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Western Clarion Mar 11, 1911

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 NO. 622.   *
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, March 11, 1911.
snr-acrtpiion Price (BI ||
Sum-nary of Proceedings at Victoria
Monday, Feb. 27, 2 p.m.—The Attorney General's Act to amend the Municipal Clauses Act was discussed. The
clause that provoked most discussion
was Clause 10, which provides that
municipalities shall send to the sanatorium established by the B. C. Anti-
Tuberculosis Society all persons suffering from consumption, and willing to
undergo treatment, and unable to meet
the expense of maintenance. In addition the municipality has to pay $1.00
always looking around to find a way
to get into its good graces, particularly
In regard to the Attorney-General.
They would come along and say—"We
suggest this," and the Attorney-General would pat them on the back. (Laughter). He (the speaker) would venture
to say that not one municipality would
endorse that legislation. Watson (Vancouver had pointed out that the conditions being discussed had been growing for years.    That was true.    For
a day per head for the maintenance of  years and years Vancouver had been
a plague spot, spreadng consumption,
but sooner than draw attention to it.
such persons.
Hawthornthwaite criticised the Bill
as an example of the government's
policy of denuding the municipalities
of their income. The municipalities
were now to bear the expense of maintaining patients in the sanatorium,
bearing a burden which should rightly
be assumed as a charge by the State.
In Victoria tbere were between 15,000
and 29»,'1O0 Chinese, about 5 per cent,
of whom suffered from consumption,
and it was carried by them into the
homes of the wealthy people in the
province (fortunately the workingman
was not exposed to the danger from
that jllrectlon) and from there lt was
spread in every direction. The municipalities would now be compelled to
go Into the Chinese quarters and take
the victims of the white plague' to
the sanatorium. That morning he had
seen on the train from Nanaimo one
of those Chinamen in the last stages j
of consumption, vomiting quantities of j
blood. Some attention would bave to |
be paid to the disastrous conditions j
in which those people lived , and which
the Health authorities knew existed.
They should be compelled to live
sanitary lives and sanitary laws should
be made to apply to them. The muni-
eipalities were too heavily burdened already and the State should take the
whole matter up. The member for
Nanaimo then forcibly drew attention
to the state of affairs in the House,
which was attracting attention all
over the country. With the exception
of the five or six men who were carrying on the duties of the House, the rest
were totally inactive and seemed to
take no interest in the proceedings.
They were never heard in debate, nev
they kept quiet, in the interest of real
estate values. The member for Richmond (Carter Cotton) last year got
four times as much money as appropriation "graft" in his district as was
voted to fight consumption. Vancouver had four members who took not
the slightest interest in their city. To
whatever f.he government did they
said "everything suits us." It is very
thoughtful of the Attorney-General to
do this." (Laughter). The fact that
the treatment of consumptives may
have cost that city $100,000 showed
that it was a very vital matter which
should receive attention from the legislature. There was only one institution in B. C. today equipped to deal
with the problem, but there were thou
sands of cases of consumption ln the
coast cities. On an average in B. C.
200 died every year from the disease,
and It was time to do something, and
for the House to rouse itself and deal
j with It in an effective way. They were
constantly bragging about the wealth
of the province—let them vote some
of It for the benefit of the people of the
i province, and not for the Conservative
' machine. But tbey did not propose to
| do so. They wanted the whole of the
provincial revenue in their own hands
Watson and McPhillips defended the
members from Hawthornthwaite's criticism, the former saying that If talking was the form of activity most demanded in a member, and for which he
drew his indemnity, the value of the
services rendered his country by the
member, for Nanaimo must be beyond
computation. From another point of
view, the members who had patiently
er opened their mouths, or took the
slightest interest in what was going
on. Were they not guilty of some offense in accepting their allowance under such conditions? They should be
charged with malfeasance in office.
They never opened their mouths on
any subject whatever, but they would
not now be able to say that they were
unaware of the legislation then being
Provincial Secreary Young replied
that the government was considering
very seriously the question of assuming total responsibility for the sanatorium. They were already paying $1 per
head for every patient in the institution, and had ordered every hospital
to provide accommodation for 2 or 3
cases of that nature. From now on
every case could be sent to Tranquille,
and the government would help the institution in every possible way. The
municipalities had voluntarily offered
to subscribe $1.00 per day for patients
they sent * • * The only country that
did as much was Germany, and B. C.
would soon be the leading country in
the world.
Hawthornthwaite said it was not
quite fair to drag the previous speaker
.into the discussion for they had no
^criticism to offer so far as the administration of his department was concerned. Tho government was in
a bad fix and was bringing him
in to cover up their bad deeds.
The Attorney-General had said that
the B. C. Union of Municipalities favored the clause, but he (the
speaker) did not care if 50 such bodies
did so. Some of the most absurd legislation came from tbat bunch. Many of
the mayors were conservatives, looking forward to a seat in the House,
and were very anxious to meet the
views ot the government.   They were j
j listened to his lectures might be regarded as having pretty well earned
their salary.    (Laughter).
Replying to McPhillips' defense of
the Bill, Hawthornthwaite said that
the government might endeavor to
take credit for what they had done by
saying "We did it," but "we" did no
such thing. The money used belonged
to the people of the province. Municipalities bore a part ot the burden, but
it all came from the same source. The
government was in the best possible
position to deal with the problem
from the standpoint of taxation, the
municipalities being hampered in that
respect, while the powers of the government were unlimited. An income
tax would raise sufficient funds to bear
the whole burden, and every municipality would vote for it. Replying to
Watson, as to earning his salary, he
said that he (the speaker) had been
in the House a good many years, and
much of the legislation enacted during that time had been established by
his efforts, more particularly that on
behalf of the working class.
Tuesday, Feb. 28, 10:00 a. m.—An
Act to amend the Land Act was put
through second reading, committee,
report, third reading and passed. It
was severely criticised by the members
for Nanalmo and Alberni, but Ross,
the new Minister of Lands, refused to
accept any amdnements. The discussion in committee ranged around the
alteration being made to the original
Act, Hawthornthwaite contending that
Clause 3 of the new Act confronted the
purchasers under the old Act, who had
bought their lands In good faith, with
new conditions depriving them of the
value they had paid for. The clause
in the new Act strikes out the words
before the flrst day of January, 1907"
ln the fourth and' fifth last lines of
Sub-section    (1)   of   Section   37   as
amended by Section 4, c28. 1910; the
lands having been bought at public
auction; the amendment amounted to
confiscation, and if it had been in the
original Act the people would not have
paid the price they did It was
palpable fraud on the part of the gov-
Section 8 of the new Act reads as
"8. Subsection (4) of section 57
of said chapter 30, as enacted by
section 5 of chapter 28 of the Statutes of 1909, is hereby amended by
striking out all the words after
the word 'license' In the seventh
line thereof, and substituting therefor the following: —
"Provided, also, that the holder
of any special timber license who
has failed or neglected to pay the
renewal fee for any licence which
has expired on or since the first
day of November, 1907, shall have
the  privilege of  obtaining  a  renewal  of such  license,   provided
the land covered thereby is still
vacant Crown land, upon the payment of such fees as would have
been payable had such license been
kept in good standing, and an additional sum of fifty dollars for each
licence, if application for the same
is  made within  sixty  days  from
the passing of this Act."
Hawthornthwaite enquired  why the
timber owner should be given the privilege of getting lands after expiration
of his license, which'he had not renewed, lands that had greatly increased in value?     So   many   alterations
were being made in previous Acts that
it was not safe to take up land without
consulting a lawyer, and the small man
could  not afford to carry  a  lawyer
around in his pocket   There ought to
be similar provision made for the pre-
emptor and small timber owner.    It
was not good legislation in any sense
of the word.   These were matters of
administration,   the   rules   for   which
were laid down, but when the big man
complained, those rules were not observed.
Section  12 was then  attacked.    It
reads as follows:—
12, Said chapter 30 is hereby further amended by adding thereto .the
following as section 98a:—
"98a. In all cases where Crown
grants of land have been issued
through fraud, or in error, or by
improvidence, or have in any other
respect been improperly issued,
the Minister of Lands may, upon
hearing the parties interested, or
upon default of tbe said parties,
direct such fradulent, erroneous,
improvident, or improperly issued
Crown Grant to be cancelled; and
may also, if he deems it advisable,
order and direct tbat the original
record, whether of pre-emption or
purchase, of the land covered by
and included in such Crown grant
be cancelled."
Hawthornthwaite moved to strike
out the words as to "error or improvidence." While there might be some
reason for the provision as to fraud,
he could not see where any argument
could be advanced as to "error or improvidence." If tho department issue
a grant "in error" it was now in their
power to cancel that grant by reason
of their own mistake. Under a change
of government, also, a Liberal government might say that the grants had
been issued improvidently, and cancel
every one of them. The general public should not have to pay for mistakes
of the Department. The majority of
cases under the clause would apply to
the poor man, and then if some corporation wanted his land it could easily
fake up a case to deprive him of it. It
opened the way to all kinds of fraud.
Why should an innocent third party
be punished for a fraud committed by
somebody else? He asked the member
for the Islands (McPhillips) if the
stand he was taking was not legally
McPhillips agreed with the previous
speaker ln so far as it was not in the
interest ot the proper administration
of justice. The member for the Islands
then proceeded to "hedge."
Hawthornthwaite continuing, pointed out that McPhillips had admitted
frankly that his (the speaker's) views
were correct as to the effect the Bill
would have. Suppose a grant had been
issued by means of "error or improvidence" and transferred to a third person. Some one else came to know of
it and demanded that the grant be cancelled. The Cown could protect itself
in the courts by the legal doctrine
that "the King could do no wrong." It
was very bad legislation, and he would
ask the Minister of Lands to accept an
; amendment to the effect that where the
Farmers Ripe for Propaganda When Socialism Piopeil/
(Continued on Page 4)
The Norway Tramp
(A Proletarian Ballad).
I came down from a mining camp
As broke as a man could be;
I signed away on a Norway tramp
To fire over the sea.
A Norway tramp that was laden down
With a cargo of coal from Newcastle
The Norway tramp was undermanned
As for her blasted stokehole—well
It was a passable, secondhand,
Tabloid, pocket edition of hell.
Her Chief was a swine of the rankest
The second and third not far behind.
