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Western Clarion Oct 15, 1910

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Array ' 51910    *
NO. 601.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Oct. 15, 1910.
mmrergaanmt J, Qf
Other Blots Than the One Laurier Sees
The Editor of the Clarion:—Enclosed
you will find two cuttings from papers,
the small one from the World and the
other from Answers.
I  hear   you   tell  one  night   about
women   towing   canal   boats   singing
I "Briton's Never Shall be Slaves," but
I think this is an account of the worst
slavery of present times.
Mr. Laurier seems to think that the
only blot on England's character is
that she won't give home rule to Ireland, but I think that Laurier overlooks all blots like these.
Yours fraternally,
•   •   •
OTTAWA, Oct. 6.—In moving a vote
of thanks to T. P. O'Connor, who delivered an address on home rule in the
Kussell theatre, Sir Wilfrid Laurier
said her treatment of Ireland was the
only blot on England's record. He
said he could not understand why
England should grant autonomy to
Canada and to South Africa, and not
to Ireland. Hon. Charles Murphy presided. The sum realized for the cause
of home rule amounted to over $1100.
a   a   *
Women and Chains.
Turning your back on the historic
castle at Dudley, erected in the semi-
barbaric ages as an impregnable
stronghojd within the territory of
Penda the Strong, last of the pagan
kings of Mercia, but captured later
by Oliver Cromwell, you pass through
a market-place bearing evidence of
strong twentieth-century commercial
enterprise. Then you take your seat
In a quaint, "topless," electric car, and
are jolted over half a dozen miles of
rough, uneven track into a country
which Immediately revives memories
of the paganism and barbarity which
a sight of Dudley Castle has conjured
Om your right and left, dense, black
smoke pours in impenetrable volumes
from towering chimneys, at the base
of which formless masses of seething
Iron are being welded into shape by
Bemi-nude figures, whose strength of
arm and immensity of muscle send
your thoughts careering off in yet
another direction to the gladitorial
giants of old, whose mighty feats of
strength made them men indeed.
A strange, wild, wlerd, haunting
Chains! Chains! Chains!
The tram pulls up with a jerk, and
the raucous voice of the blue-uniformed conductor crying "All change
here!" tells you that you have arrived
at Cradley Heath, the only place in
the world where women and children
daily wring out drops of their life-
blood ln making chains. And chains,
both ln a figurative and a literal
sense, comprise the Alpha and Omega
ot their existence—literal chains, the
making of which ls necessary to keep
the life-lamp burning in their stunted,
misshapen bodies; figurative chains,
which are entwining themselves around
the souls, the minds, and the warped
intellects of these pity-raising serfs.
It is here, in this strange, wild, weird
country, this sweated area which forms
a blot on Britain's fair name, that I
"have recently spent some days, in order to tell readers of Answers the true
and terrible story ot the almost incredible conditions under which these
.women chainmakers of Cradley Heath
eke out a miserable, soul-and-body-de-
stroying existence.
Sapping  Womanhood.
And it bas not been a superficial
visit, embracing simply a hurried dash
through and an imaginative pen-
sketch. I have lived with these people,
eaten with them, slept among them,
joined tn tbelr sports, studied them
from every conceivable standpoint, and
watched keenly the never-ending pro-
eess of womanhood-sapping which is
going on unchecked.
When I arrived these women were
tax strike. But large numbers of them
weso plying their customary trade,
because they had secured from the
masters the concessions for which
their sister slaves were battling. The
cause of the strike can be dealt with
tat a few words. The women who
make the chains want paying at the
rate of of 2%d. an hour instead of the
rate they have been receiving. To
think lt needed a strike to secure the
payment of 2V4<J. an hour is amazing
enough; but the sidelight which I
intend to throw oni the strike, and on
the lives of these serfs generally, is
still more amazing.
As you pass down the High Street,
the first impression you get is that
Cr-adley Heath is a prosperous place.
A stately church stands a few yards
away from a substantial-looking Nonconformist chapel. You imagine, too,
that a mammoth aeroplane has passed
over the place, sending forth a gigantic shower of public-houses. When
I had counted thirty in half an hour's
walk, I stopped. .
The streets are populated with Innumerable racing dogs, whippets of
all colours and sizes. In the back
portion of the premises "the man" is
proudly watching his pigeons winging
their way skywards, and then making
a graceful sweep to earth again. The
pawnshops are prosperous-looking, pre.
tentiouB buildings.
But, leaving the more flourishing
portions, and delving into the courts,
alleys, and byways, you see the women
serfs of the chains at work, and it is
a strange—almost disgusting—spectacle.
The Women at Home.
Out of a population of 9,193—these
figures were obtained at a recent census—between 1,000 and 1,300 of the
women are slaves of the chains.
Long before the sun has made its
appearance in the Eastern sky, scores
of these hollow-eyed sunken-cheeked
women are clamouring round a warehouse, where a hard-vlsaged man gives
out strips of iron, measuring 8ft. in
length, and done up In bundles of half
a hundredweight or a hundredweight,
as the case may be. Grimly, the women shoulder the rods, and make for
their homes where the fire they kindled before setting out for tho warehouse has burnt up in the hewhouse
funace, fed by small pieces of coke
capable of giving out an intense heat.
In great, hurried mouthfuls, they
swallow a cup of weak tea, often without sugar or milk, great hunks of
bread-and-margarine, or a piece of
bacon, or a bloater. Tiny tots of
children have found their way from
a bed of rags flung in the corner of a
room, where the wind whistles through
broken panes, out of which the sacking has fallen. Maternal care is unknown.
Apart from an apron of leather,
there is no distinctive dress. The
woman rolls the sleeves of her tattered bodice to the elbow, and casts
a keen, critical glance at the glowing
furnace. And in a quarter of an hour
from the time of her return the day's
work has commenced.
Forging the First Link.
On the left hand side of Ihe fire Is
an immense pair of bellows; on the
right ls a small anvil and a hammer.
The rods, one at a time, are plunged
Into the glowing fire, which is being
fanned every few seconds by the blowing of the bellows, and then they are
Fitting the white-hot end of the rod
on a gauge, to get the exact measurement of the link to bo forged, the woman strikes a few sharp blows with
the hammer, making a semi-cdrcle.
Then she cuts It oft from the rod with
two or three tremendous hits, puts
the piece back in the fire until it gets
so hot that lt can be easily turned any
way, and then welds the two ends
firmly together. And thus the flrst
link of the chain is forged.
Myriads of sparks fly from the white-
hot iron, searing the woman's flesh,
and marking and scarring her hands.
But every blow ls administered deftly.
For If she wastes more than 81b. out of
every hundredweight of iron her master supplies she has to pay for it out
of her scanty earnings.
They are ordinary, common chains
which these women make, and link
after link Is added ln the manner already described. And when this poor
serf has slaved for anything from
forty-eight to fifty-six hours per week,
the sacrifice of her blood, her sinew,
and her motherhood ls rewarded by
the sum of 4s. 6d.! Some, in fact,
whom I interviewed worked sixty
hours for 4s.—less than a penny an
hour for this body-racking ordeal!
The women have to provide their own
firing, and pay rent for their stalls—
the places ln which they work when
there ls not accommodation at their
own home.
The baby rolls on the dirty floor,
amidst a shower of sparks. The children who are old enough to blow the
bellows and wield the hammer do so.
All the family help; they are all slaves.
In one place I entered there were
chainmaking, washing and mangling,
and cooking going on.
A Life's Work.
It is miraculous how the little ones
who are too young to go to school, and
who start there lives—as they wlll
probably end them—amid the glare of
the fierce furnace-flre, are not maimed
and burnt. But the number of accidents is Burprlslngly small; and a
fatality In. one of the chain-shops
which one finds established ln the
brewhouse of bo many dwellings Is
practically unknown. A police-officer
to whom I spoke could not remember
the date of the last Inquest on a burning fatality.
An old lady of seventy-nine Informed
me that until the strike she had never
stopped working ln the forge for more
than two days for over Blxty-nlne years.
To help a crippled husband and to
keep her little house going, she had
worn her fingers to the bone. YearB
ago, she added, she calculated that
she had fashioned over 3,000 miles of
chain, and her working day, which
started at four o'clock tn the morning,
ended when it was too dark to Bee
any more.
Chainmaking descends from generation to generation. The tottering
grandmother, with eyes half blinded,
must tremblingly grope for her tools
to forge the links which will keep her
from starvation. The newly-made
bride spends her honeymoon forging
chains. The girl in. her teens must
reconcile herself to a life of forging
chains. Little children are adepts
before they can form a letter of the
On a Monday afternoon I sat amid
several hundred women in the local
theatre. They had assembled to hear
the latest news of the strike, and to
renew their pledges to hold out for
higher wages—2% an hour!—to the
bitter end.
The Child Slave.
Watching carefully I could see the
smouldering passion which only
wanted fanning to burst into a terrible
blaze. Now there was a roar of anger
now a flood of tears, now a hearty
laugh. All the emotions ot humanity
passed under my observation. They
chanted the words of their battle-song,
to the tune of "Every Nice Girl Loves
a Sailor."   A strange scene, Indeed!
And when once more the roar of
London's traffic sounded ln my ears
it was powerless to shut out the haunting witchery of a voice, rising and
falling in melodious cadence, which
I had heard in that densely packed
theatre away in Slaveland.
It was the voice of a child of twelve,
with brown hair which clustered over
a shapely < little forehead. Her eyes
were like stars, glowing with an Intensity of purpose. She reminded one
of a lily growing on a pit-bank. Her
face was Madonna-like ln its regular
She wore a leather apron. She was
a striker. How she came to be in tbe
midst of that sordid squalid horror, I
do not know!
All I know ls that she was a slave—
one of the slaves of the chain trade
of Cradley Heath.—Answers.
A bye-election will be held ln Fernie
riding on the 24th Inst. Comrade J.
W. Bennett will contest the seat for
the Socialist Party. The result there
at the last election was very close
and with well-directed effort on the
part of all comrades, Fernie should
be captured for the red. Comrade
Bennett thoroughly understands the
working class position and is well able
to represent the Party. Funds are
urgently needed and should be sent
as soon as possible to D. Paton, Box
101, Fernle, B. C.
