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Western Clarion Aug 31, 1912

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* ABER 683
Subscription Price Al   |fl
PEK YH-K        iDlflVU
/hen Will a Majority of the Workers Get Wise to
the Murderous Skin- Gam.; of Capitalist
P<-r><   --tion.
Pen-productions basod on the fo'ly
of war are now being Inflicted with
ever-increasing frequency and severity
upon thc long.suffcring reading por-
tlon of the genus homo, it seeming to
be gonorally assumed ln the perpetrations literary of these moralists tha'.
universal peace Is so desirable i million, that, like the "absolute truth"
and "eternal justice" upon which tlie
eBriy Utopians baBed their "Socialism"
—it has only to be exposed to the view
of suffering humanity In order to be
immediately embraced and lo! war
will end. Beautiful dream! but we
hnve been afflicted so long with this
sentimental twaddle that it is tiresome to Bay the least.
Many of us before getting in touch
with the socialist movement, from
which we acquired our present comprehensive knowledge of the laws governing the growth and development ol
human society, develop)'." i a -idetl
objection to war and hail also p more
or less hazy sentlmen .1 conviction
that war would eventually b> emit-
ated from the category of lmmi n pos
slbllities, but ft remaine.L re • Rori il
science as presented by t* .1 groat
modern school of Scientific SoclaMsri
to teach us the cause of modern ,sar.
fare and point out the remedy.
Those of us who had the misfortune (?) to be born and raised In bucIi
a backward and out-of-the-way corner
of the earth as Ontario, for instance,
where, owing chiefly to the comparatively undeveloped condition of capitalist production, curious atavistic survivals of the exploded medieval theological superstitions of feudalism still
smothered all progressive thought ln
an atmosphere of Stygian darkness,
were, upon broaching the subject ot
the abolition of war, inevitably reminded by the Scriptural phrase-mongers that it was written in the bible
that "there shall be wars and rumorB
ot wars as long as the earth shall
last," which Idiotic pronouncement delivered with an overpowering air of
"divine" wisdom and authority, was
generally supposed to be a crusher,
and if the doubter still had the temerity to persist in the search after truth
he was regarded as an intolerable nuisance, which, owing to his thirst for
knowledge and the inability ot the
wise-acres to give him any, on account
of their own dense ignorance, he un.
doubtedly was. Though not deeming
it of particular importance to ascertain whether the quotation given here
and attributed to the bible is correct
or not, I might add that ample authority may be obtained from that rather
remarkable book to bolster up all the
robberies and brutalities ruling classes
have chosen to commit since it was
compiled. The writer in thiB connection merely wishes to point out that
we obtained our knowledge from a
study of socialism after theology failed
utterly to enlighten^ us. Theology is,
indeed, the bastard science, but it is
too much like kicking a corpse to
pay It much attention now. Its few
remaining atavistic supporters are
practically dead and merely remain in
the flesh to Bave funeral expenses. Occasionally they emit faint signs of life,
but a closer Inspection of them reveals
the odor of the tomb and we leave
them unburled out of reBpect to their
feelings if they have any, which may
be open to question. Any way, one
foot Ib in the grave.
The workers have now—thanks to
the acquirement of the education necessary to make them efficient ma-
chlne.tenders—become too Intelligent
for the capitalist class to make further
use of theology as mental chloroform
to produce the necessary slave-psychl-
•logy in the workers. Capitalism has
practically discarded it as a worn-out
and obsolete tool and adopted the
more up-to-date chloroforming processes of the school and tht press. These
can better induce the necessary hyp-
motic state of mind, without making
the slaves too stupid to follow the light-
sing movements of intricate and highly-organized machines ot capitalist
Theological dope was eminently effective in holding the slave lu proper
mental condition to conserve the interests of the master class during the
days of hand production. It held him
intellectually, a veritable "brother to
the ox," and as this degree of mental
culture was all that was required in
order to carry on the productive processes of that time, the theological
•Ai) 1 '1 Ihe most valuable and cherts u-d -M ion in 1 lie armory of class
ri lo, t
Hut now is different. Theological
dope ulon 1 *ill no longer Bufflco to
serve tho in crests of the ruling class.
1* is b'Mn jindually thrown into the
discard 1 capitalism along with other
01 isolate a ils, methods and processes,
Uo 1 ■leg tion to the scrap heap of
Uini;s isolete is being forced by. the
vet'  changing   conditions  of  wealth
te 'easily of capitalist writers on
the »v, lueslion is equalled only by
their ignorance of the general laws of
sociology and the law of, capitalist
production In particular. They invariably picture the working classes 0
'he different countries as thirsting for
each othe: 's blood, or at least having
naturally so little sense that they can
ne Jiampeded into war at a moment's
notice without rhyme or reason by almost uny one who tries. The truth is
that utl the agitators on earth cannot
cause a war if the capitalist class is
opposed to I . However, the capitalists
and their puppets of Empire and Re.
public are vepreented as striving valiantly against tremendous odds to preserve thu "peace" by holding in check
M e ignorant, murderous masses and
eventing their going to war. When
will we hear the last of the war-pre-
veuting stunts of "Edward the Peace-
mai   r" lor instance?
This is exactly the false impression
of the real conditions whl'-h capitalism
Wishes and causes to .trevail so that
when f> ' nnita"*' ' ' is pulls off a
war, the ouus ot '.-a ising it will "ue
upon lhi slaves. It will no pointed
out by the literary hirelings of capitalism that the war-wishing slaves
forced the hands of peace.loving governments and precipitated a "horrid
war," so their blood will justly be
upon their own heads. So persistently is the '''ja of the innate depravity
of the saves' 'human nature" and
their preuilection for war harped upon
by a prostitute horde of intellectual
capit iKstlc hirelings that it is commonly supposed to be true.
But the truth is that the capitalist
class, bc'n', in control of the means
of lire, purpo'ely Keep the slaves continually nt the point >f starvatici •
order to maintain ti.oir right to rul;
and rob. Thus the bread and butter
(mart vrine* qu stion is always paramount wltt saves and when the
ruling class wants war—and it wants
them all—It offers the slaves the
means of escape ,ra starvation b/
entering the army .old nrvy. Far from
thirsting for w he aves are always peacefu and ct .ueiited when
their living i ecure and the only
reason they pi re for war is because
that is the 0.1 . ay in which capitalism will alio 1 them to exist—until
they become cannon-Cood. It is the
masters and not slaves who primarily
want var.
Wa"« are n I ways caused, as every
caretul sun:* 1 of socialism knows,
by economi conditions. Even the so.
called rellgt >us wars nave merely taken the re' ;lous .ipse out of material
necessity. War s inherent in the capitalist syt 1 .M11 01 wealth production
owing to t..e cui throat competition ot
the various national sections of the
International capitalist class for possession of the ever-narrowing world-
market, the impossibility of getting
rid of tbe surplus commodities which
periodically choke production without
recourse to a destructive war, and the
necessity of occasionally diverting the
attention of the workers from their
enslaved condition by keeping them
patriotic. Capitalist production—now
dominant in all the chief countries,
gives back to the workers (slaves)
just enough of their prouuet to allow
them to live and reproduce. The remaining part, which ls the bulit of it,
must be diiposel of elsewhere because
the producers have nothing with which
to buy It, no tie capitalist!', after wasting as much of 't as possible ln high
living, travel, jewelery, s^ort, maintenance of an army of ilunkles and
almost all Imaginable fornis of excess,
finally scour the earth tor markets in
which to dispose of the balance. If
they could get to Mars and a market
were there they would seize it. As
long as a market can be found the capitalist system may endure, but the
world market is rapidly narrowing,
owing to  countries  such  as    Japan,
Labor product! nil wealth ami to dm
producers It hIiimiIiI belong. Ill order
lo prove ilila, lei ua look ut Ihe railroads. Tlioy woro hull! by workers In
various trades, tho material used was
niuilo by workers, Ihe engines, cars,
fete, were built by workers, and now
thoy aro oreraicu wholly by wage or
salaried or.iployoes, each doing his
pari. The departmental store was built
by tho workers, Btocked. by them, and
Is now operated hy them. The same
with the mills, mines and all other Industries, and until the worker works
there Is no wealth. The capitalist, by
whom theae are owned, may never
have seen them, and if the workers,
as a class, refused to work on them,
they would rust and rot. All the cti'V
italist, as a capitalist tines, Is to shout
for big dividends, and employ a manager who will do all in his power to
Bee ho gets them. When he receh ed
Ihese he thanks us for giving thom
by readjusting our wage scale, or closing down his factory until the market
Is not so well supplied with the goods
we manufacture. We are then free,
freo to hunt for another master, while
our co-worker, the mule, hone, or
donkey, is either sold as the chattel
slave was, to another master or taken
to the pasture land for a vacation. He
never wants while he is able to work;
it is beneath his dignity, and there are
laws for the prevention of cruelty to
animals. Only the tool-user, MAN,
has that freedom.
The Class struggle is the struggle
between the working class and the capitalist class for the control of the powers of the state, and consequently, the
control of wealth production.   The object of the capitalist ls to continue the
present system under which the worker is robbed at the point of production.
The object of the working class (the
Socialist party being its political ex-
i pression) is .0 abolish the present system and set up In its place the Co-
loperathe Commonwealth thereby giv-
j ing the workers corli ol of production
!and the full product of their toil.
After all ho Is only a wugc-slavu
in disguise. Ho thinks he sells farm
produce, but ho doesn't, lie Bells his
labor-power and further acts as agent,
grails, for the sale of his wife's, his
children's und hired man's labor-pow
er. He doesn't get paid for wheat,
wool or mutton but only for producing
them, Exactly as the contract coal
digger gets paid so much a ton, not
for coal, but for digging coal.
His ownership of his farm and machinery is a delusion and snare. He
has no more home than a jack-rabbit
or a hired man. The capitalist class
owns him, babies, boots and all. That
farm and machinery belongs to it, and
he has to pass up the products of the
farm and machinery and his labor-power to the rightful owners thereof.
Moreover, if he doesn't come through
with enough product his masters take
the farm away from his care and give
him the soclai uplift of a homestead
seventy miles from Happyland, Sask.
The only kind of a farmer that owns
anything is the one who has a bunch
of lusty hired men digging hay while
he sits on the veranda trying to keep
cool, and he is not a farmer at all but
simply a capitalist with a predellctlon
for rural surroundings.