I guess tbat tramp sailed under a curse
—Ill  luck was with  us  beyond a
Bad seas from the start and soon got
The real thing struck her when fairly
Six days she lay, and faced the gale,
While the old Pacific reared up on its
Oh, maggoty biscuit and stinking meat,
(A diet I shan't forget)
Tho' its ten years gone I can taste it
Lousy  bunks,   a  fo'c'sl'   dark   and
She was a daisy, that Norway tramp.
Ten days she wallowed thro' the sea,
After the weather began to mend;
Rolling and pitching most damnably,
Big swells sweeping her end to end;
A foot of surf on the stokehole floor,
While we tossed the coal thro' the
furnace door.
Crippled and helpless we lay on the
Rotten propellor shaft gone on the
Fifteen days we drifted about,
The' grub °:ot worse and the coffee
gave out.
At last they managed to make a mend
So we could kind of crawl ahead,
Pulled into Frisco all right in the end;
I left the hooker there almost dead—
With thirty dollars I went ashore
To quench a thirst worth a million
or more.
All locals between and Including Fernie, B. C, and Lethbridge, Alberta.,
wishing to see arrangements made for,
and to take part in, a big demonstration of our party in the Crow's Nest
Pass on May 1st, International Labor
day, should at once communicate their
Ideas on the subject to the undersigned, so that we can get together and
start the ball a-rolling.
A. S. JULIAN. Sec,
Mithel Local No. 16,
It is time we did something for
ourselves. We have everything that
Is necessary to gain our freedom if
we would be free—education, knowledge, power. Strike the blow in the
right place and hey presto, freedom.
One night rose an awful yell,
In A'seconil  I  guessed  what
Our sense perceptions may be defective, but they are all we can depend
upon for evidence on uny disputed
point. All so-called "revelations"
have a genesis or beginning in the human mind, and arc founded upon some
sense perceptions. Tho fact that
most "revelations" emanate from the
brains of mentally unsound persons is
The articles in last week's issue from
Desmond, Olsen and Pilkington are
very interesting and indicate that an
attempt is at last being made to clarify
the farmers' position. We have ourselves addressed farmers and have
generally found little difficulty ln
showing them what they are up
against. Desmond says that the farmers flnd it harder to grasp social production than any other section of the
workers. Our experience is that the
farmer, in ninety cases out of a hundred, has been an industrial worker
before he became a farmer, and he can
grasp the nature of capitalist production as quickly as any other portion of
our class. We attended the grain
growers' convention of this province
at Regina a week ago, and though the
delegates who represented the farmers were not Socialists, we judged
them to be as well informed as the average trade-unionist.
The farmers' position is easy to understand, as is also his point of view,
if we take the trouble to put ourselves
in the place of tbe man we are attempting to educate. First and foremost, all fanners do not belong to onr
class. There ls the working farmer
and the capitalist fanner. This must
be acknawledged. A propagandist
must appeal to tbe working. farmer
alone The great point is, first make
the law of value plain. Until this is
done nothing can be done. The working farmer who understands the law of
value is a Socialist every time. When
the propagandist, used to addressing
the industrial workers, tells the farmer that things are sold at their
value on the whole, and at the same
time gives him (the farmer) to understand that the railways rob him, he is
puzzled. If the wage slave is not
robbed in the sale of hiB labor power,
then the farmer is not robbed when he
sells his grain. All commodities are
sold on the whole at their value. The
wage slave gets the value of bis labor
power. The farmer gets the value of
what he produces.
Transportation is a commodity, and
the fanner's goods are transported on
tbe whole at the value of their transportation.   We should be fools to proclaim that the farmer was robbed as a
consumer, and this is what it would
amount to if we made out that either
the railways or the elevator companies
could hold the farmer up.   We should
also be striking at the root of Socialism by attacking the law of value at
its  foundation.    The working fanner
is doomed because capitalism is entering the field of agriculture.    Science
and constant capital above the pocket
of the working farmer is crushing him
out.    He is like tbe village cobbler
ln competition with the modern shoe
factory, or a man with a horse and
wagon trying to compete with the C.
P. R.   When you see, side by Bide with
a farm worked by oxen, another farm
where an  80-horsepower traction engine enables the owner to plow a hundred acres ""a day; when you see that
electricity can ripen wheat a couple
of weeks to a month earlier than it
would ripen in the ordinary course of
events; wben you see on every hand
signs that the tools necessary to produce agricultural products at a profit
are soon going to be forever beyond
the reach of the working farmer, yon
can point to the handwriting on the
wall and  the farmer who Is of our
class can understand it.
When addressing tho farmer it is
necessary not to overstate a point In
the country districts they have time to
think, and unless you speak tho bare
facts you ore detected and never trusted afterwards. The mortgago companies hold seven-eighths of the farmers
In this country in their grip, and their
power is such that in tho new mortgages recently issued tho farmc Ib
told distinctly that he is the tenant of
the company until ho has redeemed
the mortgage. FarmerB are up to their
necks in debt to tbe firms from whom
they obtain their implements, ana) you
ltors after another until tbey look upon
Socialism as their only salvation the
moment they understand it. You can
make them easily understand they own
no property and never will.
The fault with farmers Is that they
are superstitious. They are, to some
extent, gamblers, and all gamblers believe in luck, etc. He is a hard nut to
crack if be is religious. Religion is to
him a form of mental masturbation,
and when he has been indulging in
that truck for any length of time, it is
no good talking to hlm. This springs
from the fact that the farmer never
knows how he will stand at tbe year
end. Wheat might be eighty cents a
bushel and his crop be thirty bushels
to the acre, or it may be forty cents
a bushel and his crop fifteen bushels
to the acre. He hopes for the beBt
and prays the Lord to send hailstorms
and drought to the Argentine and Russia. Sometimes he is lucky and his
prayer is answered, but he can pray
till Old Nick fetches him when tbe
capitalist farmer comes along. He is
tben caught ln the net of the law ot
value, and his pipe is out for good. It
is this fact upon which be must depend to get the farming section ot the
community to line up with us.
probably why they are such an inexplicable jumble of sense imutessions. J find them dunned by one set ot cred
"If commodities   exchange   on   the
average at their cost of production Including  labor   power   where  ls   labor
Comrade Editor:
The above question was asked by
one of the audience on Sunday night,
the 19th Inst, and not being satisfied
with the answer given by the speaker
I thought I should like to have a shot.
Labor power being a commodity, it
must necessarily exchange at the cost
of its production. What is the cost ot
its reproduction? The necessary social labor embodied in the commodities it takes to reproduce it, and propagate the species.
For instance, If a slave works 10
hours a day and he can produce enough
commodities in 5 hours to reproduce
his labor power, his labor power will
sell for five hours labor allowing for
supply and demand on the market for
his commodity. So, if he produces two
commodities In 10 hours they must
exchange on the same basis us the
slave's labor power did. which is the
necessary labor power embodied In
them, being 5 hours labor for each.
Why do we take time ns measure
for labor power? Because time ls the
only means by which we can measure
the value of labor power.
How does the capitalist get his profit? If you have studied the above, you
will flnd that the slave sells his commodity, labor power, to a member of
tbe capitalist class, and gets ln return
a wage, which represents the necessary commodities for his reproduction,
which take 5 hours to produce, but he
does not stop working at the end of
the 5 hours. Why? Because he has
sold his commodity labor power, for
10 hours, he works 5 more and reproduces one more commodity, which exchanges on the same basis as the first
commodity he produced, which is the
necessary social labor power embodied
in it. And that commodity which the
slave does not get back is called surplus value, therein lies the robbery of
the slave.
There Is a reason for all things.
What is the reason for the changes
in art, literature, religion, etc.? This
has puzzled many, but it need puzzle
us no longer. Read what Marx and
Engels huve to say about It.
"In every historical epoch the pro-
vailing mode of economic production
aud exchange, ami tho social organization necessarily following from it, form
the basis upon which Is built up and
from which alone can bo explained the
political and intellectual history of
that epoch." Think this over and get
SATURDAY, MARCH 11th,.1911.
Published every Katurday by the
Socialist Party of Canada, at the Offlce
•1* the Western Clarion, Flack Black
Basement, 165 Hastings Street, Va-ncau-
▼•r, B. C.
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SATURDAY, MARCH 11th, 1911,
If you want a bound volume of the
Clarion and don't order it now, your
chances of getting one are poor.
"How long?" The cry goes echoing
around the earth. Wherever the hope
ot the New Order is awaking in the
breasts of the toiling and the enslaved. There ia but one answer: "In
the fullness of time."
It is not for us to say even "Have
patience," for patience is not ours to
commend or command, and whether
we have patience or no matters nothing. The new order has been ages in
tbe making, and the forces which are
making for it reck nothing of our patience or Impatience. They wait for
none of us; they haste for none of us.
They heed no more our earnest desire
or our desperate need than the wrung
withers of our yokefellow, the horse,
or the pitiful moan of the ox dying beneath the butcher's pole-ax. or the
brief agony of the ant we crush with
careless heel.
From the emergence of the race of
Man, forces, have been resiatlessly
pressing him onward towards one goal,
the solution of his economic problem—
how shall he enjoy a life of the fullest
with the least of toil? To that purpose
they have moulded his ways, have
prompted his thoughts, while yet all
unthinking and unwitting of the problem he strove to solve.
Through ages of battle and murder,
debauchery and enslavement, toil and
misery, famine and pestilence, the solution of that problem has been working out, not by the wit of man, but
through causes unseen and unrecognised, but ever felt, Millions have
wept nnd sweat and starved and frozen. Unheeding them, cold, relentless,
silent, those forces work on. And
shall they heed our poor cry? We,
who are their creatures?
Nnturally, our own welfare and ills
are mutters of prime concern to us,
and should be. But we are apt to forget that In the process of race evolu
tion we are but one of uncounted gen
.'rations, and the advantage of an individual or a generation are mere inci
dental items to the advantage of the
race. Former generations have been
Instrumental in bringing us to the
present pass, and we are but some of
tho Instruments towards further evolution.
"The  thoughts  of   peoples  and   their
ways und wills,
These, too, the great Law binds."
And so the very desire for and
knowledge of a better social order, aiv
Imparted and fostered in us b> our en
"The great, law" exposes to us our
•nslavemenl, tenches us to hate It, Impels us to achieve our liberty, mukes
of us Instruments for the conveyance
af that knowledge and of that spirit of
revolt to our fellows, to the end that,
our economic problem solved, our race
may enjoy the earth and the fullness
Suddenly the chief buccarieer was
startled by unmistakable evidences of
smoke making tbelr appearance on the
horizon. To his great ferocity the
smoke was soon followed up by a craft
with two funnels and an air of sadness.
