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Western Clarion May 14, 1910

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 579.
VancMiver, British Cat-unfe, Safwrfcy, May 14, 1910.
-.tojfto^r*. |, J|
A HIRE-PURCHASE SYSTEM
Whereunder the Workers Welter "Like an EgyptitncPUcher
of Tamed Vipers"
Comrade Editor,—Labor-power Ib a
commodity and its value is determined
like that of other commodities, temporarily, as expressed In Its price by
demand and supply, permanently and
on the average by cost of production.
Generally speaking the supply of labor-
power always exceeds the demand, consequently the competition |s always on
the tide of the sellers; that is to say,
the wage-workers compete with each
other and sell themselves dirt cheap.
The wage workers, to quote Carlisle,
are "weltering like an Egyptian pitcher
bf tamed vipers each struggling to get
its head above the others."
The capitalist consciously or unconsciously carries ot the law of natural
selection. He selects those laborers
he.fi suited to make him profits. There
is nothing sentimental about lt. The
efficient are chosen; the inefficient are
not choseh. And when he has selected
his efficient wage slave, the one who
will give most for least, even then the
ef&cient wage slave has to be deferential'and servile: He dare not be an
oak; he has to be a willow. If he asserts his independence, he is dismissed
because there are always others at the
beck and call of the capitalist.
' The wage slave adapts himself to the
will of the capitalist. He is gentle,
meek, mild, submissive. Holy, holy,
holy Humility ls counted a virtue, independence a vice. "Tftntr, O- Capitalist,
art superior. I, thy obedient servant,
am inferior. I crawl and cringe to
thee. Give me the spurs and insolence
of offlce; I bow my head to your authority."
Our poor wage slave goes through
life a crawling, abject wretch. He
must not even think for himself. He;
does not know his forefathers fought
bloody battles for freedom to worship
Jehova in their own way. He does not
realize that the descendants of those
forefathers are now fighting for political freedom. He can sing "Dare to be
a Daniel," but he dares not sing "The
Red Flag." -.   '
I used to think the battles for liberty
had all been won. There is an air of
finality about histories that gives you
the impression that everything has
been accomplished. Wlckllffe. John
Ball, William Longbeard, Cromwell,
Bunyan, Milton, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, these men had fought by sword
and pen for liberty; some of them endured martydom; the dead bodies of
some were exhumed and hung on gibbets. John Bunyan tor 12 years was
imprisoned iin Bedford gaol, and out of
that' foul dungeon came tbat sublime
poetical allegory "The Pilgrim's Progress."
I used to think that these men had
fought.and wop, the victory, but, no;
the struggle between tyranny and liberty is still going on. The wage slave
dare not'be a Socialist, then where is
this boasted freedom? Thla glorious
liberty.?. The Socialist is scoffed at
abused. He is accused of all the sins
and follies common to humanity. He
survives it all and so dees Socialism.
He is accused of all the sins an(l fol
lieB common to humanity. He survives
it all and so does Socialism.
The wage slave by studying econom
ics. "become? trasBflgured, Hearlng,jhe
understands, and seeing, he perceives
that capitalism stands for selfishness,
Socialism stands for justiqe—his justice.
Let us glance at political economy
and' read the analysis of profit. We
read "the cause of profit is that Labor
produces more than is required for its
support," therefore profit resolves
itself into unpaid labor, therefore
somebody must be giving something
fo*r nothing. "Who is it? Why, the
laborers, ot course. Who gets the
profit? The capitalist; therefore the
capitalist, is a thief and a robber, and
further, the capitalist has the colossal
lojpudence ard audacity to accuse tbe
SoVsiallsts of being predatory animals.
D*i you wonder that the Soclalista become cynical, and laugh them to
saorn?
The, wjage slave lives in tear and
"    ling.    All his   days
the capitalist will fear and tremble.
Do you quake, 0 Capitalist! The Socialist will laugh at your calamity. He
will mock when your fear cometh as
desolation, and your destruction cometh as a whirlwind. When dire
distress and anguish cometh upon you.
You can roar and bellow but the Socialist will not heed you.