Just as we go to press, Comrade
Jules Lavenne wires the gratifying information that his trial is over and he
has been found not guilty. His escape
from the clutches of the law will be a
source of great satisfaction to all his
One of the Canadian employees
trades magazines the other day, ln
speaking of compulsory arbitration in
industrial warfare, said: "As labor is
a commodity, why should we arbitrate
about the price ot It? We don't have
to arbitrate about the price of pig-iron
or our lumber or steel rails."
What about it, you labor union men,
whp talk about your "square deal,"
your "fair wage" and all such tommy-
a   a   a
If, as so many "labor leaders" state,
the interests of the employer and employee are identical, why dees he Insist on keeping up a separate organization for the workers? Why not
leave It to the boss? But hold hard,
that would mean a few "labor leaders"
out of Jobs, don't-you-know.
• •   •
If our labor union "leaders" are the
humanitarians that they profess to be,
why do they always devote their energies towards organizing the men
who have the most spare cash among
the workers? Why don't they try ihelr
hand with the unskilled laborer or the
hired farm help?
• *   »
An average farmer can produce ln
one year enough to last him and his
household ten years. Why don't he
keep it in bis  barn or granary and
have a good time?
• •   •
The average worker produces his
wage In the first two hours ol his day's
labor.   Why don't he quit then and go
• •   *
If it is true that the worker gets
robbed as a producer, as the wicked
Socialists tell us, who does the robbing when the dear, kind, firm that
any particular wage-slave works for
.appens to fall In business?
Would it be too much of either a
mental or a financial strain upon an
average wage-plug to spend 15 cents
on Marx's "Value, Price and Profit"
and "Wage-labor and Capital" and find
out for himself? or would It be better
to consult a labor "leader," or his boss,
or a parson, or his mother-in-law?
Or would it be better to spend the
money on the "Weekly Blow Bag and
Razzle Dazzle" and learn all about
Dr. Grlppem and his pretty stenographer? D.
Last week tn Portugal we had a
salutory lesson in the art of "revolu-
tlng." It was no kindergarten affair
either. Times without number, on the
platform and elsewhere, we are asked
by some of our bughouse enemies If
the social revolution can be accomplished by political action alone. The
developing capitalist class tn the
Iberian Peninsula answered the question ln unmistakable terms. The most
convincing of all arguments, when
words have been boiled down, are the
guns In the turret of a battleship, batteries of artillery, the rifle of the foot
soldier and the policeman's club, or
any of those other persuasive constitutional Instruments that the dominant
class ln society knows so well how to
handle. Political action such as that
taken by the Portuguese Bourgeolse is
the kind of action for mine. Tbe dispossessed had only one line of action
to pursue. To get out. I can see no
mason why the capitalist class stripped
of political power will act In any different fashion. A class conscious proletariat can surely accomplish Its aims
as the Bourgeolse have done ln every
revolution In which they have yet engaged.
An Essential 'Part of Socialist Propaganda
Historic materialism is to the Socialist contention what the axles are
to a wagon;wheels without axles wobble and a good push will speedily upset them. The Socialist who ignores
historic materialism ls ln a poor fix,
indeed; in fact we may safely claim
that he has not mastered our case.
With no intention or Idea of finding
out anything new, we herewith present a few of the main incidents in
human progress with the test applied,
let us see if our idea holds water.
Historic materialism holds that, as
the economic base, the manner in
which the food, clothing and shelter of
a given society Is obtained, so will the
superstructure be determined; just as
the base of a house determines the
form of the walls. Opposed to this
idea is the dualist creed, that although
mankind may control in a measure
and even alter the methods of gaining
living, yet tbe superstructure, morals, ethics and religion
are fixed and unalterable, that
they come from some outside force,
some power above and beyond the
comprehension of men, to be obeyed
but never questioned. We shall try
and show that so far from being a
divine idea, the dualist theory is in
itself a direct offshoot of economic con.
dltions. First then, for a glance at
mankind ln a primitive condition; of
course our evidence Ib scant and we
can only form vague Ideas ot the early
communes, at best. Nevertheless, that
the primitive communes did exist is
certain. Within the communities, of
course, the means of life were held
In common; private property as we
know lt today was not and as a logical
result policemen, soldiers and judges,
the political state, in fact, did not
exist, for the very simple reason that
the economic conditions which give
rise to this type of society did not call
for their presence. Now, it must be
understood that the human families
who came together in communes did
not do bo from any brotherly love notions. A purely materialist idea drove
them to it for life was found to be
easier that way. Alone or In small
groups existence was fearfully bard;
wild animals who lurked in the woods
to sup off human flesh could be corn-
batted by a large force; a communal
fire was much easier to keep alight
than a hundred individual flames; the
larger game could be pulled down by
a bunch of communal hunters, from
which a single one would be compelled
to hide. Thus the community had
many advantages from an economic
point of view. Of course, much of
this is supposition, but can the reader point out any more feasible Idea?
There seems to have been cattle raising, too, an occupation much better
carried on by a "bunch" than by one
or two persons. Just which came on
the scene first, ranching or agriculture, seems to be a moot point which
we will leave to our more enlightened
comrades. We flnd, then, a community of goods, and of course, If our contention is to hold water, lt would follow that communal ethics, morals and
religion were ln vogue. This was indeed the case. So far as ethics were
developed, they were, as we have
shown above, communal absolutely;
for religion we can say nothing. Onr
reading ls very limited and so far,
horrible as lt may seem, our most remote ancestors seem to have lived
without it, the wretched heathen. Bnt
for morals; ah! here we most a horrid tale unfold. There were communal marriages; in the earlier stages
all the women seem to bave cohabited
with all the men, but later we find
the family lines more sharply drawn
and some sort of understanding established bb to who might marry whom.
Nevertheless so long aa the communal methods of obtaining food,
clothing and shelter prevailed, so long
did tbe communal marriage hold good.
Now, we can readily understand that
as prospective parents were not worried as to how their future children
were to live, the glorious Institution,
a job not yet having come upon the
scene and as no doubt the discovery
of farming made life much more certain, the population began to grow,
causing some little inconvenience. Tha
flocks of cattle and children flourished,
and as they grew larger, so the communal lands must have looked smaller. More land must be taken in, which
of course brought one commune into
conflict with another. No doubt tha
herdsmen of one community came into touch with their neighbors, and hard
things were said. The universal peace
society did not sit at the Hague ln
those days, and so there was nothing
for it but war. -You see they did not
fight for love of the thing, but for more
pasturage ln order that they might
live; but stay, since they are still doing it, it is just possible they sometimes fought for women. Food and
women are absolutely necessary to the
maintenance of life and are quite material things, although the novelists
state otherwise. Thus we see that
warfare on an organized plan has ita
origin in economic conditions and ia
never or has never been waged for
honor and renown.
Prisoners are the direct result ot
war, and these were first killed, but
later brought home to work for the
victors. Strange and dreadful as it
may seem, your modern slave loves
work. "Why, when I was your age, my
lad, I would shock more grain or pitch,
more- hay than any two men in Dakota," but to the unenlightened ones
of the dark past, work was a bora
Therefore in order that the virtue of
toll might be instilled into them, armed guards were placed on watch. Enter the early progenitor of the modern
police and soldiery, for that ls their
Job today, to keep you of the stave
class happy and contented with your
bumble lot.
The introduction of slave labor into ■
the communes seems to have sounded
their death knell. We Imagine the
guards grew insolent and lazy and
finally, organized under some chosen'
leader, they fell upon the more passive-
members and enslaved them, annexing the communal property for themselves. The principal of private property in the means of production raised
its head and the era of communism
was over. The reader will, of course,
understand all this did not come about
in one fell blow, growing up very
slowly, but nevertheless surely. Communes existed ln Europe and England
in the middle ages and still linger
within the arctic regions of economic
necessity, of course. All this ls again
a supposed case and might well have
come about along different lines, but
would nevertheless move for material
reasons only.
Now, before we bid them farewell.
we must ask leave to look into tbe
marriage business again, for It plays
so important a role In human development that to dismiss it without another word, were absurd. The only disadvantage to communal marriage was
this: A man was never sure as to
which was his child amongst the
many, or could any kid with certainty
call a man father. Hence lines of
descent were traced from the mother's
Bide only, and the mothers seem to
have held a position In primitive society equal, if not superior, to tbe
men. This claim of tbe mother upon
tbe children Is called tbe mother right,
and as such, exists only where communal methods of living exist, while
the father right, which is law today,
la tho logical consequence of living
under the sway of private property.
Observe that the first masters wanted
someone to Inherit property after they
were dead. So the best of the women
were taken and closely confined in
order that they might become the
mothers ot the rising master class, but
wife to one man only. Here, then,
we have the origin of monogamy, corner stone of our modern civilization
and bailed as of origin divine, bolstered and backed up by all tbe might of
the church. Hand in hand with capitalist monogamy walk tho grim spectres of prostitution and all manner
of vice diseases slowly devouring the
human race. Tho holy bond of matrimony, forsooth! founded and bred of
slavery, it is of the earth, earthy;
purely material.
Next ln the weary record we come
(Continued on Page 4) Two
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dent gall so necessary in modern business. Also it lays particular stress
upon tbe necessity for the "people"
of Portugal setting a good example by
practising industry, thrift and Puritanism. Looks very much like our
robust, shop-keeping John Bull, and
from the alacrity with which British
warships appeared on the scene, we
are led to assume that that gent had a
finger in the pie.
Manuel, like a lot more of us, had
a leaning toward a good time, actresses and such. He made the mistake, however, of not caring a tinker's
This being the opening lesson of
cuss where the price came from as jthe session, strange words used by
long as he had it, therefore his i Marx had to be properly defined and
sceptre is now a rolling pin.   As for j unfamiliar phrases studied closely and
Vancouver Economic Class met at I The "New Yorker Volkszeitung," an
the rooms of Local No. 1, 151 Hastings organ of the Socialist party, In Its is-
Street, on Sunday, 9th Oct., at 2:30 sue of September ird, editorially ven-
p.m., and commenced the study of j tures "to propose" to its "party's ex-
"Value, Price and Profit" at the \ ecutive committee to utilize Roosevelt's thunder—which anyhow is stolen from us—for the Socialist (Socialist party) fall campaign." The same
editorial Bays of the electors, "they
are also little benefited, at present,
by the Socialist goal."