She approached to within hailing distance, slowed up and tried to look unconcerned. Into the rogue's eye came
a gleam of recognition, he called the
crew aft and addressed them.
"Fellow marauders: 1 would ask
you to notice that this discoloration of
the offing which you can observe with
the naked eye, is the Pacific Squadron
of his Majesty, George the Fifth's Canadian Navy. It Is an auspicious
moment that sees us surrounded by so
mighty a fleet, which is called the
'Rainbow,'   We——"
"Schooner ahoy! Whatever you are
doing, you are caught at it. If you
don't, surrender we shall be obliged
to lire off one of these guns, and as we
are not used to that sort of thing you
might be injured."
Crew, I ask you to think of the
wives and dear ones of those brave
sailors. Suppose we should be the
means ot one of those guns going off!
The "Rainbow's" valiant crew might
never step ashore again. And then, by
yielding, we shall have a trip to Vancouver without burning a drop of gasoline and get our picture in the Daily
Province on arrival. Further, we shall
vindicate the Laurier administration,
some adherents of which lost, in the
naval debate, the reputation for profound wisdom which they had previously attained by keeping industriously silent. I shall take a vote. As
they say in Victoria—allinfavorsayaye
contrarycarried.   So be it.
"Fleet ahoy! We surrender, providing you send, to make us fast, a boatload of valor, armed to the teeth In a
manner befitting the occasion."
Thus, did the proud Edrie fall, and
thus was the thunder of a great dispute proven to have been not in vain.
'The B. C. Orphans' Friend" justifys
its title by defending forlorn and outcast capitalists. It reprints an article
from the "N. Y .Freeman's Journal,"
which deserves mention if only to stimulate the comrades in the distribution
of the truth. It is evidently designed
as an attack on Socialism. We hope
the writer of it never gets converted,
the Socialist Party would do well to
pay him a salary in his present capa;
This is his opening sentence:
"The main article of Karl Marxs'
creed, viz., 'all wealth comes from
labor'—that is unskilled labor—is the
bedrock of the various systems" (of
Socialism). How encouraging it is to
see the contemptible disregard of
truth which characterizes our opponents' weak efforts to hold their ground.
The fact that neither Karl Marx nor
any other Socialist ever made such a
statement does not deter a cheap disgrace to journalism (particularly a religious one) from putting it in their
The time for handling such persons
with gloves is past. They can no longer be credited with ignorance, the Socialist movement Is too well known for
that. Capitalism, with its slavish apologists, is on the defensive and only by
descending to' the coarsest of tricks
do these latter attempt to retain the
attention  of  their  followers
It is not necessary to deal further with the aforementioned article seeing that its groundwork is a manifest misrepresentation. Socialism comprehends labor
as both mental and manual; skilled
and unskilled, a capitalist as one who
holds titles of ownership to profit producing property, aud we are here to
be shown that a change In such ownership as to invest it in the hands of
labor, would be derogatory to the race
as a whole.
When once we know this, such a mode
of expression does no harm; it simply
serves as an abbreviation.
Our analysis has shown that the
form or expression of the value of a
commodity originates in the nature of
value, and not that value and its magnitude originate ln the mode of their
expression as exchange value.. This,
however, is the delusion as well of the
mercantilists and their recent revivors,
Ferrler, Oaniih and others, as also of
their antipodes, the modern bagmen of
free trade, such as Bastiut.
The mercantilists lay special stress
on the qualitative aspect of the expression of value, and consequently on the
equivalent form of commodities, which
attains its full perfection in money.
The modern hawkers of free trade,
who must get rid of their article at any
price, on the other hand, lay most
stress on the qualitative aspect of the
relative form of value. For them there
consequently exists neither value nor
magnitude of value anywhere except in
its expression by means of the exchange relation of commodities—that
is, in the daily list of prices current.
MacLeod, who has taken upon himself
to dress up the confused ideas of Lom-
Dard street in the most learned finery,
is a successful cross between the superstitious mercantilists and the enlightened free trade bagmen.
A close scrutiny of the expression of
the value in terms of B, contained in
the equation expressing the value relation of A to B, has shown us that,
within that relation the bodily form of
A figures only as a use value, the bodily form of B only as the form or aspect of value"
The opposition or contrast existing
internally in each emmodity between
use value and value is, therefore, made
evident externally by two commodities
being placed in such relation to each
other that the commodity whose value
It is sought to express figures directly
as a mere use value, while the commodity in which that value is to be expressed figures as mere exchange
value. Hence the elementary form of
value of a commodity is the elementary form in which the contrast contained in that commodity, between
use value and value, becomes apparent.
Every product of labor is, in all
states of society, a use value; but it is
only at a definite historical epoch in a
society's development that such product becomes a commodity,  viz.:   at
Therefore, as tailoring makes an object which is value, the form of labor,
tailoring, now represents abstract human labor. We see, then, that abstract human labor manifests itself In
concrete labor. Therefore tailoring,
being identical with abstract human labor, Is the same as any other sort of labor.
Consequently tailoring, an individual
form of labor, takes the form of social
A value relation between two'things
implies their commensurablllty—i. e.,
it signifies a common unit of measure.
Secy. Press Com.
(Class meets each Sunday at 2237
Westminster avenue, 3:30 p. m.)
Socialist Directory
Every local ot the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head.     91.00   per   month.       Secretaries
please dole.
Socia.lst Party of Canada. Meeta
every alternate Moniiay. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,   B.   C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver. B. C.
Uniformity of thought is utterly and
eternally Impossible. A mere truism
you Immediately say. Yes! but nevertheless like many another truism it is
frequently ignored. And this one has
become a rock on which many a fair
ship has been disabled, and had its
progress retarded, if it has not altogether ended its brilliant and meteoric
We do not for one moment believe
that it is possible to utterly wreck
the Socialist Party of Canada, but we
do think that its 'progress can be
checked by the sporadic outbursts thai
we have lately witnessed in our ranks.
The attempts to draw a thin definite
Hue, and to say, thus far shalt thou go
and no farther, are attempts to interfere with the economic evolution of
They exhibit the identical spirit of
intolerance which moved our forefn tilers in 11)112 to pass an act of uniformity
And in their endeavor to purify, as
they thought, and strengthen, the English Church, they forced out of It forever about 2000 of the brightest and
most earnest of their clergy There
are few of us, whether in the church
or out of it, who have not fett at one
time or another the Intolerance of religious bigotry. The squabbling and
bloody rioting which Iiub adorned the
name of Christ and which still jutnn it,
ought to be a plain and significant lesson to us to abstain from wandering
from the broad basis of our faith in
an effort to establish a method of procedure in the labyrinths of detail.
There are essentials and there are
Committee, Socialist Party ot Canada. Meets every alternate Monday In
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, op
poslte postofflce. Secretary wlll be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in ttie province. F. Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary
Canada.      Business    .......„*.    t.c. j-
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Westminster Ave.
F   Perry. Secretary. Box 1688.
B.   C,  HO.  1.—
meetings    every
LOCAL   VEH.NOHT  B.   C,   Ho.   38,   S.  T
ot C. Meets every Tuesday, 8 p. ni
sharp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St
W.  H. Gilmore, Secretary.
LOCAL VICTORIA, HO. 3,   .8. P. 0*f O
Headquarters and Heading Hoom
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre.
T. Gray. Secretary.
Committee: Notice—Tills card is
Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good street, Winnipeg.
Vancouver Economic Class
Dark upon the bosom of the deep
lay the malignant hulk of a pirate.
Three HinlHter-lookiiig desperadoes,
the officers and crew, ln short, were
stealthily passing over the side a net
of most vicious appearance. They
were about to ensnare the unheeding
■klmon that frolicked 'neath the wavelets.
But why did the villainous trio occasionally cast baleful glances seaward as in fear of detection? The fish
■those lives they Nought, were within
the throe tulle limit. That ls, they
were Canadian fish, thoy had tho
papers nnd tho pirates were mere persons from Washington, So fell had
been the design of the pirate skipper
that In his relentless pursuit he had
dellefl ull exi nidi lion troatlOB,
non-essentials In all movements. The
the epoch when the labor spent on the j essentials are the basic principles, the
production of a useful article becomes non-essentials are the manifold ways
expressed as one of the objective qual- ot working out the details of those
ities of that article, i. e., as its value, j principles. This is a point on which
It therefore tollows that the element-1 nmn-v ot 0l"" opponents go astray. They
ary value form Is also the primitive'tel1 us tbete aie man**' klnds ot So*
form under which a product of labor .clallsm ranging from the drawing-
appears historically as a commodity, | *'oom Socialism of the Countess of
and that the gradual transformation of I Warwick, to the red revolutionary So-
such products into commodities pro- ] clallsm of the Canadian West. Bnt
ceeds pari passu with the development
LOCAL   FERNIE,   S.   P.   of   O.   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
lUnlon Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle, every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business
meeting tlrst Sunday tn each month,
same place ut 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
LOCAL    GREENWOOD,   B.    C,    NO.    8,
S. P. of C.i meets every Sunduy evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G.  Johnson,  Secretary.
LOCAL   LADYSMITH   NO.   10,   S.  P.   01
C. Business meetings every Suturdu-
7 p.m. In lieudquui-ters on First Ave
J. H. Bui'rouffh, Box 31, Ladysmlth.
B.  C.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     HO.     9,
Miners' Hall and Opera House—Propaganda meetings at 8 p. m. on the first
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofllce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall.
George Ross.ler, sec., Box 647, A. Maedonald,  Organizer,  Box   647.
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday al 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Hoom is open to the public free, lrom 10 a.m. to 11  p.m. daily.
Secretary,  A.  I-'armilo,  622  First St.
Organizer, W. Stephenson.
8. P. of C—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. tn
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock,   Dox 1983.
OF C, holds propaganda meetings,
every Sunday afternoon ut 2:30 p. in,
In Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation
Is extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us lo attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the first
nnd third Sundays of eui-ll nionlh al
10:30 u. m. In the same hall. Party
organizers tulle notice. A. S. Julian,
LOCAL MABA, B. C, HO. 34, S. P. of C,
Meets lirst Sunduy in every month in
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rose man.   Recording   Secretary.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts,
LOCAL  HAHllMO,  HO.  8,   8.   P.  of  O.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hall. Business meeting
ut 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
A   Jordan, Secy. llox 410.
4. The Elementary Form of Value
considered as a whole.