There is nothing for it for the farmer but to get busy along with the rest
of the producers and go after the full
product of his toil. And, as to the
owners of the means of production belongs the product, the only way for
us to get the full product of our toil
is to be the owners of all the means of
production. As we cannot own them
individually wo must own them collectively, which will be some better
than not owning them at all and being
owned ourselves Into the bargain.
Showing the Governing Principle of Exchange Underlying the Transfer of Commodities in the
World's Market.
The class struggle only takes place
on the political field. Any struggle
that takes place on the industrial field
is only a struggle between the buyers
and sellers of Labor Power to determine the price of that labor power or
the conditions under which the sellers
shall work.
(Continued on Page 4.)
Liberty, dlvinest word ever coined
by human brain or uttered by human
tongue, is the issue 'n this campaign.
It is the spirit, of liberty that today
und 'mines the empires of the old
,01 Id, sets crowns and miters askew,
und in Its onward elemental sweep is
shaking ihe institutions of capitalism
in this nation, as frail reedB are shaken
in the blasts of the storm king's fury.
It was Carlyle who said of the results of the French Revolution that
"democracy had destroyed the reign
of the arstocracy of parchment, and In
Its place had established the reign of
the aristocracy of the money bag, the
only compensating feature of which
was that the reign of the latter would
be of infinitely briefer duration than
the former."
Truer words ne'er fell from human
lips. Kingdoms and dynasties founded
upon parchment have endured for a
thousand years, hut after a reign of
less than halt a cente-y the kingdom
bf capitalism, the reign of the money
bag In America, totters upon its throne
and needs but the breath of a united
proletariat to plunge It into that oblivion to which liberty has consigned
the oppressors of mankind ln every age
of the race.
Upon a million hearthstones ln
America the newly lighted fires of liberty burn today.
With an inspiration born of necessity
the toilers of America are uniting under the crimBon banner of Socialism
for the final struggle of human emancipation.
From factory and mine, from field
and farm, the gladsome cry of freedom
echoes oa and ever on.
Faster and ever faster the battalions
of labor's hosts are wheeling into action; with the Irresistible onward
sweep of the ocean's tide the workers
of the world march upon the political
citadels of capitalism, the defiant cry
of unconditional surrender upon their
lips, the unquenchable light of liberty
in their eyes.
No longer divided by the false political prophets of capitalism, united as
they have never, been before, the
slaves of factory, mill and farm are
bent on victory on every political bat-
For the first time In the political
1 history of this nation the workers of
I every occupation are realizing the one
ness of their interests and their cause,
and they are recognizing as never before the common cause of their common impoverishment and oppression.
Capitalism stands revealed to the
workers of the world as the Incarnation of human greed, of human avarice,
of human hate, of human slavery—
the* Incarnate enemy of the further
progress of the human race.
The Issue is not Wilson and the
Democratic party, but CAPITALISM,
the father of the Democratic party and
its politicians.
The issue is not Taft and the Republican party, but CAPITALISM, the
father of the Republican party and its
The issue is not Roosevelt and his
so-called Progressive party, but. CAPITALISM, which spawns politicians
and reformers of the Roosevelt type.
The Issue is not the tariff, but CAPITALISM, the father of tariffs.
The issue iB not regulation of corporations, but CAPITALISM, the father
of all corporations.
The issue is not the punishment of
malefactors of great wealth, but CAPITALISM, the father of all malefactors
of whatever grade of wealth.
The issue Is not child labor, bul.
CAPITALISM, which Is tho father of
child slavery.
The Issue ls not the prostitution of
the mothers, wives and daughters of
the workers, but CAPITALISM, which
necessitates that prostitution.
The issue ls not poverty, but CAPITALISM, which demands the pauperization of the workers of the world ln
order that capitalism may flower and
The issue is not Morgan aud Rockefeller, and the ten thousand other millionaires who plunder the workers of
the world, but CAPITALISM, which
enables the Morgans and the millionaires to plunder the workers.
In plain, Socialism groups all the so-
called "issues" of all tho corrupt capitalist political parties of whatever
brand or name under the head of CAPITALISM, and it damns them to eternal political perdition for their bypoc-
rlcy, their gross political immorality
and for tbelr base betrayal of the
world's workers.
The political harlots of capitalism
have raised a thousand false issues,
and they have captained and led oppos-
They who produco things for their
own use produce use values, but not
commodities. They who produce
things for sale or exchange produce
not only use values, but also commodities. The human family produced things for use for many thousands of years before they ever produced commodities. Some of the ancient civilizations before their downfall took on the production of com
moditles in a small way, but they production of commodities reaches its
highest development and becomes the
all-Important factor, under the present or capitalist system. That's why
Marx open his great work by saying "The wealth of modern societies
Is a vast accumulation of commodities." That is to say, under the rule
of capital proper, thingB are not produced for use, but only for profit.
Houses are not built to live ln, clothes
are not made to wear, food is not produced to eat. That is not the motive, under capitalism, for producing these things. There are millions
of us that never owned a house,
Millions of ub who never had enough
clothes or food. And there are millions who are seeking, praying, begging, for the privilege of building
more houses, making more clothes
and producing more food; but the
capitalist class will not allow them
to do so, because the sole motive
for producing things under the rule
of capital is profit for the capitalists,
and they will allow houses to be
built, food and clothing to be produced, only to the extent that they
can derive a profit from such production and Bale. The moment a profit
cannot be derived, production ceases
no matter how many may be in need
of food, clothing and shelter.
In themselves the natural resources
of the earth have no value. Virgin
soil, timber limits, mineral deposits, often sell for large sums of money
before labor is applied. This Is due
solely to the fact that the control
of such resources carries with it the
command of the necessary amount
of human labor-'power to convert
them into profit for their owners.
Without this command of labor natural resources are without value in
Land has more value In a city than
elsewhere, because more human labor ls gathered there. With no labor, there ls no value. Therefore
labor creates all value. That being
the case, how are we to determine
the value of a commodity? Simply
by finding out how much necessary
value-creating substance there ls In
It. That is how much labor-power
bas, of necessity, been embodied in
its production. But labor cannot be
measured with a rule or tape, nor
yet ln pints, quarts or gallons. Neither can it be weighed in ounces or
pounds. There is but one way to
measure labor, and that ls by the
clock. So to find out how much value-
creating substance there is In a commodity, we must find how much labor time would be necessary lo re-
lng armies of the world's workers upon
a hundred thousand political battlefields where the only possible issue of
the battle would be the defeat of Ihe
workers and the political and economic
victory of the masters.
The workers were simply entangled
In the miasmatic swamps of capitalistic
politics, and no matter how the battle
went the workers lost.
But that day in American politics ia
gone forevermore. Socialism, full panoplied and fall armed, hss entered upon
the field of battle. It declares the Issue
to be Liberty vs. Slavery, Socialism vs.
Capitalism, Man vs. Mammon.
Under the calcium light of the political and economic truths of Socialism tho warring elements in American
polities are segregating.
In the presence of tha one supreme
issue of half a century they are lost
and Impotent.
On the other side are rapidly gathering hoBts of Socialism, marshalling
their legions in thc orderly ranks of
the Socialist party, with its chosen
captains from its own class, serene and
confident, awaiting the hour to strike
that final blow for liberty which shall
terminate the brutal rule of the capitalist class, for the battle of the ages
ls at hand! Harken to the trumpet
voice of and usher in the reign of human brotherhood.
produce it. The production ot exchange values is, however, a social
proposition, so we must find out how
much social labor-time would be necessary to produce another one like
it. For example, if the social labor-
time necessary to produce a bushel
of wheat is one hour, and the social
laborAime necessary to produce a
gold dollar Is one hour, then a bushel
of wheat and a gold dollar are equivalents. They are values of equal
magnitude. There Is embodied ln
each of them the same amount of
value-creating substance. One hour's
labor-time ln the wheat; one hour's
labor-time in the gold. 25.8 grains
of gold, nine-tenths fine, is worth
sixty pounds of wheat, and vice versa. In other words, according to our
illustration, one hour's labor.time,
when expressed in money, amounts
to one dollar. But some farmer in a
rural district with crude tools and
methods, may spend four hours ln
producing a bushel of wheat, or some
prospector with crude methods of getting gold, may spend four hours ln
getting the 25.8 grains, but neither
of them will get four dollars when
they bring their product to market.
They 4111 only get one dollar each.
Because of their crude tools and
methods. They have each spent
three hours more labor-time than was
socially necessary. Therefore they
have each wasted three hours labor-
time.   Waste labor has no value.
Price is the monetary or market
expression of value, and fluctuates
above and below value according to
supply and demand. If the demand
Is greater than the- supply, the price
will rise above value. It the supply
Is greater than the demand, the price
will fall below value. But these fluctuations in the long run compensate
each other, and on the whole, commodities exchange one with the other on the basis of their values as determined by thc labor.time necessarily embodied in their reproduction.
Buying and selling is merely exchanging commodities. If commodities exchange one with the other on
the basis of their value, then profit
is not drived from buying cheap and
selling dear, as is so often asserted.
But we know that the capitalists do
get a profit. The problem which now
confronts us is to ascertain, if possible, from what source this profit is
Under the rule of capital labor-
power, the life force of our class, Ib
also a commodity bought and sold ln
the market like wheat, gold, etc. Its
price Is called wages. In other words
labor-power Is exchanged for other
commodities, and, like other commodities, it must exchange on a basis of
Its value, which is determined by
the labor-time necessary to reproduce
it. According to the figures compiled
by the capitalist class government,
It takes about two hours' labor.time
to produce the value of one day'a
labor-power. Hut thc nvcragc seller
of labor-power works about ten hours
per day. The value produced during
tho eight hours Marx calls surplus
value, or unpaid labor. It Is what the
capitalist calls profit. The workers
not only produce their own wages, but
also thc profits that go to the capitalist class. Whoever buys a commodity for consumption giveB Its exchange value, and acquires its use
value, that is, it. Is theirs to use. So
with the capitalists when thoy buy
our labor-power. They give ub its exchange value. They obtain its us*
value. It is theirs to use. Labor,
power differs from all other commodities in this one respect, that when
used in production it brings forth a
value in excess of Its own.
