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Western Clarion Sep 10, 1910

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Array NO. 596.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Sept. 10, 1910.
dubacrii'iioii iTloe
Pb* Yea*
How Misery Fills the Worker With False Fears
"It's no good, my boy. I tell you
things would not work If we divided
up; and, besides, a man could not
keep his wife under Socialism." I did
not rise up and slay the speaker, because, after all, I had only been drilling the Socialist thought into him for
eighteen months—and, again, he reads
the Grain Growers' Guide. Remembering these things, and on the strict
Q. T., because he is several stone
heavier than I, I merely smiled a
weary smile. A man could not keep
his wife under Socialism! We were
seated In the home ot my friend—
hush, call it not a slave pen!—a home
of two by twice dimensions, with furniture of early Saskatchewan style,
tastefully decorated with stencils and
• brands loudly proclaiming its past life.
Tt* couch, beneath its faded trimmings, looked brilliant with immigration baggage checks. Montreal via
Liverpool, per G. P. R-, proclaimed the
washstand; "this side up," quoth the
table. My friend had just come in for
five minutes jaw while his wife
milked the cows, and had given out
the wonderful remark with which this
screed begins. "No, I say it again—I
have no use for Socialism for that
reason alone."
I could not reply. I only sat and
wondered; wondered that a man of
this day would give voice to such rank
nonsense. Enter his wife with two
milk palls, brimful. Over against the
family bed, also of early Saskatchewan style, stood the separator, whose
crar.k was soon in motion, grinding
Said I: "Fair lady, sit you down and
rest." She turned upon me with a
gasp. "Rest? Why, there Is all the
chores to do yet, and little Teddle to
put to bed. Don't talk foolish man;
it's only eight o'clock. You know a
woman must work these days if the
harvest is to be got through." "Sure,"
said the man (who for the rest shall
be Bill); "if we don't get everything
fixed 1 can't keep the wife In comfort
through the next year." "That's so,"
.said his wife, "a married mau must
work to keep his old lady In food and
clothes, to say nothing of the kid."
I looked her over again and smiled
a grim smile, for I remembered her
but a short while ago the belle of the
township, over whom we had Bighed
and quarreled and all but scrapped a
short while ago; and now the freshness of her youth was all but gone,
she was sad-eyed and looked weary, a
certain yellowness had displaced the
bloom of her cheeks, a worried expression turned down the corners of
her erstwhile jolly mouth. And now
upon her bare and scrawny arms I
noted the cruel scars and blisters
which come with much "shocking" of
grain. To cook meals, look after her
kid, and In her spare time time to
Bhock grain and milk the cows; to
wash the clothes, the milk-skimmer,
to make butter, to keep the cattle out
of the crops, to look after the garden,
to tend the traps and to poison gophers—these were her dally round
and all to the end that her husband
might "keep" her in food and clothes.
Nine p. m., and at last It seemed
that work was over for the "day;" but
no, out she ran to where little Teddle
■was trying in an earnest manner to
swallow a -monkey-wrench, and anon
she brought him back weeping because of the perversity of grown-up
people who found no joy In the flavor
ot rusty iron. Small wonder she
looked tired and sad, for I had overheard, as I loafed around at dances,
how that unreasonable stork, whose
~bUBiness in life is to fly around and
'deposit immature wage slaves ln the
most unsuitable places, would soon
visit this twain again.
The wailing of Teddle being at last
silenced, she sat down and took me to
task. "I wonder you have nothing
better to do than come around trying
to poiBon the mind of Bill with your
Socialism rubbish. Why, a pretty
thing it would be if a woman could
not marry for a home. A nice state
of affairs if a man could up and say,
'I am going to leave you,' and take off
with some other woman. Go away and
and a wife of your own; she'll soon
knock all this revolutionary nonsense
out of your head." I hastened to as
sure her that so far as Bill was con
cerned all was safe, he being blessed
by nature with an upper works of sur
prising thickness. "But then," she
cume back, "you Socialists have noth
lng to offer a person. You have no
God." And now I saw the light; my
friend the .Methodist preacher had
been talking, and so I rose up and bid
them both good night.
Some day this couple will "make
good" if they have luck, and a bowed
and broken man, collided with his yel
low and shrivelled mate, will send little Teddie and Jack and Jean off to
college, after they have "passed the
entrance," to the end that the final
process of mental stultification may
be performed.
Outside, once away from the atmosphere of cream, baby and general untidiness, I began to think again. The
night was beautiful; overhead the celestial maidens, clad in glowing raiment and violet and pure white, whom
wise men call the northern lights,
dancc-d before the high gods. The
country was golden with "shocked"
grain, miles and miles of It, while
stark out of the yellow sea rose the
olive green of distant bluffs. Down
on the lake the wild duck fluttered
and whispered together, the bush
rabbits froiiced and scamped across
the stubble, the giant owls whooped
and wjieeled; ever and anon out of the
velvet sky the night-hawks boomed
and vanished. .More than beautiful!
And as I thought how all this might
be indeed ours but for the stupidity
and Ignorant folly of my fellow-
workers I could have sat me down and
wept—that is, had the grass been not
so damp and the seat of my overalls
so thin.
So the tragic comedy goes on. I
huve watched with interest and
amusement the slaves tolling in the
fields, following the plow, the harrow, the packer, me binder; I have
seen them sweating at the insatiable
maw ot the giant thresher, and I have
taken my shock, too, without interest
and amusement. I have laughed
aloud to hear them boast of their freedom as they dug the grain dust from
their bloodshot eyes at 3:30 a. in. in
order to get a move on bright and
early. At the hall which the Comrades have built, and where they hold
dances and propaganda meetings, the
same grim folly goes on. Proudly they
sweep down the hall to the waltz music, played upon a fiddle and an ac-
cordeon, or quickly they scamper
through the quardllle. In the corners
and around the porch, more slaves,
handed and cooing softly to each
other. Forgotten is the stress of economic pressure, forgotten the weary
grind tomorrow must bring, tonight
they play the ancient game, and already "see babies in each other's
eyes," as Van Switen hath it, to the
end that the men may take a wife to
"keep" and the girls that they may be
"kept." To be "kept" and to "keep"—
this is the slave's idea of life.
To abolish the stain of economic
dependence; to live free, happy lives,
not caring for tomorrow; to sit us
down at ease and peacefully pass our
lives away; to see the kiddies, "rummy
little devils full of glee," over whom
the curse of wage slavery shall not
hang, whose infant hands shall never
know the curse of work, whose infant
minds shall never feel the pressure of
economic necessity, to whom starvation and want shall be as things unheard of; to Indulge our base and lowbred souls in "free love" for all we
are worth—these be the dreams and
fancies of slow bellies, lazy men and
Socialists, than whom there is no
more loathsome sect upon the solid
earth. We warn you'against their
propaganda, and against them, for
they hold out to you all that a man
or woman can desire, and is not desire
a deadly sin?. Live on within your
sordid slave pens; • live on, immured
In your colossal Ignorance, your stupid, senseless passion for work, your
household gods of tin and packing
cases; live on, with tho tops of your
bodies (tho place whore your heads
should be) stuck deep In the sandpit
of economic ignorance, and say Social-
Ism is not for you because you could
not keep your wife thereunder.
Hullo, here am I, a Materialist,
fallen into a poetic streak. "Get thee
behind me, Satan," for our trouble is,
after all, because of the commodity
nature of labor power, because we do
not own the machinery of production,
and because production is for profit
and not for use—simgly these, and
nothing more. Musing thusly, I came
at last to my own mansion and sought
my sumptuous and virgin couch. I
dreamed that I was a deceased Musi
sulman, whose soul, (if any) had
winged its way to those
"Vineyards rare, wherein the black-
eyed houris dance,"
and I deny that my mouth watered,
because that would be immoral. Bill
is still busy "keeping" hisVife," and
she looks thinner than ever. How
they hug their chains, these slaves,,
"And that's what I can't stand about
you Socialists; you will call us
slaves."   Amen. A. BUDDEN.
The next Court of Revision will be
held on the 7th of November next, and
now is the time for all the various
S. P. of C. Locals to get busy and clear
the voters' lists of all superfluous
names that are systematically kept on
the same by the old parties, especially
the ones that are how in power; and
now should be the time for them all to
be knocked off—by us, as it ls not very
far away from the time when Monsieur
Laurier will be busy again trying his
luck, and surely we ought to be able to
break In upon that sanctum sanctorum
at Ottawa this trip with a real good,
lively Revolutionist. ■*■
Here in Grand Forks the mighty
Granby Company have-certainly put
tho unholy fear into the hearts of the
majority; still there are a few of the
old-timers left that can be relied upon
at the right time, despite their positions. The Conservatives are fighting
amongst themselves at present over
the spoils, etc., and especially at the
way that they have been duped about
the hot air line of railway that McBride told them would liven up the
country and give them all fat dividends. That famous Policy—ya, ya—
well, I am still sticking to it, and am
Hawthornthwaite Delivers Address on Militarism
i systematically   pestering  the   farmer
j class with our literature, and so far
am meeting with good success.
But 1 am figuring that the very best
educator that most of these chaps will
get in the near future will be the complete shutting down of the Granby
works, and then they will have to rustle elsewhere and learn the fact that A very large audience gathered in duction of military expenses under
the paternal Granby Company are not the Empress theatre to hear Comrade i Capitalism would not make the posl-
here  for  the 'sole  purpose  of  giving
their good slaves a living.
Grand Forks. B. C.
According to a quotation from the
Seattle Socialist la the New York
Weekly People, socialist translators
ln the U. S. A. do not always translate. To appropriate the work of others without acknowledgement is common. They say the Kerr edition of
Kautsky's Class Struggle (Erfurter
programme) was not translated by W.
E. Bohn, but appropriated from De
Leon  who, they say, did violence to
Hawthornthwaite Bpeak on Militarism I tion  of  the  workers  any  better,   as
last Sunday, dealing particularly with
the Boy Scout  Movement.
He began by pointing to the fact
that the Capitalist Class is beginning
to realize the great danger lt is in
from the ever growing consciousness
of the workers, and are prepared to
resort to any form of trickery to save
themselves. He said that the power
of the Capitalist political parties to
gain the support of the workers was
getting weaker every day, calling attention to the fact that it would be
impossible for the old parties to get
such a lai-ge audience at any of their
meetings, without months of advertising and boosting, even for such shln-
the original, if he  did designate    it | lng lights as Sir Wilfred Laurier.
adapted." I suppose that means, to
suit De Leon. Bohn admits that he
Is only giving about two-thirds of the
original, but says he has not tampered with the principles. Ahem. Are
principles eternal things like Truth
and Justice?