The elementary form of value of a
commodity is contained In the equation expressing Its value relation to
another commodity of a different kind
or ln exchange relation to the same.
The value of commodity A is qualitatively expressed by the fact that commodity B is directly exchangeable with
Its value is qualitatively expressed
by the fact that a definite quantity of B
ls exchangeable with a definite quantity of A.
In other words, the value of a commodity obtains Independent and definite expression, by taking the form
of exchange value.
When, at the beginning of this chapter, we said, in common parlance, that
a commodity is both a use value and an
exchange value, we were, accurately
speaking, wrong.
A commodity is a use value or object
of utility, and a value. It manifests Itself aa this two-fold thing that lt Is, as
soon as Its value assumes an Independent form, viz.: the exchange value.
It never assumes this form when i»o-
lated, hut only when placed In 11 value
or exchange relation with another
commodity   of  a   far   different   kind.
ef the value form.
We perceive, at flrst sight, the deficiencies of the elementary form of
value—lt is a mere germ, which must
undergo a series of metamorphoses before it can ripen into tbe price form.
The expression of the value of commodity A in terms of any other commodity B, merely distinguishes the
value from the* use value of A, and
therefore places A merely in a relation uf exchange with a single differ- j
ent commodity, B; but it is still far
from expressing A's qualitative equality, and qualitative proportionality to
all commodities.
To the elementary relative value
form of a commodity, there corresponds the single equivalent form of
one other commodity. Thus, ln the
relative expressions of value of the
linen, the coat assumes the form of
equivalent, or of being directly exchangeable only In relation to a single
commodity, the linen.
Nevertheless, the elementary form
of value passes by an easy transition
Into a more complete form. It Ib true
that by means of the elementary form
the value of a commodity A, becomes
expressed In terms of one, and only
one, other commodity.
But that one may be a commodity ot
any kind, coat, iron, corn, or anything
else. Therefore, according as A Is
placed in relation with one or the
other we get for one and the same commodity different elementary expressions of value.
The number of such possible expressions is limited only by the number of
the different kinds of commodities distinct from it.
The Isolated expression of A's value
is therefore- convertible into a series,
prolonged to any length, of the different elementary expressions ot their
(Continued next week.)
Examination of Extracts from "Capital," Clarion, March 4th, 1911.
The equivalent form of value, which
escapes the notice of many economists
until it appears as money, is presented
in the simple value relation, twenty
yards of linen equal one coat.
Abstract human lnbor is materialized
in the coat, which ls the equivalent; at
the same time the coat is the product
of a particular kind of labor—tailoring.
Through tailoring abstract human
labor expresses itself.
Thus, ln this relation where linen
finds tn the coat the expression of Its
value, the coat U the embodiment of
abstract human labor, and represents
value, -*■ H"—~—• —-—-•
there are not many kinds of Socialism.
We must admit that we have very
little In common with the methods of
some of the societies which go by the
name of Socialist, but If we disapprove of their methods, we approve
most heartily the fundamental basis
of their faith which called the society
into being. The aim of each and every
one of them Is the overthrow of the
present form of society which they
see is already giving signs of decay,
and to substitute for It another society
in which the method of distribution ol
wealth Is more In harmony with the
method of production, which has
changed so radically since the introduction of capitalism. To talk of
many kinds of Socialism, Is just as
loose as to talk of many kinds of F'lia-
alism becau|| "'° details of management of theMHuuors in different parts
of Engaiul Hfj*e so different.
The esselflal principles of Socialist!
are concisely stated in the platform
of the party, and we would strenuously
oppose any attempt to elaborate those
principles by the Introduction of any
one thousand and one non-essentials
in the shape of immediate demands.
The more you define, the more you
narrow the basis of our faith, and the
more you introduce cause for strife
in the party.
Do you wish to know whether a man
is a Socialist, then ascertain his attitude 'to the broad principles of the
platform. See If he realizes the existence of two classes in society, the
class which produces the wealth of the
nation, and the class which appropriates it. If he does, and believes that
tho producer should be the owner, and
that the means of production should be
common property; if he believes in the
democratic organization and management of industry by the workers, and
the abolition of production for profit;
if he is aware that the only means
of attaining these ends ls by combining politically, then sign him on. Let
him bold what Ideas he likes about
the immorality of the soul; the details
of the new Jerusalem; or the specific
gravity of a turnip. Carlyle Bays we are
moBtly fools anyway, and David says,
we are all liars, so what is the use of
going into details. Keep the issue
clear on a broad but sound basis.
LOCAL   NELSON,  8.   P.   of  0„   MEETS
every Friday evening at S p. m., it
Miners' Hull, Nelson. B. C, I. A. Austin,  Sery.
every Sunday ut 7:30 p.m.. in Trades
Hall, Scartli Street. Business meetings 2nd und -Ith Fridays ut s p.m.
Trades Hull. Secretary B, Simmons,
Box  1040.
OP C. heudquuilei-s Xo. 10 Nation
Block, Rosser Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunduy at 8 p. ni.: bu.iluess meeting, second und fourth Mondays at 8
p. m.: economic class, Sundays at 3
p. m.: speakers' class, Wednesday at
S p. m.: algebra class, Friday at 8
p. m.; debating elass, flrat and third
.Mondays at 8 p. m. 1>. l-'runce, Organizer,   1126 Victoria Ave,
of C. Headquarters, 628 1-2 Main
Street, Room No. 2, next Dreamland
Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at 8 p.m.;
propaganda meeting every Wednesday
at 8 p.m.; economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh
Laldlow, Room 2, 628 1-2 Main Street
Secretary. J. W. Hillings, 270 Young
LOCAL     HO.     24,     TOBONTO,   ONT.—
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice St,
(neat- Yonge). Business meetings
every 2nd and 4th Wednesday: propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3
and 8 p. m. By arrangement with
Toronto University popular scientific
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address ail communications to Secretary, No. 10 and II
Alice St.
LOCAL PBINCE BUPEBT, B. C, Ho. 53,1 „_.„__-_„   «     ,„  .  _
P.   of  c—Meets  every   Sunday  in | '•CAL BRANTFORD, Ho. 18, 8. P. of O.
hall ln Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOCAL    REVELSTOKE,   B.   O,   NO.   7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of encli month. T. S. Cassidy, Organizer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secy., P. O
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sundays al
7:30 p.m. A. Sebbie, Secy., P. O. Box
54 Rossland.
headquarters und public reading room,
Show building, Hamilton street. Business meetings every Saturday night at
8 p. m. Nell McLean, Beoretary, John
Mclnnls, organizer. Comrades contemplating coming to Fort George are
earnestly requested to write for reliable  Information.
Hnp »«ru nnd others, who realize tl
Ity of hnvrlng their Patent bunlnea
by KzpetU. Preliminary advice fir
mr-deiatf- Our Inventor's Advil]
■"-**■■ ltiest. Marion & Marion, New Vf
I  .Uiitiual:    *■-! W11-.'.-i,-,:ton. 1< C-J
Meets at. headquarters, 13 George St.,
every Thursday und Sunduy nights.
Business und {Speaker*-*' Class on Thursdays; Economic Class on Sundays.
Wage workers invited. A. \V. Baker,
Secretary, 9 George St. W. Davenport, Organizer,  141  Nelson St.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   NO.   8,   S.   P.   of   Q.
Business meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Uobert-
Allan Hall, 78 Hldeau St. John Lyons,
Secretary, 43 Centre Street
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sunday
in the Cape Breton office of the Party,
Commercial Street. Glace Buy, N. S.
I)un Cochrane, Secret arv, Box 491,
Glace Bay, X.  S.
LOCAI.   VANCOUVEB,   B.   C,   HO.   45.—
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month ut 2237
;Westminster Avenue, Secretary, Wm.
Business und Propugunda meeting
every Thursday at ii p.m. in Macdon-
uld's hall. Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Buy; \\*m. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Rosa,
Financial Secretary, office in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
Annexation is the most important
question before the workers today—
annexation of the earth. It is a little
hard for some of Ihem to grasp, but
they are beginning to rise to the occasion.
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review in Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special otters:
For $3.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one issue.
For 13.00 we will mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
ceasi.es k. IIU ft COMPACT
134 West Klnzle St., Chicago.
A good
place to tali	
305 Camble Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Molcahey, Prop.
654 _
Riddle of the Universe bv
Haeckel      3 .*.
Life of Jesus, Renan...  «,
Age of Reason, Paine  Ji.
Merrie England    !£*
God and My Neighbor, Bl'atch
lord  .-
Ingersoll's Lectures.ea'ch.'.'.'.'.: Me
Ongn, ot Species, Darwin....   He
Grant Allen "' -je
Postage prepaid on book*t
The People's Book Store
      15H Cordova St. W.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
Wew Weftmlnater land Slgtrlet, District
of New Wertaniniter.
Take notice that William Mcintosh, ofk"
Vancouver, occupation real estate agent, •
intends to apply for permission to ])ur4t
chase   the    following    described   lands!
Commencing at a post planted about 47f .
feet  ln   a   westerly   direction .from   thftf
southeast  corner  of  Block   IS,   District
Lot     196,   City   of    Vancouver;    thenotk'
northerly 120  feet;  thence easterly  lgf
feet   to   old   high   water   mark;   thence
south   120  feet   along   old   high   water
mark; thence west to point of commencement.
william Mcintosh.
Dated Feb. 24th, 1911
%®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®to^HgAHmiagm SATURDAY; MARCH 11th, 1911.
This Page Is Devoted to Reports
and General Party, Matters-
■ D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box
of Executive Committees, Locals
—Address Ail Communications to
1688, Vancouver, B. C.
While this local, Tamarisk No. 10, admits the holding of a convention to be
in the Interests of the Socialist movement in Canada, it objects to the date
of such convention to be fixed for the
month of October for the following reason:
Whereas, The Socialist movement In
Canada must, of necessity, direct a
major portion of its energy towards
the education of the working farmers
in order to be successful, and as such
locals which to date have been formed
in rural territory would be practically
debarred from being represented at a
onvention held in the month of October, therefore it is the opinion of this
local that the D. E. C. should fix the
late of such convention so as to give
ill those interested in the movement
tn equal opportunity to attend.
'amarisk, Man., Jan. 12th, 1911.
Dear Mc:—Sorry to see you did not
;ee flt to publish my letter in reply to
he Lawgiver. Hope you will permit
ue to say that I stand by any and
verything I have said in the now his-
orlc wrangle, and those who don't like
t can do the other thing.