Roosevelt may or may not    have
stolen  Socialist party  "thunder,"  he,
sixth chapter, which Introduces the
reader to a brief analysis of the
Capitalistic method of wealth production.
Comrade Morgan was chairman and
about twenty-five members were present.
the workers of Portugal, all the difference it will make to them is that
there will be one less rat-hole for
tnem to watch. This is no Inconsiderable item, judging from the ease
discussed together, in order that a
proper understanding might be obtained when the subject is arrived at and
entered into in the text. Several paragraphs were read, and difficult points
with  which the    Canadian    working-: elucidated,  various  members discuss-
man's attention can  be  drawn  away;ing them as they arose.
from his own business, and to that of
King Somebody's
Class struggles only exist where
class fights class. Efforts on the part
of the wage-workers to secure higher
wages, or better conditions, meet with
defeat, not so much at the hands of
tho capitalists as of other members
of the working class, and are therefore not a class struggle, even if we
leave the commodity characteristic out
of consideration. Of course, the term
"class" might be very carelessly
bandied. Society is split up into innumerable "classes,'' if we are not
particular as to the meaning of the
word. The major portion of civilized
society is made up of buyers and sellers, and the various forms in which
these appear, to carry on their transactions are loosely termed as classes.
The fact, however, that the selling
class of yesterday is the buying class
of today robs the term of any especial
significance in that sense. This applies to the sellers of labor-power, the
working class.
To us, as Socialists, the "clasB struggle" means a struggle for possession
of property. Our business just now
is to organize for that struggle; we
•cannot carry it on, for as yet we are
not a class. The question if not
whether our distinction between the
class and commodity struggles is according to precedent, but is it in line
with modern development and necessary to our purpose? When it is
realized that some hundreds of years
of squabbling over prices have left the
workers in worse plight than when
they started, it is plain that some
other method of procedure is necessary, If their material position is to be
permanently bettered. The only condition that would mean the accomplishment of the latter is, of course, working class ownership of the earth, the
establishment of which can only be
brought about by the wage-workers
themselves. That ls the object upon
which their attention must be concentrated, and It is our function to
point out to them the essentiality of
such action. Therefore, If we are to
use the term "class struggle" in our
propaganda, it ls absolutely necessary
that we differentiate between it and
all other manifestations of social friction, else lt is but a meaningless
Whether the final clash will be
fought locally or universally, peacefully or by force of arms, Is a matter
tor idle speculation at present. What
concerns us is to get the power. To
repeat, our function is to teach and
organize Ihe workers, to that all our
efforts should be assiduously bent.
There Is one noticeable feature about j
the   explosion    which    wrecked   the |
plant of the Los Angeles Times, and
that ls, all the victims were workers.
The owners of the paper felt sad about
it, from a safe distance.
Some ot the Comrades, among them
Comrades Mengel, Galloway, and
Bennet, being familiar with the work,
were able to paraphrase several of
Marx's examples and illustrations,
; these being thereby more readily
| grasped and understood by the students.
The work dime on Sunday will be
rapidly gone over again at the next
meeting, so that new members coming
in may be enabled to commence with
Not being on the inside, we cannot' .       . „„. ,.       .. •.■•.«
, , '      . ithe class; the older members having
express  an  opinion  as  to   who  per-'
petrated the deed, the police, or detectives will no doubt catch somebody,
catching persons being their business.
This we do know, the occurrence, sad
as it was, la only an item in the gruesome list of tragedies that daily circulates advertising mediums among a
calloused mob, and is an evidence of
the savage strife that certain Intellectual torpedo-tubes are pleased to
term "law and order."
The farm at certain seasons may
have its hardships, but is one not
amply repaid by God's pure fresh air
and sunshine which give physique and
health? To offset all that may be
said against the farm is the fact that
the farmer is the most independent
man on earth, and yet few of them
appreciate the position they occupy.
-Kincardine Reporter.
We never thought of that. Here
we were, worrying our fool head
over hawking our labor-power, giving
surplus value to somebody else, finding out what the Government meant
also an opportunity to raise any point
not properly understood.
A full report containing an account
of the discussions and progress made
will be presented next week, and it
is hoped that other Locals having
classes of this nature will co-operate
with us ln forwarding like reports of
discussions taking place and conclusions arrived at, whereby, nvjtual benefit, may be obtained.
For the Press Committee,
The current number of MeClure's
contains an article which illustrates re.
markably well the depth of assintnlty
to which an Individual may descend
when he is guided in his reasoning by
the flrst and foremost precept of vulgar patriotism: "We of this nation
are right."
Andrew J. Shipman, an "American
Catholic," proceeds to Justify Ferrer's
assassination by proving that the Hay-
market case and the Ferrer case are
absolutely alike. He also shows that
the identical procedure was followed
by it, and such like, when all the time in both cases:   The accused being sen-
"God's pure fresh air and sunshine"
would have built up our physique and
made us independent.
Ungrateful farmers! "Few of them
appreciate the position they occupy."
Still there may be an excuse for them.
Perhaps they have not been properly
educated to the value of pure fresh
air and sunshine. They Bhould be
taught how to pay the interest on the
mortgage with the fresh air and the
machine collector with sunshine. Let
the Kincardine Reporter keep up the
good work—and set a good example
by taking sunshine in payment for
estray ads., and fresh air for subs.
The temperature of the latter should
be a little high, in order to be good
The season for big game is still
open. True sportsmen, who have been
Inclined to deplore the passing of the
old days when pyjama-clad kings were
wont to paddle across murky moats
while excited folk sought their wine-
cellars and their lives, may take heart,
for tbere are still some monarchs at
large and the game appears to have
lost none of Its zest.
About the particular explosion that
blew Manuel of Portugal from his royal
resting place, we know but little. We
know, however, as much as anyone
else who has to rely upon the press
despatches for his news. From the
proclamations Issued by the provisional government that has been established, and from the squeal that
emanates from Rome, we can easily
deduce that the row is between our
friends, the capitalists and the remains
of Feudalism.
One of the proclamations referred to,
bears all the characteristics of bourgeois teaching wltb which we are so
familiar. It has the usual gin-fizz
reference to Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity which, as we all know
is the true evidence of the resplen-
The resignation of Comrade Simpson
from Local Toronto has caused some
editorial comment throughout the country. A number of capitalist papers
seem to take a kindly interest in our
affairs, and offer us some advice. We
do not propose to go into the question
at issue, as it ocupies considerable
space elsewhere in this issue, from
which party members may draw their
own onclusloiiH. As, however, the consensus of opinion among our contemporaries appears to be that Local Toronto acted wrongly, we are inclined to
accept their judgement as sufficient
endorsatlon of that Local's action.
We may be pardoned a smile or
two at the fear our opponents sometimes express, that If the Socialist
party doesn't change Its tactics it will
fail to grow. In designating ub in the
manner to which we are accustomed
i.e., as an "autocratic and despotic
body," the Calgary Albertan says:
"It is hardly likely that the Socialist
party wlll gain many adherents by
pursuing such arbitrary measures."
This earnest solicitation on the part
of the enemy as to our wellbeing, ls
truly touching.
We plead guilty. We are autocratic
to the extent that we refuse to travel
In harness with anybody who does not
wish to go our way, and we are dogmatic to the extent that we wlll not
be satisfied until we get what we are
after, even though It pains us to relinquish the advice of those who do
not want us to get there.
tenced to death, although they had not
done anything personally, but because
they could be held morally responsible
for some one else's crime,
Andrew J. Shipman concludes that
we should cease to abuse the Spanish
government for murdering the founder
of the anti-clerical "Escuela Mod-
erna." Whatever the United States
may do or have done is just, and
therefore beware of criticising those
that Imitate them.
"The history of the events can be
read in the law reports of the case of
Spies (Vol. 122 of the Illinois Reports,
pages 1-266), and the whole reads
singularly like the events in Barcelona
for which Ferrer and others suffered
death. We have forgotten that we
have had our own Ferrer case, ln
which we acted exactly as the Spanish
government did; and we have forgotten, too, the principles of law carried
out in our own case of riot and anarchy. These principles of our own
law will enable us to take a saner and
clearer view of the Ferrer matter than
to bring in view merely the statutes of
rebellion and treason in the Spanish
law under which he was convicted.
Lest it may be said that 'the dice were
loaded, the games not honest,' we will
keep in mind, for the sake of analogy,
what our own laws In the United
States provide in like cases, and what
they have already meted out in a similar situation of affairs."
He adds without for one minute suspecting how ridiculous such a justification appears in the eyes of the
thinking world:
"In view of all the circumstances
Involved in the Ferrer case, we think
the matter should be considered ln a
similar light to cases occurring In our
own country, for thereby we can obtain a fairer and more unprejudiced
view of the situation.
"He had a trial, and there was evidence produced against him, and,
moreover, the evidence was of substantially the same nature as that for
which we ourselves sent seven men to
death for a like crime."
As the question of "moral responsibility" is very vague and extremely
personal, are we going to apply this
rule to modern journalism and jail
Hearst because Gaynor holds him responsible for the Gallagher incident?
No, but we of this nation are right
just the same.—A. Trldon, ln the Call.
^ fiEST IN B.C. Cl<i^^'
however, stole nothing from Socialism. That he stole or cared to steal
Socialist party "thunder" is pretty
good evidence of the fate that is in
store for the Socialist party. And
that the hand of fate ls upon the S. P.
Is confirmed by the "Volkszeitung's'
own declaration as to the "little benefit" that cam be secured at present
from the Socialist goal.
The theory that the success of Socialism ls predicated upon the movement gaining something for the workers now, right away, is a theory that
has no place in the program of revolutionary Socialism, especially so in
The fundamental principle of Socialism is that freedom for the workers ls not possible while the system
of wage slavery lasts. Hence Socialism has for its mission the overthrow
of the capitalist system of private
ownership of the machinery of production, and the establishment of collective ownership In place thereof.