How long will the wage slave love
siinpicity? If he only would have an
anxious and Inquiring mind there
would be some hope for him. Poke
him, jeer him, scoff at him, irritate
him, arouse his latent manhood; then
he will no longer submit to the tyranny of capitalism. Man has the capacity .for co-operation. The order to
the wage-slave army is, "Mobilize."
<■■ Lne old country they hold fairs
and statutes. At these statutes the
farm laborers and "merry little milkmaids full of glee" and dumplings, sell
themselves for twelve months to the
highest bidder. The farmers and their
wives buy Jack and Jill on tbe principle of most for least. At the same fair
other people are buying and selling
stinking fried flsh and frizzling sausages "all 'ot;" The sellers of these
two latter commodities bawl at you
through a megaphone: "You pays yer
which swore to act towards each other
as brothers. If a workman was Injured
"a brother" was deputed to look after
the stricken man's family until he
should recover. Mutual aid was the
general law of social life in the free
cities.   -
In the provinces the laborers were
bound to the soil, in serfdom, of course,
and yielding up tribute to their masters. Yet the rural population appears
to have suffered none of the hardships
so general among their descendants in
the European states today. There was
often a personal relation between feudal lord and serf, that in some degree
softened down the distinctions of class.
Sometimes the serf followed his master to the wars, and there existed a
real affleetion between them. The
worn-out toilers were not left to starve
as now.
At a still earlier period, before the
rise of feudalism in Europe, not only
were there no poor people, but in many
places there were not even inequalities
in wealth. The idea of property in land
was unknown, the common right to the
use of the earth being fully recognized.
Crops were gathered into the common
storehouse, and each took therefrom
according to his needs, without jealousy and without strife. Even where
the notion of private property did hold
sway, and where, as a necessary consequence, there were differences in the
wealth of individuals, no one humbled
himself because he had not so much as
his neighbor. It was a common saying
among these primitive folk, says Kro-
potkln, that "poverty was a misfortune
which might visit anyone," and when
it did everyone stood ready to help.
Oh, no! These people did not live
In  the  garden  of  Eden;   they   were
money and you,'as yer choice."   How
little did I Imagine in those days of
yore when I was an Impartial, dlsin-i — - ■,-.■- _
'ier'ested  and benevolent  spectator of merely barbarians, knowing nothing of
I '1,0 orta n, "nivlll7.n.tinn_" and entirely
this.buying and selling that poor Jack
and Jill were bought and sold also.
On the morning of the statutes Jack
and Jill would shamble up to the railway station—Jill shy and bashful and
Jack ponderous and clumsy.
"Hello, Jack, where are you going?"
Jack, his eyes shining with excitement,
would reply; "I'm going to the statutes to get hired." At the statutes
the farmer and the laborer would meet
together. The Lord Is the maker of
them all, so says "the Book." Was
this taken into consideration? Was
the bond between the former and Jack
one of a common'manhood, or brotherly love? Of course it was. As soon
as John Bull saw Jack Hodge he ran
and fell on Hodge's neck and kissed
him. "Hodge," quoth he, "come here
thou fatted calf, I love you." Hodge
melted with tenderness, lifted up his
voice and wept copiously—like a
crocodile. Each particular hair on his
head stood up like quills upon the fretful porcupine. Even they were num-
|bered for John Bull wanted every part
of Hodge but his squeal.
Perhaps our farmer, John Bun, was
one of those stern Puritans "who loved
all that were godly, much mtsllking
the wicked and the profane." ,Hls
bond to other men was not the sense
of a common manhood," but the recognition of a brotherhood among the
elect. Without the pale of this saint
was a world hateful to him because it
was the enemy of his God: (This class
are in Canada today.) There was no
ecstacy obout him,
"Hodge, the Lord bath deputed me
i be your keeper.    Come here you|
(Continued on Page 2)
the arts of "civilization," and entirely
Ignorant of the ennobling and regenerating influence of the Christian religion. Doubtless they Had their troubles also, but they were wise in their
generation, and they tolled bard to
keep peace among themselves. They
knew that a house divided against
itself cannot stand.
THE BEAM IN  OUR OWN EYE
he
**(l«-4*.-*---|&«N*
And now, in this year of our Lord
nineteen hundred and ten, what do we
find? We find many things. We find
that one man's labor will produce probably a hundredfold more than would
the labor of his barbarian ancestor.