Yours In revolt,
Sear Comrades:
We have had Comrade O'Brien with
is the past week. We had two meet-
ngs at Barons, one at. Black Spring
iidge and one at Stafford's Coal Mine.
The big Woodman hall at Barons
as well filled with farmers and small
msiness men, most of whom were
inxious to know the cause of tbe pre-
ent conditions and asking for a solution of the problem. Comrade O'Brien
Droved beyond all doubt that there
Are no short cuts, the ownership is the
solution, nothing less. I hope all interested comrades living in districts
nfected with the epidemic known as
U. F. A." would arrange meetings
or Comrade O'Brien as he has the
Yours in revolt,
petitlve wage system. It occurs when
the worker delivers his labor-power
over to the boss for wages.
Working men! Read all about the
commodity nature of your labor power,
about the struggle between the two
great classes, and about how the workers are organizing to capture the political power necessary to change the
ownership of the means of social production to the users of them.
Subscribe to the Western Clarion,
Box 1688, Vancouver, B. C, published
in the interests of the working class
alone. Price J1.00 per year. A weekly
newspaper run by working men for
working men. Come to the Brantford
Socialists' ( headquarters at No. 13
George street ort Thursday and Sunday
nights at 8 p. m. and learn about this
great subject.
Fellow Workingmen:—It Is destra-
ile that the working class begin to
ake stock of their position in present
liay society.
We find, the world over, a cleavage
if society into two great bodies. They
nay be termed the producing class and
he non-producing class. The rich and
he poor. The "haves" and the "have
lots." Masters and slaves, or cupltal-
st class and working class.
A strange sight now meets our eyes.
*>ne of these great classes it is that
roduces  everything  that  is  used   In
he form of wealth today for all soci-
ty.   The. working class it is that tills
he land and produces crops; the work.
ng class it is thut makes the liuple-
nents which the farmer uses on the
and; the workers dig up coal and iron.
opper, silver and gold.   The working
lass carries on the work of tianspor-
atlon; our railroads are built by them.
n a normal state of society those who
reduced wealth would enjoy It too.
his is not the case today.
The working class eat the poorest
.nd cheapest food to be had, and live
n the meanest houses (many of which
ire too mean for a member of the cap-
tallst class to stable his horse  in).
The workers sit in the worst seats In
iny opera house. They wear the cheap-
st and most shoddy clothes.
Their sisters and daughters fill the
nouses in the "red light" districts of
jur  cities.    The  workers  work  long
hours in factory, workshop and field,
often  under most hellish conditions.
They receive in wages just enough to
keep  them  in  shape  to  continue  to
work and also to rear a family up to
work, too; to take their places when
they go to the scrap heap.
But what about the other class—the
[capitalist class? We see what they
enjoy—all that life can offer. They en-
Joy the fruits of the labor of the working class. What enables them to do
thla? Their ownership of the things
necessary to production, such as railroads, factories, mills and mines. By
.virtue of what right do they own
ithese things? By reason of their
'power! Who gave them the power?
The working class did it when it voted
the capitalists Into control of the political machinery of the state, such as
|law courts, legislatures, police, militia
land soldiery. These are always used
to protect and defend the ownership
of the capitalist class in the means of
wealth production by means of which
i they manage to rob the worker of
about four-fifths of the produce of his
This robbery takeB place at the point
I of production under cover of the com-
The Socialist movement is tcday,
primarily, an educational movement.
Its aim is to get the wage-workers'
minds working in harmony with the
changed economic conditions; that in
itself means a recognition of the absolute antagonism of interests between
the owning and the propertyless class.
When a worker Is In that position we
say he is class-conscious—recognizes
the class struggle, ln the fierce war of
the classes there is no such ideal as
justice; the rising capitalist mouthed
justice alongside of liberty at the time
of the French revolution, but events
proved that justice was a creature of
time and place. One of the places at
that time was over the doors of the
prisons, where their victims, some who
had helped them to get power, were Incarcerated.
Fraternity was another very good.
Impressive word, one that would
bring with its hearing a feeling of confidence and good fellowship all round.
Fraternity — brotherhood — meant the
freedom of brother labor to sell himself
to brother capital or starve, so events
proved. The reason I am writing this
is to state that in my humble opinion
we must show the absolute fallacy of
these high sounding words. Such ideals
without knowing their real meaning
means shambles for the workers. The
workers in the French revolution, and
many times since then, have been
gulled by cries of "justice," "equality,"
"liberty," etc. A movement based on
sentiment Is of no use to us, and,
moreover, it cannot stand. Get good
sound literature among the workers,
but. avoid like poison all that is sentimental. I see Local Victoria has issued a leaflet with some books recommended. It's a good idea—I agree wllh
it, but would like to see them cut out
"Vail's Modern Socialism."    This may
j look presumptuous  on  my  part,  but
here are my reasons:
Much of It Is good, but it is sentimental and incorrect in places. He
speaks of Socialism as meaning peace,
justice, fraternity, etc. On page SO:
"The ethics of Socialism are nearly
akin to Christianity, if not identical
with them." Then he speaks of the
present order as being "utterly unchristian and antagonistic to the very
essence of the gospel." The conclusion is very much In the nature of a
divine's peroration, just like asking
"what would Jesus do?" Then he
states on page lt>6: "The ethics of
Socialism are the ethics of Christianity."   Well, I don't think a local should
| knowingly  recommend  such  stuff,  in
] spite of the good stuff there is In the
Christianity ls not Socialism, neither
i are the ethics the same. The church
has stood by the rulers and aided them
In their persecutions of our class. It's
a slave's religion, "be content with
your shacks; you get a mansion on
high," yet It's preached as Christianity. Works containing such stuff give
the reader a false Impression of our
materialist gospel, and Instead of aiding us breeds confusion; leads the
worker to think brotherly love can
emancipate him. We, knowing the
only avenue of escape is by class struggle, therefore should not aid confusion,
but should bar any book that is not the
goods from preface to conclusion.
Editor Clarion: —
Please find space in your journal for
the following matters, which If perhaps somewhat disjointed, are my
Bring your dull razors to
Clarendon Pool Room, opposite
car barns
Westminster Avenue
Vancouver, B.C.
I wish to include the party platform.
First—"The transformation, as rapidly
as possible of capitalist property ln the
means of wealth production, natural
resources, factories, mills, railroads, Into the collective property of the working class. Second—"The democratic
organization and management of industry by the workers. Third—The establishment as speeding as possible, of
production for use instead of production for profit.
It would seem to me, that the flrst
item in the platform, would be improved by stating capitalist land, as
without land there would be no factories, railroads, etc., however, the
whole platform is a good foundation
to work on.
It seems a waste of space and time
to devote so much of the space of our
party press to the religious side or the
free thinkers theory, it would be much
more advantageous for all to educate
on the local conditions, to the deep
study of the class struggle ih arriving
at the political action, as the class
struggle must be understood In all its
branches. What is the class struggle?
To get our answer we must get a!t the
There, in Ottawa, a capitalist paper
tells us that we have thirty-two millionaires and boasted that no city of
its size had so many. A few days following, the other side of wealth was
shown in the same journal, enumerating that we had also forty charitable
institutions as follows: Salvation
Army settlement home and a day nursery, Perley home for incurables, Maternity hospital, isolation hospital,
protestant, general and St. Luke's hospitals, protestant and St. Patrick's orphans' home, home for friendless
women, protestant home for aged, St.
Charles home, childrens and society
Christian Temperance Union, travellers' and society, friends of the poor, St.
Vincent de Paul society, Francis Wll-
lard union, rescue Mission, Ottawa Hel-
ven ladies' society, St. George's and St.
Andrew's societies, Miss Cussidy work
among city poor, St. Joseph's orphanage, May Court Club, Lady Grey hospital dispensary and others.
Now fellow workers, the occupants
of these institutions mentioned have
made the millionaires, built them their
mansions, yes their very raiment, but
we have nothing to look forward to,
but a shelter in some of their charitable homes when we are by old age or
disease or conditions unable to continue at daily toil for the pittance, but
we can and must educate the people
to the conditions that our children will
not be in the same helpless class as
we are at present as past events prove
that this will come.
Looking backward a few years, take
for Instance in light. I remember well
when half an hour used to be spent In
the evenings fixing the candles, after
that came the oil lamp, a great Improvement, now what do we see, a
button at the power house is touched
and instantly a city lighted.
Years ago I had an Idea that the
power machinery was the source of
our social irouble and so stated it in
the Toronto Globe, but in 1895 I attended a Socialist meeting in the same
city and there got the right light. One
of the parly showed me that we wanted ell Improvements and machinery we
could get. and since then I have learnt
that this was correct, and what is
more that if the workers will unite
and send to our legislative halls their
own party they can recover what had
been stolen from them and no chance
of return to the present robbing system.
An ex-postmaster general, at a banquet said, "I have been in office ten
years, and how little has been performed and how much is yet to be
done." This can be applied to Socialism, "how little has been done and
how much we have yet to do.
A few weeKs ago you remember the
Grain Growers came to Ottawa to see
the government and stated they represented $30,000,000 of wealth. Would
you not imagine that such an enormous
wealthy class would be satisfied with
conditions, but they wish to become
more wealthy and thus the visit. I am
of the opinion that the statement of
their huge wealth cannot be justified.
Every town and village of the
country ls under an enormous debt, and
the government of the country also,
so that If these debts were paid they
would be a pretty small fry in the pan.
The source of the capital of the
Grain Growers' Association is a mystery, perhaps the Czar of Russia or
the Shah of Turkey are their bankers
and aiding them to give these figures,
in any event it will need quite a sum
to clear off all the mortgages on farm,
stock, etc., as figures at the registry
office will prove.
The other day an alderman askec
me what we would do if they handed
over Ottawa city to the Socialists. I
had to tell him nothing, as our plan
must be a universal one, we are fighting to aid the world, and no small corner to be rich with milk and honey and
slumdom In the other. I exampllfled
,by showing that Ottawa would be helpless alone, as silk is imported from
China, coal from the United States,
champagne from the vineyards of
France, in a word the whole world is a
system of exchange, and thus our Socialistic platform being reasonable
must be international.
Concluding let me say the path of
reform is always strewn with wrecks
in the cause, bludgeoned and cast
aside, so we must persevere in our
rightful cause and fall, (not fail) as
we will, we will have the satisfaction
of knowing that we have done our
duty for the children who are still
in the womb of posterity, and they will
enjoy not millionaire charity doles but
righteousness through the rightful use
and not confiscation of their labor.