Stechisin, Saltzman, Rigg and Co.*f
in their endeavor to find something
from some one of authority that would
appear to justify them in starting
another Socialist Party in Canada, quoted from the Kerr edition of the above
book. They say Keutsky is a faithful disciple of Marx, but to make the
quotation at. all pletisibl? they had to
commence, not at the beginning, but
well on in the paragraph, and then
they had to mutilate in different places
—about "Seventy words before reaching
the end of the paragraph. That, too,
without any acknowledgment in any
way, shape, or form.
If there is any truth in the quotation from the Seattle Socialist, It is
to be hoped that Kautsky was ,more
faithful to Marx than De Leon was
to Kautsky and than Bohn was to De
Leon. As for the Social Democrats
of Winnipeg, they were merely playing
the   game. C. M. O'BRIEN.
To the few non-Socialists sufficiently intelligent to read The Western Clarion these few words are in
You have been accustomed to ignore
Socialism or to sneer at the work
Sbcialists are doing. Many of you
think us a band of chronic grumblers,
men who wlll never be satisfied, who
antagonize everything good, but who
have no remedy for that which ls
Granted that it is all true, that,So-
cialists are misfits or bores placed
upon the earth ln order to banish contentment from its surface, can you afford to disregard the present roten
Thousands of human beings starve
every day. Men are forced to work
ten, twelve and fifteen hours a day,
seven days a week. In many industries women are taking the place of
men and slaving in sweat shops so
long as any profit for the master class
can be extracted from their suffering
bdoies. Children under eight years
are tied to machines and made to yield
up their lives that fine ladies with
dogs and cats may live in palaces.
Millions of able-bodied men are displaced by weak children, the men
driven forth to suffer all the pangs of
hunger and cold, and the greater pain
of seeing their sons and daughters suffer, the children grdund between the
wheels In the deadly factory. Honest
men are made criminals, virtuous women made prostitutes. Factory workers, living In filth all their lives, become a part of the dirt, and as capitalism develops more people are crowded
into the large cities with their rotten
tenements, and the population of the
slums increases, the diseased inhabitants breeding like guinea pigs. Roose.
velt's bogey, race suicide, It not a real
danger at all. The danger is that the
race will degenerate, both mentally and
physically. In fact, it is not longer a
danger, but a hideous reality.
Anyone with eyes and ears knows
the above statements to be more than
true, knows that the frightful conditions are not fully stated in all their
enormity. I)*- any reader does not believe it let him spend only fifteen minutes in the poor district of even the
small cities.
What Is the cause.' Answer: Men
work themselves to the grave because,
under present conditions, they must do
so In order to live, because u small band
of pirates have secured possession
of the country and all it contains, and
draw their profits from those who
must live in the country nnd use their
masters' property or starve. Women
or children do men's work because it
means more profits to the master
class. Workers are killed in the production of wealth because any attempt to protect their lives would interfere with profits. Men are driven
to crime when thoy can no longer produce profits for their owners. The
slums are Inhabited because they pay
larger profits in the shape of rent on
th sum invested than other capital.
"Profits" Is the god. Profits is the
cause of all the workers' troubles.
Eliminate profits, nnd the system of
robbery will cease to exist. And the
only way to eliminate profits is for the
workers to take possesssion of the
means of production by which they are
now exploited and themselves enjoy
the wealth which they produce. That
Is the Socialist cure. Now, can not
the workers for once forget that Socialists are either disgruntled dough-
In ■„■- ■ or deep-dyed villains, and seriously consider tbe disease of capital-
Ism and tho only possible cure?
Comrade Hawthornthwaite then
quoted statistics to show that the
standing armies of the world mustered a great many more men than
were employed ln the production of
"What a volume of wealth would be
produced," he said, "if these men
could be put to some useful occupation, instead of being organized to
murder each other."
Taking up the question of the Boy
Scouts  he  said:
"In dealing with this matter, it is
necessary that I be very exact, and
shall therefore quote from a book
written by the founder of the movement. Sir Robert Baden-Powell, the
Hero of Mafeking. The first thing
we notice is that the scout must be
loyal to his parents, his employers
and his country, and must not even
permit anything to be said against
them. This is very good for the master class, for it seeks to Inculcate in
the susceptible minds of children a
deep reverence for their supposed superiors, especially for God and the
King. The King is always mentioned
along with God, no doubt to convey
the idea that they are equal, unless it
is the Kaiser who says it, when it is
'Myself and God.' Sir Robert Baden-
Powell lays great stress oh the declaration that the Scout idea Is not
to teach militarism, but to make
strong, upright men. Yet he recommends a number of books that the
scout should read, which do not bear
out this Idea. Here are some of them:
Active Service Pocketbook," "Deeds
that have won the Empire," "The
Selge of Mafeking" (by the Hero him-
Belf), and a "Work on Military Engineering." If the Scout is not to be
taught militarism, why should he
read such books? Besides these there
are books on electrical engineering
and other forms of Industrial activity.
These have also a very good purpose I
to serve for the master class. Some I
time in the future, the workers may
decide to use a new weapon against
the Capitalists—the General Strike. In
case they do, it would be a very good
thing for the masters to have an army
well trained Industrially, ready to
step in nnd do the work of the striker**.
"A noble suggestion in this book is
that the boys should frequent the
butcher shops, in order to get used to
they were sellers of the commodity
labor-power, and as such must at all
times be governed by the state of the
labor market. What the masters did
with the wealth that was wrung from
them in the form of surplus-value, did
not concern them. Their mission was;„r,.
to organize in a political party for the
purpose of capturing the powers of
government aud using them to secatm
the full product of their"toil. He also
devoted some attention to the evolution of human society, tracing Its me-
velopment through preceding torn
Capitalism which must lnev
give way to Socialism.
A number of questions were
and a couple of critics took thel
form.   All were dealt with in a|
able manner.    A good collection!
realized,  and  the  meeting gen|
was a huge success.
*''.-**■ j
Manchester, Engl
Dear    Comrade,—Your    corri
dent, "Phillips Tho-apson," see:
think a kick against the upkeepij
kings In Idleness is along clasi
scions lines.    I cannot see lt
fact he nearly  lands himself ii
same  boat  as  those    persons
imagine that the working class
fit by low  taxation,    and    for
reason, lying  behind his remar
the idea    that If a lesser sum
was given  to  GEORGE V.  had
alloted   to   him   the   workers
have benefited  by the differen
tween the low and high taxes
sary to raise tbe amount of the
salary.    That  such  is  not the
was well shown in a recent critlj
appearing in your paper of E.
mann's    theories  as  to  robber
consumers. :'
Again,  it  seemed  to  me  thai
correct  method  of showing tli
ruling class are  not    "abler,
more fitted to direct and gover:
the general run of individuals"
show  that  they  do  not    dire
govern unwisely, Buch functions!
carried   out   by   a   "special   I'ifjV'
wage labourer" Cap. 322. *
Re the "muck-raking" policy
friend Thompson thinks Is good
it is carried on largely by one 8
of the capitalist class and  pri
order to discredit  their polltlc-fl^H
ponents,   such   opponents   being OmtyH'
fighting  for   the  spoils  of  otnv.fmmti: '.
for nothing further.
I suppose Mr. II. I'littomli-y.'-pilt^ '
over here would be called a 'tmrntM" '
raker" us he constantly shiivM'-'^-p'*-
corruption and corrupters who ggnmgv
use bis journal "John Hull" it "«■'•*
advertising medium. He desinV%^'■'
gel I'stulilislied through the oragggai
of his John Mull  League, u    \:'!*%%*% ■
As   Mr.   Hiiol.v   says:   "The   Xahntt.,
can  business man's too fly—he flHpt'' •**■
In lie left to dale with his iikids.,   "We
a shame to give  him a place  where
he can put th' come'ther on mlf
iv  people  that has had  no
thiamin'  beyond   occasionally hHB
a   piece   of  debased   money   to   4;,c*r
tbe sight of blood, and should learn jcon(luctol. on a CoId day,
how  to  kill  verious  animals.    Still,;    S(K.ialisti,.,1!v   (:onsi„0,„d   a   «*,,„•.
there Is to be nothing military In their , govmmu.nt. ■   „,„„,,,   „,„.,„• mm.
training.    Is there a mother    present ciollrv.  wlli,,,   ,„  ,,„.„  m,..llis  ii^agA
who would like her children to engage ,nllnation nf labourers  ,„„„'<■,."■:,»,,to
In  such  a. disgusting occupation   as the cal.rying 011 ot any busin,,, w	
that?   In camp, the scout is taught to (trolled by the government, this
when tbe workers unite and fight, their
oppressors can they ever become free
men. C. V. H.
wreak  summary  vengeance   on   any im8nilg more out of Jobs, from
member who steals. One of the scouts'it  wiM be seen that the muck-r-^.
is to take something from the camp ■ (f- -,. B. ls a typical case) only seek*-,
and run away.    The others are then tne b(,tter development of capitaUsn*.
to follow hiin, capture him and bring ;amI therefore is against the workers""
him back to go through the form of i interests.    Of  course,  If  lt  be  said
a trial, execution and burial. |that until capitalism ia developed  to
"Thus, children are to be taught aia condlt'on of things makes necossnry
love for Witchery, a deep reverence |a nejv system of society, then since
for their masters and a respect for palliatives do not palliate but worsen
private property. All this must opor-! matters, then friend Thompson should
-te solely In the interests of the Capl-jg0 In for nil the reforms he can in
talists, for the interests of the work- order to hasten on the down/all of
ers are International, and there is no'capitalism, lie would then land liim-
longer any reason for the working self in tho position of advocating
0nIy [disss    of one    country    fighting    Ihe  measures which honesty would  impel
working class of another country."      ihim  to tell  his  supporters  were  use-
Comrade      Hawthornthwaite     took i less,
pains to make It clear that any re-' "JAYBEE." irin;   wi^jictvin  LLrtKIW,   VAlN*^UUVtU\, BKIJ Iih  CULUMblA
Published every Saturday by the
Socialist Party of Canada, at the Office
ot the Western Clarion. Flack Block
Basement, 165 Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
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Sox 1688 Vanoouver, B. O.
strength and agility.
Most disgusting of nil was the
commercial advertising which usually
features these displays. Thus the
masters use the slaves to advertise the
very commodities which the slaves
have created and lost.
These be "free" men. Not only
obedient ail the year round in their
work, but. docile in their very play.
The master, by legal enactment says
"Now slaves, this is your day to
gambol, to display yourselveB and
proclaim how good and loyal you are
to us."
Let us, on the flrst of May, declare
ourselves free, at least for the day.