But we do not find tbat this laborer is
a hundred times better off. Quite the
contrary. Despite the increased pro-
ductivenes of labor, the man who
works has a harder struggle for existence than formerly. Indeed, so hard
has the struggle become that ln London one-quarter and ln New York one-
tenth of those who die must be buried
at public expense. They work sore, as
Carlyle says; and gain nothing, not
even enough to pay for a deal box and
a decent burial.
In Britain twelve million people are
constantly in poverty, that is, they are
not adequately supplied with the necessities of life. In the States, with
double the population of Britain there
are ten million in the same condition.
You know the cause of this fellow
worker, if you are not entirely a fool.
You know that we, the world's producers, have suffered our means of life
to fall completely Into the hands of a
small but cunning portion of the race,
who graciously permit ub to work,
when by so doing they can gain profits; but who stop our fodder immediately they cannot do so. As this same
fodder is all we get, we are in a queer
pickle when tbe wheels of Industry
stop.
You are a queer, superstitious,
chuckle-beaded chump, fellow worker.
But because we are one of you and
don't like it a little "bit, we'll tell you,
in confidence—out of our love for
suffering humanity, which is ourself—
that this coming summer you'll have
another chance at the ballot box to
say whether yon like it or not.
Possibly the Labor party wlll ask
you if you'd like a little salve on the
places where your chains are galling
you. Socialism offers to smite them
from your limbs. Decide now, 0 slave
descendant of generations of slaves.—
A. Percy Chew, in The Voice.
PASSING OF THE PIONEER
A Howl From a Homesteader Being Squeezed by tbe factory-made Farm.
Pot And Kettle
The  antagonists   of   the   Socialist  too well its devasting touch.   However
movement are never more righteous in
their denunciations than when they expose the danger to which the morals of
humanity at large will be exposed.
much or truly a royal prince may love
his lady fair, he must many that wo
man and that woman alone whom his
capitalist  masters    choose    for  him
lliiKiiii.,    »,   ,," n-    .....   —   —,.        ,
The  statement that' Socialism  will i Consequently we find Christ's apostolic
     '    -..        --,—._ —j, \.,„\.nnn  ,i'tn.
There will soon be no free homesteads in Canada (now boys, do not all
rush off at once to the nearest government land offlce with a ten-spot In
one hand and tbe number of section,
range and township in the other.)
Bearing in mind the danger a prophet
is In (Jonah you know was a "prophet), I will yet risk my reputation
for veraeliy by making the above
statement. Anyhow, think it out for
yourselves.
The Clarion has frequently pointed
out how the small storekeeper !s being put outtof business by the bi;
departmental store, the small farmer
with his family and hand tools is eclipsed by the one with mere modern
machinery, who in turn is being consigned to oblivion by the large Bonanza farms with steam plows and huge
threshing outfits. AH the way through
it is a case of the big fish swallowing
the little ones, until there will be a
clear distinction between tbe classes
of employer and employee. This latter
I Is a euphemism for wage-slave.
However, there ls a creature so Insignificant tbat he has hitherto escaped
much competition and all attention
from everyone, politicians at election
I times alone excepted. He Is soon to be
relegated to the scrap-heap amongst
the things of the past, and will be come
as extinct as the buffalo. I refer, of
course, to the homesteader.
This Individual, usually a bachelor,
imbued with the desire of pursuing
happiness "Far from the madding
crowd's ignoble strife" having deposited his ten dollar bill with a generous
government, takes himself off to some
remote spot on the prairie or in the
bush, where he puts into practice some
of those capitalistic virtues—Thrift,
perseverance and energy, and sets out
to make a living by opening up, for
capitalist exploitation, new districts, in
an individualistic way. He builds his
shack, digs his well, bakes his bread,
does his own washing and mending,
plows his fields, harvests his (?) crops
and pays (or works out) bis taxes. This
last is something the rich railway companies and some land companies do
not do.
