far as the working clas ls concerned. Broken in body and brutalized in
mind, the whole lifetime of the modern wage-slave is turned into labor-
time in order that he may grind out
profits for his masters and a bare subslstance for himself.
There appears in the distance, however, a light, faint at first but always
approaching, ever increasing in brightness. It is the light of class-conscious
knowledge, the forerunner of revolt,
the foreshadow of economic freedom.
Capitalism, like every other thing in
the illimitable universe, whether organic or inorganic, has to go through
its allotted cycles of growth, development and decay, and at the end of the
evolution of the capitalist period, as
we now are, the examination of what.
Is termed in political economy value,
will not only afford tbe key to .what is
going on around us, but will also, pro-
SATURDAY,  APRIL 2nd,  1910.
telllgently with, instead of against, the
laws of economic and social evolution
which govern the society in which we
live and of which we form a part.
The present system, known as capitalism, which dates practically speaking, from the creation in the sixteenth
worlds, the all-Important question that century of a wide-world market and a
ls not only claiming the attention of world-wide commerce, is    essentially
the thinking element of society, but
which Is also pressing for a solution at
no distant date, if society ls to escape
extermination. Not only is it true
that the great majority of the human
family have not materially benefited
by the increased productivity of labor,
but their condition, as the producers
of the world's wealth Is continually going from bad to worse. Ab Professor
Thorold Rogers, in speaking of the
present-day conditions in England,
says, "The grinding, hopeless poverty
under which existence may be just
continued, but when- nothing Is won
beyond bare existence, did not, I am
• convinced, characterize or even belong
to mediaeval life," And what is true
of England is becoming equally true of
Canada and the United States of America as is evidenced by the progressive Increase of unemployment, and
the actual decrease in the    rate   of
different from pre-existing societies
(such as feudalism and chattel slavery) in that it is based on the production of commodities or articles primarily for sale. The first task of political economy, therefore, is to analyse and define the laws that goven
and regulate the sale and exchange of
In speaking of the value in exchange
of a commodity we mean the proportional quantities in which it exchanges
with all other commodities. In order
to exchange or even compare two or
more qualitively dissimilar articles,
say, for instance, a merry-widow hat,
a bushel of wheat and a gold coin,
they must contain some property com
mon to each of them.
According to Sir William Petty, one
of the fathers of political economy, "if
a man can bring to London an ounce
of silver out of the earth In Peru  in
wages within recent yearB on this con-1 the same time that he can produce a
tinent. H__
These phenomena become somewhat
paradoxical when we realize that society today ls equipped with the most
powerful and gigantic machinery of
wealth production that the world has
ever known. The natural resources of
our mother earth still remain inexhaustible; science has pressed chemi
cal and other natural agencies into the
service of labor; time and space by
means of communication and transport have been shortened, and the machine together with the social character of labor has developed to such an
extent that lt is claimed on reliable
authority that America alone with its
present population is capable of supplying the whole civilized world with
all the necessaries and even luxuries
of this life. Yet, notwithstanding this
increased productivity of labor, the
cry goes up for bread from several
millions of throats; millions again
clamor for work in order* to obtain
bread, but work, the hitherto never-
failing god of the slave, whether chattel or wage, seems to forsake them
for as Carlyle puts It, "earth's laws
are silent and heaven's speak In
voice which is not heard; no work and
the ineradicable need of work gives
rise to new very wondrous life-philosophies, to new very wondrous life-practices."
If we look at the other side of the
picture for one moment, we shall find
that, although increasing in mass, the
wealth exploited out of the working
class is continually concentrating into
fewer and fewer hands, but the laws
of. capitalist accumulation are at the
same time forcing the middle class or
petty bourgeois into the ranks of the
proletariat—the great unwashed—the
propertyless class—the working class.
It were well to note, however, that
while, along with the constantly diminishing numbers of the magnates of
capital who usurp and monopolize all
advantages of this process of transformation, there grows the mass of
misery, oppression slavery, degradation and exploitation, with this, too,
grows the revolt of the working class,
a class always Increasing ln numbers
and disciplined, united, organized by
the very mechanism of the capitalist
process of production Itself.
Meanwhile, the tendency of machinery under the rule of capital is to
bring all laborers to the same level.