Let us consult no one but ourselves,
but take a holiday that will be truly
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
SATURDAY,  SEPT. 10th,  1910.
The economy of Capitalism which
expresses itself in the saving of labor,
extends to the sea.
On the "Advent of the oil-engine-
driven ocean steamship" the Scientific American comments In part as
"Sentiment does not enter into the
motives which have prompted this
ambitious venture. It was done solely
under the spur of that guiding principle, economy, which is behind all
improvements in steamship transpor-
A tribe of monkeys met one day
To settle some disputes
That they had had among themselves
Concerning men and brutes;
And, as I chanced to pass that way,
I felt an inclination  .
To hear what they might have to say,
And got an Invitation
To take a seat among the rest
And make myself at home
Among my old relations
That in the forest roam.
Says I to one, "There's some mistake—
Explain it if you can—
Do you me for a monkey take,
Or think yourself a man?"
Says he,  "My friend, there's no mistake
As far as we're concerned;
This question rose among you men,
And men whom you call learned;
And this i3 why we meet today—
To talk the matter over;
So hear what we have got to say,
And do not feel so sober."
I took a sent, and must confess
I felt n little queer
To hear what monkeys had to say
Regarding man's career;
And what I saw, and heard them say,
I'll tell it, verse or prose;
I'll let the muses settle that,
No matter how it goes.
But let it be in verse or prose,
I'll tell the truth the same;
And if there's aught to give offense
You'll not have me to blame.
'Tis always best to tell the truth.
No matter who it hit*—
You need not put the fool's cap on
Unless you find it fits.
SATU.RDAY,  SEPT.  10thri910.
But, knowing that they told the truth,
1 felt a little flat;
The meeting was adjourned sine die,
Am 1 was left behind
To ponder o'er what I had heard
About the human kind.
And now, my friends, my story ends,
This moral fits the case:
Let workingmen co-operate
And free the human race;
Co-operation leads the way,
The only way to freedom;
The way to rid the earth of drones—
The world no longer needs 'em.
SluiKe off the chains that bind  you
And stand erect like men;
And If you stumble by the way
You'll soon get up again;
And if we all co-operate
Por Labor's true salvation.
The joyful sound will then resound,
A free and happy nation.
—From the Pittsburg Leader.
-With Earth's first Clay They did the
Last Man knead,
And there of the Last Harvest Sowed
the Seed;
And  the first   Morning of   Creation
"What the Last Dawn of   Reckoning
shall read."
Beyond the fringe of history we see
■dimly Man, just emerged from the
"beast," dwelling in herds and hordes,
hunting and fishing, digging roots and
feasting on wild fruit in their season
like any other animal till, taught of
adversity, of famine and privation, he
learns to plant seed that a harvest
may be assured.
History records and preserves petty
and insignificant occurrences, as flies
are embalmed in amber. The really
momentous events are most often
passed by with scant notice, or none,
and -their very time is soon forgotten.
Thus It is with Man's first harvest,
than -which there have been few, if
any, .Occasions of greater moment,
deeper significance and more far-
reaching effect upon the evolution of
human society.
Before that, while yet a roving savage. Jinn could, by continuous foraging, .procure but enough for himself
and his, and to doing that all his energies were devoted and his thoughts
'•concentrated. Property was not, for
the resources of Nature were free to
all and therefore no more the property Of any than air or sunshine. In-
■centlTe to property ownership there
was none, for ownership carried with
it no advantages.
tlve, minutes'   jaw   M*hile    his    wif'-
But .Man's first harvest marked
many beginnings. Earth's bounteous
return, even to the crude husbandry
of the primeval sower, made lt possible for the toil of one to feed many.
Thence sprung the incentive to the
ownership of fertile lauds and to the
enslavement of the weak by the
strong. Thence sprung wealth and
luxury, leisure and learning, "progress
and, advancement," science and art.
Then, were laid the foundations of all
the enjpires; of Nineveh and Babylon,
of Egjffit and of Ind, of Greece and
Rome;, of "the empire on which the
sun never sets." Thence grew and
developed chattel slavery, serfdom
and capitalism, and thence is yet lo
grow Socialism.
Man'B first harvest ushered in slavery, and from slavery he shall at
length reap freedom. The menus of
life, multiplied manifold as property,
shall return again into the possession
of the human race stripped of their
-character of property, of access lo all,
and therefore the properly of none,
bnt once more free as air or sun-
•*i£ine.   '
That men should be slaves, even in
these days of triumph for tho race,
is excurfhble, as the customs and
teachings of centuries are not lightly
to' be cast aside. But that they
should be so proud ot their condition,
as to-flaunt it In the faces of their
friendB, ls past understanding.
"Labor" day, with its grim files of
toilworn artisans, parading at the
bidding of. their masters, has come
and gone. What a spectacle they
presented, here in Vancouver. Dejection hung like a pall over the march-
men, communicating itself even lo the
spectators. This was the celebration
of triumphant Labor! Where was the
proud step and fearless mien of the
free man? With slouching tread,
shoulders bowed with toil, they slinik
along as If, and this to their credit,
they were ashamed. Not so the
horses. They had less reason to be
ashamed, for their sleek and burnished sides reflected the sun, while
their uplifted heads and buoyant motion  gave   every  ovidenco  of  health,
controlling the stokers, one of the
most troublesome features in running
a steamship, will no longer cause
anxiety in the owners; for the engineers and a few oilers will constitute
the whole of the engine-room staff.
Troublesome stokers, for whom the
blistering depths of a ship had no
attractions, other than the satisfaction of hunger. Now, they may enjoy
relief from toll—but not from hunger.
Very likely they will become troublesome in another direction—as part
of the great mob of unemployed which
every day presses more insistently
upon  society,  demanding sustenance.
Mayhap the day will soon arrive
when these stokers will reappear in a
yet more "troublesome" role, seeking
to own the ships from which they
have been driven by the ingenuity of
their class.
It seems these monkeys all had heard
_. ,, . ,      Of Darwin's famous plan,
tation.   The problem of securing and That   from   thelr   anc'ient' 8lres   had
The present race of man;
They sent a delegation out
To learn more of this race,
And found a slight resemblance—
But only in the face.
One monkey rose and told the rest
What he had learned of men,
And If my friends all think it best
I'll tell it o'er again.
Says he: "I've travelled far and wide,
I've seen wise men and fools;
I've seen them ln their churches pray,
I've seen them in their schools;
I've seen men drink, and swear, and
And tear each other's eyes;
I've heard them tell for solemn truth
The most stupendous lies.
I've seen men do a thousand things
Too foolish to be told;
And yet they claim tb be as wise
As Solomon of old.
In fact, old Solomon himself
Did many a foolish thing;
But people call him very wise
Because he was a king.
A king, though he be born a fool,
Or stupid as an ass,
Will find his most obedient tools
Among the working class.
The workingman will pass resolves
To put oppression down,
Y'et crawl and cringe before a king
Because he wears a crown.
They toll  and  sweat  from morn  till
Until they fill their graves,
Milton, Ont., August 26,1910.
To the Editor:
Dear Sir^-The writer Is a stockholder in the P. L. Robertson Manufacturing Company, of Milton, a company attacked by Toronto Saturday
Night in its issue of August 20th, and
which it had also mentioned in several j To7ee'd a"packVtMed%rore's
previous   ssues who us^ them afJ  h ,       e
The writer believes that when a pa-'
Dear Comrade:
I thank you very much for your fraternal spirit in giving me the opportunity to obtain through the influence
of your columns information of the experiences of Immigrants. Should any
comrade be able or desirous of giving
me cases iu point, or facts in regard
*o any of the centres which are largely advertised here practically by suggestion as the gates ot paradise, no
doubt you will be kind enough to forward to above address the items. You
understand it will be a great help to
a Socialist in dealing with the emigration fad.
Yours fraternally,
182 Heaton Park Road,
August 15th, 1910.
A man's traditional and metaphysical superstitions are the mental
children of his past, and he invariably
loves them better than the scientific
facts of his present time, for the same
reason that our grandmothers often
are dearer to us than our own mothers.
Distance, as well as time, lends
enchantment to our views. Let us
root them out. Not our Grandmothers!    But our superstitions.
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head. "1.1)0 per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of cunadu. Meets
every alternale Holiday. V, G. McKenzie. Secretary. Box 1688, Vancouver,  11,  C.
Executive Committee, .Socialist Partv
of Canada Meets every alternate
Monday. I). G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box loss Vancouver, b. C.
Committee, Socialist Parly of Canada Meeta every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. ISast, opposite postofflce, Secretary will he
pleased to answer any communications
regarding Hie movement In the province. 1''. Danby, Sec, Box 617 Calgary!
tlve Committee. Meets first and third
Tuesdays in the month at 12 1-2 Adelaide St. Any reader of the Clarion
desiring information about the movement in Manitoba, or who wishes to
join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebblngs,
Sec, 316 Good St.,  Winnipeg.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKinnon's,
Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL   VANCOUVEB,   B.  C,  NO.  1.—
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, lol Hastings St. W.
I''. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
LOOAL VANCOUVEB, B.  0.,  NO.  46	
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 161
Hustings St. W. Secretary, Wm.
1 ropaganda and business meetings at
?, ,','■ '"• every Sunday evening lu the
Ldlson Parlor Theater. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke nre invited to attend. B. F. (layman
0. Business meetings every Saturday
i p.m. In lieadMuarteis on First Ave.
.1.   H.  Bui-rough,   llox  31,   Ladysmith,
second Sunday 7::io p.m. in McGregor
Hall    (.Miliars1   Hall),   Thos.   Roberts
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:80 p.m. I'.'. Campbell, Secy., P. o.
"x, 674'™.RosiUand Finnish Branch
meets in 1< Inlanders' Hall
7:3D p.m. A. Sebble,
105 Kossland.
Sundays at
Secy., P. 0. Box
LOCAL   NELSON,   B.  P.  of C,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p. m.. in
Miners; Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
of c. Meetings every Sunduy at 8
p.m In the Labor Hall, Barber Block.
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T,
Machln, Secretary. Box 617, A. Maedonald,  Organizer,   Box  047.
P. of (_'., meets every tlrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall,
J. Ullphunt, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     WO.     9,
Minora' Hall and Opera House at 8
P.m. Everybody welcome to call. H J
Smith, Secy.
LETTISH—Meets every second und
la,I Sunday in the month, 2 p. m.
E. .1. Weinberg, 40 Ave., South Hill.
J. Schogort, Secretary, Box 1610.
Vancouver,   H.   C.