< If any historical fact has been established with more certitude than another of recent years, it is tbat since
he middle of the seventeenth century
the condition of the working class has
[steadily deteriorated. Not; only are
'there more poor people in the world
jnow than there were at any previous
time in the past hundred years, but
^he poor are more wretchedly poor, are
sunk deeper in the mire of misery and
'degradation than ever before.
We have the testimony of Prince
iKropqtkln to the effect that in the free
'cities of the middle, ages there was
absolutely nothing' that could be called
destitution. There were poor people)
of course, but they were ])oor generally
because of some sudden misfortune, or
unforseeh circumstance, which passed]
away as a rule, leaving them on the
high road towards comfort again. And
never were they I-sJt'Wi---*0-rtde'd for.
destroy the home ls in line with the
action of the pot calling tbe kettle
black, for whether the accomplishment
of Socialism will see the final and absolute disappearance of the home as
at present constituted, Is a matter
which the future alone wlll reveal.
One thing is certain and one thing
alone, viz., under our present social
conditions the word home has practically no meaning at all.
Taking the word in the meaning implied In the denunciation hurled at
Socialism in general, one can very
easily conclude that, broadly speaking,
the average man who works for wages,
knows little of the joys of home. Is
;he not for the most part away from
his dwelling house? Is he not separated from his wife and children
sometimes all day and every' day,
sometimes all night and every night,
sometimes for weeks, months, even
years at a spell. Are not most people
utterly forbidden the joys of hoine
merely through the lack of the means
to support a family.
i Capitalism is the greatest enemy
Jto "the home" which has ever ap-
I'peared in the history of the human
j  Not aioi.„ „„ .__ __
-  —.-•«... „     , jWna'r does capitalism lay Its' mercil
ia  anlAt that tiine the different trades werejieks hand, but even Its most devoie"*
■sWl-juwiM-m hrttrguHda, «e- mennmttr efjtervstWi.'royalty tn general, know <A\f\
ministers, priests and bishops, aiding
in the consummation of morgantlc marriages, an arrangement by which the
prince in question raises a family by
one wife to oblige capitalism, and
raises a family by another to oblige
himself. With the sanction of capitalism and tbe Church this ls quite
as It should be and so can pass. The
tremendous ambition of Napoleon
(which cloaked 'the commands of his
masters) to leave an heir to himself
to his throne, caused him to divorce a
woman whom he loved and who loved
him, to replace her by another woman
from whom he hoped to obtain a son.
More prominently still ln the eyes
of the public to-day stands the case ot
our present king, George V. At a
time previous to bis becoming heir
apparent to the throne of Great
Britain, he contracted a marriage with
the daughter of an English admiral.
But unfortunately for bim his brother,
died unexpectedly, thus leaving him
heir to the throne. Capitalism now
stepped:in and insisted that he should
put away his loved wife and contract
a royal, marlage, with no other person
than his lately    deceased    brother's
race.   Drink, etc., are mere flea bites fiancee.   Even princes must bow to our
in comparison with that arch  flehd powerful master.    George V.'s home
Capitalism      ^^^^^^^^^^^^
Bhnk clerks are obliged to remain
single until such time as their masters say, 'You may marry."
Children in England are classed as
'incumbrances." Take up any English newspaper and scan the want
advertisements. Situation vacant;
wanted; so and so, so and so. No one
with incumbrances need apply. In
Australia married couples with children are not wanted. A fruitful marriage- ls the curse of love under cap-
ltallsm
Not alone on the home of the wag*-
was shattered to the very foundations
Vows were violated and his love, his
wife, his mate was flung aside to
vacate the royal couch for Princess
[May, now Queen of England.
And yet we are told how Socialism
will; destroy the home. If it ls any
more exacting than capitalism ln Its
terrible demands he must indeed be
bad.
Even kings have no security In
their homes at present.