In place of developing skill and individuality, the great machine Industry
has the effect of developing mere
automatic, mechanical toil.    Not only
bushel of corn, the one is the natural
price of the other." In other words,
one ounce of silver would be equal in
value to one bushel of corn, the same
amount of human labor, measured by
time, being embodied or crystallized in
each of them.
Every article that ls produced today,
however, is produced socially, that is
to say, by the collective-efforts of the
whole of the working element of society. It must also be subordinate to
the division of labor within the society, and, in addition, must satisfy
some social want, or, in other words,
have a use-value, although its use-
value, be it noted, does not, in any
way affect its exchange value. Not
only are the articles produced social
products, but the means of production
are themselves social products, such
as factories, buildings, machinery, new
appliances, inventions, etc.
There ls no Individual genius at
work here of such colossal magnitude
that its possessor can divorce himself
from his begettings, Biirroundlngs and
education and thus Invent, apply, construct and use, so to Bay, ln vacuo.
There is no human being who is entitled to say of any Invention, "I did
this," or "I am the unit that gives to
the human cyphers their value." Every
single improvement ls due to a long
series of circumstances, falling any of
which the Improvement could not take
place. Yet, ln spite of this, It Is constantly reiterated that all improvements are due to Individual persons
and that therefore (the ethic is as peculiar as the logic ia faulty), certain
persons, namely the capitalist class
who did not invent them, really ought
to possess them.
I should like to point out at this
juncture that the capitalist, as such,
creates no value whatsoever. His capital simply enables him to appropriate
to himself the products of labor. Capital is only a term applied to the
means of production when they are
used for the express purpose of exploiting labor. It expresses class ownership and production for profit, or, in
other words( Marx), "Capital is not a
thing, but a social relation between
persons, established by the instrumentality of things."
We see, then, that the value of a
commodity ls determined by the amount of social labor embodied in it.
"Oh, yes!" but you will exclaim, "How
can we measure the amount of social
labor embodied in an article?" Let us
see now. Suppose you come across
say, two cabinets, ln a furniture store, I
similar ln every respect both as to
quality and quantity. One of them,
however, has been made by old-fashioned tools and took six days to make,
while the other was made by the most
up-to-date implements and took only
two days to make. The actual value
! In exchange of the two cabinets will
be dependent, not upon Individuals,
but upon the amount of social labor
necessary for the production of a similar cabinet, ami as In this Instance,
two days only is socially necessary for
the production of the cabinet, society
will pay for them on the basis of two
days' labor time.
As a matter of fact,, whether raised
or made by the highest skilled white
labor with the best machinery in the
United States; by civilized beings on
a lower plane of economic development in Italy; by negroes ln Africa;
by ryots in India; or by coolies in
China, once the products themselves
are on the market, they, other things
being equal lose every vestige of their
environment during production. They
are simply Incarnations of quantity of
labor in various shapes, and their relative value is determined, not directly
by themselves, but by the least amount of social labor necessary for their,
production.' ,<;.,, ,....,.. . -
"This least amount of social labor is
arrived at Indirectly by competition
and the higgling of the market, and as
the amount of labor worked up in a
commodity depends entirely upon the
productive powers of labor; those
countries with the most highly developed machinery will eventually compel all competitors to reduce their cost
of production to the same level or else
goto the wall in the competitive race.
The same is true of Individual capitalist concerns, corporations and trusts.
AwOrd or two with regard to price
and its relation to value may not come
amiss here.
Price, broadly speaking, is simply
the monetary expression of value. We
have seen that the value of a commodity is determined by the amount of
social labor necessary for its production. The price of a commodity, however may be more or less than its value
according as the law of supply and demand dictates, but If supply and demand equilibriate each other the market prices of commodities wiii correspond with their values as determined
by the respective quantities of labor
required for their production.
Again, if instead of considering only
the daily fluctuations you analyse the
movement of market prices for longer
periods (Tooke's History of Prices)
you will find that the fluctuations of
market prices paralyze and compensate each other, so that all descriptions of commodities are on the average sold at their respective values, and
consequently, in order to arrive at the
general nature of profits, we must
start from the theorum that the commodities are sold at their respective
values and that profits are made by
selling them at their values.