P. of C. Hem-quarters 62:! First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday ut 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake. 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Bissett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
per of supposed standing begins to
run amuck among the young industries
of Canada It Is about time its campaign was noticed by the press generally.
The writer would call your attention
to the statement of the Robertson
Company appearing in the Toronto
Globe of August 27th and also to this
week's issue of the Milton Champion,
a copy of which will be sent you by
the publisher, and which speaks editorially on this class of news matter. The
Milton paper also contains a letter
from the mayor of the town which ls
If you consider this whole subject
worthy of mention in your columns
the writer would appreciate the favor
of a copy of your paper containing
your comments.
Yours very respectfully,
•    *    •
We don't know anything about this
particular case therefore our comments will be refreshingly clear and
The company referred to above succeeded in selling a very considerable
amount of stock. Some of the stockholders became obsessed with the Idea
that about all the industry there was
in the affair was that manifested by
the vendors of the stock; tbey started
a row, whicli appears to be going mer.
rily. Hut we don't see where the
"Saturday Night" can become very
virtuously indignant about this as it
sells to a confiding public for ten
cenls, a paper which Is quite worthless.
Who wins out, or who Is telling the
truth, concerns us but little. The proletarian renders of this paper will note
that, this Is a scrap over the benefactions bestowed for such purposes by
the usual working class, which is now
a casually Interested spectator. If the
P. L. Robertson Company has succeeded in selling a lot of bum stock to
suckers, for money which has been extracted from labor previously, we
wish them Joy. If, on the" other
hand , the proposition is a good one
from a shareholder's point of view,
the company obtains a profit from its
Industry and pays a dividend, that
profit will come from the workingmen
whose labor power the company must
Fight away, gentlemen. You all look
alike to us. "Legal" or "Illegal," your
game is played with the wealth that
the working class, in its ignorance,
gives up at the point of production.
Not for the world would wo have any
company think we wore singling it out
for attack. We wouldn't do it that
much honor. The presence of all such,
great and,small, offends us very much,
and as class-conscious workers we
shall endeavor to hasten the time when
they will take their fitting place
among the wrecked and unregretted
Institutions of history.
Another monkey took the floor
And thus addressed the crowd:
"If Darwin's story be correct
You need not feel so proud
To   learn   that   men   were   monkeys
They act like willing asses,
Who carry burdens all their lives
As do the working classes;
Disgusted with the rule of kings.
And with their cringing tools,
I came to free America,
Where boasted freemen rule;
Where  Yankee Doodles' fought   and
To free themselves from kings,
I found that their degenerate sons
Were ruled by thieves and rings.
When kings and knaves get up a fight
To settle their disputes
The workingmen will rush pell-mell
And play the human brutes.
The knaves will then divide the gold,
The fools divide the lead;
And then they shoot each other down
Till half the fools are dead;
The other half will then go home
And work like willing slaves
To help and pay the war fund off,
And then fill paupers' graves.
When workingmen were in the field
And fighting braves and bold,
The Wall Street thieves, like fiends of
Were gambling in gold.
Men boast of their religion,
And boast of their free schools,
Hut If wo monkeys acted so
They'd sny that we were fools;
And 1 would suy tho same myself,
in fact I'd hide my face;
If we should ever act like men
I'd cease to own my race.
I feel ashamed to tell you how
The workingmen  will act;
I scarcely would believe myself
I'ntll 1 proved the fact.
They spin and weave and make flue
Por lazy drones to wear;
They plow und sow and reap and mow,
And get tho smallest share.
And when they've filled the land with
With scarcely room for more,
The drones will take and pile it up
And keep it all In store;
The workingman will stand and gaze
And raise the silly cry,
Because we have produced so much
We've got to starve and die.
And those who neither toll or spin
Have plenty and to spare;
They seem to claim a lawful right
To other people's share.
Where'er I went the workingmen
Ne'er stood compact together;
But, ruled by knaves, in party droves,
Made faces at each other.
When Providence Is kind to us
And sends abundant fruits
We dou't go 'round and cry hard times,
As do the human brutes;
We go to work, as monkeys should,
And gather in our store;
Each monkey gets what ho has earned,
And does not ask for more.
But men have quite revised our plan—
they plunder one another;
Each one stealing all lie can,
And brother robbing brother;
And then they go to church and pray
For (Sod to give them grace;
'If nol, O Lord, then give us gold—
We'll take that In its place!'"        •
I felt that I was out of place
In such u crowd as that;
Interesting Is hardly "Hhe word to
apply to events that are happening today right before our eyes; it is not
strong enough. The fight between the
"haves" and the "have nots," Illustrated and shown up clearly by our
strikes, unemployed and the generally
miserable condition of our masses
and proletarians the world over, ranging alongside the unlimited luxury
aud profligacy of the rich, Is working
up into a situation that promises developments of no mean order in the
very near future.
It should not be necessary to call
attention to the present position of
the workers on the industrial field,
brought prominently every day to our
notice by the futility of strikes to
bring about any noticeable improvement in the ranks of those who still
insist on fighting against the economic
force of the buyers of labor power by
refusing to deliver, thereby necessarily leaving the buyers the option, of
buying other or leaving the commodity upon the hands of those who must
sell it to live, which must undoubtedly
be a very awkward position to be in.
The industrial field is becoming untenable as a fighting place for the
workers, as the small apparent gains
achieved here and there do not commence to keep pace with the ever-
deepening misery and destitution of
the proletariat as a whole, caused by
natural laws in the development of
capitalist society. On the chief cause
of these conditions—unemployment
occasioned by the introduction of labor-saving machinery—I shall not
touch, but propose in this article to
write a few words on the rapidly decreasing value of gold, which Is sliown
by the rise in price of nearly all other
commodities. This factor in the evolution of society bids fnlr to assume
nn Importance not generally recognized, even by those who are supposed to keep an eye on developments and, rightly or wrongly, to supply us with mental food.
To the average man it. Is like using
Greek to mention the fall in the value
of gold. He does not yet seem capable of grasping it. Even , men who
pretend to a certain amount of knowledge of social economy will argue
that a piece of gold weighing a quarter of an ounce is still worth an English pound sterling, thereby contending that the price of gold is still the
same as it always was, perfectly unconscious of the fact that they are
comparing gold with gold, thereby
a conclusion that ls as useless and ridiculous as it would be to say, for purposes of information and comparison,
that a yard is the equivalent of thirty-
six Inches or that five dollars ls worth
live hundred cents, this stated weight
of gold and a sovereign being only
different names of exactly the same
thing, which gives us no relative in-
Headquarters and Reading Room,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesduy
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunduy at Grand Theatre. H.
Thumas, Secretary.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,   NO.  S,   8.  P.  Of  C.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clook.
Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826.
LOOAL   FERNIE,   8.   P.   of   C.   HOLDS
educatiutial meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business
meeting llrst Sunday In each mouth,
same piuce at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy.. Box 101.
meets every Sunday In Miners' Union
Hall at 7:311 p. m, Business meetings,
1st  and   3rd  Sundays  of, each  month
George   Heatherton,   Organizer;
Campbell, .Secretary, Box 124.
R.   J.
8. P. of C—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday In the month, at 4 p.m. In
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide
Street, opposite Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every Monday evening at
3P in Propaganda meeting Sunday
evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.
Secretary, J. w. Hilling, 270 Young
OP  C.    Business   meetings   2nd  and
4 th Wednesdays in the month, at
the Labor Temple, Church St. Outdoor propaganda meetings, Saturday,
5 p.m., City Hall; Sunday afternoon,
3 p.m., at University and Queen St.;
Sunduy night. 8 p.m., at Shuter and
Vonge St. Speakers' Class every
Thursday, 8 p.m.. at Headquarters,
79 Cliure*" St. Secretary, Arthur
Taylor, 201 George St.
LOCAL VERNON, B. C, 38, 8. P. of C,
meets e\ery second and last Friday in
each month. Chas. Chancy, Sec, Box
127   Vernon,  B.  C.
S. 1*. of C.—.Meets everv Sunday tn
hall In Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.    L. H. Gorham. Secretary.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. C, NO. 16, 8. P. OP
(.*.. meets every Sunday In Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. in. Socialist speakers
are invited to call. V. Frodsham. Secretary.
LOCAL MABA, B. C, NO. 34, S. P. of C,
Meets flrst Sunday In every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman,  Recording  Secretary.
LOCAL   COBALT,   No.   9,   8.   P.   of   O.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. in Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to- attend.
M.    J.    Gorman,    Box   446,    Financial
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   NO.   8,   8.   P.   of   C.
Business meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays ut 8 p.m. ln Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rideau St. The usual
weekly Inside propaganda meetings
discontinued during summer months.
John i.you, secretary, 43 Ceutrest,
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
nld's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary. Glace Bay; Win. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
e*sT in b.c.        cir^RSJ
Pamphlets Now Ready
Proletarian in Politics   The Slave of
The Farm
Price 5c each 25c per dozen
formation whatever as to the value of
At the time that gold was selected
as the standard of value the visible
sources of supply were very few and
there appeared no prospect of Its ever
being produced In large quantities or
with any very considerable reduction
of labor. This stable amount of labor
required to produce a certain quantity,
together Willi Us quantitative value
in relation to other commodities, made
It an Incomparable medium of exchange. But now that Its value Is
dropping—-that Is, It is being produced with a steadily decreasing
amount of labor, wo arc faco to face
with a factor that Is contributing possibly as much as any other factor to
the decline In the standard of living
and the poverty of those who are still
fortunate enough to find a purchaser
for their labor power.
In face of the fact that the cost of
producing an article fixes its selling
price, It seems poor logic to speak of
a decline in the standard of living; but
we see this In actual operation today,
for the workers, on the average, are
steadily being forced to dispense with
the things they once considered quite
necessary for their existence and to
be content with articles of a very inferior quality.
The amount of labor incorporated lit
the average machine-manufactured article today is probably less than one-
twentieth of the amount required ln
the hand process of one hundred years
ago, yet we find that the prices of
commodities are more than double
what they were then, which conclusively proves thot the purchasing
power of gold has dropped tremendously. I.nbor power is bought by the
muster class with gold steadily depreciating In exchange value—or purchasing power, whichever you may
choose to name Ils special function as
money—and at the same time wages
are not Increasing in anything like
proportionate inverse ratio to their purchasing power, which discrepancy has
been gathering a momentum all over
the world ln the last four years that is
forcing the proletariat into an attitude
similar to that previous to the adoption of the gold standard which superseded silver.
What does all this mean to the
masses? It means a falling in the
standard of living to that of the Asiatic; living on charity, chattel slavery, revolution in our system of distribution of the products of industry,
or else a large and continuous increase in wages. Can you see the latter in sight, O wage slaves?