The theory that Socialism can with
j safety depart from the hard and fast
line of its ultimate and follow the
lure of something now batters Itself
against the hard fact that something
now is not obtainable to it, and the
logical consequence would be the degeneration of the movement into a
something now, a reform movement.
That something now is not obtainable now, American history bears eloquent testimony. The fate of the
movements that followed that lure into the desert of opportunism is to be
read upon their gravestones as a
warning to others.
If the aim of Socialism were to be
made the getting of something now,
and Socialism later, Socialism would
have to be sacrificed to the immediate
progress. Hence for a Socialist to
preach something now, means that he
discredits Socialism, and only helps
to prepare the workers as voting
cattle for capitalism, when capitalist
parties, by "stealing," by taking up
the something now demands, give
promise of their immediate realization.
The Socialist party that in America
follows the lure of getting something
now will wind up by getting nothing
now. Nor will it later, because lt will
have lost the golden opportunity of
preparing the workers and the way
for the benefits of the Socialist goal.
The only something worth striving
for now by Socialists, because it is the
only one obtainable now, is the laying of as solid a foundation as possible
on which to move forward to the conquest of capitalism. Then, too, the
more attention that Socialists pay to
the ultimate, the more will the capitalist class endeavor to stem the tide,
and check its progress, by offering
"something now" schemes galore; so
that granting that "something now
is desirable, the way to get it ls by
not bothering about it but by keeping
steadily for the goal.
The "Volkszeitung" and other S. P,
papers have thrown Socialism to the
winds and become a rainbow chasing
institution. If such doctrine is accepted and practiced by the Socialist party, it will ere long be interred with
the other rainbow chasers, upon
whose headstones Is to be read the
inscription, "I Tried to Get Something
Now and  Got  Here."—People.
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head.     |1.00   per month.       Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,  B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every .alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
Committee. Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary wlll be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement ln the province. F. Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary,
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuesdays In the month at 12 1-2 Adelaide St. Any reader of the Clarion
desiring information about the movement ln Manitoba, or who wishes to
Join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebblngs,
Sec, 316 Good St., Winnipeg.
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKinnon's,
Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane. Secretary, Box 4D1, Olace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL   VANCOUVEB,    B.  O,  BO.  I,—
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 151 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 151
Hastings St. W. Secretary, Wm.
Propaganda and business meetings at
8 p. m. every Sunday evening ln the
Edison Parlor Theater. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are invited to attend. B. F. Gaymarr, Secretary.
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. ln headquarters on First Ave.
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmlth,
B. C.
JOAL aOBSLAND, WO. 15, ■■ T. Ot C,
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30  p.m.    E.  CampbeU,  Secy.,_P.  O.
__     _.  ,  Secy.,   _.   _.
674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Finlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
765 Roasland.
-LOOAZ,  BELSOB,   B.   P.   Of C,
every Friday evening at 8 p. m., ln
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
LOCAI, TBOB, B. C., WO. 31, S. T. Ot O.
—Meets every third Saturday ln
month, at 7:30 p. m. E. Anderson,
Secretary; W. B. Mclsaae, Treasurer.
Unattached Comrades ln the district
are earnestly requested to get In touch
with Secretary, who will answer all
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. ln tire Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T,
Machln, Secretary. Box 647, A. Maedonald,  Organizer,   Box  647.
P.  of c, meets every flrst and  third i
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall,
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
DOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     BO.     9, I
Miners' Hall and Opera House at t
p.nr. Everybody welcome to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
LETTISX—Meets every second and
last Sunday in the month, 2 p. ur.
E. J. Weinberg, 40 Ave., South Hill.
J. Schogart, Secretary, Box 1616,
Vancouver,   B.  C.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
523 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre. R.
Thomas, Secretary.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,   BO.  8,   B.  P.  of  C.
nreets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock
Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826.
LOCAL   PEBNIE,   B.   P.   Of   O.   HOLDS
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle, every Sunduy evening at 7:45. Business
meeting flrst Sunday In each month,
same place at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
meets every Sunday ln Miners' Union
Hall at 7:30 p. m. Business meetings,
1st and 3rd Sundays of each month.
George Heatherton, Organizer; R. J,
Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
LOOAL TBBBOB, B. C, 38, S. P. of C,
meets every second and last Friday in
each month. Chas. Chaney, Sec, Box
127 Vernon,  B.  C.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday In
hall in Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOOAL MICHEL, B. 0., BO. 16, B. P. OP
C, meets every Sunday ln Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited'to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
Comrade Slave,—I am happy to say
that for the last few days we have
had down here at Lethbridge Comrade W. Gribble, Dominion Organizer.
For the short stay that he wbb here,
I believe that he has left a great
Impression on everybody that heard
We held a meeting on Sunday night
last, Oct. 2nd, at which Comrade
Gribble gave a great lecture on Labor
and Value, which he delivered with
great effect. I am sure that he sowed
seed which will be the means of increasing our membership at our next
regular meeting. Our collection
amounted on this occassion to $10.35;
after paying for the theatre we had a
balance of 85c.
Comrade Gribble also advised us to
start an Economic Class and gave us
some pointers which will help us out
considerably. We shall start our class
on Friday night next, which will be
continued on that night every week,
in the Miners' Hall, and I am not
afraid to say that after the winter is
over that we shall have a number of
good speakers, and then for sowing
the seed of Liberty.
Yours for an Early Revolution,
On   Wednesday,' September   28th,
1910,   Enrichetta   Benvenuti   to   W.
Green, both members of Local Toronto
No. 24, S. P. of C.
LOCAL XABA, B. C, BO. 34, B. P. of C,
Meets first Sunday ln every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman,  Recording  Secretary.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts,
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room ls open to the public free, fron 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake, 6-19 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Bissett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
B. P. of O.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide
Street, opposite Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every Monday evening at
3 p rrr. Propaganda meeting Sunday
evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.
Secretary, J. W. Hilling, 270 Young
OP C.    Business  meetings 2nd and
4th   Wednesdays   in   the  month,   at
the Labor Temple, Church St.    Outdoor propaganda meetings, Saturday,
8 p.m., City Hall; Sunday afternoon,
3 p.m., at University and Queen St.;
Sunday night, 8 p.m., at Shuter and
Yonge  St.     Speakers'   Class    every   ,1
Thursday,  8  p.m.,  at Xsadqnartera, >\l
79   Church    Bt.    Secretary,    Arthur.'!
Taylor, 201 George St. ^^™
LOOAL   COBALT,   Bo.   9,   B.  P.  of  a
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
M.   J.   Gorman,   Box   446,   Financial
LOOAL   OTTAWA,   BO.   8,   B.   P.   Of   C.
Business meeting 1st Sunday ln
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rldeau St. The usual
weekly Inside propaganda meetings
discontinued during summer months.
John r.yon.s Secretary, 43 Centre St.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
Books of all Kinds
Paine's Age of Reason ISc
Six Ingersoll Lectures  ISc
Shelley's Poems, $1.50
The Origin of Species, Darwin ISc
Voltaire's Famous Romances
"Nana" by Zola  75c
Self—Contradictions   of the
Bible  ISc
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
NOTICE Is hereby given that I,
Alfred Wyngaert, Gibson Landing, B. C,
Rancher, intend to apply to the Commissioner, under Part V. of the "Water
Act, 1909," for licence to divert one-
quarter cubic foot of water from St
vanes Creek, at the back of D. L. 1667,
New Westminster District, for domestic
and Irrigation purposes; and that notice hereof waa posted on the 16th day
of August, 1910.
Gibson's Landing, B. C.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start  Local) 16.00
Membership Cards, each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100  25
Ditto in Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukranian, per 100 50
Constitutions, each  20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen       60
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian Socialists
On account of increased postal
rates we are obliged to make tha
subscription price of the International socialist Review In Canada
$1.20 a year instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we wlll mall threa
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall "ten
copies of any one issue.
For $3.00 we wlll mall tha Review   one  year  and   the  Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 West Klnzle St., Chicago.
305 Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Malcahey, Prop.
Propaganda Meeting 1
........_   j
Empress Theatre
Sunday October   16
uranxar. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1910.
TV Page Is Devoted to Reports
and General Party Matters-
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box
of Executive Committees, Locals
—Address All Communications to
1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Had a successful time at Lethbridge
addressing miners' union and Trades
and Labor Council. On Sunday night
an exceptionally successful meeting in
tbe Eureka Theatre. The Local at
Lethbridge is young, but very vigorous.
Quite a number joined at the last
business meeting.    It will be to the
1 Interest of the Party to see that Leth-
' bridge is regularly supplied with public propagandists until such time as
; tbey produce enough of their own,
wbicn wlll not be long, as they are
starting a class for the purpose ot
producing such. Seventeen subs, for
tbe Clarion were taken at Lethbridge
alone, a record for the trip. Some
I bave sent on already, the rest are
Included, together with some taken
at McLeod, where I held no public
[■meeting, weather being bad and hall
■expensive, but did    personal   propaganda.
Thence to Lundbrek, no public pro-
■paganda here, but arranged for some
(shortly.   Walked to Burmis, arranged
[for meeting at bunkhouse in the evening and strolled  to Passburg to see
comrade there, he was away; back
Jto Burmis and held good meeting, and
next day to Passburg again; comrade
still absent, so walked to Hillcrest,
getting news of Comrade Bennett's
nomination for Fernle riding. Took
Hillcrest comrades into council, as to
advisability  of  rushing right on  to
• Fernie under the circumstances.   Dis-
1 cusBion in favor of doing so, so here
[ 1 am.
We held a meeting on the street
I last night, Harrington and self speaking.    Good  results.    We don't know
' just when the election will be coming
off. but it is to be hoped that every
available propagandist will be here
to take part as soon as possible as
there are no other elections on at
this time. If we win Fernie and it
is the writer's opinion we can, it
means that the movement throughout
Canada will benefit and the work ot
propagandists be easier, especially
that of those who are regularly at
that   work,   and   so  for   the   purely
' selfish reason that he wishes his work
to be as easy as possible, the writer
hopes that all who can find lt possible
to help ln this campaign will do so.
N.B.—For any one having occasion
to write to me, my address till further
information will be Wilfrid Gribble,
care David Paton, Box 101, Fernie, B.C.