All profit ls derived from buying
labor-power in tho market at Its vslus
ss a rule. Tbere is no power that
can override these laws of value.
There Is but one way out of the difficulty. That Is to remove labor-power
from the category of commodities.
It Is the capitalist class ownership
of the means of producing wealth that
compels us to sell our life force In
tho market as a commodity. That's
why we have In our platform as the
only salvation to tho problem—ths
abolition of wage slavery by "the
transformation of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production Into the collective property of the working class. C. M. O'BRIEN. PAGE TWO
SATURDAY, AUGUS8 31, 19ft.
Published every Suturdny by thc Socialist Party of Canada at the ortlce of
the Western Clarion, Labor Tvmple,
Dunsmuir St., Vancouver, B. C.
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SATURDAY, AUGUS8 31, 1912.
Many readers of the Western
Clarion will, remember that about
seven years ago an "economic" infant
was born in Chicago and duly christened the I, W. W. DeLeon of S. L. P.
fame officiated as accoucheur while
Father Hagerty impersonated the
stork. An able galaxy of "economic"
obstetricians assisted at the ceremony,
some of whom have as completely
faded into oblivion as has "Father"
Hagerty, while the rest, with few exceptions, have attained the DeLeon
level of innocuous desuetude.
The certificate of legitimacy given
this interesting infant is a document
as weird arid grotesque as the infant
itself. This certificate is known as a
preamble. A most careful perusal of
it, however, leaves one In doubt as to
whether the Infant in question is a
political brat with economic tendencies, an economic brat with political
tendencies, or a sort of hermaphroditic
monstrosity with no tendency other
than to squawk.
At any rate, great things were predicted of this infant specimen. It
was to speedily attain the stature of
stalwart manhood, stride across the
stage of events with "seven league
boots to a glorious victory for labor
while tyrants and oppressors, In sheer
terror fo their lives, faded swiftly
away Into the circumambient oblivion.
Have these prophecies been fulfilled?
Have these promising prognostications
proven correct?  Let us see.
The history of the I. W. W. for the
past seven years ls an unbroken tale
of noiBy bluster and bombast upon the
one hand and overwhelming and humiliating defeat upon the other. Its
mouthlngs and pretensions are the expressions of a crass ignorance of the
organic nature of modern society and
the economic and political development that blazes the pathway which
the race must follow if it is to attain
to higher levels of civilization and
culture. Because of this ignorance it
flies in the face of facts. It calls down
upon its members the severest of penalties at the hands of the mercenaries
of the State, for the simple reason that
because of Its ignorance it fails to
recognize tbe State as the sole instrument through which and by means of
which the mastery of the productive
forces issues its dictum and asserts its
power. Blind to this fact the I. W. W.
and all of its syndicalist and "direct
action" relatives, go down to ignominious defeat every time they lock horns
with the masters, on the "economic"
Held. This "economic" field is inseparable from the modern State. Any
threatening disturbance in that field
is quelled by the powerB of the State.
We challenge the blowhards of Industrial Unionism, syndicalism, "direct
action," or whatever they may please
to call the particular brand of folly,
to point out a single thing won by this
peculiar type of Unionism thnt has not
been similarly won time and time
again by the old line u..lons long before this last "economic" hallucination was ever hatched In the noddle of
Since the birth of this I. W. W., numerous "victories" have been proclaimed to its credit. But what has become of the fruits of victory In each
case? If they have not already faded
away to nothing they are rapidly doing
so and for the same reason that the
fruits of thousands of previous "victories" for organized labor have similarly vanished in the past. The same
class is In ownership and control of Industry; the same relentless laws of exchange rule ln the market; labor-
power Ib still a commodity subject to
those laws and the labor market Is still
continually glutted with that partic-
' ular commodity. Not a single condition surrounding the sale of labor-
power ln the world's market has heen
changed during the past century In
whole. Whatever gains have been
made by, or concessions granted to the
working class, or any section of. it,
are, of necessity, of a temporary character for the reason that they can not
be retained against the wish of the
ruling class so long as the State remains, with all of its organized power
at the disposal of that class.
All of this silly I. W. W. talk of "one
big union" is the veriest twaddle as far
as accomplishing any appreciable betterment of the working class is concerned within the present system of
property and control of production.
"One big union" of workingmen might
bring the present system to an end by
converting capitalist property into the
collective property of all, thus freeing
labor from exploitation at the hands of
a ruling class, but to accomplish this
necessitates the seizure of the State,
either by one means or another, by
this "big union" in order that its guns
might be spiked and its powers no
longer available to protect the interests of Capital against the demands ot
As the days go by the I. W. W. and
its blood relatives in other lands more
and more completely unmask themselves as the most bitter and uncompromising foes of the Socialist movement.
Their blatant repudiation of political
warfare against capitalism stamps
them as anarchists. The essence of
anarchy is reaction. The philosophy
of anarchy is the philosophy of despair. The greater the number of working people who repudiate political warfare against the capitalist class the
greater the security of that class in
possession of its right to rule and rob.
Out of an overstocked labor market
can always be recruited the necessary
police and military force to cope with
such rebellious outbreaks as may occur
among the slaves.
There is but one thing for which an
enslaved class can struggle, and that
is for its freedom. For the wage-slave
class to effect Its freedom it must obtain complete mastery of the means of
production. To obtain such mastery It
must first gain control of the State he-
cause It is the State that safeguards
the capitalists in their command of the
field of industry. Therefore the working claBs must struggle to gain control
of the State. Having gained that, its
control of Industry becomes absolute.
To repudiate political action is to
repudiate the class struggle. The sooner the Socialist movement repudiates
all connection with the I. W. W. and
kindred anarchistic hallucinations the
sooner will it safeguard its existence
as an exponent and expression of
working class Interests.
From many sources comes evidence
that this repudiation is due in the
near future. Numerous of our exchanges are beginning to size these
anarchistic movements up for what
they are worth. An article from the
District Ledger, to be found in another
column, Is a case in point.
Once repudiated by the Socialist
movement this interesting infant, the
I. W. W., will soon plant itself in the
"potters' field" of history along with
its ridiculous ancestors like the S. T.
and L. A., and similar freak abortions.
tire for the men. Fortified by a federal Profit will probably be considered as
government which explicitly refused a wrong as chattel slavery and canni-
request for troops to quell disturbance,   balism are now.
the Brisbane strikers for two weeks | As Liebkonecht pithily asks, "Then
completely dominated the city and who are the visionaries? " Those
controlled every industrial activity. ! who consider the present system of
But In the end they were defeated by ' capitalistic production as eternal are
a volunteer citizens' army thai rallied the real dreamers. The development
to the ■support of established law and of the machine in ail branches of mod-
order, and compelled the strikers to ' em industry during the last century
go back to work under terms less fa- has revolutionized production. No
vorable than they had previous to the more astounding change ever took
Btrike enjoyed . | place  than  has  in  the  last  hundred
It may be that in the dally strug- years, while our habits and customs
gle for immediate advantage strikes ' and ways of thinking have not kept
are  bound   to  occur  with  increasing ipace."
frequency. In that case it is well that | We make our living in the modern
they should be good strikes, involving , world's way, most of us. In the big
large masses of men; so that as much , *-*entres of Population the changes are
may be won and as litttle lost by Iln0Bt complete. Everything must be
them as possible. Syndicalism has ! ** to date- Tllat ls' of the latest ani1
probably come to stay.   Yet it will be !most efflclent t-",e
unfortunate if, blinded by the spectacular character of the disturbances
they find themselves able to create,
the workerB conceive themselves to be
measurably gaining ground when in
reality they are winning nothing substantial, or If they learn to despise the
slower and less melodramatic, if surer,
use of the ballot.
This last possibility seems to me
very real. Having no clear understanding of economic'reality, working men
are prone to the delusion that if only
they can win enough increased pay,
they can undermine the foundations
of capitalist supremacy and cause
profits to disappear. The strife presupposes a system of employers and
employed, and of such a system robbery of the workers is a necessary
consequence. But this fact is not
clear to the striking workers, who
see in the strike a weapon whereby
to end slavery. Thus believing, they
tend wholly to forget the need of an
attack upon the citadel of state.
In this article it will be impossible
to prove the importance of political
action to working men. Yet one or
two considerations may be pointed
First—It is difficult to conceive how
the capitalist class could continue
their robbery of the workers without
maintaining control of constitutional
government. Nor is it easier to understand how they could maintain this
control except by the express consent
of their slaves and according to constitutional forms. If at any time the
workers should withhold their consent—that Is, should elect their own
government—in all probability the ruling class would be forced to abdicate
its throne. Having for centuries been
handled in only that way, navies and
armies could hardly be directed except by constitutional governments.
Finally, the use ot the ballot has not
been tried by working men. This fact
proves their political incompetence.
By all the rules of ordinary common
sense, a weapon which costs nothing
and promises much ought at least to
be tried. But it is the belief of the
writer that many more defeats will
have to be administered to working
men on the "economic field" before
they learn the necessity of a concerted
attack on the powers of the state.
While the delusion prevails that
strikes—a mode of warfare which admittedly accepts and is not designed
And machinery
of all kinds has been developed to a
great extent and will be developed
At the Bame time a vast number of
men and women hold on to the ways
of their grandfathers and their beliefs.
Socialists don't put their faith in
the dead, nor do they hold that a
thing is necessarily true because it ls
old and did well in the past.
Socialists believe that modern
thought must correspond with modern
methods of production, and that is
exactly what Socialism does.
lt shows that, whereas years ago
the majority of workingmen owned
and worked their own implements,
tools, etc. (for they were generally
inexpensive and could be easily procured), today the vast majority do not
own their implements of labor. The
modern machine is too expensive for
the ordinary man to buy. The machines are owned by capitalists, who
hire men and women to operate
And so it has come about in the
last hundred years.that the working-
man has been divorced from his tools.
Forced to sell his labor power, his
energy, his life, to another man—the
owner of a machine—for the means to
live. He has to have food, clothing
and shelter if he is to stay alive, and
Is therefore compelled to accept the
terms offered by the owner of his
means of life.
These are facts. What are we
workers going to do about it? Be up
to date in your thinking. Own collectively these machines and thereby
make life's necessities as free to us
all as the highroads and the public
Do not be one who prides himself
on being no wiser than his grandfather. A. E. M.