W. W. L.
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday-Sept. 11th.
H. N. Fitzgerald
; naturally seen -qia .ent-1 m. mu», ai*»o-*w-<»<m
■UMIH-.U      fu -SATURDAY,  SEPT.  10th,  1910.
TV* Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Calgary, August-30, 1910.
Regular   meeting   held  August   28,
Present: Comrades Howell, Mac-
Lean (chairman), Danby, Burgess and
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Hillcrest, Mound, Bellevue, Cole-
Iman, Innisfali and Dominion Executive Organizers Gribble and Desmond.
On motion the secretary was Instructed to forward Local Canmore $5
worth of due stamps in compliance
.with their request, and that they be
asked to remit payment as soon as
Moved and seconded that the Provincial Executive forward the sum of
$20 in part payment of account. Carried.
\ Receipts—Local Coleman, $5; Local
(innisfali, $2.50; total, $7.50. Expenditures—Local Calgary, $1.60; Dominion
Executive, $20.00; total $21.6u.
P. DANBY, Secretary.
Toronto, August 20, 1910.
Since my last report I have held
three  meetings, one   each   at   Gait,
luelph and Toronto, the latter being a
lebate with  the representative ot a
Labor" paper at some dive ln Man!-
oba.   My last meeting at Gait was one
f the largest ever held there, and I
btalned eighty-seven cents collection.
It must be noted that   my   previous
neeting was a good advertisment and
■hat made for the Immense audience I
Bad.  I dealt with the materialistic conception of history and tbe economic in.
lerpretatlon of history.   Many told me
■fterward that   my   handling of the
luestlon was totally different from the
lisual   so-called    "Socialist"    speaker
■here.   In fact, they had hardly  ever
leard that side of the question before.
JThe Gait inhabitants have been   extremely unfortunate in having such a
Teactionary   bunch   who   pretend   to
I'lead" the working class. No effort is
fnade to sell The Clarion at all. In fact,
Ihey who pretend to be party members
actually don't buy The Clarion at all.
One individual got on the platfoyn and
paid  he  was a Socialist and opposed
pie, saying I was making a good living
nut of the movement, etc., etc.   The
lense of the audience saw through the
Whole thing when I tendered my version of the function of being an  organizer.
T Gait is simply thirsting to hear what
Socialism really Is. It is a condemna-
lon of the Local when even now peo-
ile who support them oppose the rev-
ilutlonary position of the party. The
ipxt step concerning the Local is
urely to come from the party as a
chole. Personally, I attacked them
mbllcly as being treacherous to the
nterests of the working class. My
irevious effort will show how correct
was in doing so. 1 did not notice
iny of them around my meeting.
I Next day, August 19th, I went to
uelph, where, in spite of differences,
was heartily welcomed, given the
indliest consideration hy the local
omrades, and my hospitality was ar-
inged. 1 thank Comrade Farley for
is comradely attention. My meeting
had to hold on "my own," and I got
uite a large audience and held them
om 8 to 10 p.m. During the first few
homents I was speaking one sincere
[omrade was distributing some
.'eel'ly paper that he said was Socialist. I stopped him, saying that only
arty literature would be sold. I lec-
ured on "Social Evolution," tracing
pciety from its crude, primitive conation down to the present capitalist
ystem. Question time came, and
omeone asked me whether I believed
i God, and I answered: "Certainly
bt, nor could any Socialist." Some-
ne thereupon instructed the chief of
olice, who took my name, etc. I
uist say that he acted very manly,
ideed. Though he had stated I must
pt attack "their God or Jesus" by ap-
Inallng to the audience on free speech,
e stopped me from selling The West-
rn Clarion, though up to lhat time I
ad sold forty copies. He was good
uough to say I could sell on the Mar-
et Square. Needless to say, as at
rantford and Gait, I had created a
I am not prepared nl this stage of
ie game to si and for a free speech
ght, so I gave In and promised to
{old u meeting nt ihe Market Square
li Saturday. But during the after-
lion I received n letter from Toronto
otlfying me of a debute that had been
xed up some weeks ago, and I had
I leave hurriedly on Saturday even-
iig to attend. The Guelph boys are
b good as the Gait gang have been
espicable and caddish. Comrade
(ill was (like Farley) doing all he
ould to make my stay interesting,
'hat my presence created a stir can
e seen by the fact that tbe chief of
olice did his best to find out where
was. At 6 o'clock in the morning
(vo constables went to Comrade Cun-
Ingbam's house and askod if I was
tere; if not, where could I be found,
ancy that, now!   I went to Mrs. Cun
ningham and apologized for the Inconvenience that had been caused her. I
may point out that the police of Gait
Informed me after the last meeting
that there will be some restriction of
my propaganda.
Why all this has happened is simply
because 1 have laid down the scientific attitude of Socialism, which goes
to the root of all questions. Had it
been done as frequently, or in any
way, interference would be a thing of
the past. The Locals, both at Guelph
and Gait, have pandered to the fallacious notions of the Christians and
other superstition-mongers. The
presence of a notorious freak from
England, telling the workers a lot of
sentimental bosh, is something that
makes my work much harder. Needless to say, It is all the better, for my
endeavors set them things and will
do much to clear the Intellectual atmosphere.
1 go to Windsor on Saturday next
and stay there a few days. The Ayl-«
mer and Woodstock Comrades, like
those of Hamilton, have not even seen
fit. to reply to my communication. It
Is possible they are on their vacations.
On Saturday night, August 20th, I went
to Toronto and had a phenomenal sale
of literature, selling $3.25 worth. Sunday afternoon, August 21st, I debated
and got $2.80 in collection. At night
I appealed for a collection and got
$4. I desire to notify all Locals and
Comrades that I am carrying literature
of the party, and only that will I sell.
fakir to the superstitions of the church
It is a big job we are organized for, to
conquer a world, and fighting all the
powers of capitalism. But we will win,
for the inevitable law of industrial evolution goes on, and with it the triumph of we weary proletarians, who
are sick and tired of this brutal and
inhuman struggle for existence. We
yearn for the good things of life. It is
hard to come on this earth and then
pass off It without ever knowing what
it is to have lived. Fight on, Comrades; the truth alone shall make us
free. ALEX. LYON.
Trade Marks
- .... -        Copyrights Ac.
IAnTone Rending a Bkol oh nml dPKrrlpttnn niny
(UUrlily ascertain our opinion tree whether hi.
Invention In protmhlv lutlonltilile. Cnintminlrn-
Hon-m rlol.lv coiiDilehl.tnl. HANDBOOK onl'iitcnu
aoiitfroe. Oldest titfGriry for litii-urliiR putonla.
I'lLtnnlH takon Ihronuh Munn A Co. rocolva
special notice, without clinreo, lu the
. Scientific JHnericatn
^ dilation of aiiy fn-it'iiMflQ journal. Tumi tor
I Canada, $.!.75 a four, puataBU prepaid. Sold Uf
| all nnwulrjalera.
,«Co.3B,B""",w»''- New York
b C3Vs, 125 V I", "V-nnUwtnr. 0 -.1
The Socialists of the States and elsewhere are quite jubilant over Mayor
Seldel, Victor Berger and his bunch
being elected as the dominating party
in the municipality of Milwaukee. Policemen are even joining the Socialist
party so as to hang on to their jobs.
The capitalist press hail with delight
and write long editorials on these
modern Socialists of Milwaukee, for
they are not firebrands, but logical beings known as "Constructionists," step-
at-a-tlme kind, beginning with pure
water and milk, to reducing taxes, and
that Christ was a Socialist (not understanding the modes of production
When our enemies start praising us
lt Is time to get suspicious. The platform of the Milwaukee bunch was suitable for any freak to vote for, something to catch the eye of anyone from
an ass to a capitalist, and they voted
for It, with the result that we have a
Socialist administration.
Now, the interests of the working
class and the capitallsUclass are diametrically opposed. The Interests of
the ruling class arc to control political
power, the government—which is
made up of the houses of legislation,
and backed up by the army and navy,
volunteers, police courts, the church
and all Institutions, who are deal'-.^
out a dope that will keep the chains
of slavery secure on the working class.
The interest of the working class is to
organize themselves into a Socialist
party, whose mission alone Is revolution ,and through this to capture political power, and by so doing stop the
robbing of the master class by making
the means of production collective
. he mission of a Socialist party can
only be education, to teach the working class what Socialism is, for the
working class are the only class who
have nothing to lose. When enough
of the workers are class-conscious and
realize the deception and futility of
reforms they will wrest that "power"
which gives the capitalist class the
f!"jht to exploit and rob the workers.
It Is plain to see that Socialists
elected to power In Milwaukee and
elsewhere have aided and abetted the
ruling class by fighting for reforms
supposedly in the interests of the working class. The face value of the reforms of the past look all right to the
workers, but when analyzed are frauds.
The Milwaukee "Socialists" are going
to reduce the taxes and give honest
administration, and many of the capitalist class rub their hands with glee
and say amongst themselves: "These
men nre not Marxian Socialists; wo
wlll vote for them, and there shall be
no more graft (for who would suspect
Mayor Seidel, etc., by their pictures, of
graft), and our taxes will be reduced,
for tbey realize they pay the taxes and
not the workers.
It Is plain to see Hint the working
class, aii a clasH, only get enough to reproduce their labor power; some get n
little more, and rear more slaves for
I heir masters, whilst others sleep on
Ihe Thames embankment, etc. Average out, nnd we find Ihe master class
pay all the taxes out of the surplus
they have legally stolen from the work,
ing class, so when a gang of freaks
who call themselves Socialists come
along and promise the workers such
reforms as reducing the taxes (they
never pay), no wonder the capitalist
press boosts them. When It is understood the workers are commodities,
and exchange their labor power for
enough hay and oats, just as other
commodities exchange at their value
(the amount of social necessary labor
embodied in tbem), and that the work-
ers' value as a class is enough hay and
oats, they will then see the fallacy and
deception of municipalization, nationalization and government ownership, and
who pay'for the Dreadnoughts.
It is true, labor produces all wealth,
but the workers directly pay no taxes
whatever; that being the case, It Is up
to the workers to cease being labor-
power sellers to a master class. These
points must be made clear to the workers who think they pay the taxes, and
that municipalization Is "a step In tbe
right direction." You Milwaukee "Socialists" may bo honest; many ministers nre honest, many capitalists think
it right that, they should live Off the
workers; hut to we Socialists who re-1
fuse to bo fooled by reforms of any j
kind, and who stand In the interests of
the whole working elnss nnd not a sec-
Hon, are out to flcht nil who In our,
opinion are misleading the workers, Ig.
norantly or otherwise from the labor
A short time ago the writer paid a
visit one Sunday afternoon to a small
manufacturing town near to Brantford,
Ont., with the purpose of organizing a
Local of the S. P. of C. The readers of
the Socialist paper In the town had
been notified and informed as to the
object of my visit.