Dear Comrade:—I am enclosing a
copy of the resignation of Com. Jas.
Simpson and with it the resolution
on technical education leading up to
it. This Local wishes you to republish
I this resolution with the resignation so
that the membership will be In no
confusion on the matter.
Now for a brief outline of the facts
of the case: The Canadian Manufacturers' Association doubtless for
very good reasons and the Trades and
Labor Congress of Canada for reasons
best known to themselves, asked the
government to enquire into the necessity and methods of technical education and Industrial training, and the
latter nominated Comrade Simpson for
the job. The Liberal Government fell
ln line with the idea and the appointment of Comrade Simpson was approved of and made by Mackenzie King,
Minister of Labor of the Federal
Government  at  Ottawa.
At this time the boys here were
kept busy with the controversy over
the reform element and although the
subject was mentioned of the advisability of allowing an elected representative of the S. P. of C. to accept
without laying the matter before the
Local, an appointment from a minister
of a Capitalist Government, other
things occupying our attention at the
time it was allowed to pass. Pertinent questions and criticisms from
outsiders arising, however, we called
a special meeting and requested Com.
Simpson to attend and give us his
views on the matter. He did, and
started off by expressing surprise at
our actions and telling us pretty plain
that it was none of our business, but
had to do with the Trades and Labor
Congress if anyone at all.
Im the debate he was forced to
admit that technical education would
not benefit the workers "primarily"
but would develop their "brain cells"
and ultimately the revolution, on this
he took the stand that it was in the
interest of the working class.
Com. Jas. Simpson being the little
tin god of the labor movement here
we did not feel disposed to give him
carte-blanche ln this matter, hence
this resolution and his resignation.
Yours ln revolt,
Fin. Secy. No. 24.
Toronto, Ont.,
Whereas, a special meeting, duly
called and held on September 7th, 1910,
Local Toronto No. 24, S. P. of C, after
discussing the question of technical
education and hearing Comrade Simpson's report on the same go on record
as follows:
Resolved, That the process of capitalist accumulation springs from the
constant invention of ever newer and
costlier machinery, the value of which,
as an economic force, ls its labor
saving qualities; the purpose of its
introduction being the replacing of
live human labor by a cheaper mechanical procesB, from which flows the
ever recurring forcing out of employment, the great masses of labor; and
Whereas, Modern production resting upon the physical sciences, technical education would make the workers more proficient wage-slaves and
greater producers of surplus value for
the capitalist class. Consequently
technical education would have the
same effect on the working class as
labor saving machinery, which means
tho intensification of labor, increased
exploitation of the workers and a constant swelling of the unemployed
army, giving an ever-Increasing power
to the capitalist class over the working class.
Therefore, The benefits accruing
from a technically educated working
class would be reaped by the capitalist,
and instead of tending tp raise the
workers in the social scale, lt would
be the means of their further degradation (unemployment, etc.) Moreover,
a member ot this Local, Comrade Simpson, holding a seat on the royal commission to enquire into the technical
education for Canada, we further resolve,
That at the conclusion of the royal
commissioners' investigation on technical education and before Comrade
Simpson Issues his report or does his
part in the composition and forwarding of that report to the Government,
as outlined above, We, Local Toronto
No. 24, S. P. of 0., request Comrade
Simpson to attend and report the result of his inquiries and the nature of
the report he intends to make to the
Government on technical education, at
a regular or a special business meeting
(if a special meeting Is necessary) of
the Local to hear his report and take
action upon lt If necessary.
•   •   •
Sept. 24, 1910.
Toronto, Ont., Sept. 10, 1910.
Mr. Arthur Taylor, Secretary Socialist
Party of Canada.
Dear Comrade—Upon my return
home from Quebec yesterday I received your favor of September 19th
with resolution re technical education
passed at the regular business meeting of the above local on September
The last clause of the resolution
leaves me only one course to pursue
and that ls to sever my connection
with Local 24. There is such a wide
difference between the request of the
Comrades and what I propose to do
that there can be no possible point of
I can assure you that I have no intention of submitting my report as
members of the royal commission on
industrial training and tecnnlcal education to Local 24 before I submit it
to the government. The position I
hold on industrial training and technical education was, at the request of the
Trades and Labor Congress of Canada,
and the request of Local 24, that I
should submit my report to their censorship, ls both presumptious and unnecessary to the interest of party discipline. My views on technical adu-
catlon are well-known to the members
of the Local, and I regret that the last
clause of the resolution was adopted.
In forwarding my resignation as a
member of Local No. 24 I do so after
the most deliberate consideration of
the import of the resolution adopted
on September 14th, and I regret ex
ceedingly that snch a course is made
necessary. During my many years association with the Comrades of Local
24 I have endeavored to take a clear
position ln harmony with the Socialist
party platform and constitution, and
the records of the party will show that
my actions bave oeen generally approved. In severing my connection
with Local 24, I wish to assure tbe
Comrades tbat my zeal in the interest
of Socialism will be none the less because I have ceased to identify myself
with that particular Local of the Socialist party. Time alone will Indicate
how loyal I am to the working class,
and I am prepared to continue my
work ln their Interest with the same
zeal that I have In the past, realizing
that the unit in the working class can
only rise with the mass.
Yours  in  revolt,
(Signed)    JAMES SIMPSON.
The last open-air meeting of the sea.
son was held in Brantford on Saturday
night last.
Owing to the unfavorable weather
conditions and also the fact that there
had unfortunately been a break in the
series, the attendance was not as
large as Is usual. After short introductory addresses by Local Comrades, E.
Drury, of Toronto Local, took the
Now, It Isn't a subject to be gleeful
over, this robbery of the producing
class, but somehow Drury always
shows up present-day conditions and
all their evils (to the working class)
in a manner which makes even the
poor wage-slave grin. He was told
how he and his class produced all the
things that society needed to sustain
itself, but, strange to say, the producing class was the one that went
short of the very things that it produced. How the capitalist, or non-producing class produced nothing, but got
everything! How they did this because they owned the things needed
for production (railroads, factories,
mines, etc.) How they owned these
things, not because they were so good-
looking, or because they were fatter
or thinner, taller or shorter, than the
working class, but simply and solely
because they controlled the political
power necessary to uphold and protect
their ownership. Therefore the workers must get ready to take hold of
that same political power and use lt
as the platform of the Socialist Party
of Canada states: "To transform, aa
rapidly as possible, capitalist property
in the means of wealth production
(natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into the collective prop,
erty of the working class." This was
Drury's message, and judging by the
sale of "Clarion" pamphlets after the
meeting, it fell on good ground.
Brantford Local now has in view a
series of hall meetings through the
winter months, and to ensure the success of these must have the co-operation of many who are at present not
in touch with the organization look
in the "Socialist Directory." 'Nuff
said. W. D.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
-Which Stands for a Living lfVage
Vancouver Local 867. 656
Editor Western Clarion.
A good many articles have appeared
in your paper recently to the effect
that the "Class Struggle" is an en
deavor to overthrow the commodity
struggle. At least that is the expression used by Comrade O'Brien in a
statement issued by him in the Clarion
of October 8th.
It seems to me that the "Class Struggle" consists in the fact that the interest of the workers and the capital
ists are diametrically opposed. "Classes" can only exist because of a condition where slaves produce values for
masters for which the slaves receive
nothing. Now, if the slaves attempt
to get either a part or all of these
values for which the capitalist gives
nothing in return, it is a manifestation
of the slave class struggling against
the master class. The slaves, either
all or in part, do not necessarily need
even to realize that they are slaves at
all. Long before there ever was even
a conscious attempt on the part of
any of the slaves to crystallze a sentiment in favor of common ownership
of the means of production and distribution through political activity, there
was the proletarian slave class and the
master class struggling because of antagonistic interests. For how could
Karl Marx, Frederick Engels or any
one else have been able to determine
that there was a "Class Struggle," if
it did not exist in the very nature of
capitalistic production and exploitation? Certainly every socialist will
admit that up to 1844, when Marx and
Engels issued their famous communist
manifesto, there had never been an
attempt to overthrow the so-called
commodity struggle, nevertheless the
"Class Struggle" was a fact. The discovery of "Surplus Value" laid bare
the "Class Struggle" with all its hideous effects of poverty for the slaves
and Idleness and wealth for the owners
of capital. Yet, previous to this discovery, the slave class had been abso-
solutely ignorant of its own existence,
its interests as a class against tbe capitalist class, or the historic mission
which the scientific socialist is trying
to teach the slave class, i.e., to abolish
the class struggle by making land and
capital the common property of so
ciety. I shall grant that the organization of the slaves for the express
purpose of capturing the political
powers of the state to convert land and
capital into common property Ib the
most Intelligent manifestation of the
slave class in their struggle for power
against the master class. However,
this intelligent manifestation has, up
to the present time, expressed itself
sporadically and locally .certainly never
spontaneously and Internationally. In
this respect lt ls like strikes for more
wages and lower working hours, a part
of the working class resisting the
capitalist class. This struggle between
the classes ls, perhaps, not as Intelligent a fight as the fight for converting
property through political power, from
private to common ownership, nevertheless it is a manifestation of the
"Class Struggle" without an intelligent
revolutionary aim.
Dear Comrade—
I wrote you months ago from Okotoks suggesting a "religious" edition
of the Clarion. You replied that you
had put it up to the "bunch" but that
they turned it down.
I see by No. 599 that they have reversed their decision and we have a
'religious" edition at last. It is, of
course, different from what I wanted,
but it is the right thing nevertheless.
It is time the working class ceased
listening to and paying toward the
support of an institution tbat never
fails to take sides against them in any
controversy that comes up and lives
to teach them to be humble and submissive toward their despoilers. It
seems to me a good thing that a "So-
sialist labor party" has been started
as this will keep out of the real Socialist party people who, not being content with having to serve one master,
desire to serve tw*-. Men who are reformers will go to them and we will
not be hampered by their presence.