Because, lending ear to the fallacious words of the economists, the
proletarians have given themselves up
body and soul to the vice of work, they
precipitate the whole of society into
these industrial crises of over-production which convulse the social organ-
Ism. Then because there is a plethora
of merchandise and a dearth oi purchasers, the shops are closed and hun- j
ger scourges the working class with
Its whip of a thousand lashes.—From
"The Right to be Lazy," by Paul Lafargue.
Socialist   Par ty   Direct or y
Socialist Party of Cunada,  meet
ond   and    fourth    Monday.      Secretary,
Wm. Watts,  Labor Temple, Dunsmuir
St., Vancouver, B.C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
.of Canada, meets second and fourth
Mondays in month at Labor Temple,
Uunsinulr St.. Wm. Watts. Secretary.
Socialist Party of Canuda, meets every alternate Tuesday, ut -1:19 Eighth
Ave, East. Burt te. Anderson, Secretary,  Box  CI7,  i'aji;ary.	
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE, S. P. of C, Invites all comrades residing in Saskatchewan tn
communicate with them on organization matters Addresv D. McMillan,
222 Stadacona Street West. Moose Jaw,
Committee: Notice—This card is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested In tho Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
Secretary, J. D. Houston, 493 I'"urby
St.,  Winnipeg,	
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace nay,
N. s. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Bnx
491, Place Bay, N. S.
Headquarters, Room 206 Labor Temple.
Dunsmulr Street. Business meeting
every Friday in the month at 8 pm
Reading room open every day. Socialist and Labor papers of all countries
 on file.   Secretary, S. Lefeaux.
LOCAL   OREENWOOD,   B.   C,    NO.    S,
S. P. of C„ meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Oreenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C.
Prlmerlle, Secretary.
LOCAL    PERNIE,   S.   P.   of   C,    HOLS
holds educational meetings in the
Miners Union Hail every Sunday at
7:30. Business meeting flrst Monday
In each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic
class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
H. Wllmer, secretary, Box 380.
meets ln Miners' Hail every Sunday at
7:30 p.m.    E.  Campbell, Organiser.
Will Jones,  Secretary,  Box  126.
Finnish branch   meets in   Finlanders'
Hall Susdays at 7:30 p.m.    A. Sebble,
Secretary, Box 54, Rossland, B.C
LOCAL   MICHEL,  B.   0.,  NO.   16,   B.   T.
of C„ holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in
Crahan'a Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the flrsi'
and third Sundays of each month at
10:10 a.m. In the name hall. Party
organizers take notice. T. W. Brown,
LOOAL  NELSON,   S.   T.  ot  d,~MBETS
every Friday evening at 8 pin., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
Meets every Tuesday at 8 p. m., In
L. o. L. Hall, Tronson St. W. H. Gil-
mour, Secretary.	
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,   B.   O.,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary
LOCAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 36, 8. P. OP
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
ln the Sandon Miners' Unlor Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandon, B. C.
Headquarters and reading room 575
Yates St. Business meeting every
Tuesday. 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Saturday, 8 p.m., corner of
Yates  and  Langley.	
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
S P.m. in Public Library Room. John
Mclnnis, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
Business meeting every Sunday, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice each
Thursday, 10:30 a.m. (for afternoon
shift), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sunday 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Socialist Hali, opposite
post office. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretary,
Joseph Naylor.
S. P. of C.—Business meeting every
tlrst Sunday of the month and propaganda meeting every third Sunday.
Room open to everybody at 512 Cordova Street East, 2 p. ni. Secretary,
P.  Anderson,  Barnct. B. C.
LOCAL   VANCOUVER,   B.   0„   NO.    46,
Finnish. Meets everv second ana
Fourth Thursdays In the month at 213
Hastings St. East Ovia Llnd, Secretary.
Business meeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 213 Hastings St.
East,  H. Kahim. Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     S.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings nt 8 p.m. on the rtrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at I.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Gleudenntng, Box (I,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
Secretary, Win. Graham, Box 63, Coleman, Alta.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St
Business and propaganda meetings
every Wednesday at 7:30 p.m, sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public-free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, J. A. S. Smith, 622 First St.;
Organiser, W.  Stephenson.
of C.—Business   meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters.  429  Eighth   Ave.   East,  between  Third and  Fourth streets,
S.  K.   Read,   Secretary.
every  Sunday,    Trades    Hall,  8  p.m.
Business   meeting,   second   Friday.   I
Trades  Hall.    W.  B.  Bird,  Gen.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Itossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at I
p.m.; economic class, Friday at I p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieu, 144 Third St.,
Brandon, Man.
S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays in thc month, at 4 p.m., ts
Minors' Hall. Secretary, Chas, Peacock,   Box   1983
OP O.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. m., ln tne Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, I p.m.
W. McAllister, Secretary, Box 587. A.
Stewart organizer.
S. P. of Cv—Headquarters, Labor Temple. Business meeting every Saturday, 8 p.m. Secretary's address, 270
Young St. Propaganda meeting every
Sunday at 8 o'clock in the Dreamland
Theatre, Main St.
LOOAL   OTTAWA,   NO   8,   B.   P.   OP   O.
Open air meetings during summer
months, corner McKenzie Avenue and
Rideau Street. Business meetings,
first Sunday in month in the Labor
Hall, 219 Bank Street, at 8:00 p.m.
Secretary, Sam Sturgess Horwlth, 16
Ivy Avenue N.E., Ottawa.    Phone 277.
LOCAL OLACE BAT, No. 1 Or MARITIME—Headquarters ln Rukasln
Block, Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda
meeting at headquarters every Thursday at 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary.
Box 158; Harold G. Ross, organlxer.
Box  606.
LOOAL    SIDNEY    MINES    NO.    7,    Of
Nova Scotia.—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 in the S. O. B. T. Hall back
of Town Hall. Wll'lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344.
UKRAINIAN SOCIALIST FEDERATION of the S. P. of C, ls organlxed
for the purpose of educating tho
Ukralnean workers to the revolutionary principles of tills party. Tht
Ukranian Federation publish their own
weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" (New
Society), at 443 Klnlstlno Ave., Edmonton, Alta. English comrades desiring Information re the Federation,
write to J. Senuk. Fin. Secretary.
Cards Inserted $1 a Month
What about those dollar subs?    It
to  destroy  the  present system-can j ,ooks  as  though  most  of you  have
At this time, when there is danger
that working-class heads may be Badly
turned by sundry dubious victories on
the "economic Held,' 'It seems specially necessary to focus attention on the
supreme importance of the political
machinery of the state.
In the last year or so strikes have
been much In the limelight. With the
spread of syndicalism has come a reviving confidence among our fellow
workers in the value and power of the
only weapon they have learned to
use, and in the camp of the capitalists there has arisen almost a panic at
the belligerenjt and menacing attitude of erstwhile uncomplaining and
docile slaves.
Intoxicated with a new sense of
power, due to their growing solidarity,
workers everywhere are responding to
the call to stop producing with a confident readiness not known since the
childhood of capitalism. Moreover, the
strikes of the last couple of years have
involved, aB never before, the entire
economic activities of whole communities.
Yet it does not appear that the
workers are getting much more good
out of the big strikes of today than
they got out of the little strikes of
half a century ago. After six weeks of
bitter struggle the London dock hands
consented to resume work with victory unachieved, and with half their
Jobs In the hands of non-unionists—
who have not since been dismissed.
The coal strike resulted in a triumph
in name only—a minimum wage bill
without a minimum wage, the substance of the thing striven for being
permanently elevate the condition of
the working class, more sensible action will be deferred.
resolutely withheld. In Brisbane last
such a manner as to, even In the slight-j February one of the most extraordi-
est degree, relieve the economic pres- nary working class upheavals that
sure   upon   the  working  claBs   as   a'over occurred ended Ih disastrous fall-
2       -..^ST IN B.C. ClOrXRJl:
Our conception of life Is determined by the economic system under
which we live.
For instance, chattel slavery was
considered, up to and during the
eighteenth century, by the vast majority of people as perfectly moral.
The religious bodies upheld it. Ma-
caulay, in one of his essays, remarks that John Newton, a famous
English divine of the eighteenth century, "went to the west coast of Africa with a Bible In one hand and a
pair of handcuffs in the otber, preaching the Oospel, Christ's message of
love and universal brotherhood, and
dealing in slaves."
Chattel slavery was a necessary
factor In production ln the past (the
master or ruling class was supported
by slave labor, which was necessary
to develop civilization), and until machinery was Invented and developed
sufficiently to supplant Blave labor
slavery was a settled Institution.
And similarly, under the present capitalist system, manufacture and sale
for profit (and farmers come under
the same indictment, for they raise
their crops not for their own use, but
to sell and get a profit) ls looked
upon as quite Just and moral in all
It does not matter If people are
starving for food and wearing rags,
they must have the price to pay for
clothing and food before they can obtain them. Tho owners of warehouses, filled to the roof with these
articles, would never dream that any
wickedness was bel'ig perpetrated by
thci'iselves In denying needy people
accMS to them. Workers who may
ha\e been the actual producers of the
goods In the warehouses are often the
needy ones,
Public opinion at. present largely
upholds such a belief. Under a Socialist    Commonwealth    ln    the    future
taken our special offer as a joke. Well,
let me tell you, It's no Joke. We are ln
a tight hole and we are appealing to
you to help us out. Something has
got to be done by you, as it is your interests we are fighting for. If you don't
respond mighty quick we shall have
come to the conclusion that you don't
want our help and we shall then proceed to shut up Bhop.
Now then, you Local organizers, get
your forces lined up for the winter I
campaign, which starts September 1st.
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre
In all Countries. Ask for bur Inventor's Adviser. Marlon k Marlon, |
364 University Street, corner St. Catherine Street, Montreal, and Washington, D. C, U. S. A.
Removed from 58 Hornby St. to
A Good Place to Eat st
137 Cordova Street West
The best of Everything
properly cooked
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of
the meanB of production, consequently all the products of labor belong
to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker
a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in tbe means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt
by political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property bf the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
8. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production fot
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance ths
interests of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against capitalism? If it wlll, the Socialist Party is for it; If lt
will not, the Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln Its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests ot the working class alone.
5   Yearlies - -
- $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies -
-   4.00
20 Quarterlies -
-   4.00 SATURDAY, AUGUS8 31, T912.
stock a quantity of 5c and 10c
pamphlets of our
own publication.