Trade Marks
...- copyrights ac.
Anyonosending ft sketch nnd description may
quickly ascertain our opinion freo whether an
Invention Is probnhlr Pntaiilni'lo, Ciiinliiuiilf'n.
llnmmrlollTConlldcntlnl. HANDBOOK onPatouta
sunt froe. Oldest aitoncy (orsecurlnirpatenlfl.
Patents taken through Munn A Co. reoelYa
iprrliilnoflcs, wll bout chiirHO, In tbe
Scientific Jittiericatt.
A handsomely .UnstratM weekly. Urtp-iit circulation ot Any »*'.ei.ilHfl Journal. Iennn for
('■uui'ia, $n.<T. a year, iKWtaKe prepaid. Hold Nt
all nownlealort^
Br--***, jjew Yrjr!.
Dear Mc.
The Intercollegiate Socialist Society keeps itself aloof from the rank
and file of the party in these parts. If
one of them does creep into the local
in his residential district, he becomes
a kind of Instructor that the others
look up to and admire, and take any
old dope he likes to give, without
question. They sit down to Instruct
as a matter of course, snd read whole
chapters of Wells (who is he?). They
then invite a Christian Socialist clergy,
man to address the band or a co-operative trader, and when I antagonize and
thrust the "Clarion" into their faces
(hands, I mean), I get such a reply
as the following:
"Dear Comrade McM. Smith; Pardon
my delay in answering your letters. I
wish to thank you for the trouble you
have taken in sending me the Clarion*
I, however, do r,ot feel that I can subscribe to it, at least now, I feel that I
can secure the same standpoint in the
International Socialist Review, which
deals more definitely with problems in
the U. S., and that the more theoretical
articles appearing in the Clarion can
be read in the German Socialistic Classics."
1 was interested in your witty articles in which you took occasion to
chastise ye wicked Intercollegiate and
poke fun at his naive explanation of
the rebellion of a revolutionist.
If I mistake not the articles in the
Clarion have the same tone as those
which appeared ln the Socialist
movement in Colorado and elsewhere
in the United States, a little less than
a decade ago, and represent a movement In its early stages rather than
a mature movement such as ls seen In
Germany. What I mean is this. In
the beginning of a Socialist movement
in any country, the only way that It can
get a hold is to deal entirely with the
theory and to cultivate the use of revolutionary phrases, to ignore concrete
problems and to keep shouting for the
evolution, and after that the Socialist
State. When the movement grows and
when responsibility is thrust upon it, it
must, whether it will or no, consider
concrete problems of the day, must
have an opinion on those problems. It
also finds that it cannot change the
system in a day. May I suggest Kampf-
meyers Changes in Theory and Tactics
of German Democracy, published by
Kerr, as an Illustration of my meaning?
On the other hand, I think that there
is need for a part of the movement to
keep the ultimate goal before that part
which is engaged in the every day
work and which might lose sight of
the ultimate In its anxiety to clean up
the Immediate job.
Yours for Socialism,
The following appeared in the "Call"
on the same day.
Demagogy in the Socialist Party.
About two score of college men and
women, comprising the New York
chapter of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, listened to a paper on "Socialism snd the Intellectual," read by
W. J. Ghent, at the handsome home
of Miss Jessie Ashley, at 60 West
89th street, last evening. After this
address an informal reception was
held, the guests enjoying refreshments
and social conversation.
"Ghent said there is a distinct anti-
Intellectual movement In the Socialist
party of America, that this movement
is fostered largely by demagogues
who are themselves intellectuals, but
who have become "professional proletarians." This anti-Intellectual
movement, Ghent said, puts the intellectual men ln the party on the defensive, as it were.
"He told those present, however, that
this might work to their advantage
in the end, as college men and women
need a few hard knocks to rid them
or their 'dilletantism.'
"Ghent said In part:
"Can you Imagine what the Socialist
movement would be without Its educated  men?    Can you imagine,. vy^Sl'S,
ii would b-j today wtthout IU Man, its
Engels, its Lassalles, its Liebknechts,
its Ferris and Labriolas, and a hundred others who could be named?
"Where would the demagogues them
selves have got the few ideas and the
few phrases which constitute their
imental and vocal machinery? Could
any man working at the forge or
I bench have written 'Das Capital?' Who
are they who formulate the inarticulate
Instincts of the working class, who
carry its cause into the public arenas?
Are they the workers themselves?
I Rarely. The men who do these things
'are the intellectuals—the men of intelligence and ability who come into
the movement from other classes. The
| working class is something greater
and broader than the aggregate of per-
| sons who do manual labor. And the
Socialist movement is even greater and
broader than the working class.
"The prime thing needed Is for the
intellectuals to come into the movement and to give their best efforts to
the cause. Trained intelligence ls particularly wanted. Most of the best intellect is under contract to the ruling
powers and the retainers of capitalism
must be comatted on every field.
The speaker then gave practical advice and encouragement to the intellectuals in the movement or to those
about to enter the Socialist movement.
Addressing himself more or less personally to his audience, Ghent said:
'No doubt you will be criticised and
occasionally sneered at. But you
must be strong enough either to Ignore such antagonism, or else resolutely to fight it back. You are
needed not only for combating the
forces outside the Socialist movement,
you are needed for combating the
fanaticism and demagogues Inside the
movement. You will be told that you
are not wanted—that the working
class Is sufficient unto itself; that
what it chooses to believe and to do
is Socialism. But if you have even
ordinary acumen you will see the absurdity and the dlsingenuousness of
this statement. For ln the flrst place,
the Socialist party of America is in
no material sense the representative
of the working class. Hardly a demonstrable fraction of the enormous
class is within the Socialist fold, the
rest being either passively or actively
opposed to Socialism. And in the
second place, the statement is of
closet philosophers—of book theorists—who happen to be already on
the ground and who resent any invasion which may threaten to dislodge them from their positions or to
Invalidate their ex cathedra utterances
of what is Socialism.
" 'If you are resolute in your devotion to Socialism you will pay small
raised money to expand, to produce
more, those simple French Canadians
who had lived here easily, began to
lose ground and many of them are
quite on the bum today, who were but
yesterday well-to-do. This stranglehold of Capital was only made possible
by the coming of the railway. The
Elevator companies got their work in—
short weight, misgradlng and countless
other trickeries . Being the only buyers of grain for some time, they held
the price down and the Farmer had to
sell. Thus he was forced to borrow
more, and so on, you know just how
things go, Municipal Councils are formed, schools built, taxes for this, taxes
for that and don't you forget the farmer pays taxes, he has the disadvantage
of the property holder before the law
and the state, but very few If any of
its advantages. And so struggle on, blg-
er crops, more grain, more trade, more
bills to pay, a steadier job and a more
uneasy life than before.
Thus you will see that "as soon as
grain ls raised and a country becomes
settled, In comes the railway, thrust
like a bear's arm into a bees nest, and
lo! in a trice all the honey is drawn
out." One thing is certain, the wealth
goes and we have noticed distinctly the
locomotives hauling it out.. However,
chase It along boys, worry It out, we
have much to learn on the farmer's
position, it has never yet been clearly
stated and the day that sees a book or
pamphlet which states the truth absolutely will be a glad day for
The February "International Socialist Review" shows clearly the attitude
of the English Labor Party in the recent General Election. It shows that
whereas, one year ago the Labor Party
put up twenty-five candidates to fight
three-cornered contests, at the most
recent election they only put up eight,
and not one of the eight was elected.
Only one candidate was elected over
a Liberal and that In a constituency
where no Tory was running.
In constituencies that have double
representation, the Liberals put up one
and the labor Party one, and each elector having two votes, the Liberals gave
one to the Labor man and the Labor
men gave one to the Liberals.
In the face of such revelations lt is
laughable to hear our Social Democratic friends talking of the glorious
victory of the Labor Party in England,
they tell us that if we would only
adopt such sensible tactics that we
could elect many men too. No doubt
we could,  but  we refuse to  further
fool the working class. We know that
heed to such warnings, that is, you i 'be worker will never be freed from his
will not let them dissuade you.    You |slavery By Liberal votes, and knowing
will flnd that men who speak this
language are really but an insignificant part of the movement— so insignificant, Indeed, that at any time
they can be got rid of, or at least
temporarily silenced by a resolute and
concerted effort.'"
The saddest and hardest knock a
wage plug can get, I speak from experience, is to be called ignorant, and
when that knock comes from our fellow slaves it is somewhat exasperating, but the only enlightenment I want
or wish my fellows to have is the
consciousness of that enslavement and
all other bourgeoise. Education can
go to hell.
Yours in revolt,
that, we refuse to tell him something
different. To do that would be priestcraft and we want none of It. Tell the
workers that they are slaves, make
them realize it, and they will soon
make slavery a thing of the past. Such
a course is the straightforward course
and the only course for a real Socialist Party to adopt.   ED. FULCHER.
Verily, Desmond, thou art a peach,
which is no doubt due to your long
stay ln the Fruit district of famous
B. C. If we were upon the olher side of
the line, or a member of some locals
we wot of,.lt would be our painful duty
to call you a traitor to the working
class for venturing to be so candid
about "The Slave of the Farm." However, if you have a man who can put
the farmer's position ln a simple and
easily understood manner and you
have not made him do so. trot him out
us quick as you can, old hoss. Go to;
your Hibernian grin expandeth evermore.
Now, Comrade Pilklngton, its un
unfortunate thing that I cannot get Into a humorous mood very often and,
frankly, I was not when I wrote "The
Slave of the Farm." I sweated large
drops and had visions of Local Vancouver, sitting In state, rending that
screed into a thousand fragments. Remember that. I was but a fledgling
when I wrote that nnd have since
gained considerable knowledge of the
farmers position, we all grow, you
But see here, ln a country like this,
where vast distances separate communities it is only possible for Capita!
to get In its work via the Railway.
Some years ago this town was 100
miles from a railway and around on
the few farms then existing, things
went In a slow and easy fashion, a
system of barter was mainly in use,
the Idea of trading horses for cows or
cows and hay for so many day's work
was a general thing. We have used
the flail to pound out grain and oxen
mainly for power. Ixians, mortgages,
Interest and rent as we know It now
was almost, absent from our midst.
Then came the 0, N. Railway, and at
smve things began to exchange, the
farms were filled up rapidly, everyone
If Socialist literature is "too heavy''
for you, its a sign your brain needs
fixing. You are an easy catch for
political anglers.