The next step into our inquiry as to
whence profits are derived will bring
us to the consideration of one specific
commodity which functions in the creation of all values, namely iahor-pow-
equivalent of his wages, and, If In the
raw material, machinery and so forth
(constant capital) used up in the pair
of shoes, two hours of average labor
were realized, equivalent tn value to
%■:, to which the workman would add
two hours of labor, or an epuivaleut
ol $2 (variable capita!) the total value
ol the finished pair of shoes would
therefore amount to four hours of realized labor, and be equal to $4, and
the capitalist In accordance with the
law of the determination of value by
labor-time, would be compelled to sell
his shoes at $4 per pair.
The worker, on the other hand, by
working two hours would produce the
equivalent of the wages advanced to
him by the capitalist, and if he suddenly conceived the Idea of doffing his
overalls and walking out of the factory
after the first pair of shoes had been
produced, the capitalist would realize
no profits, and, as a matter of fact,
under such circumstances, there could
neither be exploiter nor exploited.
But our hero of the overalls, as becomes a horny-handed son of toil, puffed up with the "dignity of labo;" will
Insist on working six or more hours
for which he receives no equivalent,
but which the capitalist realizes as
surplus-value or unpaid labor time. Not
only does the poor, deluded ape produce his own miserable wages and
supply the parasites on his back with
all the comforts and luxuries of this
life, but in addition, the working
class, in every case, creates by the!
surplus labor oi one year, the capital
destined to employ additional labor
the following year.
We find then, that by advancing $2,
as wages, the capitalist will realize
$6 because, advancing a value in
which only two hours of labor are
crystallized, he receives in return a
Value in which eight hours of labor
are crystallized, so that profits mere-,
ly represent unpaid labor, and, according to the figures furnished by the
Bureau of Labor at Washington, the
American workingman produces $2,-
500 per annum, out of which he receives $500 in the shape of wages.
What the workingman sells ls not
directly his labor, but his power to labor or his labor-power, the temporary
disposal of which he makes over to the
capitalist, and its value, like tbat of
every other commodity being determined by the cost of production, or, in
other words, wages being determined
by the cost of living, it becomes self
evident that the workingman is paid,
not according to what he produces,
but rather according to the amount of
necessaries required to keep him and
reproduce his kind, and as skilled labor costs more to produce than unskilled, it necessarily follows that
skilled labor will command a higher
wage than unskilled. The capitalist,
however in calculating the cost of producing his particular commodities, reduces all the different kinds of labor
under his command to simple, average,
unskilled labor, making one day > of
skilled labor equivalent to say six
days of unskilled.
This particular commodity labor-
power, which we are now considering,
possesses one peculiar characteristic
that distinguishes it from all other
commodities, namely its property of
being able to create a greater value
than its own value to begin with represents, and in order to illustrate this
seeming anomaly, we shall take as an
example some capitalist concern, say a
shoe factory, and endeavor to trace if
possible the value-creating process
pursuant to the transformation of the
raw material into the finished product.
Starting from the supposition that
one pair of shoes is equivalent In
valne to $4 in gold, or four hours of
socially necessary labor time, we arrive at the concluBion-that one hour of
socially necessary labor time is oqui-
valent to $1 in gold, or, in other words,
it takes one hour of socially necessary
labor time to produce a certain quantity of gold of a given degree of fineness, expressed In terms of $1.
Assuming further that the average
wage paid In our model' factory is $2
per day of eight hours, this would
mean that by working, two hours the
worker would produce ln values the
In other words, the "tree and independent American Citizen," in the
"land of the free and the home of the
slave," allows a small gang of horse-
thieves to rob, exploit, skin him out
of fouj-flfths of the product of his
toil, and what is true of America is
equally true of Canada, where"Brit-
onB never, never shall be slaves." Of
course, it would never do to tell the
biped that he is a sucker not to demand the social value of his labor.
I suppose the sudden change from
a diet of "swill" to "corned beef and
cabbage" might prove too much for
his hoggish inclinations, and then the
old woman" would never consent to
be the recipient of $2,500 per, as she
might be compelled to feed and clothe
her children properly and send them
to school instead of sending them to
the factory hell and have their little bodies crushed and ground into
profits in order to satisfy the capacious maw of the beast capital.
Tne transaction involving the robbery of the producer, which I have endeavored to outline, Is hidden from
the worker owing to the commodity
form of the product and the money-
form of the commodity, while the degree of exploitation is veiled by the
division of the surplus-product into
the categories of rent, interest, and
industrial profit, which are simply different names for the different parts
of the surplus value of the commodity.