As to "attacking the church," It
would appear, as you say, to be a useless act, but it is a difficult matter
to see so weak an enemy at hand slapping at you without being tempted to
hit back. I make it a point to get
into conversation with every preacher
I can and from my own knowledge of
his environment endeavor to show him
the error of his ways. It is very amusing to me to see him wriggle and almost without exception he gets angry
and argues his superior "morality"
over Socialists. Of course, this argument is not difficult to answer as the
preachers' ranks are not without shining examples of "Immorality."
Then he argues the unselfishness of
preachers in working for so small a
salary, but I happen to know that most
preachers In Calgary are head over
ears in real estate deals and in this
are one ahead of the legitimate real
estate shark, having a salary to support them, they can buy and wait for
the price to rise before selling. It is
pretty safe to let a real Socialist alone.
If he attacks religion It will be because he has nothing better to offer
at that time, and if he doesn't attack
it he will be busy with a still better
club to knock the system.
For my own part I had 19 years'
experience with religious freaks. If
the working man will take it from me,
he has nothing In common with them.
Let the master class pay them and
listen to them, and when the master
class see that they have lost the ears
of the working class they will cease
supporting them and the preacher wlll
cease to exist as a preacher.
meant money in the pockets of the
magazine publishers. Time and again
they advertised articles on Socialism,
or of a Socialistic nature. Just as
often, the Appeal, believing ih their
honesty of purpose, and anxious to
spread our principles abroad, enlisted
its army in buying and subscribing.
And almost as often did the magazines
fall down on the proposition—the articles were either unfair, garbled, or
discontinued, before their time was up.
After a number of experiences of
this kind we are forced to conclude
that: Socialist articles, with the liberal advertising of the Appeal to Reason, have been a sort of cat's paw to
rake ln subscriptions from the working class to the popular magazines.
They have been shekels in the pockets
of capitalist publishers. Of publishers owned body and soul by their advertisers.
We have Innocently believed that
the magazines were catering to Socialistic sentiment. Rather should we
have seen that they were catering to
the workers' pocketbooks. They care
little for our sentiment; for our purses
they care a great deal.
And while they have been looking
after our purses, our own publications
have been crying out like beggars on
the highways for support.
It ls to blush for shame when we
realize the situation.
What shall we do. about it?
This: Already the best magazine
writers in the land are either Socialists or strongly Socialistic; let us turn
our dimes and dollars Into the coffers
of our own publications, that they
may employ these same high-grade
writers, and thus build up a series of
periodicals that will so far outstrip
the "popular" magazine in interest,
that the' latter wlll die for want of
The capitalist press is probably the
strongest bulwark of the present system. Will Socialists continue to support this press, or will they build a
splendid one of their own?—Progressive Woman.
We have also heard Socialists complain of the indifference, or enmity, ot
the capitalist press towards the movement. May we ever be preserved from
their friendship. Our own press
should be in a position to take no
notice of the existence of capitalist
Quite unwittingly, perhaps, but
nevertheless surely, Socialists are constantly aiding one of the strongest
props of the present system.
This fact is brought out ln a letter
by George Allan England, in which
he tells how the Northwest Magazine
accepted four articles from him, on
Socialism; how they published two of
these, and after receiving liberal advertising through the Appeal, which
called the readers' attention to the
articles, asking them to buy copies of
the magazine, etc., they failed to publish the other two articles, nor did
they pay for those published. When
Mr. England pushed tnem for a reason, they said the magazine had
changed hands, that the new parties
were not friendly to Socialism, and
would not publish any more matter on
that subject.
"The trick Ib an old one—to get help
for a while and then kick out the help,
ers," says Mr. England.
For some years every time the cap
ltallst magazines have published Socialistic articles, the Appeal has made
it a point to call the attention of Its
400,000 or more readers to the fact,
suggesting that they buy copies of the
publications containing said articles,
or subscribe for them.   This, of course,
VI solici-.. the business of Manufacturers,
Engin-eru nnd others who realize the advisability of haviug their Patent business transacted
by Expel U. Preliminary advice free. Charges
niodciati. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion & Mariou, New York Life Dldg.
ull Wa-fhtajton, D.C, U.S.A.
Within the last six months forty
members of a cabinet-makers' trade
union have left this country, twenty
going to Canada, sixteen to the United
States, and four to Australia, Each had
served from four to seven years' apprenticeship to the trade and were
beyond doubt extremely capable workmen, the average age being twenty-
nine years, the eldest being fifty five
and the youngest twenty-three yearB of
age. Their membership of the union
works out at five and half years each.
During this period they have each
an average of three years and ten
months in employment, whilst the remaining one year and eight months
they have recorded themselves dally
as being out of employment. In other
words, they have experienced to each
four and a half days' employment two
days' unemployment throughout the
whole five and a half years.
It ls an acknowledged fact that
among woodworkers it ls the most
highly skilled who are nowadays the
most precariously employed, and It
would still further appear that many
are simply serving an apprenticeship
upon the expiration of which they are
automatically hurled into the maelstrom  of  unemployment.
Of the forty refercd to, nineteen were
under the age of twenty-five years,
their average being twenty-three years
and eight months; the number of
weeks they were In work was 102,
and the number of weeks they were
each out of work was 41. There need
be no confusion as to holidays on the
ground that they are included In the
working weeks. The experience has,
therefore, been twenty weeks' unemployment in each year.
Accepting the agreed working rules
of the towns in which these members
resided, and worked, the average rate
of wages for these men, when in work,
would be 36s per week, so that their
actual average wage spread over the
143 weeks ln and out of work since
they came "out of their time," is 25s-
8d. per week.
To carry the Inquiry further to the
remaining twenty-one would surely re-
suit In this average being considerably
reduced. Hence lt would appear that,
apart from the fact that it Is our most
youthful and energetic workers who
are emigrating, and that Is In Itself a
grave source of danger, the municipal
laborer (so termed), has now a distinct
advantage over tho apprenticed and
skilled workman, In that he gets a
higher average wage, and, further, that
he has not an expensive set of tools
to provide.
The purpose here Is not to sing the
laborer's praises, but to merely Indicate how very narrow has become the
once wide and contemptible gulf between worker and worker.—A. A, Pur-
cell in "Justice."
The best time to growl ls right at
the beginning, and here is where we
do some. All over the Dominion, in
every throbbing center of industry, ln
the primeval forest, in the ranch
among the stumps, and the gold fields
of the frozen north, are scattered five
thousand readers of the Clarion. Notwithstanding this fact, copy ln sufficient quantity to fill the paper is generally not forthcoming, and the paper
that is supposed to be the party organ
and a propaganda vehicle, becomes the
medium through which poets and near
poets inflict excruciating torture on a
long-suffering movement. If the editor
is not kept supplied with the dope, he
has to find something, so I guess this
Is how the fiend gets in. The cure,
then, is to be found ln supplying the
man In the chair with chunks of the
real goods.   So get busy.
• •   •
John Muck's letter In last week's
issue was certainly to the point. The
paper ls not what it should be. I have
contended thus for long. It ls as he
says, too scientific, but I don't think as
he suggests, that we should imitate
our betters. No, sir! Let us be original. Why should we crib postcard
ideas from others? In doing so we but
show a lack of Intellectual ability. I
would suggest that we start in with
the sale of Economic cigars. Proletarian toffee, Red Flag chewing gum,
to mention only a few. All the space
presently occupied by editorials, reports from locals, articles on capitalism or socialism, would be used for
advertising the above-mentioned snaps.
Whatever else we are, let us be original.
• •   •
Some of the jokes we meet ln our
propaganda meetings are worth telling
outside. For instance, on Sunday last
our speaker was a member of the
Typo Union. One of our industrial
revolution friends got highly indignant at the fact that members ot that
union should go to work and set up
the lies that the capitalist prints ln his
journals. The printer ought to throw
up his job rather than print lies of
that kind, you know. That would en-
,able an Industrialist to come ln on the
job, but that ls not the point. Why
ii hell should a member of the I. W. W.
not quit when he is sent to carry the
hod for a bricklayer engaged on a
building which some green capitalist ls
going to use to exploit the worker. It
would be tragic' lt it was not so foolish.
•   •   •
The following have added to the
sub. list this week:
Mosea  Baritz  7
"Smith," Vancouver  7
C. H. Lake, Stewart, B. C  2
W. A. Blake, Victoria  3
C. M. O'Brien  2
Geo. Robson, Vancouver  2
Henry Judd, Brackendale, B. C. bundle
Local New Westminster, B. C. bundle
Maintenance Fund.
C. H. Lake, Stewart, B. C $2.00
"Bughouse," South Wellington, B.
C  1.00
S. B. Clement, Vancouver; Com.
Thomas, Victoria; S. R. Darnley, Surrey Centre, B. C; Chas. Chaney, Vernon, B. C; W. McQuoid, Edmonton,
Alta.; J. Cottam, Orillla, Ont.; Chas.
MacDonald, Stewart, B. C; Jas. Ack-
erman, Beaver Point. B. C; Tom
Davies, Coal Creek, B. C.
"Things arc not what they seem,"
and just as Gribble says—the more
you study the more you flnd things
exactly opposite to what you were
taught to look upon them. I believe
that the two most glaring paradoxes
we have to correct to their true relations to Boclety are religion and wages. I will just tackle wages here.
At flrst you would think wages were
payment for work you have done, but
when you consider the matter from
all sides you flnd out very differently.
You are the slaves of your masters.
If you were paid for what you have
done In the way of work you would not
be slaves, and on the other hand your
masters would have to be veritable
whirlwinds of workers themselves, as
if they paid 100 men to work for them
they would bave to work themselves
as much as 101 men so as to pay the
100 men and pay themselves. You
flnd on analysis that wages simply consist of Bupply of enough coarse food
and cheap clothing and shelter to keep
the supply of labor up, and has nothing to do with paying for what labor
68 V CARS'
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' rrr?V *      Copyrights Ac.
Anyone sending nskclrh find drs-rlptlnn msr
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(Continued from Page 1)
to chattel slavery, pure and simple.
A time of horror for the slaves and of
licentious luxury for the master class.