They should be put
in circulation, as
they contain matter
of value to the student of economic
conditions. They are
especially valuable
to put in the hands
of those not yet
familiar with the Socialist position and
argument. In order
to get them into the
hands of readers and
and at the same time
push the circulation
of the Western Clarion, we make the
following offer:
For each subscription
to the Western Clarion
for one year received
on or after August 15,
1912, and until further
notice, we will forward
to the subscriber the
following list of booklets   postpaid.
Manifesto of S, P. of C  10c
What Is Socialism?  10c
Socialism and Unionism  5c
Slave of the Farm  5c
The State and Government.. 5c
Value, Price and Profit  5c
Struggle for Existence  5c
Summary of Marx' "Capital" 5c
*$ This applies to all, whether
new subs or renewals.
t} If you are not already  on
our list take advantage of this
offer by getting on.
t}   If  already   a  subscriber,
take advantage of this by renewing your sub.
•J Get your neighbor to subscribe,    and    thus    become
acquainted with the literature
of the movement.
*J In all oaBes read these little
booklets   carefully  and then
pass them along for the good
they may do.
Vancouver, B. C.
The campaign is on. We will endeavor to have Socialist organizers
-visit every little burg in the Dominion
with your help. We want to have
everybody talking Socialism, for or
against, we care not, but get them
talking we must. They will eventually come our way. If they don't
they will be ashamed to look a human
being ln the face after we have established the Co-operative Common
Hired thugs employed by the West
Virginia mine owners have been supplied with a machine gun and several
thousand rounds of ammunition to protect the strike breakers and incidentally stir up trouble. Seventy thousand
miners are likely to be called out in
that state as a result of the action
taken by the mine owners,
Editor Western Clarion:
Dear Comrade—It has been some
years since I wrote to your columns,
but recent events in these two cities
furnish news too sensational in shocking injustice to the workers to not send
to our revolutionary comrades through
Tho Clarion.
About four months ago the workers
on the coal docks made application to
the so-called "Minister of Labor" for a
Conciliation  Board  under  the  Indus
trial Disputes Act to hear the case of
their  low   wages,   which  were   from
$1.75 to $2.50.    Frederick Uurry, the
editor of The Wage-Earner, a paper
dedicated   to the   interests of   craft
unionism here, and the Judge of the
court, Hon. Mr. McKay, were named to
"hear" the case.   Of course the company won.   Whoever heard of a plute
judiciary granting a poor worker justice?   But the men were dissatisfied.
Two of their number were killed while
at work by  the carelessness of   the
bosses, and not one cent could   the
wives and children get for the murder
of their husbands and fathers.   Dissatisfaction increased, until at last the
men resolved to strike.    On Sunday,
July   28,    the ' Italians   unanimously
agreed to strike at noon next day and
to parade the streets the next night.
At noon the next day the men stopped
work  and  put out   pickets to   keep
"scabs" off the works.   Everything was
orderly until about seven o'clock, when
a policeman who wanted to act "brave"
tried to keep two Italians from persuading a non-union man from going
to work.   The men claimed that they
had a right under the law to use all
persuasion they wished to change a
worker's  mind  and  keep   him   from
scabbing.     The policeman drew   his
handcuffs out and waved them over
his head, and in a very boisterous man
ner flourished his club and struck one
man.    Immediately the men did just
what   should  have   been   done—they
disarmed the man, taking His gun, club
and handcuffs from him.     When he
started to return to the police station
the men returned to him his gun, club
and handcuffs.    This policeman went
to his Chief and reported.   Then the
Chief and other men went to the scene
of the strike.    Instead of simply requesting the men to be quiet, these
| police tried to show how much authority they had and proceeded to club the
men who took their comrade into such
close  fellowship  as  to  disarm  him.
They arrested the Italian who took the
gun and club from the police bully,
and, instead of treating him like   a
fairly reeking with sins of social in
famy, declared that he believed Hicks
The holiday spirit is  on.    All are
getting ready for Bank Holday, except
us poor folk in North West Manchester, who are being afflicted with an
to be "a dangerous man."    Upon this j attack of "oratory" on every side.   At
piece of bate-inspired opinion the so- night time it is terrible.    The topics
called    Magistrate    bound    Comrade,are ''Home Rule," the "Insurance Act" | days for himself on land set aside for
his own use."
This  is  very  far  from  being  the
whole truth.    To describe the lot of
By Wilfrid Gribble.
(Eighth Instalment.)
The stereotyped manner of describing the relationship of the serf to the
lord during the feudal ages Is: "The
serf worked three days for the master on the master's land, and three
Hicks over to court under a am' "0ur Great Empire." Apart from
$4,000 hail bond. Comrade Hicks the tact that one is deluged with liter-
was thrown into jail amidst lice Iature. °ne cannot help iistenng to the
and filth, and every effort made | tornado's of nonsense at the street
to keep men from going his ball, corners. Hundreds of meetings are
A burly brute came Into tbe jail as a')e'ng held by all kinds.of organiza-
bully and called Comrade Hicks every tlons but mostly Tariff Reform.   The
prisoner, they began to club him as
they would club a mad dog. This
raised the blood of the Italians, and
they at once disarmed these fools ln
uniforms of their clubs. Then they
drew their guns, and a general hot
time In the old town came off. Chief
bf Police McCIennan and two other police officers were clubbed, two Italians
shot, and a general furore kicked up
ln these two cities.
Fully a mile away from the scene
of the riot a march or parade was
taking place in the city of Port Arthur.
W. Madison Hicks, a Socialist "orator," as the capitalists call him, was
leading that parade and knew absolutely nothing of the trouble between
the police and the workers. After he
had led the parade ten blockB the news
came to him that there had been trouble between workers and police at the
coal docks, and some Italians came to
him and wanted him to disband the
parade so that the Italians might go
to the scene of the trouble. But Comrade Hicks, who is a keen, shrewd
thinker, knowing how hot-blooded the
Italians are under pressure, refused to
disband the parade, feeling sure that
such a foolish thing would probably
result In the killing of men. He advised everyone present to refrain from
any act or demonstration of violence
or of a violent nature, and simply to
march further away from the trouble.
His counsel prevailed, and every
worker followed him, going directly
away from the scene of the riot.
At the middle of the city he was met
at the head of the marchers and told
to disband, as a riot was on a mile and
a half away. The Mayor of Port Arthur was the man who met Comrade
Hicks, and when he told the Mayor
that he would lead the men out of the
city to avoid trouble the Mayor said
"all right." At the meeting place
Comrade Hicks opened the speech-
making, advising the men to be orderly, law-abiding and quiet in their
strike, and Comrade Maguire and Alderman Urry and Henry Nyman, editor
of the Finnish dally paper, spoke, giving similar advice.
A clamor at once went up for Hicks'
arrest. Lieutenant-Colonel Little, of
the 96th Regiment, made four trips to
the Crown Attorney to get Comrade
Hicks arrested. At last the charge of
"unlawful assembly" was laid against
him and he was summoned to court.
Not an Item of evidence could be
brought against him. But Colonel Little,
vile name known to vulgar profanity.
Men were ready on every hand to go
bail for him, and just as soon as the
officers could be found to take ball
he was released.
Comrade Hicks has exposed militarism, watering stocks, tax exemptions,
bonus grafts, over-capitalization, the
profit system, why men get up war,
the cause of prostitution, and every
phase of Capitalism, until he has simply raised the blackest and slimiest
hatred ever known against a man here
in these cities. They would actually
kill him if they dared. Revolutionary
and open sentiment is expressed on
all sides against every vestige of any
further compromise anywhere along
the line, and over a thousand Socialists
have been made, and those men who
were nursing-bottle Socialists have become revolting Reds.
Three attempts have been made to
get men to join the army or militia
here in the last four months, and not
a man can be Induced to do so. Four
have resigned, others are going to resign, but no man is willing to become
a hired murderer here any more.
Hicks ls now conducting the strike.
Yours for the revolution,
Looks as though we are getting back
into the old ruts again. Comrades,
this will never do; every one of you
are needed to help keep the red flag
flying in Canada.' Will you help?
Have you taken advantage of our one
dollar sub offer?   It won't last forever.
We are starting out on an organizing campaign and we don't want to
have the Clarion suspended just as
we are putting the organizers out. This
is what will happen unless some of
you get a shuffle on for subs so that
the Clarion can keep going without
digging into the treasury of the Dominion Executive.
We don't intend to use any more of
the Executive's money to keep the
Clarion going, as we are going to use
every cent for the purpose of organizing. Now, then, its up to you. If you
want the Clarion and organizers, get
a hustle on.
Here are the  Clarion  hustlers  for
the week:
H. G. Ross, Glace Bay, N.S 25
C. M. O'Brien, Organizer 19
Geo. Mead, Brandon, Man 15
Local  Toronto,   Ont...  9
Wm. McQuold, Edmonton, Alta  6
J. J. Zender, Edmonton, Alta  5
S   K. Read, Calgary, Alta  4
M. Lightstone, Montreal, Que  4
D. Alexander, Steam Mills, N.S  4
W. K. Bryce, Demaine, Sask  3
P. Zanoni, Cumberland, B.C  3
E. Antijuntti, Claresholm, Alta  2
J. Fraser, City  2
A. Stewart, Moose Jaw; A. B. Dry-
gas, Moose Jaw; W. L. Black, Eyebrow, Sask.; H. Fulcher, Brandon; R.
Walker, Cumberland; H. R. Slemon',
Gabriola; A. Manson, Nelson; Viola
Wood, Mountain House, Alta.; J. A. S.
Smith, Edmonton; Tom Hughes, Beaver Mines; Arthur L. Smith, Fraser-
ton, Alta; C. C. Wellerman, Lumsden
Mills, Que.; J. C. Turner, Victoria.
A. Taylor, Toronto, Ont., 5; J. S.
Odegard, Prince Rupert, B. C, 5; Local Portland, S. P. of A., 200; Thos.
Foulston, Eyebrow Sask., 10; F. Hyatt,
St. John, N. B., 25;
speakers are ill chosen and are a bad
lot. They do not know their subject,
except those of the Tariff Reform
League, and what they say is all tripe.
In fact the speakers and weather has
been so bad that I have nearly been
drunk every night. For such speakers
drive one to drink, and that badly.