Tho following subs, arrived this
Local Sydney Mines, N. S., sends
$10.00 to publishing fund, orders a
bundle and sends a sub. J. S. Odegaard,
Wolf Creek, Alta., renews bundle;
Henry .ludd, Brackendale, B. C. renews
bundle and sends sub.
'Smith," Vancouver   4
I. A. Austin,  Nelson, B. C  3
I. Watson, Winnipeg    3
G.  Boerma,  North   Battleford  3
C. W. Springford, Dewberry, Alta.. 2
Joe Johnston, Vancouver   2
Chas. Peacock, Stafford Village,
Alta.; C. M. O'Brien, Millet, Alta.;
Gust Wcslhir, Calmar, Alta.; Nels C.
Nelson, Quatsino Lighthouse, B. C.i
Hnrold Machell, Matsqul, B. C; D.
Sohweors, Brldesville, B. C; J. V. Hull,
Port Moody, B. C.j Desmond, Okanagan.
Sunday, March
12 Four
SATURDAY, MARCH 11t.h, 1911.
. (Continued from Page ))
land was in the hands of an innocent
third party the clause should not apply.
Towards the end of the discussion,
Hawthornthwaite seeing that his
amendment was going,to be defeated,
apparently decided to make the most
of his opportunity, and proceeded to
dwell on the advantages that could be
expected to acme from the social own
ership and cultivation of the land, con
trasted to the system which develops
individual greed, and compels one to
take advantage of his neighbor, until
McPhillips rose to a point of order.
Hawthornthwaite retorted "Of course
I am out of order! I am only surprised that you did not flnd it out sooner,"
and a laugh went round the House and
The amendment was defeated and
the Bill put through its final stages.
An Act to amend the Water Act, previously passed, was re-introduced by
"Message" from the Lieutenant Governor, for further amendment, something that has occurred several times
during the session.    The government
has been so intent on rushing measures through without giving  an  opportunity     for     careful     consideration     that     mistakes     have     been
overlooked,     land     the     legislation
has   to   be   returned   to   the   House
for rectification.   The members of the
Conservative party not sitting in the
Treasury benches make no effort at
criticism, and seem to think the whole
prscess a bore, and the members of
the opposition are not strong enough,
numerically, to keep tab on  all the
Bills that are presented, flnd out the
faults, formulate their objections, and
lay them before the House.   Hawthornthwaite on this    occasion    protested
against  bringing   down   legislation at
the last moment, when the opposition
had no time to consider it.   An over
dose of legislation was being rammed
down the throats of the people which
could not be beneficial to the province,
but the opposition  could only point
it out and protest.   The estimates had
been voted at the rate of two or three
million dollars a day, and the process
was being kept up with other legisla-
' tion.   They were getting too much of
The Attorney-General had an Act before the House to amend the Small
Debts Act, and Hawthornthwaite expressed the disappointment of the Socialist party that the minimum amount
of wages liable to garnishee had not
been increased. Bowser had once ex
pressed his opinion that $30 a month
was enough for a working man and he
(the speaker) had expected that experience of high life since then might
have caused him to modify his views,
in that particular, but It did not seem
to have done so. A garnishee should
not be obtained before judgement had
been given, but it was an established
practice. He would try to amend the
Bill in that particular in committee.
The Bill then went into committee
and Hawthornthwaite succeeded in
raising the limit of garnishee from $30
to $40. The amendment he Introduced
■would have raised it to $50 but Bowser
pointed out that to, make it effective
the County Courts Act would have to
be amended also, and as that Act was
not before the House, there was no
time to do it before prorogation. He
suggested that Hawthornthwaite reduce the limit to $40, which would
make both Acts agree.
Hawthornthwaite consented, and the
amendment passed.
An Act respecting Habit Forming
Drugs came up for report and Hawthornthwaite succeeded in amending it
by adding the following as a new section:—
"4. Any physician who signs any
prescription or order for the filling
of which any drug is required, unless such drug is used for medicinal purposes, or is prescribed for
the medical treatment of a person
who is under  professional treatment by such physician, and any
dentist or veterinary surgeon who
signs any order for any drug, unless such drug is required for medicinal purposes in connection with
his practice as a dentist or veterinary  surgeon,  shall,  upon   summary conviction, be liable to a fine
not exceeding $200 and costs."
Speaking to his amendment, he said
the Bill as it was would do a certain
amount of good, but without the amendment it would be of little effect.   The
amendment was taken from the Bill
introduced   at   Ottawa   by   McKenzie
King, with the final penalty added. The
Bill should correspond as far as pos-
Wages," printed in the Clarion last
week, was defeated on a division, Hayward (CowichanI, having adjourned
the second reading the previous week.
Ayes—Williams Hawthornthwaite,
Caven, Schofield and Tisdall.—5
Noes—Shaw, Watson, Fraser, McDonald, McKenzie, Braden, Manson
(Skeena),Miller, Bowser, McBride, Ellison, McPhillips, Cotton, Shatford,
Thomson, Behnson, Hunter, Manson
(Dewdney) Young, McGowan, Hayward,   MeGuire,   Parson,   Davey.—25
An Act to Amend the Dower Act
passed its second reading by 18 to
14 (the Socialist members voting aye)
after a re-actionary speech from McPhillips ln opposition to it. The Bill
removes inequalities women had to put
then, but he believed the revolution
could only take place by the force of
political action and education. He
hoped that on the present occasion the
Bill would receive more support. He
believed that it had been one of the
first he had introduced during the regime of the present government, and "I
may say also that it will possibly be
the last measure that I shall have the
honor to introduce to this House."
McBride objected to the Bill with his
usual threadbare arguments, which he,
has employed for the last few years,
against labor measures introduced by
the Socialist members, that it would
disturb the existing good relations between employer and employe, and trespass on ground that should be sacred
to those two parties.    He asked the
up with formerly, and provides that a
man shall not deprive his widow of legislature  to  refuse  to  support  the
I    The measure was then defeated on
the following division:
I    Ayes—Williams,     Hawthornthwaite,
Wednesday,  March 1, 2 p.m.—-(The
last day   of the session).
Two or three Bills were put through „...,„
their final stages, and Hawthorn- |J-"'dlne' Schofield, Braden, Miller_6
thwaite then drew McBride's attention ' Noes-Shaw, Watson, Fraser, Mc
to the press report that the miners at Donald' Man*on (Comox), Jackson, Calr
Fernie had refused to go to work on ,anan- Man80n (Skeena), Bowser. Mc-
account of the dangerous quantities Brlde' Elli«on- McPhillips, Cotton, Shat.
of gas in the mines, and asked him if
he had received any news as to the situation?
The Premier replied that the Department was in communication with the
resident Inspector at Fernie, Mr. Strac-
han, with respect to the strike. According to his latest information the strike
was still on, but negotiations for settlement were pending. Last spring an
investigation as to the conditions of
those mines was made, and they were
found to be in satisfactory condition. 1'ar,y whll>?
He understood that the cause of the
present difference was the employment
of certain workers in the mines.
Hawthornthwaite referred him to
the press reports, which stated the
trouble to be over the presence of gas
in the mines.
McBride replied that according to
his advices those reports were entirely
incorrect. The files of the Mines Department were at Hawthornthwaite's
disposal, and he could see for himself
all that the government had received
in the way of information. The Department was keeping in close touch
with all developments of the situation.
Hawthornthwaite then moved the
second reading of a Bill to prevent
discrimination against trade unions, as
"1. This Act may be cited as the
'Trade-union Discrimination Act,
"2. it shall be unlawful for any
person, firm or corporation, or any
one acting on their behalf, to make
or enter into any agreement, either
oral, or written, by the terms of
which any employee of such person, firm, or corporation, or any
person about to enter the employ |
of such person, firm or corporation,
ford, Thomson, Behnsen, Manson
(Dewdney), Davey, Parson, McKay,
MeGuire,   Hayward,   McGowan,   Ross,
Taylor, Young 26 ^
Will the working class electors of
Ymir, Grand Forks, and Rossland City
be willing to allow this single vote of
the men who pose as their representatives to count for more than the votes
they have cast on so many other-occasions in an exactly opposite direction, in obedience to the crack of the
In reference to Comrade Hawthornthwaite's closing words, the position
at the time of writing is that he has
resigned from Nanaimo Local, and his
resignation of his position as representative in the legislature will be forwarded to the Speaker when that Local
deems it proper to do so.
The prorogation proceedings took
place shortly after the defeat of Hawthornthwaite's Bill.   Three Bills were
abandoned.    Price   Ellison's    "Cattle voted for the Bill to prevent discrimlna-
Branding Bill," the Attorney-General's  tion against members of trade unions.
Bills to amend the Dower and Inheritance Acts and a Bill to create pound
districts. ,
"The general standard of debate has
McKenzie (Delta)—An Act respecting Habit Forming Drugs. Same labor
Manson (Comox)—An Act to incorporate the Northern Vancouver Island
Railway Co.   Same labor record.
Manson (Skeena)—Acts to incorporate the Naas & Peace River Railway
Co.," the Nechaco & Mid-provincial Ry.
Co., Naas & Skeena Rivers Ry. Co. and
an Act respecting the Portland Canal
Short Line Ry. Co., and to change its
name to the Canadian N. E. Ry. Co.
Same    labor    record.
Miller (Grand Forks)—Acts to amend
the Legal Professions Act, and the Oak
Bay Act, 1910, and to amend the Act
to Incorporate the West Kootenay
Power & Light Co. Voted for the Bill
to prevent discrimination against members of trade unions, and against'
every other labor measure introduced.
That solitary vote was probably intended as a sop to his constituents.
Parson (Columbia)—Act to enable
the Columbia Valley Irrigated Fruit
Lands to amalgamate their water
rights. Voted against all labor measures.
Tisdall (Vancouver)—Act to amend
the Vancouver Incorporation Act. Is
the only honest man in the bunch.
Takes the stand fraukly of being a representative of business Interests
Voted for Williams' Bill respecting the
payment of wages, and against all the
other labor measures.
Watson (Vancouver)—Act to incorporate Grouse Mountain Scenic Ry Co.
Voted against all labor measures.
The following members Introduced
no bills of any kind, said nothing, and
'sawed wood" by voting down all labor
measures. Callanan (Cariboo), Cawley (Chllllwack), Fraser (Cariboo),
Gifford (New Westminster), Lucas
(Yale), Manson (Dewdney), has never
opened his mouth since he has been
in the House). .McDonald (Llllooet),
ditto. Wright (Nelson), ditto. Caven
(Cranbrookl, ditto.