One moment, however, before we deal
with chattel slavery simon pure. As
an example of the intermediate stage,
the ancient Jews afford us excellent
evidence as to how Ideas, rising from
one method of gaining a living linger
on with us. The ten commandments
give direct proof of the existence of
private property and master class rule,
for lt would be foolishness to command
men not to commit adultery in a community of wives. Also in a commune
the command, thou shalt not covet thy
neighbor's wife, goods and chattels for
obvious reasons would be idiotic. Yet
the communal spirit was with them ln
a degree, for we understand that no
man should own the earth, "for the
earth is the Lord's and the fullness
thereof." Again, you will remember
the racket Samuel ls supposed to have
raised when the Jews clamored for a
king, and we believe the jubilee to be
a survival of the communal thought.
Now for chattel slavery.
To ancient Greece we must look for
a fair glimpse of chattel slavery.   You
are to imagine the Gentile organization
to have fallen under the growing property rule.   The political state, to have
risen to its zenith and now upon the
decline.    The  master class overburdened with wealth, the workers in abject misery, the beginning of the end,
in fact, for old classic Greece.   The
chattel slave was property;  he was
bought  and  sold   (and  since  when
things are plentiful we regard tbem
lightly); they were sometimes beaten
and killed.    So horrible their condition became, indeed, that slave hunts
were organized amongst the youthful
masters who herded the poor workers
Into bands and slew them "for fun."
Indolence   and   vice   was    rampant
amongst them, and because they had
property, also they had souls and hoped  to live  again  after  death.    The
workers who performed the necessary
toil were only criminals and had no
souls.   What use has a worker for a
soul,   anyway?     The   population   of
Athens about 300 B. C. ls stated to be
9,000 souls; the number of its inhabitants was about 500,000.   Corinth, with
a population of over 600,000, is said to
have contained 40,000 souls.   Here the
dual Idea comes to the fore; you see
the worker who could be kept ln subjection by force of fist and who performed the detestable toil was nothing
more than a brute of burden, but your
cultured master, who was above work,
had time to think, and ln consequence
got himself a soul.   To work—no soul,
no hope of an after life.   To be a master—an  owner  of property;   to  possess a sou land hope for a good time
later.   Pray, is not the dualist idea at
this point the product of economic conditions?   The masters are wiser today, but of tbat more later.
The mother right lingered on with
the workers for a long time, but among
the masters it was held in contempt.
To be born of woman even seemed to
be a thing detestable; hence we find
the Goddess  Aphrodite  born  in  the
seafoam,   while   Pallas   sprang   full
grown from the brain of Jupiter.   Because it was a vile thing to be a worker, the deities of labor were female,
Ceres, Minerva,  Pomona and others,
while Jove and all the mighty ones
were the especial favorites    of    the
master class.   In fact, we may safely
assume that in the palmy    days    of
Greece the gloriouB principle of monogamy (child of property) was carried
to frightful excess.   The wives of the
masters were closely    watched    and
treated with suspicion and contempt,
while the masters themselves sported
with the ladles of pleasure, not prostitutes, however, as    we   understand
them today, but simply  women  who
would not submit to the blessing of
married life.    Turn to Rome.    There
we flnd the same conditions, master
class and chattel slavery; monogamy,
although not so strict as in Greece, In
vogue, the economic base of society
determining the shape of the superstructure.   As an example of our idea
let us examine for a short spell the
Intolerance   manifested    toward    the
Christians by the Roman master class.
This  persecution  is  always  looked
upon by the uninformed as a piece of
religious rancor;  as a matter of fact
It was quite otherwise.    We are too
apt, in this age of cheap reading, to
take our impressions of    past    ages
from what are called historical novels,
upon the altar of Jupiter, nevertheless
the scholars and learned men openly
sneered at religion and were, in their
minds, pure unbelievers.   A spirit of
wide toleration seemed to be abroad,
indeed in Rome itself a thousand and
one altars were erected to as many
deities, many of them imported.   The
Romans seemed to think it better to
be safe than sorry, so even went so
far as to erect places 'of worship to
all the unknown gods.   In the face of
this lt would seem absurd to suppose
that   the   Roman   government   spent
money and time upon persecuting a
body of people for their religious ideas
and who brought only one more God to
dwell   in   their   already   overstocked
Parthenon, notwithstanding he was to
spell death to them all.   The solution
of the puzzle is, as usual, to be found
in the economic conditions prevailing
at the time.   The Roman master class
were in a precarious position.    The
empire embraced nearly   the   whole
known world, as far north as the Danube, then westward through Gaul and
England, eastward to Egypt and along
the Bosphorous, southward along the
seacoast of Africa, successive Roman
generals had led the victorious legions.
The name and dread of Rome held the
world in thrall.   Trade follows the flag
and the wily trader, marching as close
upon the heels of strife as he dared,
drove a brisk business in the chattel
slave  industry.    The  result may be
imagined; the population of Rome became for the most part alien.   True
Romans had almost ceased to exist,
Rome was full to the overflowing with
slaves   snatched   from   their   native
lands; Negros from the Lybian desert
were there; Frank and Gaul and Goth
cheek by jowl with the tawny Egyptian and the ruddy, flaxen-haired Angle.   Traffic was by no means confined
to slavery; all the wealth of the world
was pouring into the lap of Rome, and,
as a natural result, the masters waxed
rich and licentious.   Useless for anything but play, the Romans left the
business of life to others.   The commanding of the Legions fell Into the
hands of barbarian generals, and upon
several    occasions    barbarians   were
clothed with the imperial purple.   Indeed so effete did the Roman masters
become that the young men struck off
some fingers of the right hand in order
to unfit themselves for military service.   In the underworld of toil lived
and died the myriad alien slaves already mentioned;   with the political
state, army and law machine between
the slave and his master for, observe,
the  sole  function  of the  state  anywhere and at any time is to defend
the possessor against the dispossessed.
We see, then, that a docile slave class
and  an  efficient political state were
absolutely necessary to the existence
of the Roman master class,   It is a
just conclusion, then, which we arrive
at in supposing that any body of people attacking these sacred institutions
would  bring down  upon    them    the
wrath of the masters.   The Christians
refused to serve in the army.   Indeed,
Tertullian, one of the Christian Fathers,    advised   those   who   embraced
Christianity to desert,  if they were
already soldiers.   They would not pay
taxes and their propaganda was carried on amongst the slave class; also
they seem to have practiced a modified
form of communism.    Since they refused to contribute toward the maintenance of the slave drivers, and since
they refused to fight the masters' battles and looked with hatred and defiance upon the state, since they were
very active propagandists of these pernicious ideas, it was up to the masters
to quash them as soon as possible.
Here, then, we have the real reason
for the blood-thirsty treatment meted
out to the Christians. It is true, religion was a pretext, but as we have
already said, had the Christian faith
been of the sum mould and type as i
any of the others, supporting the rule
of property, all would have been well;
lt waa because of Its revolutionary
character that lt Incurred the hatred
of the rulers. Just as today the
trump card In the anti-Socialist band
Is our atheism. These gentlemen are
not so much worried about religion
themselves as to spend money championing its cause, indeed many of
them are open Infidels; ah, no, we
strike deep and at the root of the
matter; we would abolish poverty,
would destroy the capital characteristic of property; we strike at their
dividends, wherefore they cry, "Atheist, free-lover, brute, beast," at us
just as the Romans laid at the door
the Roman masters a whit, they were
used to all kinds of sons of god, but
the material teaching, the revolt
against oppression which they dreaded and struck at; again, we would suggest that the Christian religion was in
itself a reflex of the terrible economic
condition of the slave class.
these being for the most part a snare °* tne early Christians the horrid
and a delusion. Works like "Quo j crimes of child-eating and the most
Vadis" and the "Sign of the Cross" are | awful Immoralities. It waB openly
not history any more than the current 8a,<- ot tne Christians that they met
master class "history books" are. For- j together In caves and at a given
getting, then, that which was drilled B'enal all lights were put out, when
into ub at school, let us delve Into the .'slaters, mothers, husbands and broth-
matter upon our own. The persecu- ers would rush Into each other's'arms
tlon of the Christians seems to have !and spend the rest of the night—well,
started sometime antecedent to Nero. we leave the reader to imagine how
At this time the Roman master class 'tney "Pent it; the historian puts the
were for the most part without re-1 matter baldly, but they were crude ln
Jlgion. True, the worship of the gods IihoBe day». anyway. It would ap-
was carried on as usual and a Roman ' Dear safe to assume from the fore-
senator before taking his seat in the going that the early Christians were
«enate was required to pour out a jtormented for material reasons only,
libation to the gods or burn an offering and that the Roman master class had
| every reason to fear their teaching.
It will be urged, these teachings are
part of the Christian religion and
thereforo they were persecuted for
their religion, to which we reply once
more, lt was not the fact that Christ
was the son of God which troubled
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The following should be kept in
mind. In chattel slavery times flourished the father right, the possession
of a soul for the masters only, a religion calculated to uphold and defend
these things and a well developed
political state. All of which of necessity imply the right of private property in the means of production
Christianity extended the dual personality to the slave. Crushed and beaten as they were, warned by the terrible punishment meted out to rebellious slaves that this life held no
hope for them, they naturally looked
upon the idea of an after life which
was to come (certainly within the first
50 years of the Christian era), where
all should be equal, where work was
banished and into which the rich man
would have a hard job to enter, with
delight. With the degradation of
Christianity by Constantine the dual
idea was used for quite the opposite
end. To the slave, the now master
class, religion taught, that since God
put us here for a short time to carry
our burdens cheerfully was to win
eternal life, to complain was to doubt
the wisdom of God and court damnation. The masters, however, acted
otherwise, as masters have a habit
of doing. Thus the dualist idea is
again the product of economic conditions.
The setting for our next episode is
in the feudal times. The era of chattel slavery had passed away; the slave
had changed his name and his condition somewhat; he ls now a serf bound
to the land and its owners. The Chris,
tian church bad fallen from Its early
chastity and had become 'elevated" to
the position of state religion. As it
gathered to itself property, so it became bound upon the wheel; behold
it at the time of which we write, supreme over kings and nations. Rome
thundered bulls and excommunications upon the heads of those who
fell under its wrath. It changed the
policies of princes and was held ln
fear by all Christendom. It rewarded
or punished as economic necessity
should direct. The era of feudalism
bas been written about very much.