Not that I object to drink, but I object
to being "forced" to it. But ln the
"boozer" one can argue the point, particularly If there's not too much water
ln the whiskey. Last night I had quite
a time with a Christian who was cry.
ing out aloud against the Disestablsh-
ment and Disendownment of the
Welsh Church. ThlB is an important
measure, one would think, judging
from the scream the clergy are kicking
up.   The clergy are a d n nuisance
at most times, but still worse when
they have something to talk about.
You see in England we have a church
nothing to do with it. In fact you
cannot change the form of your prayer
book except by Act of Parliament.
Suppose you wanted another "Amen"
adding to the Common Prayer Book,
you would have to get an Act of Parliament to sanction it.   So you see what
the feudal serf in a sentence, it would
be far more correct to say just the
same aB we say of the wage slave,
that he got his bare living. The manner of the robbery of the serf Is Infinite in detail. He was robbed by
being forced to »work a longer or
shorter time on his master's land, at
times; he wbb robbed by being taxed
in kind, at times; he was robbed by
being forced to make money payments
to the baron at other times; he was
robbed ln all three ways at the same
time whenever his lord could see the
chance to rob, or whenever the lord's
agent, usually known as the bailiff,
could see a chance to increase the
robbery and so curry favor with the
master, just on the same principle as
the hired bosses and straw-bosses do
today in the case of the wage slave.
"Wherever did the serf get money
from?" Why, he often used to sell
any little produce he could manage
to spare to travelling merchants to
take to the towns, and it is true that a
serf here and there was at times en.
abled to amass a respectable sum for
that day and occasionally one would
buy his freedom from obligations to
his feudal lord.
It must be remembered that not
only have various systems of slavery
given place to other Bystems of slavery,
..   .                .     ,                                  I hut that each system has varied wlth-
that means.   It shows that when the' ,„ „„„ „„ t.   .    r\ .    "        .
i.                 „                                  iln Itself, so that what may be true of
members of the Established Church of'       „    ' „. „„ _.. „ „_  "„
Local Portland S. P. of A. orders a
bundle of 700 this week. May their
tribe increase.
Comrade Simon Freestone of Lethbridge sends in one dollar for the
Clarion Maintenance Fund.
Comrades J. and H. Bone of Clayton,
B. C, give five dollars to the Organizing Fund.
Local Enderby sends in the second
month's contribution to the Organizing Fund.
Local Calgary Increases Its bundle
another 100 ready for the fall campaign.
Local Montreal rushes in with two
dollars for the Organizing Fund and
states the same will be forthcoming
every month.
England go to pray, they do not say
what they like, the parsons do not say
what they like, but all must say what
Parliament thinks flt for God and the
others to hear.
Even I, a Socialist, who is not a believer in God, Ghosts and mysteries,
am in a position of being a parishioner ot the Bishop of Manchester and I
have the privilege of making him say a
prayer or two on my behalf, when the
spirit (Black and White usually)
So now you see how important this
election is. It will give me an opportunity of saying whether I agree that
the Church should be despoiled, etc,
of her property. That's what the row's
over. It is the attack on the property
that is the rub.
Does not Marx make a particularly
apt allusion to this in the Preface to
Capital on this question when he says:
"The English Established Church
will more readily pardon an attack on
83 Yits 39 articles than on 1-39 yits in.
In full, do what you like with our religion but leave our property alone.
Another question that is doing its
work to advantage is "Free Trade."
Not the Free Trade of Scott & Co., of
Saskatchewan, but the undiluted stuff
of the Manchester school. I heard one
speaker the other night make this
statement: "Gentlemen, upon you
rests the Empire, upon you will devolve the duty of showing to the rest
of England the necessity of our continuance of Free Trtde." Two men
near to me fancied they had the Empire in their pockets. The speaker
then went on, "Gentlemen, In 1910,
there were in this country 44,672,894
souls. Our trade was £188,321,652.
In 1911 the population was 45,278,532.
Our trade increased to £190,728,341.
Now gentlemen, add 2.054 per cent, for
the increase In population, subtract
1.54 per cent, for increase of unemployment and draw your own conclusions. The audience cried hear, hear,
and cheered like hell.
The speaker had convinced them
When question time came I put just
two.   I wanted to know:
1. What was the value of the Im.
ports of black pepper In the year 1621.
2. How many tons of black tripe
were exported to Jerusalem during the
year 1272?
The speaker answered he did not
know. I said if he did It would be
about as Important as his population
and trade story. I personally have
written to both Liberal and Tory
agents telling them I'll be in London
during the election and said If they
both care to send an automobile for
tne I will be pleased to vote for both
the Liberals and Tory nominees, as I
deem one as flt as the other to represent me. As a tip let me say Sir John
Rr.cdles the Tory will get in, because
the- Jewish voters say he s quite a nice
The government are In for a licking
hero as far as It concerns them. But,
on-! thing is certain and that s that the
hold of the capitalist class ls stronger
on the people than ever.
one time may not be true of another,
There was one right exacted by the
ruling class, both lay and ecclesiastical, during a portion of the feudal
ages. It was that right known as the
"right of the first fruits," in more
plain language the "right of the first
night." To put the matter plain. It
was the enforced demand of the feudal
lord that immediately on the ceremony
of marriage being concluded between
two serfs, the bride should be condut-
ed by his bailiff from the priest's house
to the castle to be at the sexual disposal of her feudal superior, who was
often a "prince of the church." This is
historicaly true, is quite undeniable,
but one never sees such things mentioned In "histories" approved by our
capitalist masters. Such things don't
happen today! Don't they. Make no
mistake—they do. Not by the same
method, but the result ls the Bame.   It
Dear George: Socialism is out,-;. *m
correct understanding of capitalism-.-.
When you can analyze the pres«n_
system of production correctly, tfisiia
you are a socialist.
The dockerB' strike in London Is oijK
the outcome of the socialist agitat&u-^..
for the socialist simply points out -fit*,
cause of this discontent and the atwttt
We do not blame (he individual, But
the system of property that places itStx:
control of production in thc hands ■_
a few, and you are as much a slave.-
as the seamstress or the dock-workurr
because you are, like them, dependent
for a living on the will of others.
These men on strike are bound tc »
be beaten, not because their cause It -,
unjust, but becau8e of the number ot   '
slaveB in London.   This ls where, the-  •
unemployed army comes to the help ot.
the capitalist class and this strike will   '
be broken or the little the men may
gain will be stolen from them later..on.
There was never a strike yet but v.
was lost.    Yet every defeat is a vie-
tory for the workers, who learn thereby to use the only weapon worthy of**
any attention—the ballot—not merely •?
by voting for honest men, or wolves In
sheeps'  clothing,  like  Lloyd  George,
but by voting for members of the working class who will legislate ln the Interests of the working class alone.
You would not hire a lawyer to act
for you in a lawsuit and allow him to*
act for the man on the other side or
the case.   This is the position of the  .
workers whose interests are the oppo- >-
site to the members of the capitalist:::
No judge would allow counsel to act -
for  defense  and   prosecution  at  the
same time, and those elected to parliament are the  counsel  for certain
clients whose interests are opposed to ,
each other.
The conditions under which tho men-
worked who are now on strike are not
new to me, only they may be worse
than when 1 was in England, ana
neither you nor any other self-respecting man would not tolerate for one
instant those conditions, or ask any
member of your class to be meek and:
contented when they live, at best,
little more than one week from star- .
Do you know what it ls to be only a
few meals from starvation and out of
work with a sick baby in the house?
When you face this situation then
you will think, If you never thought
before, about owning that job which
is like a "will-o'-wlsp," when you
need the loan of a job most.
Did you ever hear of a savage tribe   ■
starving when they produced too mucn   i
food, or going without shelter when
they built too many huts?
The savage  of the    jungle    would
Is a fact that a large number of the
over-rich of this country as well as | lauSht at us for producing so much
other countries have their pimps con-1food and ayin& ot hunger; going with-
stantly on the watch and hunt poor'0,lt Bhe|ter and building palaces tor
but beautiful virgins in order to entrap   those who do n0 useful toll.
them by giving them a "good time,"
starting them on chocolates and insid.
iously working up to wine, driving
them away to lonely "roadhouses" luxuriously fitted up, and if all else falls
using actual force in order to debauch
They have a remedy at law now,
have they? Where's their money to
buy law? Where's their witnesses?
They shouldn't accept treats from
strangers! No, my highly proper
friend, of course not; but you must
remember that these girls are young,
at the time of life when thy desire and
appreciate these pleasures most, and
cannot get them out of their own pitiful wages.
And fancy, If you can, going witn
out clothing when the warehouses are
full to bursting with everything In
that line, just because we have produced too much.
There is no such thing as a "fair
profit," or a "fair wage." Profit is
getting something for nothing, and the
Socialist Party Ib out to abolish the -
profit system, lock, stock and barrel—
then only those that work shall eat
and none need be homeless.
You asked me how all could be
equal? Who under the sun wants to
be equal to the monkey dinner, poodle
and paint artists? Why they could not
even dress themselves without the
hell) of a member of the working class.
There's the Issue: Abolish the wage  *f they g0 t0 a re'*eI»tlon « member of
system and you abolish these and all  the worklnB c]aBB takes them-   When
other conditions of slavery. ithey eat' a member or the  working
i .„„-,„ „» m.   i       ■>, .. cl'lBB Berves them and the meal was
I spoke of the travelling merchant a .  .
i, a ,,rc|)are(1 t)V members or the working
Brotherly love! What a sweet
phrase. How beautiful and altruistic.
Alas! When one brother finds himself on tho wrong side of the u-.-ite
competing with, say, ton, tv.cnty or a
hundred of his brothers for ono job, he
the man at the head of the military lis ant to lose eleht nf r,n ij„.i ,.,[	
bunch here, a man with a moral record |   the time being M.1" ^ By8tem ^ lf9 *»»"*
Crime, puberty, child labor, prosti-
t itlon, misery, disease, insanity and
the thousand and one other evils, are
effects of the present system. What
r.:e you trying to do to cure the evils
or abollBh their cause? Get In with
tho Socialist party and  help put an
few moments ago.