Popes assent to morgantlc marriages: Love is scoffed at as merely
a thteme for fiction and children are
now' called'1 bcumbrahco*.   How lonfc,
jr., r. mI't;
Things are done on such a small scale
that one may be tempted to ask "where
can the exploitation come in?" Allow
me to explain a few things. He has to
Improve the land which forms his
. farm" and in doing so he improves
[and renders the neighboring land more
valuable. He constructs a road to his
homestead and also of necessity to the
land alongside him—an odd-numbered
section belonging to the C. P. R. Having made a "farm" after three or four
years of solitary confinement with
hard labor, he becomes the proud possessor of a steady job for life! The
aim of all wage slaves—the steady job,
and very steady indeed Ib the farmer's
job. He may then purchase from the
C. P. R. on generous (?) terma, the
land across the road, which be has
|helped to Improve. Or he may enter
the real estate business, sell out, and
then go elsewhere to make another
farm.
There Is not much meat on the homesteader's bones after a prolonged diet
[ot flap-jacks and jack-rabbits, so the C.
.P. R. has decided to enter Into the
business and put him out of It. I see
by the highly respectable news paper
the "Standard" which comes to me
every week, that "the first batch of
British Settlers have arrived at St.
John, N. B., and will remove on to the
C. P. It's ready-made farms near Calgary." A high official ln the employ
.of that company has discovered that
[the "better class of British settlers cannot put up wtth pioneer conditions."
Apart from the slur which he thus
casts upon the much-vaunted colonizing abilities of the Britisher, one wonders what makes these settlers "better" thun anyone else. At what are
they better It they are no good aa
homesteaders. It is to be presumed
that he means "richer" so that   the
A tract of land in the irrigated district has been "opened up" and made
ready for these "better-class" persons,
by building on each quarter-section, a
small house and barn, sinking a well,
putting in a small crop and partly fencing the land bo that these settlers
may move on'at once and start right
in raising crops to enrich the railway,
elevator and mortgage companies. If,
we are told, the experiment is successful, the scheme (lot of old schemers
aren't they?) is to be carried out on
a larger scale. You may bet your
last dollar that tbe experiment will be
a howling success (for the bloodsuckers).
Hitherto these "better-class" people
if tbey went into tbe farming industry
on arrival in the Golden West, if they
did not take the trouble of clearing
and breaking virgin land, bad the option of buying an old farm ln a well-
settled district and clearing it of
weeds, or of buying a homestead
whereon a few Improvements had
been done. They have now, however,
another alternative, and to my mind,
there Is no doubt which one they will
by judicious boosting, be induced to
take .
I do not, ot course, know exactly
how the improvements on these ready-
made farms have been done, but I can
picture to myself tbe flat prairie, long
roads, as straight as a surveyor can
see when assisted by a telescope, and
on each side small houses, half a mile
apart, as much alike as those in a row
of bouses in a London suburb; each
barn exactly the Bame size and pattern and so forth, in fact a thorough
exhibition of tbe manner ln which individuality is cultivated and guarded
under capitalism. The breaking and
improvements will be done by gangs
of men in much the same way as a
railway Ib constructed.
"The farm as a factory" has' been
prophesied by the Clarion and I venture to predict the factory-made farm."
The homesteader will be frozen out
(Socialism will destroy the home say
the croakers) and he will become one
of the "hands" in the employment of
the "Golden West Farm Construction
& Development Company, Limited,"
while the pioneer with his "grit," hla
knowledge of the bush and his skill
with axe and saw will become so rare
that he will be considered a curiosity,
fit to put in a museum alongside of
the beautiful specimens of the.handiwork of the Red-men.
ABLETT.
LADV8MITH RESOLUTION
Whereas the Canadian Collieries
company (Dunsmulr Ltd.) has published Its Intenttbn to apply for a Federal charter'of incorporation, the same
to include power to the said company
to promote, assist and engage ln the
business of immigration, when it is In
tbe Interest of tbe country to do so,
and
Whereas the only Interests of the
Canadian Collieries company in the
country are the profits to be derived
from the operation of the said colleries,
and
Whereas the only period during
which the profits to be derived from
tbe said collieries could be increased
by promoting or assisting Immigration
would be during a strike or lockout, or
Other industrial dispute, and
Whereas there is an abundance ot
{surplus labor In the coal mining Industry In this district, and ln the coal
mining districts of the province as a
whole, and such unusual powers, If
granted, would only, intensify the already precarious condition of those
workers by increasing tbe competition
in that portion of the labor market,
Therefore be lt Resolved that Ladysmlth Local No. 10, Socialist Party ot
Canada, do place itself on record aa
jbelng opposed to this or any other corporation being equipped with special
powers to rig the labor market in Ita
that he means ncner no ■.■,■>■. ...■., *wn favor; and
parasitical C. P. R. stockholders may- j Be It Further Resolved that a copy
thrive better oil' him than on poor of this resolution be forwarded to the
i homesteaders. This Ib, however, by Western Clarion aad Sir Wilfrid
lirieway. JB ****** Vwo
THB  WISTIRN  CLARION.  VANCOUVXR,  BRITISH COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, MAY 14th, 1910
Iks Wdm QuioB
Published every Saturday or Che
"Socialist Party tt Canada, at the Oflloe
■bf the Westorn Osrlon, Flack Block
(Basement, 166 Uastlnga Street, Vanoou-
Ver, B. C.