The romantic novelist, with that glorious disregard of truth for which they
are so noted, gullded these times and
made them look pretty. The historians, whose knowledge was so vast
of dates, kings' names and battles,
wrote of the times as they understood
them. Our "historic novelists," whose
genius would create out of the barbaric Aztec Confederacy a civilized
empire with feudal system in full
blast, have only added to the muddle.
We must, If we are to get a glimpse
of the truth, hold up the searchlight
of historic materialism. To the freeing of the serfs from the land we will
turn our attention, as this episode
marked the end of feudalism. The
Christian church has always laid claim
to this event as evidence of the humanizing effect of their teaching. We
owe no grudge as Socialists to the
church, seeing in it only the reflex
of certain conditions; It ls not, therefore, with any malice that we must
differ from their view, but simply because the truth was quite otherwise;
the serfs were freed because of economic necessity.
It is to Merrie England we must
look, as this is the classic ground of
capitalist development. The golden
age, as we imagine the feudal era is
sarcastically termed, was not a very
happy time for the working class.
True enough, the masters amused
themselves with jousts and tourneys.
Knights in tin suits wandered about
hunting the holy grail, fighting ogres
and rescuing distressed maidens from
all sorts of strange perils. They seem,
ed, as always, to have a keen eye for
the maidens, these knights. The serfs
toiled upon the land and produced
enough for the masters and for themselves, as usual; poorly clothed, illy
fed and badly housed, they were typical of the working class since class
rule began. In the cities the despised
traders lived who were soon to prove
themselves more than a match for
my lords, the barons.
About the time of Richard II., the
rising capitalists found themselves in
an awkward position. Foreign trade
was growing and a scarcity ot labor
hampered them very much, for labor
power your-capitalist must have; his
existence as such depends upon a
plentiful supply of that commodity.
Given all the passive machinery of
production, a man could do nothing;
they would not even be capital unless
labor power could be bought to run
them. Our early capitalist suffered
also under various laws relating to
his trading operations, Imposed by his
masters. Smarting under these ills,
the capitalist began to bestir himself.
Often as ho wandered Into the country, his business eye would be tormented by the sight of hundreds of
packages of labor power, the serfs
who tolled upon the masters' lands,
and how he must have sighed to see
It going to waste. The Btruggle began, the merchant class to free the
serfs from the land, the nobility to
retain them.     Providence   seems    to
have held with the merchants, for the
Black Death had taken toll of humanity just before this period, and in consequence labor was scarce.   Coin also
began to circulate with greater freedom and it became possible for a serf
to pay in cash what he heretofore rendered in labor.   The price in the city
was, owing to the demand, high and,
in consequence, the serfs  very often
bolted from their legal masters.   Parliament was invoked and laws were
made against these things.   The laborer was made to take the same price
for his labor power as he did before
the plague, and also if work was offered him he was compelled to take it.
This, of course, was to strangle the
rising  capitalists.    The  laborer  who
broke this law was branded upon the
forehead,   ' if,"   for  falsity.    Legislation to control prices has always been
a farce; the serfs evaded their masters and found in the cities a higher
wage despite the law.   The merchant
class grew in wealth and  of course
in political power, and it was not long
before the serf was made free, free?
Free to do what?   To go to his new
masters and sell his power to labor or
starve to death.   The humanizing influence of the Christian church does
not appear in this transaction; no, it
had, like all human movements, a material end in view.    The process set
out  above  has  been  repeated    with
variations in a great many countries,
France, Germany, Russia, Japan and
today we flnd It working out in Spain,
with the church not upon the side- of
the  revolutionists,   but  dead  against
them, for economic reasons, of course.
The  capitalist  revolution   in  France
found the church against it, in Russia
likewise, so that instead of the freeing
of the  serfs being due to  Christian
influence it would appear that it was
opposed to any such scheme. ,
We must now examine, in as few
words as possible, the economic basis
of modern civilized  society.    Simply
put, It Is as follows:    Upon the one
hand, is a small class of the human
family, owners of the most gigantic
and complex machinery of production
the world has ever seen; the capitalists.   Upon the other hand is a giant
army  of workers  who  own  nothing
but    their power to labor; the proletarians.    It ls absolutely essential to
the  worker that  he  sell  his  laobor
power  to the  capitalist,  and  at the
market price, in order to live.    The
Capitalist  buys   labor   power   as   he
buys  any other  commodity  and  the
disposal thereof is absolutely his own
affair, the worker having    no    right
whatever ln the product of his toll.
The worker Is, therefore, a slave because his masters, the capitalists, hold
his very existence within their grasp.
We see then, that modern society is
class society composed of the master
class and the slave class.    It Is, ln
most respects, and at base then, very
like  the  preceding  forms  of  chattel
slave  and  his  master;   serf and  his
master;   wage slave and his master.
We know that the growing power of
Individual property as opposed to com.
munal property broke up the gentile
organization and substituted the political state; that it produced a master
class and  a slave  class;   monogamy
and the father right    with    religion,
ethics  and  morals  to fit.    In  feudal
days we have the property tyrant and
it produces just the same results, two
classes, a political state with religion
and morals as per monogamy, and the
father right.   Now it would follow that
since we are bound today upon the
self same wheel of property, we should
have morals and ethics, religion and
state, father right and monogamy, also
two classes, and we have.   The final
proof of our assertion that the superstructure of society is moulded by its
economic base, must rest with modern time,  we must  prove it true of
this, our day, or our case falls to the
ground.    We have shown  that  modern society Is of a class nature and
it would follow, that our Ideas are of
a class nature too.   Above all things
a  servile  class  is  necessary  to  the
peace of mind of the modern capitalist
class,  therefore  our  religion  reflects
this as we here try to show.   Can you
not remember how in Sunday School
that little hymn was drilled into us
as follows:
"The rich man ln his castle,
The poor man at his gate;
God made them high and lowly,
And ordered their estate."
Do you not remember now the curate    labored to Instil the   following
slave idea:    "To honor and obey the
king and all who are put in authority
under him.   To submit myself to all
my governors, teachers and spiritual
pastors and masters.   To order myself
lowly and reverently to all my betters."
With private property comes monogamy and the father right. Thence
we find the Christian church has made
of the monogamous marriage a sacrament; a holy bond never to be broken,
and has pronounced against divorce.
Can you tell why the trinity, the supreme power of the universe are all
three males; why, property destroyed
the mother right years ago and the
man Is the white headed one since
then. Even the poor Virgin has been
cast down from her high estate by the
Protestant capitalist church. With
morals,   the   same   moulder   shows
SATURDAY,  OCTOBER   15,  1910
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of tbe reins of
government all tbe powers of tbe State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies ln tbe direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by tbe abolition of tho wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker ls rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call Upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with tbe object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln tbe means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
Tbe Socialist Party wben in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; If lt will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln its hands in such a manner
as to promote tbe interests of the working class alone.
through everywhere. With property
to inherit and leave behind him a
man must have legitimate children,
hence it is immoral in a married woman to engage the attention of any one
but her husband, but the hubby can,
and does very often, sport a light o'
love. For the girl who "falls," i.e., is
pregnant and unmarried we have nothing but damnation, for the man who
sows his wild oats we have an indulgent smile. In looking at the position
of women, however, it is well to avoid,
if we can, either the snivelling attitude
of Bebel or the snarling posture of
Bax; women and men, we are suffering from our economic environment
and the man is not the more brutal,
or the woman the more vicious, as
Bebel and Bax would have us understand. The capitalist who daily fattens upon the surplus value wrung
from the working class is a great man,
a captain of industry, the plain man
who steals, by cracking a crib, when
the night is dark ls a thief, he has
broken a divine law, for Is it not written, thou shalt not steal. The soldier who, for his master's sake, goes
out and murders his fellows that new
markets may be gained, if he return
is a hero, a patriot. The special constable who, at the capitalist bidding,
murders his fellow slaves on strike
that property may be saved, Is a preserver of the public peace. The plain
man, who in a fit of passion, kills another, is hung, for is it not written
thou shalt not kill." Thus our Intention can be proven over and over
again. In proof of our statement tbat
property is the progenitor of monogamy, the statements of slum workers to the effect that where the pro-
letaire gather ln vast numbers, monogamy vanishes and what Gibbon calls
'incestuous commerce" flourishes,
should prove a clincher.
The economic base provides everything, it manifests it self in bur literature, thought, speech, we are all conversant with the modern novel, how
after avoiding with many hair-raising
adventures the wicked and polygamous-hearted villain, the blushing hero-1 peace,
ine finds herself In the hero's arms and
they live happy ever after In the blissful state of monogamy. We all remember those books for boys, wherein
the hero of ten summers, being left
ln a cold world with nothing but an invalid mother and pet mouse, resolves
to conquer or die. How by rising early
and working late at the elevating pastime of shoe shining and paper selling,
he builds up, copper by copper, enough to buy the corner stall. How, as
time goes on, he becomes a captain of
industry and his mother retires to
live in Mayfair or Madison Square;
how the book closed with the sage advice that every boy who trys may do
the same. The fact that in a world of
plenty a child of ten years should be
compelled to toil is a shameful thing,
never entered the author's head, the
capitalist thought holds us in thrall.
Go where we will, the economic basis
of society pursues us, even the revolutionary socialist cannot escape its
cramping fetters. Since, then, the economic conditions under which we live
mould and direct our thought and actions, does it not follow that as soon
as we shall alter them for the better
so will our ideas be bettered? Is it
not reasonable to asume, tbat under
social ownersnip of the means of production, a more social spirit would
appear? Nay, there -s no supposition
about it, for where the primitive communes existed in the arctic circle but
a few years ago, war and robbery were
In conclusion, the final argument of
our case is this, that tbe Socialist
Party is in itself proof of its contention, for did not tbe economic conditions of today demand our existence
we should not be, but social production gives rise to and makes possible
social ownership, nay makes It necessary, the Socialist Party ls then, a re-
ex ot given economic conditions, Faint
hearted Comrades complain that Socialism ls slow in coming, courage for
we are bound upon tbe wheel of economic circumstances and the wheel is
spinning faster every day, soon to hurl
us into social ownership and industrial
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installing the gae pipes,
Vancouver Sas Company, Limited.
...... ...


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