There is a great significance ln that
travelling merchant of the middle
ages. Despised by and preyed upon
by the feudal class of that day, though
in less degree than was the serf, the
inception of the merchant, the trading
class, waB the beginning of the end
for the feudal nobility. Remember,
the history of society is the history of
the tools of production; also bear in
mind that thc tools of production have
been and are developing: then realize
that as a result of the developmnt of
the tool under feudalism, a merchant
class grew out of the petty hucksters
and traders lt started with; realize
that as a result the centres of trade,
the cities, grew larger, their Inhabitants richer and consequently stronger; that aB they grew stronger they
demanded and got more rights, and in
the end that the merchant class which
had grown rich and strong by ministering to their feudal superiors, to
their masters' demand for "more,
more," succeeded In becoming the ruling class In their turn by prevailing
upon the workers to fight their battles
under the Impression that they were
fighting their own.
Now the capitalists are "digging
their own grave" by their cry for
"more, more," and a new revolution,
ary class has come into being, "disciplined, united, organized by thc very
mechanism of the procesB of capitalist
production itself," whose mission Ib,
let us hope before long, to put the cap-
Italit system Into the grave already
dug for It, and to bury it so deep that
it will leave no stench behind.
Directly the workers stand erect,
these parasites will be forced to get off
and this day is not far distant, lor
what means defeat In strikes and lock,
outs means victory at the polls, for wo
outnumber the masters twenty to ono,
Yes, our masters want us to bo contented, but we also llnd n place provided for lunatics, and even Ihey are
only contented for a short time, mostly
after mollis.
Now, George, you Bhould refuse that
raise in pay, If offered, wllh n "No,
thanks; I am quite satisfied, sir."
Sure thing, and yet you say we are
trying to change human nature. The
workerB do not want a Moses to lead
them out of the wilderness, but must
achieve their own freedom by finding
the way out themselves. It is not a
question of purchasing freedom, but of
taking It.
We must work to educate our fellow
slaves, and only then will they vote
to abolish the wage system.
All members of the S. P. of C. are
requested to attend the next meeting
of their Local, to devise ways and
means for carrying on lhe winter campaign.
The grave Is dug, the corpse is
ready, and all we need now Is enough
hands on the Job of pushing it In, covering It up and leaving it there "unwept, iinhonoured and unsung." No -
(To be continued.) **^******
SATURDAY, AUGUS8 31, 1912.
For ten weeks the London transport
■workers have been out on strike, not
for fresh demands, but merely to retain what they had ''won" last August.
Sir Albert K. Rollit, the Lord Chief
Justice, and Sir Edward Clarke have
back to work at the complete mercy
of the Shipping Federation. Being
without funds in their union, the masters know they can't resist. So for a
start thoy have told the men that they
must sign on as casual workers, not
as permanent men.
^^^^^^^ No wonder thirty thousand strikers
•"awarded" their various increases, but i In Southwark Park voted unanimously
the employers have simply ignored ; against return. Will Thorne, Ben Til-
them. ;iett,  Harry  Gosling  and Jack Jones
Last August the dockers had a splen- were told t0 tbelr faces by the strikers
did opportunity. The carmen, railway-! that they were traitors and turncoats,
men and the Provincial as well as the|anl) ,hat they had sold the men. The
London dockers were out. Yet imnie- men ln their rage t0re down the notices
dlately Sir G- Askwith, Burn's, Master- declaring (he strike at an end and!
man and Buxton had signed "terms of demanded a ballot; but, heedless of
settlemen" they were ordered back to the men's anger, the strike committee
work. met again and reaffirmed THEIR unan-
The leaders babbled of a glorious imous decision declaring the strike off
victory, and gloated over the fact Uiat,and ordering the men back to their
not a penny of strike pay was distrib- work.
uted; but not one of the "advances" i Though many of the latter may still
ever saw the light. j stand out the official order to go hack
The transport workers, like most\ will no (loubt have the etfect of smash.
■workers, are ignorant of science. They ' ing the stl-ike, so that the leaders,
merely wanted the agreement "hon- '■ wno have done the masters the good
ored," and looked no further afield. 'sel.vlce 0- depleting the unions' treas-
Their ignorance is reflected in theirj urleS| at the end o( the chapter of
choice of "leaders." Did they under- tragedy have done them another ex-
stand their real interests the Tillets, j cellent turn in the capacity of strike-
Goslings and Wilsons would long since smashers.
have been unemployed. The strike j slow]y but SUrely, by twos and
committee ordered a national strike, I threes and at odd times, the men will
but when the unions affiliated to the j present themselves to be humiliated
Federation (who had never been con- j,y tlle masters.
suited) refused to comply, the worth     Yet the leaders have not yet   ex-
of the democracy and leadership of the hausted their effrontery, for with an
Federation was seen. almost cynical touch they   wind   up
During the ten weeks the govern-their manifesto with the statement that
■ ment were not idle. They drafted thousands of armed as well as mounted
police into the strike area, sent gunboats into the Thames, and mobilized
reserve men all over the''country.
Hundreds of soldiers were sent to
places like Grays and Tilbury. Mr. Mc-
Kenna boasted that they had supplied
more police protection for blacklegs
than any government before. The result was that ships were loaded and j can De won.
unloaded despite the strike. • not  around
''the Transport Workers' Federation is
the workers' only hope." Could deception be more glaring?
The men must drive these misleaders
from their present positions. They
must, learn the lesson of the class
struggle; they must insist upon democracy. . The small power of strikes
and the mighty political power of the
! masters must be realized ere victory
The fight must, be waged,
agreements  and  recognl-
The Shipping Federation raked up; uoni hut upon the question of whether
blacklegs from all parts. They swore j 8iaVery shall continue,
they would never give in. They organ-1 The workers then will have no use
ized a system of pooling liabilities, for compulsory arbitration and emigra-
and laughed at the men because they; tion advocates like Ben Tlllett, and
had the government behind them. | Bottomley's friend, Liberal candidates
They knew they could flout the men j nke Harry Gosling, and Tory gold can-
while the police and soldiers were at | didates like Jack Jones of Camborne
their command. jwill again have to flit by the back
The dockers hoped great things from | door.—Socialist Standard
the nationalizing of the organization
of the docks. When the Port of London Authority was established they
thought casual labor had gone forever.
Instead it has increased. A leading
member of the government went from
■ the Board of Trade to the chairfcf the
Authority, and has shown himself as
callous as any Tory, not even excepting the late tyrant of Penrhyn.
Liberals and Tories alike have engaged in the calculated starvation of
the men and their families. Meanwhile labor members stood cheek by
jowl with Lord Devonport, watching
the flee, from the deck of the
dale Cai e." And while starvation
grew a, ..ce on the banks of the
Thames Asquith and Redmond talked
of no.ne rule on the banks of the
Liffey. They played the game of the
masters. Every suggestion, therefore,
met with the firm refusal of the employers. They had evolved their
scheme, and it did not
The fearful sufferings of the toilers
could not be surpassed In any age or
clime. Radical "Reynolds" (July 14)
says: "Little children of the East End
dying like files. Mothers starving." It
goes on to quote Father Ring, a local
clergyman, thus:
"Bad as the conditions were a fortnight ago, they are unfortunately
worse now. Landlords are fixing eviction orders on the bouses, and this is
driving the poor people almost mad.
Not only Is the East End racked with
hunger, not only has every stick of
furniture been pledged in many instances, but a new horror is at band.
himself a direct actlonist, such as Bill
Haywood, is really an Anarchist.
"Sabotage was practiced by the McNamaras and McManigal when they
blew up the structural iron work on
the sly. When they wrecked the Los
Angeles Times building, that was di
rect action. They were Democrats and
Roman Catholics. You don't, have to
be a Socialist in order to be a direct
actlonist. On the contrary, you can
not be a Socialist AND a real direct
''And who Is hurt by tills direct action?
"Who gets killed when the rust-eaten
boiler explodes? THE WORKING
Who eats tho cat-flavored syrup.'
Who gets blown up In the Los Angeles Times building? THE WORK-
"It is the working class that always
loses by tactics of force.
"When the McNamaras started their;
stupid, non-political, direct action
fight against the Steel Trust by stealthily blowing up bridges and buildings
they placed ln the hands of the National Manufacturers' Association its
most eagerly sought trump card. For
the wholesale explosions, followed by
the discovery of the dynamiters,
threw the employing class into a panic
"That was what the National Manufacturers' Association had been vainly
trying to get them to do before.
"And out of this panic of the employing class, and the enormously increased strength and influence of the
National Manufacturers' Association,
"Thats one thing direct action has
done. Kirby owes the McNamaras
an inestimable debt of gratitude.
■'Direct action, you see, is action directed against the working class.
''It betrays the working class. For
it disorganizes it, while organizing the
master class. This stealthy violence
called sabotage disgusts the average
American workingman. He can not be
converted to sneak work. His whole
spirit revolts against such cowardly,
unmanly deeds.
B_e_o-™e_e^e_e_^»_^e^e»a^_^—       "Direct action appeals to Anarchists
The following article on direct action. wh0 emleavor t0 inject it   lnt0   the
is so directly to the point that we give
it almost entire. It is from the Labor
Advocate of Reading, Pa.:
"Many Socialists, especially of the
excitable type, lean to what they call
'direct action.'
"This sounds decisive, bold, aggress-
Ive* They are of an impatient temperament. The co-operative common-
Arma- | wealth seems a long way off by the
road of political action. So they declare themselves to be direct action-
ists. They catch the tone of their leaders and sneer at political action—or
damn it with faint praise.
"To these emotional ones direct action seems to be a militant kind of
industrial unionism.    It looks braver
include sur-1 than political action.
"Direct action, however, as Interpreted by BUI Haywood and his admirers
and imitators, means simply SNEAK
"It means 'sabotage.' And sabotage
is a French word, borrowed from the
French Syndicalists, meaning to throw
the wooden shoe into the employer's
machinery, when he isn't looking, to
wreck it!
"It means to throw salt secretly into
ihe boiler of the engine, as Bill Haywood explained up at Cleveland the
other day.