Braden (Rossland City) and Schofield (Ymir) could be included in the
above list, but for the fact" that they
Socialist Party of Canada
On all other opportunities their votes
were cast against labor. Their constituents will be able to size up their motives in not adhering to their regular
been good.   We could have wished for | habit on that occasion,
little fuller discussion on some sub-     It was refreshing to ttlrn from the
jects, even though the measures were I contemplation of such apathy, to study
matters of government policy."
"Two sessions' experience with the
members of the present House has
shown those who have had an opportunity of judging that for ability,
knowledge of the wants of the province, facility in giving expression to
their views, and close attention to
business the standard of the Twelfth
Parliament of British Columbia is exceptionally high."
So said the   Victoria   Colonist   of
as a condition for continuing or
obtaining such employment, shall
promise or agree not to become, or
cease to continue to be, a member
of any labor organization or trade
"3. It shall be unlawful for any
employer or employers of labor or
any person acting on their behalf,
to ask any person seeking employment, or any person already employed by such employer or employers, any question or questions
that would divulge or tend to divulge as to whether such employee
or prospective employee was or
was not a member of a labor organization.
"4. Any employer or employers
of labor, or any person acting on
their behalf, who contravenes the
provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be
liable to a penalty not exceeding
one hundred dollars, nor less than
fifty dollars."
He said that he was well aware that
the Bill would not go into law that
session, but his particular abject in
moving the second reading was to obtain a record as to who were and who
were not in favor of the Bill,   lt might
seem useless to do that, but the Bill
had been Introduced many times, and
on one or two occasions had passed
the second reading.   He had first introduced lt some 6 or 7 years ago, and
the   Premier  had   spoken   vigorously
against the Bill and said that too much,
nearly one-third, of the time ot the
House was being taken up with labor
legislation.   Since that time he seemed
to have broadened in that respect, and
had assisted in passing legislation of
material benefit to the workers, but
be still held to the opinion that the
legislation in tbat particular Bill would
have an injurious effect in disturbing
sible with the Dominion Act,   He (the industrial conditions.   Similar predlc-
Bpeaker) had on no occasion made an
attack on the medical profession; he
had a very high opinion of them in-
tions had been made regarding other
labor legislation, but when put into
practice those measures had not pro-
deed, but there might be one or two duced the disturbance of conditions
of them not up to the standard, and j expected, nor did he (the speaker)
members of the House would agree think that results would follow the
with him that the amendment cast no enactment of the present measure. He
reflection on the medical fraternity. ,aimed to bring those measures forward
Others than members of the medical ! largely with a view to educating the
fraternity were now allowed to pies- ;government and the House up to their
cribe, and there was no reason for J value, and not with the hope of them
granting them the same standing; It becoming law. Nothing stood still in
was wise to put a penalty on those society, everything was constantly
people for prescribing the drugs men- changing and producing corresponding
tinned in the Bill for the people nt changes of thought In the human being,
large. I Whether the coming change in society
The amendment was accepted. ^-as to take places through violence, or
Parker Williams' Bill entitled "An  by the slow process of reforming con*
Act    Respecting .  the    Payment    of dltions he was not prepared to discuss
March 2nd, but anyone who regularly
attended the sittings of the House and
viewed the proceedings without bias
would emphatically deny that the statements accurately presented the facts.
The Conservative members outside of
the members of the cabinet, simply
contented themselves with listening to
the debates being carried on by the
members of the opposition and the
members of the government, applauding and voting as in duty bound to.
The debates on reciprocity, and the
price of coal in B. C. were the only occasions on which some of them surprised the House with the evidence
that they possessed any vocal apparatus whatever. For all the use they
were as legislators or critics of legislation emanating from their leaders, McBride might as well have had, as Parker Williams suggested In the session
of 1910, automatic dummies in their
seats, who could be made to hold up
their hands or shout "aye" or "no"
when McBride pressed the button. As
Hawthornthwaite said on the last day
of the present session the whole business of parliament had been carried on
by about half a dozen members. The
"ability, knowledge of the wants of the
province, facility in giving expression
to their views, and close attention to
business" of the Conservative rank
and file could only be described as
"conspicuous by absence."
What little activity they did display,
it goes without saying, was in the interests of those who "work" the workers. Some 15 or 20 bills were introduced by private members in the government ranks, and it may be instructive to their working class constituents to notice tbe lines on which their
activity manifested Itself.
Davey (Victoria.)— One Bill affecting tbe municipal situation in Victoria.
Spoke once for about three minutes.
Voted against all labor measures.
Jackson (Greenwood)—Introduced
an Act to Incorporate the Greenwood-
Phoenix Tramway. Said nothing. Voted against all labor measures.
McGowan (Vancouver)—Introduced
Acts to incorporate the Vancouver
Plate Glass Co., and the British Land
& Mortgage Corporation. Voted against
all labor measures.
McKay (Kaslo)—Introduced Acts to
Incorporate the Grouse Mountain Scenic Incline Railway Co., the B. C. Accident & Employers' Liability Co., and
an Act to extend the time for the expenditure of ten per cent, on the
amount of the capital of the Crow's
Nest & Northern Railway Co. Same
labor record.
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long aB the capitalist class remains In possession of the reins of
government all the powerB of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker ts rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to bold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the /means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working claBS.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class Btruggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it wlll not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln its hands In such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
the attitude of the Socialists In the
House, and the lines along which their
activity was directed. By far the most
important Bill introduced was the" new
Coal Mines Regulation Act. It affected in the most Intimate manner the
safety of the lives and limbs of 7000
workers in the coal mines of B. C, and
every clause, almost every line and
phase of the measure, was subjected
to the closest scrutiny and careful criticism by the Socialist members, both
representing coal mining constituencies. It is doubtful if any measure
Introduced by a B. C. government ln
the past has undergone such a thorough overhauling before being allowed
to pass. While voting against the
measure on the second reading on account of some important clauses to
which they took serious objection,
once it was committed the Socialist
members devoted all the energy of
which they were capable and all their
technical and theoretical knowledge of
coal mining to alterins the bill in the
interests of the actual "operators," the
men who work in the mines, so much
so that on several occasions McBride
referred to it on the floor of the House,
and expressed his appreciation of the
assistance their knowledge gave him
Over 20 of the total number of amendments to the Act moved by the Socialists were accepted by the Premier, and
all of them were drawn with a view
to the welfare of the coal miner alone. '
It goes without saying, of course, that
the most valuable amendments, from a
working class point of view, were defeated. That was only to be expected,
and can continue to be expected until the workers of the province have
more representation in the legislature
to compel the acceptance of such provisions.
Other government Bills affecting the
small farmer were the subject of as
searching criticism, and when possible
to do so, were amended in order to
protect and further his interests. When
their attempts in that direction were
unsuccessful, and the importance of
the issue to the farmer justified it, the
Socialist members forced a division
and voted against the Bill.
If the remarks of the Colonist quoted
above referred to the representatives
of the Socialist Party in the House,
any person who attended the sittings
regularly would have to admit that
they were correct. Intended as they
are, to give a false impression of the
manner in which the government supporters employed their time, it is a deliberate attempt to throw dust in the
eyes of the electorate. J. H. B.
•   *   •
Errata.—In last week's issue the following errors were made.
First Page, second column, ninth
line from the bottom, should 'read—
(after "hours")— "Hawthornthwaite
had an amendment dealing with the
same clause on the order paper, but
the objection to that was taken from
the practical working standpoint."
Page 3 column (5)upar#graph as to
clause 87, Rule 9. 'Tide word '"no" in'H-
last line of the paragraph should be
struck out.
Page 4, column 3, Hawthornthwaite's
reply to the Attorney-General "East
and North" ln the third line of the
paragraph should read "E. & N. Ry.,"
and "lordships" in the next line should
be "hardships."
"I'M IN THE G. G. A."
(With apologies to Tennyson)
if you're waking, call me early, call
me early, wifey dear,
For we must lift the mortgage, if possible this year.
But if the hail does hit us and there's
merry hell to pay,
I belong to the G. G. A., wife, I'm in
the G. G. A.
You must raise three hundred chickens, three hundred, wifey dear,
They cost' two hundred bucks to raise,
that leaves one hundred clear.
What with wheat, cows, hogs and
chickens, we'll surely make it pay,
Still there's the G. G. A., wife, I'm in
the G. G. A.
We'll raise a few potatoes, Bmall potatoes, wifey, dear.
Spuds ought to be sure winners, if
there's no frost th'iB year.
Also some rutabagas, beets, carrots,
oats and hay,
But If the crops all fail us, I've faith in
the G. G. A.
The farmer feeds the world, my dear,
the world, O wifey, mine,
He tills the soil and sows the seed and
works in rain and shine.
The farmer has been    foollBh,    wife,
there's now a better way,
It's through the G. G. A., dear, I'm in
the G. G. A.
There's Alf. B., O'Brien and Gribble,
Wilfred Gribble, dearest maw,
They bawl about class struggles, and
the surplus value law,
But the Guide is good enough for me,
it says what it should say,
Hurrah for the G. G. A., love, I'm in the
G. G. A. —L. E. DRAKljl.
Issued   by
the    Dominion
"Slave of the Farm," or "Proleta
rlan In Politics," to locals subscribinf
to the publishing fund, $1.00 per 100;
to others, 25c per dozen.
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cals subscribing to the publishing
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100; to others, 30c per dozen.
"Socialism, Revolution and Intern?
tionalism," to subscribers to publishin,
fund, $6.00 per 100; to others, 75c pe
Capital, Vol. I, II, III, Karl Marx,
per vol $2.0
Ancient Society, Lewis Morgan $1.E
Six Centuries of Work and WageB,
Thorold Rogers   2.C
Woman Under Socialism, Bebel.. l.(
Essays on the Materialist Conception of History, Labrialo l.(
Socialism and Philosophy, Labrlola   l.(
Positive  Outcome of Philosophy
Dletzgen     l.(
Philosophical Essayr, Dietzgen... l.(
Socialism and   Modern   Science,
Enrico Ferrl  1.1
Evolution Social and Organic, Arthur M. Lewis  I
Vital Problems in Social Evolution, Arthur M. Lewis I
The above works will be sent poi
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only a selection of our stock and I
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Kerr's catalogue can be had. Orde
to be addressed David Galloway, 22
Main St., Vancouver.
q If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
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Hfe, recreation and pleasure; look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone your address to our office and we will send a man
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Vancouver Gas Comnany, Limited.


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