They were all enthusiastic readers
of the "little old Appeal"—about a
dozen subscribers in all. Arriving in
the town, I began to round the bunch
up and see what was doing. Judge of
my surprise when I was told: "Well,
yes, I guess it would be all right to go
ahead and form a Local; but then, you
see, what we want is someone to run
Poor mutts, they want a leader—
someone who will condescend to como
down and do the work that they should
be doing themselves. One would think
that the working class had had enough
of leaders; but no, Paris, Ontario, has
room for one. Now, you labor freaks,
don't all speak at once. One "Comrade" there, an insurance agent, "didn't
need to concern himself about the robbery of the working class; really, don't
you know ,1'm getting all that's coming
to me! Why, I've just bought a gram-
aphone and a lot of nice records, and,
taking everything into consideration,
il've no kick coming against the capitalist system!"   Noble sentiments, elo-
Iquently expressed, The speaker, however, left his wife and two .baby girls
[out of his reckoning, and also, as I
spied him on a coal wagon on the
streets of Brantford the other day,
maybe tbe old man has a kick coming
now. I'll ask him the first time I get a
Yet another sample of Socialist did
not want a Local formed and propaganda started, but he was one of the
honest sort. "Maybe I'll lose my job!"
Good old job. Don't lose it, friend;
heaven knows, you may never get an-,
other one. Still another one was sorry
that he couldn't come to meet me, but
he would be very much pleased to have
me go around and bave a talk at his
home with him. As I was not organizing for a mothers' meeting, nor yet an
ice cream picnic, I didn't go.
So you see, Paris isn't ready for
organization. Some day a real Socialist will be discovered there, then the
dirt will fly. In the meanwhile let this
be a lesson to us all. Read a paper
that explains where you are robbed
and how to stop the robbery. Don't
delegate your thinking powers to "leaders;" the "leader" has a nasty habit of
I using such powers for his own advan
tage, and, above all, don't let anyone
run you. W. D.
Fellow slaves.—The purpose of
these meetings is to teach the workers
their true position In society.
The position held by the working
class is that of slaves. The meaning of
the word slaves Is "one who works for
the benefit of another," if such Is
the case the working class are slaves
for they do not work for their own
benefit. They can only get access to
the tools of production when a faction of the capitalist class allows
them to do so. All members of the
working class have to beg ot the
capitalist class the privilege of gaining access to the tools of production,
or in other words they have to beg
the privilege of being allowed to
work (and access to the tools of production means life itself) and they are
only allowed access to the tools of
production when the capitalist class
can make a profit out of their labor,
so truly the working class are slaves.
You claim you are free, you are
only free to the extent that If you do
not like to continue working under a
certain faction of the capitalist class
you are free to quit, hut the pinch at
the stomach soon drives you to seek
another master under the same conditions and you have no say In the
amount of wages you are to receive,
you have no say in the number of
hours you shall work, and you have
no say In v. 1ml kind of commodities
you shall produce or how the commodities you have produced shall be
disposed of. And yet slum Id you be
unable to find another master you
are not even free to slave, you are
arrested us a vagrant and put to work
on a stone pile or at some other
equally unpleasant occupation, It
would not be from any humanitarian
motives either that you would be
arrested as a vagrant and thus have
a sure mealtickct, .perish the thought,
you would be arrested simply because
the capitalist class recognize the fact
tbat a hungry man is desperate and
that he loses all respect for class property and as they, the capitalist class,
are only owners of property they are
the ones that stand to lo lose by allowing the man out of work, and down
and out, his freedom to walk about
so they put him where he cannot
steal their, the capitalist class', pro- j
perty. Nice lot of freedom you have,
hnven't you, hut you have swallowed
so much capitalist dishwash that you
can't see It.
There nre, as most of you arc aware,
two classes In society, the working
class who do all the work of the world
nnd who own nothing except, their
labor-power, that Is their ability to
labor, that mental and physical energy
which when applied to raw materials
produces wealth. The working class
have, to sell their labor-power and get
in exchange for it just the cost of
their subsistence and propagation on
the average. Take the average member of the working class as an example, he comes into the world with
nothing, and when he dies he has
nothing, very often he leaves a load
of debt behind him, as such is the
case it is fairly conclusive proof that
he only gets tho cost of his subsistence and propagation. The working class are that section of society
who do all the work of the world, and
therefore they are the ones that create all the wealth of the world, for
wealth can only be produced by the
application of labor power to raw materials. The capitalist class, on the
other hand, do no work, and therefore
they create no wealth; they live off
the surplus thst is wrung from the
workers by virtue of their ownership
of the tools of production and the
natural resources of the earth. By
surplus I mean the unpaid labor of the
working class, or in other words all
they produce above their wages. I
The capitalist class, by virtue of
their ownership of the tools of production and natural resources of the
earth, are able to enslave the workers
and steal from them the fruits of their
toil. Between these two classes there
can be no peace, for one class ls
robbed of the fruits of their toil and
the other class are the robbers; they
have no interests ln common, and
therefore there can be no peace—
there must of necessity be war, the
one class to regain possession of what
they have been robbed of and the
other class to retain ownership of the
spoils of the robbery. There is a war
between the two classes, and that war
is called the class struggle, a struggle
between the two classes for supremacy. Quite a lot of people do not
know where the class struggle lies.
Some think it is in checking combines,
while others think it is on the industrial field. The struggle for supremacy between the two classes Is on the
political field. That is the only place
where either of the two classes can
unite and show a solid front. The
working class can not unite on the
industrial field on account of their
numbers, there being more men than
jobs, and it is self-evident to any casual observer that the working class
have to fight amongst themselves to
get the jobs—or, in other words, they
have to war with each other to get to
the tools of production. If it was possible to unite all the working class ln
one union it would solve no problem,
for in that case there would be scabbing inside the organization, instead
of, as at present, the man outside the
union making war on the union man.
Even today so keen is the competition
for jobs that there is scabbing inside
the organizations. As the competition
for Jobs becomes keener, on account
of the tools of production being improved, there will be less harmony
amongst the working class on the Industrial field. The only place the
working class can unite and show a
solid front to a common enemy is on
the political field. There they have a
common cause, and It is the only place
they can meet as a class who have
nothing to lose and everything to
The capitalist class can not unite
on the industrial field as a class
against the working class, for besides
fighting the working class they have
to fight amongst themselves in the
fierce competition for profits, he-
cause profits to the capitalist means
life; and he has to fight the other
capitalists and beat them out or go
under himself. He is loath to do that,
for to go under means to descend
down to the working class, and that
would mean work, which the capitalist
cordially detests; In fact, so great ls
his haired of work that he generally
commits suicide when forced under.
As such Is the case, the capitalist
class can not unite and show u solid
rout on the Industrial field; like the
wroklng class, they can only unite as
u class against the oilier class on the
political field.
.\'o light between a faction of tho
working class and a faction of the
capitalist class on the industrial field
is even part of the class struggle, for
to be part of the class struggle they
must aim at the overthrow of class
property in the means of wealth production and thus freo themselves. All
fights on the Industrial field are only
scraps between factions of each class,
the faction of the working class striving to gain a little higher price for
their labor power or striving to maintain the present pi'ee ln an overstocked market. These scraps are only
fights between buyers and sellers, the
faction of tho working class selling
their labor power and the capitalist
buying it, and, as always tbe case
when buyers and sellers meet, there
Is a conflict, the buyer wanting to buy
as cheap as he possibly can and the
seller trying to sell as dear as possible. ,-Thnt Is all the scraps on the industrial field amount to, and should
not in any way ho confused with the
class struggle. Tho capitalists, being
In tho strongest position, they arc as
a rulo ablo to starve tho workers into
submission, and if that is too cumber-1
sonic a method the capitalists call in
Ihe aid of  the  State  militia, which
they (the capitalists) own, and the
militia and police are ordered out to
protect class property if it should be
necessary to club the workers into
submission. If that is not sufficient
another part of the State, the law
courts, are called in to finish the job.
The conflicts on the industrial field
are only manifestations of the cancerous sore that infests society, sending
out its poison and destroying the
whole framework of society. They
only show that society Is not ln a
healthy condition.
The key of the State is the legislative bodies of the different countries;
they are the key to the State, and the
State consists of the armies, navies
and all the different law courts. In
some countries the church is a part ot
the State, but not least is the part yoi
will run afoul of if you get fresh on
your job, and that is the policeman's
club. The State has several functions to perform, such as protecting
the capitalists of one country against
the encroachment of the capitalists of
other countries. They also have to
grant privileges in class property in
the means of wealth production to
their owners, the capitalist class, for
no law can be formulated and no title
deed can be issued without their consent; so it is self-evident that the legislative bodies are the key to the
State. The chief function of the State
is to keep the slaves in submission,
and thereby extract the surplus from
them. All governments tbat have
ever existed have been instruments
of oppression, and the chief function
of the government at any given time
has been tbe enslavement of the workers at that time. As the key of the
State is the legislative bodies, and as
the fight is to capture the State, the
first duty of the class-conscious working class is to capture the legislative
bodies, and when the legislative bodies are captured the State is captured
and class property in the means of
wealth production will cease.
There was a time when capitalism
was necessary. When capitalism
came upon the scene it found the
workers an ignorant, stupid mob of
peasantry. It has organized them into
a proletarian army of well-disciplined
wealth producers. It has linked continents and brought the farthest
places within speaking distance of
each other.
Capitalism has fulfilled its mission;
its usefulness has passed, and the
capitalist class today are a parasitic
class who are not only a hindrance to
industry, but are a great menace to
society. That the capitalist class can
not run industry is amply demonstrated by the great aggregations of
wealth on the one hand and the extreme poverty on the other.
Never before have there been people going hungry and having insufficient clothing snd shelter simply because they have produced in such
abundance; never before have people
starved in the midst of plenty. The
whole structure of capitalism is
toppling over, and only wants the
shove In the right direction by a class-
conscious working class. The working class have to learn to think on
class lines; when they do they will
realize the fact that the intresest of
the working class is world-wide, irrespective of color, race or creed, and
that boundaries have ceased to exist
except on the maps. When you become class-conscious you will lose all
patriotism; you will then see that
patriotism Is only an instrument of
the capitalist class to protect their
(the capitalist class) interests and to
keep the workers divided, and thus be
better able to fleece them.