"Those bold, brave direct actlonlsts
do such tricks. Last winter an organizer for the I, W. W,—at least, he pro-
The matron of a local lying-in home i claimed himself such—came to Dayton,
told me that seven babies born ln the
institution during the strike period had
died, In her opinion entirely through
the pressure of the strike. Having
parted with every stick of furniture,
mothers have been unable to provide
themselves with the nourishment necessary for the preservation of their
own health and the lives of. their in-
fantB." i
The strike leaders played the game
ln*4he UBual style. They told the men
funny stories, prayed to God, boasted,
foamed and bounced. Right up to last
Saturday afternoon they told the men
to Btand firm, and assured them they
■were winning. But when the union
funds were gose, when the leaders
had led their dupes into a cul-de-sae,
they scuttled.
The leaders met at the "Royal Hotel," Mile End, and announced the
Btrike over. Tbey issued a manifesto
calling upon the men to return to
work. The manifesto read like the
UBuaf betrayal. The men were ordered
back to work unconditionally, but they
were never consulted about It. The
strike committee declare that all
agreements must' be maintained in
their entirety. This in spite of the
fact that the employers have definitely
refused to carry out their side. It
means tbe men are ordered to do all
the giving and the masters are to do
all the taking.   The former are to go
Ohio, got into the police court, and
stirred up all the advertising he could.
Among other things he visited Local
Dayton. He boasted of a bit of sabotage he had pulled off at Akron. He
said he had killed a cat and secretly
plugged lt into a syrup vat at the place
where he was employed. The cat was
not discovered for several weeks.
When finally removed It was bo rotten
lt came apart at the shoulder blades.
"'But,' said the practicer of sabotage with glee, 'they didn't throw away
the syrup.'
"His story, whether true or false,
turned his hearers' stomachs. Not only
at the thought of the polluted syrup,
but of the oowardly heart of blind hate
which Inspired the deed.
"Industrial unionism ls not peculiar
to the I. W. W. On the contrary it was
being pushed within the American Federation of Labor long before the I. W.
W. was heard of.
"But the I. W. W. stands alone for
direct action—or guerilla tactics of
violence against the. employing class.
The I. W. W. alone advocates SNEAK
WORK—the Injuring of the employ-
er'sjnachlnery on the sly.
"Snch tactics are not only NOT Socialistic—they are exactly opposed to
Socialist principles. They are anarchistic tactics. And the members ot
the Socialist party who, knowing the
real  meaning  of  the  word, declares
Socialist movement. Tho Anarchists
believe they must first destroy the
Socialist movement, convincing the
working class that there is no hope in
political action, before Anarchy can
find a ripened harvest.
"Anarchists accordingly work their
way into Socialist Locals, get .themselves into influential offices within
the movement, and then slyly disrupt
it. These are recognized Anarchist
"These are likewise the I. W. W. tactics, as applied to the Socialist party.
The official organ of the I. W. W. is
'Solidarity,' which on its editorial
page frankly declares that the Socialist party must be destroyed. It also
'"The I. W. W. and the Socialist
party have nothing in common—the
latter is a political party whose structure is not revolutionary. It has the
workers hypnotized and .has sold out
or prostituted itself, not for the working class emancipation, but only for
votes—in order to re\ olutionize the
nation or nations-political government muBt be abolithtd—advertise i
the structure of the I. W. W. If you
can do that your success Is assured.
You will have created a demand for
our papers. There will be wholesale
secessions from the S. P. to the I. W.
W., and our rival will be on the run
looking for a hiding place.'
"From this it can be clearly seen
that the I. W. W. Is simply an Anarchist organization, working to disrupt
and destroy the Socialist party.
"If the I. W. W. is not financed by
the capitalist class, It ought to be!"—
District Ledger.
Great preparations are being made
to receive the "Dook" next month.
Strikers from the G.T.P. will be present. The miners from the Island if
on strike will no doubt come over and
help the "Dook" have a good time. A
big delegation of the unemployed lately laid off by the South Vancouver authorities will be in attendance and the
best part of the 1000 men laid off by
the Vancouver city council will swell
the ranks. The brutal visages of the
cossacks wlll be seen ln the parade
and a bunch of parasites who will be
cheered to the echo by the Ignorant
mutts of the working class. The electric light standards will be gaily decorated and the wives and children of
the wage workers will be there In their
shoddy clothes and gaping with admiration. IHh
The Boy Scout movement is an or.
ganized, cratifly subsidized effort for
creating the kill-lust in boys, the love
of arms, the desire for military life,
and the bralnlessly automatic obedience of soldiers. As many boys as
possible are to be blinded with steel-
glitter, deafened with drum roar, dazzled with uniforms and flattery, fooled
with drills and marches, seduced with
ribbons, sashes and "Teddy" hats,
who plan thus to have a host ot I
trained armed guards ready for use |
in the swiftly-coming future when mil.]
lions bave their wages cut and millions more are forced Into the street
to the ranks of the unemployed army.
Th pretense—of course there ls
some fine pretense—is tbat the "boys
are to be physically developed." That
ls the Bly cry of the promoters—"the
ennobling physical development of the
While the boys are to be physically
developed they are to have their intellects ossified* and their sociability
The boys are to have their wills
killed by a thousand drills in a slave's
crowning virtue—obedience.
Obedience—word of infinite import
in the history of organized robbery
of the workers hy the shirkers.
Obedience, automatic obedience, has
been and is now the damnation of the
Because the slave begins to think
and more and more refuses the role
of professional cut-throat, the Department of Murder Is shriveling in popularity. The fist of blood and iron is de.
creasingly dependable. The right
hand of national and international
working class fellowship and working
class loyalty begins to charm the toilers of the world. The eyes of the socially damned multitude begin to blaze
with intelligent and fascinated realization of the fact that war means suicide for the working class, that hell's
sleet of lead and steel from Gatling
guns is for the working class, that the
jaws of death spread wide for the
working class—and only for the working class—In any and all wars.
The slave thinks. Caesar is startled.
Therefore catch the slave's son and
kill the kindness of his soul, destroy
his sociability, resurrect the savage
in his heart, rouse the beast that slumbers in his breast, fire his passions,
befog his intellect and kill his will.
Let Mars seduce the boy.
Let the blood-stained god of war
blast the boy's fraternalism and plant
in his soul the cheap aspirations of a
proud-strutting, gilt-braided butcher—
afire with a desire for bloody deeds.
Sting dead the bud of love In the
small boy—the helpless small boy.
A human fool-tool is needed in the
shop, mill and mine.
Therefore tetep forthf you cheap
prostitutes of the various intellectual
professions, all of you who bow the
knee to the steel and gold gods of industry, and shout aloud the incomparable excellencies, advantages , superiorities and desirabilities of the Boy
Scout enterprise. Take the boys to
the woods and train them, take them
to the street and train them, take
them to the armory and train them—
and also and especially take them to
the basement of the churches and
train them, mockingly train them
there to "love their fellowmen" and
carefully prepare them ,to butcher
their fellowmen.    -
At the age of three the tiny boys
of all races and colors gleefully romp
and play together; sociability has its
own glad way with them in happy
laughter, sweet caresses, and a thousand gracious amiabilities promise
the poetry and fraternalism and the
ever more glorious levels of life for
the human family.
But at the age of twenty theae same
children, shrewdly poisoned with geographic and ethic "patriotism," cursed
by the embrace of Mars, damned by
the false teachings of prldeless Intellectual prostitutes, are proudly ready
to slaughter one another at the nod of
syphilitic kings, cheap queens, at the
order of coarse-grained presidents,
pot-house statesmen and small-brained
A boy scout Is an incipient assassin,
a budding jingo, germinating butcher
of men—a boy, Innocent and excellent
fruit of love, being transformed into
a blood-lusting fool and tool to serve
in the great class struggle as an iron
fist for the employer class against the
working class. '
All the "best' 'people are encouraging the movement—from President
Taft to the pettiest political and sacre-
dotal sniveling!-, willing to sell their
souls for bread and popularity with
the kings of Industry. The boy scout
movement Is a recent handsome wrinkle on the snout of the beast of aapi-
tallsm.       GEO. R. KIRKPATRICK.
Break your chains-
and Pre-emptions
Western Farming & Colonization Company, Limited
(Continued from page one)
China and India, which formerly provided a market, themselves embarking on the capitalist system of production. Soon every country on earth
will have a surplus of commodities
and then tbe jig will be up. Exit capitalism.
It is a natural law that every social
system carries within itself the germ
of its own destruction. So with capital.
ism. It is so near collapsing at the
present moment that the capitalist
class is nearly at its wits end to bolster It up any longer, but it is one of
the notable facts of sociology that no
ruling class ever realized that its system had become outgrown until it was
actually overthrown. Just so with the
present ruling class. Its part In the
evolution of industry is about finished,
but, barnacle-like, it still clings to the
ship of production and has yet as a
last forlorn hope for another brief respite the possibility of plunging the
workers of the world into a colossal
hell of destruction of slaves and commodities by the good old method—
war. Anyone who thinks they will
hesitate an instant to launch the
slaves at each other's throats in order
to prolong their rule has another think
coming. Make no mistake about It, the
rulers will absolutely stop at nothing
to keep the upper hand, but they are
doomed. As additional proof of the fact
that the system brings war, they themselves state that the armaments are
to protect their "investments" and
"our trade." Now war is not waged
without weapons and if "investment,"
which is the chief feature of capital,
ism, causes the tools of war to be
forged it thus makes the wars possible—brings them.
Also the literary hirelings of the
capitalist elass are even more blind
and ignorant of the underlying causes
than their masters. They are in a
hopeless muddle over the war question, having no inkling of the actual
situation. To them everything is confusion and uncertainty. Their imbecile screeds on "labor unrest" show
their inability to grasp the cause and
understand the outcome.
The Socialist alone is clear-headed
and serene, for he knows that labor's
deliverance and the end of war is in
sight. Tomorrow the cry will go up
from the throats ot tens of millions of
workers, "Capital the Great has fallen," and labor after Its age-long slav.
ery, will come to Its own and war and
capitalism—twin monsters—will be no
Por capitalism ln ransacking the
earth to dispose of its commodities
has pretty well unified the human
race. The slaves are fast learning to
think internationally and are rapidly
getting so class-conscious it Is doubtful if any considerable number of
them would don the bloody uniform of
human butchery If called to go forth to
Shall war cease? Yes, when the enslaved workers of the world kick decadent, doddering,- murderous, war
causing capitalism off the earth and
Institute a system of production for use
Instead of for profit—a system where
master and slave are no more. It is
up to the slaves. How long, oh, ye
slaves?     How long?
Dewberry, Alta., Aug. 16th.
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