Rent, interest and industrial profit
are not derived from land as such or
from capital as such, but land and
capital enable their owners to get
their respective shares out of the surplus extracted by the employing capitalist from the laborer. For the laborer himself it Is a matter of secondary Importance whether that surplus-
value is altogether pocketed by the
employing capitalist or whether the
latter is obliged to pay portions of it
away to other parties under the name
of rent and Interest.
As I have already taken up too much
of your time, however, I must refer
you for a complete exposition of the
theory of value to "Das Kapital" by
Marx (3 vols.), while to the uninitiated
I would strongly recommend "Value,
Price and Profit," by the same author.
In conclusion, I simply wish to state
that although the advance of capitalist production develops a working-
class, which by education, habit, tradition, look upon the conditions of that
mode of production as self-evident
.laws of nature, it Is nevertheless, a
fact that the spell which binds the
workers in the meshes of ignorance
and superstition, ls being broken by
the growth of empirical knowledge
and education, born as the necessary
offspring of the capitalist system of
production itself.
50c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 26c.
Published at Cowansvllle, P.Q.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers It should belong. Tbe present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist ls therefore
master; the worker a slave.
So long aa the capitalist class remains In possession of tbe
reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to
protect and defend their property rights In the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to tha capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever Increasing measure
of misery and degradation.
Tha interest of tha working class ties ln the direction ot setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tha wag*
system, under which Is cloaked tha robbery of tho working-class
at the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates tha
transformation bf capitalist property In tha means of wealth pro-
ductlbn Into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of Interests between tha capltsltat
•ad the worker Is rapidly culminating ln • struggle for possession
ot tha power of government—the capitalist to hold, tha worker to
■•cure It by political action. Thla la the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under tha
banner of tha Socialist Party of Canada with the object of con-
«n«rlng the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of tha working class, at follows:
1. Tha transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into tha collective property ot tha
working claas.
t, The democratic organisation and management bf Industry
by th* workara.
S.   Tha e-rtabli-thment, as speedily ts possible, of production for
use instead of production for proBt.
The Socialist Party, Urban In offlee, shall always and everywhere -until tha present system Is abolished, make the answer tit
this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Wlll thla legislation ad-
ranee tha Interests of tha working elass and aid the worker* la
their class struggle against capitalism? If It will th* Socialist
Party Is for It; If tt will not, the Socialist Party I* absolutely
opposed to It
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges
Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed In Its hands tn such
a manner as to promote the Interests of th* working class alone.
The South half of District Lot 116, Burnaby,    2 %
Blocks South of Hastings St. car line, Facing
Boundary    Road.
80 Acres Divided into 99 foot Lots.      Will be on Sale
about MARCH J 5
Prices reasonable.    1-5 Cash, balance in 6, 12, 18 and
24 months.    Exclusively by
41 Hasting St. E.      Phone 3391,      Vancouver, B.C.
Trade Marks
  Copyrights Ac.
Anyone eendln*! ■ ■ketch and description may
quickly ascertain our opinion free whether en
luventton li probably —•—"-1-*-   ■**-*•**-—•»*-•*•
■ont free.'
      isi , .	
Patent* uken tnroujrh Munn
Giiteiitable.  Communlra-
I. HANDBOOK on Peioute
or forleearTngn
confident.*.. ,„,„„,„ - --
deit agency foriecuring-patents.
■      ™ *■ "^nn A To. receive
In the
tpectalnotiet, without charge, _
Scientific American.
4 harm-omelT lltmti-aed WMklr., I***"* "*»■
eolation ot any .dentine Journal, Term- for
Canada, fs.75 * je»r, po"»l« prepaid. Bold bj
all new-dealer*.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
neighbors,   send for a bundle of
"Robatchyf Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 Stephen St.       Winnipeg, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
UvuM t7lu&i^\^'*tjmimt"
mwiim to ill «b*j,i,»ii»>ii Vtt. —V	
Union-made Cigars. „ „ ulJ_1
aw (tr-tinr**. iwi>.c-inMM--<cN>toi-.M«->--c-r--«jeslM*^
* cm.
Which Stand* for a -Living; Wage
Vancouver Local  867.
tj|lf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed^ and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone your address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises snd give you an estimate of cost of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items