The Socialist party Is the only party
of the working class; all other parties,
no matter by what name they may be
called, are only to uphold capitalist
property in the means of wealth production. The Socialist party is the
only party or seel Ion of the community   that   has    literature    dealing
The Dove of Peace is a busy bird in
Vancouver. An organization is being
formed for the purpose of promoting
industrial harmony. It will be termed
the "Industrial Peace Association,"
and will bend its energies assiduously
to the task of inaugurating a reign ot
love between workmen and their employers.
The personel of the Association ls
made up so far of parsons, merchants,
contractors, etc., from which one is
compelled to conclude that its guiding
principle Is that tbe best way to ensure peace is to prepare for war.
In other words, the employers, realizing the necessity for united action, are
amalgamating their forces so as to
compel obedience from their workmen. The parson will be right on
hand to construe as love and harmony,
the wholesome respect which arises
from a recognition of superior force.
A very nice little scheme, and one in
which the good gentlemen will no
doubt succeed, providing tbe obstreperous slaves don't start a "peace"
movement on their own account by
organizing for a fight to a finish.
Industrial Peace is a myth. Man
has never known peace. Either it
has been a struggle against Nature
for existence, or a combat ot man
against man for the products which
have been wrested from Nature with
the aid of tools. Only by war can
peace ever be hoped for. War, in
which tbe tremendous army of the
Proletariat must meet and overcome
the combined forces of the MasterB,
wltb the world for a prize. Then, and
only then will the contending of classes be ended and peace be a possibility.
*   »   •
Sub getting is looking up. There
are several persons who do not take
the Clarion yet, though, am curious
as to who will capture them. The
following is the result of this week's
Moses Barltz, Detroit, Mich 11
Wilfrid  Gribble,   Winnipeg  6
F.   Blake,   Edmonton  4
"Smith,"   Vancouver  4
Steen,  Vancouver  2
W.   McQuoid,  Edmonton  3
H. T. Bastable, Brandon  2
J. C. Burgess, Calgary  2
Local New Westminster, B. C.Bundle
M.  Wayman,  Montreal Bundle
Jno. Keller, San Francisco, Cal.;
W. G. Ewing, Gorefleld, Sask.; F. T.
Edwards, Lund, B. C; D. A. McLean,
Calgary, Alta; Alfred Sather, Hastings Coulee, Alta.; A. Shilland, Sandon, D. C; W. H. Yates, Cedar Cat-
tage, B. C; W. R. Chittlck, G. Mcintosh, Harry Wood, H. Simmers, O.
Mengel, Vancouver.
Peoples Book Store, Bundle and ad.
Local No. 58 (Lettish) Vpncouver,
Dear Comrade: I am afraid I am
again behind in my dues. I should
have liked to have contributed to the
prospective building fund, but it Is not
possible at this time. You will know
we of the bourgeoisie also bave our
struggles, and I know you will say
the speedier our decline the better.
The Socialist party have an Imposing
building here and appear very active.
I send my Clarion to England, where
our class of tho proletariat, of which
I am a champion, are becoming more
enlightened as to their true position
through the betrayal of their vacillating leaders. I do hope you have some
subscribers as a result. It set many
so-called Socialist papers, but none
give iih- so much pleasure and straight
revolutionary reading as our Westepi
If it continues In the -..uits
-    in ■ ■■■..
with  tbe woiking class position  Irian   -**fiilKliir»rw»rU   policy   I   „,„   sure  U „    ■
a  working  class   slandiioini.    |.vil,>«- , ■'""  "  <;''i""1   """"'■     w"'"   '""    *&£\. ,
slaves, the Issue is in your bauds; y„„ l"""" k""*""'*- '"<"'  "' "'m' "  ''"""**.'*£, ,    . .
  ,,._  ,_ ...,.„ , „ ...   ,i,    ,,   ing of the  enslaved  class   (of  whltJMsr "■'''
are the people who have to decide if
capitalism Is to continue, or If you are
going to break your own chains and
free yourselves from slavery. Hut,
whatever you do. don't start to monkey with the State beforo you understand what it is and why it exists.
The working class have to study out
their own salvation; they have to trust
no leaders. In fact, the trouble with
the working class is lhat they have
too many leaders who prove te be
misleaders. You have to study yourself, and there Is no better way of
studying your way out of bondage
than by studying the literature of the
Socialist party, the only workingclass
party that exists. Fellow-slaves, as
Karl Marx so aptly put It in his clarion call: "Workingmen of tho world,
unite; you have nothing to olse but
your chains; you have a world to
gain." Fellow slaves, the Issue lies
with you.
poor    old    lllalchloid    seems    In    it** * '
'ashamed) and their freedom lis t-'iuilT" 10**  •'''
1 can not understand these old vettsU ""'' """    ' I
uns, who seem to me to advocate sin*il*Jt *''.'* "' ' I
ply  a  reversal   of  Hie   people   lowiirs*^??*™**    •*■■"■'
militarism In order to save little lOugM;
land.   So far It seems to me that edu- *tr   «'  '*W   %■"
catkin In plain economics of the wink-     ■      .'•'■ ■ tbf,
ers, who are the ones interested, is uH '       •      '*'.'■"
that is needed to win, without navleJH t   V
soldlers  or guns.    T'-i.cl.   them   what ' >  '•■'
is their own, and tbey wiii uike it. .*   '••'
Here  tliere  is  no   v.gc  sliivi   whs1- *•       •        '***'
appeals to me so much a-; 'lie w .O org1'- "■-
and  they  are  the  mo.it  servile  anjBM '■•
emaciated.   They are i . '  only si.wot-
to their employers, l;u' t. ti;   I n ji'aut'   •
public as well.    Fverylhiuy t ><.y rMJfi
ceive is gratuitous. '
we solu-i. the bufiineu of Manufacturers,
Hnfilneeiiiiiiid others who realize the iulvi.i.-l>il.
ity of baring iiicir patent builnn* traniacted
by 1-m-i's. I'lelimiu.'iryndvit-e free. Charges
morietnli. Our Inventor's Adviser sent uixm
request. Mnrion Re Marfan, New Vol It I.ifc llllg,
■iu.ii-.il: BudWa-J-injjton. 1>.C, i........
Of course, as I said betoie, wome^H
are the real producers, and 'lie ■llost'"•l',
Ignorant of their true position an«ffl
value. I almost wish that my part o#'-'
my sex would have the vole, rathe^f
than wait for adult suffrage, or tho
you men are emancipated, as yi, i !iavj
been so timid and slow. I opin • thuHj
with our enlightenment and eco iomlj
pressure we simii make quicker or
gross than you huve done. V
Yours for the cause,
Leipzig, Germany.
€-- »our
x SATURDAY,  SEPT.  10th,  1910.
Value, Price
and Profit
Labor Power.
Having now, as far as it could be done in such a cursory manner, analyzed the nature of Value, of the Value of any commodity whatever,' we
must turn our attention to the specific Value of Labor. And here, again, I
must startle you by a seeming paradox. All or you feel sure that what you
daily sell is your Labor; that, therefore, Labor has a Price, and that, the
price of a commodity being only the monetary expression of Its value, there
must certainly exist such a thing as the Value of Labor in the common
acceptance of the word. We have seen that the amount of necessary Labor
crystallized in a commodity constitutes its value. Now, applying this notion
of value, how could we define, say, the value of a (en-hour working day?
How much labor is contained ln that day? Ten hours' labor. To say that
the value of a ten-hour working day is equal to ten hours' labor, or the quantity of labor contained in it, would be tautological and, moreover, a nonsensical expression. Of course, having once found'out the true but hidden
sense of the expression, "Value of Labor," we shall be iVile to interpret this
irrational and seemingly impossible application of value, in the same way
that, having once made sure of the real movement of the celestial bodies,
we shall be able to explain their apparent or merely phenomenal movements.
What the workingman sells is not directly his Labor, but his Labor
Power, the temporary disposal of which he makes over to the capitalist.
This is so much the case that—I do not know whether by the English laws,
certainly by some Continental laws—the maximum time is fixed for which a
man is allowed to sell his labor power. If allowed to do so for any indefinite period whatever slavery would be immediately restored. Such a sale,
if it comprised his lifetime, for example, would make him at once the lifelong
slave of his employer.
One of the oldest economists and most original philosophers of England
—Thomas Hobbes—has already, in his Leviathan, instinctively hit upon this
point overlooked by all tils successors. He says: "The value or worth of a
man Ib, as in all other things, his price; that is, so much as would be given
for the Use of his Power."
Proceeding from this basis, we shall be able to determine the Value of
Labor Power as that of all other commodities.
But before doing so, we might ask, how does this strange phenomenon
arise, that we find on the market a set of buyers possessed of land, machinery, raw material and the means of subsistence, all of them, save land in its
crude state, the products of labor, and on the other hand a set of sellers
who have nothing to sell except their labor power, their working arms and
brains? That the one set buy continually in order to make a profit and enrich themselves, while the other set continually sell In order to earn their
livelihood? The inquiry into this question would be an inquiry into what the
economists call "Previous, or Original Accumulation," but which ought to be
called Original Expropriation. We should find that this so-called Original
Accumulation means nothing but a series of historical processes, resulting
in a Decomposition of the Original Union existing between the Laboring
Man and his Instruments of Labor. Such an inquiry, however, lies beyond
the pale of my present subject. The Separation between the Man of Labor
and the Instruments of Labor once established, such a state of things will
maintain itself and reproduce itself upon a constantly increasing scale, until
a new and fundametal revolution in the mode of production shall again overturn it, and restore the original union in a new historical form.
What, then, is the Value of Labor Power?
Like that of every other commodity, its value is determined by the
quantity of labor necessary to produce it. The labor power of a man exists
only in his living individuality. A certain mass of necessaries must be consumed by a man to grow up and maintain his life. But the man, like the
machine, will wear out, and he must be replaced by another man. Besides
the mass of necessaries required for his own maintenance, he wants another
amount of necessaries to bring up a certain quota of children that are to
replace him on the labor market and to perpetuate the race of labours.
Moreover, to develop his labor power, and acquire a given skill, another
amount of values must be spent. For our purpose it suffices to consider
only average labor, the costs of whose education and developing are vanishing magnitudes. Still I must seize upon this occasion to state that, as the
costs of producing labor power of different quality differ, so must differ the
values of the labor powers employed in different trades. The cry for an
equality of wages rests, therefore, upon a mistake, is an insane wish never
to be fulfilled. It is an offspring of that false and superficial radicalism that
accepts premises and tries to evade conclusions. Upon the basis of the
wages system the value of labor power is settled like that of every other
commodity, and as different kinds of labor powers have different values, or
require different quantities of labor for their production, they must fetch
different prices in the labor market. To clamor for equal or even equitable
remuneration on the basis of the wages system is the Bame as to clamor for
freedom on the basis of the slavery system. What you think just or equit-
aqje out of the question. The question is: What is necessary and unavoidable with a given system of production?
After what has been said, it will be seen that the value of labor power
is determined by the value of the necessaries required to produce, develop,
maintain, and perpetuate the labor power.
Production of Surplus Value.
Now suppose that the average amount of the dally necessaries of a
laboring man require six hours of average labor for their production. Suppose, moreover, six hours of average labor to be alBO realized in a quantity
ot gold equal to 3 shillings. Then 3 shillings would be the Price, or the
> monetary expression of (he Dally Value of that man's Labor Power. If he
/worked dfllly six hours he would dally produce a value sufficient to buy
the average amount of his dally necessaries, or to maintain himself as a
laboring man.
• ■',. Hut our man is a wages laborer.    He must, therefore, sell hla labor
.  power to a capitalist.   If he sells it at 8 shillings dally, or 18 shillings weekly,
he sells it at its value.   Suppose him to be a spinner.  If he works six hours
daily he will add to the cotton a value of 3 shillings daily.   This value, daily
added by him, would be an exact equivalent for the wages, or the price of
.1 his labor power, received dally.   But in that case, no surplus value or surplus
'"' produce whatever would go to the capitalist.   Here, then, we come to the rub.
•,    > In buying '.he labor power of the workman, and paying its value, the
capitalist, like every other purchaser, has acquired the right to  consume
or use the commodity bought.   You consume or use the labor power of a
man by making him work, as you consume or use a machine by making
it-run.   By buying the daily or weekly value qf the labor power of the work-
,  man, the capitalist has, therefore, acquired tbe right to use or make that
labor power work during the whole day or week.   The working day or the
working week bas, of course, certain limits, but for the present I want to
.... turn- your attention to one decisive point.
I   The value of the labor power Is determined by the quantity of labor
necessary to maintain or reprouuee it, but the use of that labor powej. is
only limited by the active energies and physical strength of the laborer.
The daily or weekly value of the labor power is quite distinct from the daily
or weekly exercise of that power, the same as the food a horse wants and
the time it can carry the horseman are quite distinct.   The quantity of labor
by. which the value of the workman's labor power is limited forms by no
means a limit lo the quantity of labor which his labor power is apt to perform.    Take the example or our spinner.    We have seen that, lo daily re-
,  produce his labor power, he must daily reproduce a value of three shillings,
i which ho will do by working six hours; daily.   But this does not disable him
. fri}iii working ten or twelve or more hours a day.   lint by paying the daily
jjpH^weekly value of the spinner's labor power the .cupilnlist has acquired the
riglil  of using that labor power during the whole day or week.    He.Will,
the .mi", make him work say, daily, twelve hours.   Over and above the six
/honi:  reunited lo replace his wages, or the Value of bis labor power, he will,
therefore, have to work six other hourri, which I shall call hours of surplus
labor, which surplus labor will realize Itself in a surplus value and a surplus
produce.   If our spinner, for example, by his daily labor of six hours, ndded
three shillings' value of tho cotton, a value forming an exact equivalent to
his wages, he will, in twelve hours, add six shillings' worth to the cotton,
and produce a proportional surplus of yarn. As he. has sold his labor power
to the capitalist, the whole value of produce created by him belongs to the
capitalist, the owner gro tern, of his labor power. By advancing three shillings the capitalist will, therefore, realize a value of six shillings, because
advancing a value in which six hours of labor are crystallized, he will receive in return a value in which twelve hours of labor are crystallized, By
repeating this same process daily the capitalist will daily advance three
shillings and daily pocket six shillings, one-half of which will go to pay
wages anew and the other half of which will form surplus value, for which
the capitaist pays no equivalent. II, is this sort of exchange between capital
and labor upon which capitalist production, or the wage system, is founded,
and which must constantly result In reproducing the workingman as a work-
ingman, and the capitalist as a capitalist.
The rate of surplus value, all other circumstances remaining the same,
will depend on the proportion between that part of the working day necessary to reproduce the value of Ihe labor power and the surplus time or surplus labor performed for the capitalist. It will, therefore, depend on tho
ratio in which the working day is prolonged over and above that extent, by
working which the workingman would only reproduce the value of his labor
power, or replace his wages.
Value of Labor.
We must now return to the expression, "Value, or Price of Labor."
We have seen that, in fact, it is only the value of the labor power, measured by the values of commodities necessary for its maintenance. But since
the workman receives his wages after his labor is performed, and knows,
moreover, that what he actually gives to the capitalist is his labor, the value
or price of his labor power necessarily appears to him as the price or value
of his labor itself. If the price of his labor power is three shillings, in whicli
six hours of labor are realized, and if he works twelve hours, he necessarily
considers these three shillings as the value or price of twelve hours of
labor, although these twelve hours of labor realize themselves in a value of
six shillings.   A double consequence flows from this. ■
Firstly. The value or price of the labor power takes the semblance of
the price or value of labor itself, -although, strictly speaking, value and price
of labor are senseless terms.
Secondly. Although one part only of the workman's daily labor is paid,
while the other part is unpaid, and while that unpaid or surplus labor constitutes exactly the fund out of which surplus value or profit is formed, it
seems as if the aggregate labor was paid labor.
This false appearance distinguishes wages labor from other historical
forms of labor. On the basis of the wages system even the unpaid labor
seems to be paid labor. With the slave, on the contrary, even that part of
his labor which is paid appears to be unpaid. Of course,, in order to* work
the slave must live, and one part of his working day goes to replace the value
of his own maintenance. But since no bargain Is struck between him and
his master, and no acts of selling and buying are going on between the two
parties, all his labor seopis to be given away for nothing.
Take, on the other hand, the peasant serf, such as he, I might say, until
yesterday existed in the whole East of Europe. This peasant worked, for
example, three days for himself on his own field, or the field allotted to him,
and the three subsequent days he performed compulsory and gratuitous
labor on the estate of his lord. Here, then, the paid and unpaid parts of
labor were sensibly separated, separated in time and space; and our Liberals
overflowed with moral indignation at the preposterous notion of making a
man work for nothing.
In point of fact, however, whether a man works three days of the week
for himself on his own field and three days for nothing on the estate of his
lord, or whether he works in the factory or the workshop six hours daily
for himself and six for his employer, comes to the same, although in the
latter case the paid and unpaid portions of labor are inseparably mixed up
with each other, and the nature of the whole transaction is completely
masked by the Intervention of a contract and the pay received at the end
of the week. Tbe gratuitous labor appears to be voluntarily given in the
one instance, and to be compulsory in the other. That makes all the difference.
In using the words, "value of labor," I shall only use it as a popular
slang term for "value of labor power."
Profit is Made By Selling a Commodity at Its Value.
Suppose an average hour of labor is to be realized in a value equal to a
sixpence, or twelve average hours of labor to be realized in six shillings.
Suppose, further, the value of labor power to be three shillings, or the produce of six hours' labor. If, then, in the raw material, machinery and so
forth used up in a commodity, twenty-four hours of average labor were realized, its value would amount to twelve shillings. If, moreover, the workman
employed by the capitalist added twelve hours of labor to those means of
production, these twelve hours would be realized in an additional range of
six shillings. The total value of the product would, therefore, amount to
tbirty-six hours of realized labor, and be equal to eighteen shillings. But as
the value of labor power, or the wages paid to the workman, would be three
shillings only, no equivalent would have been paid by the capitalist for the
six hours of surplus labor worked by the workman and realized in the value
of the commodity. By selling this commodity at its value for eighteen
shillings the capitalist would, therefore, realize a value of three shillings,
for which he had paid no equivalent, These three shillings would constitute
tbe surplus value or profit pocketed by him. The capitalist would consequently realize the profit of three shillings, not by selling his commodity at
a price over and above Its value, but by selling lt at Its real value.
The value of a commodity is determined by the total quantity of labor
contained in it. But part of that quantity of labor Is realized ln a value for
which an equivalent has been paid In the form of wages; part of It Is realized ln a value for which no equivalent has been paid. Part of tbe labor
contained ln the commodity is paid labor, part is unpaid labor. By selling,
therefore, the commodity at Its value—that Is, as the crystallization of the
total quanlty of labor bestowed upon It, the capitalist must necessarily sell
It at a profit. He sells not only what has cost him an equivalent, but he sells
also what has cost him nothing, although it has cost his workman labor.
The cost of the commodity to the capitalist and Its real cost are different
things. I repeat, therefore, that normal and average profits are made by
selling commodities not above, but at their real values.
The Different Parts Into Which Surplus Value Is Decomposed.
The surplus value, or that part of the total value of the commodity
in which the surplus labor or unpaid labor of the workingman is realized, I
call Profit. The whole of that profit ls not pocketed by the employing capitalist. The monopoly of land enables the landlord to take one part of that
surplus value, under tho name of rent, whether the land 's used for agricul-
trjie, buildings or railways, or for any other productive purpose. On the
other hand, the very fact that the possession of the Instruments of labor
eilables the employing capitalist to produce a surplus value,.or, what comes
to the same, to appropriate to himself a certain amount of unpaid labor,
enables the owner of the means of labor, which he lends wholly or partly
to the employing capitalist—enables, in one word, the money-lending capitalist to claim for himself under the name of Interest another part of that surplus value, so that there remains to the employing capitalist, as such, only
wbat ls called Industrial or commercial profit.
By what laws this division of the total amount of surplus value amongst
those three categories Is regulated Is a question quite foreign to our subject.
This much, however, results from what has been stated.
Rent, Interest and Industrial Profit are only different names for different parts of the surplus value of the commodity, or the unpaid labor enclosed
In it, and they are equally derived from this source, and from this source
alone. They are ndt derived front land, as such, or from capital, as such,
but land and capital enable their owners to get their respective shares out
of the surplus value extracted by tho employing capitalist from the laborer.
For the laborer himself lt is n matter of subordinate Importance whether
that surplus value, the result of his surplus labor, or unpaid labor, Is altogether pocketed by the employing capitalist, or whether the latter Is obliged
to pay portions of it, under tho name of rent and interest, away to third
parties. Suppose tho employing capitalist to use only his own capital and
to be his own landlord, then the whole surplus value would go into his
Continued i/i next hsuc
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles .and programme of the
revolutionary working class. .
Labor produces all wealth, und to the producers It should belong.
The present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently nil the products or labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
(lei-end their property rights In the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ot profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies In the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition or tlm wage
system, under which Is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the moans of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class!
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the luterests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
- to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
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