»obt omn utiin mow set.
ht.ee Tat Waa*, ae seats lor Ms Heaths,
as oanta foe Tama Msstths.
. aUrlc-By la Adv-uoc.
"Bundles  of •  or asore  copies,  for
{trailed of not leaa Mian three month*, at
\he rate of one cent par oory per tssae.
Advertising rates on am-tlcatlan.
L If you receive thla paper, K la paid
Hsr.
. Ib making remittance hy cheque, ex
<*-aaBge must he added. Addreea all
■eo-amunlcatlona and make all moaer
payable ta
aver, n. o.
680
Watch tha label on your pa
got.   If this -tumber Is oa It,
SATURDAY,  MAY  14th,  1910
HITCHING TO A  COMET
"Hitch your wagon to a star," adjures some bourgeois apostle of the
"gospel of lifting one's self by the boot-
"Straps, but nothing less than a comet
""would serve the new-born Winnipeg
"""labor" party.
Whatever it may lack otherwise, Its
""ideals are certainly high enough, if
toeight of ideals is to be gauged by diffl-
•vjulty of attainment, for the most of its
'"demands" (for so we disguise what,
"with the orthodox politician. Would be
■satch-vote promises) are altogether im-
""possible of fulfillment under this or
-any other social system. The one possible feature of Its platform Is the
■declaration for collective ownership of
the means of production', and this, with
-•characteristic "labor" practicality, Ib
postponed to a date in the dim and dis-
"Unt future after the more "practicable" but perfectly impossible items
iiave been realized.
moreover, lt ia extremely doubtful
"■"Whether the inclusion of the declaration aforesaid was due at all to any
belief in its validity or enthusiasm for
•Its accomplishment, for even a desul
lory perusal of the rest of the platform
. ■■demonstrates most clearly a complete
lack of understanding of the meaning
■"of that declaration, which naturally
'ij-iggests that Its Inclusion was inspired
"by no other motive than that of bidding
Cor the Socialist vote. A subterfuge
"Wherein mighty poor generalship is
'displayed, for not only will it antagon-
ifee the anti-Socialist but it will earn
'toothing from the Socialist except con-
tempt.
The balance of the platform consists
Mf the usual string of eccentricities
that have been hashed and rehashed
^>y every "Labor" party that has been
born and died within the memory of
-(nan. One item will suffice to demonstrate Its Impossibility of achievement
'■aind the blissful economic ignorance of
-Its midwlves.
It calls for a minimum living wage
based upon local conditions. Nothing
Impossible about that? They have It
•n New Zealand you know. Eight bob j
"«a day nnd no less—except, of course,
.you are willing to admit that you are
"not a competent worker, then you can
""work for seven bob or six, If your
-necessities so dictate.
But aside from that and from tbe
'-suggestion tbat the effort necessary to
attain political power sufficient to pass
auch a measure in Canada, would also
*e sufficient to secure the expropriation of the capitalist class. There Ib
-another detail which our friends of the
"""tabor" party might have ,takep into
'consideration, were the consideration
'Ot anything but election any object to
■Ihem.
Would It not be also necessary, in
'•rder to secure us this minimum living
"wage, to legislate against any rise in
'■tbe prices of such things as we buy
""with our wages? Without raising the
'"Question of how much of a boost the
'enaction of a minimum wage law
■would give the prices of commodities,
*xre can call attention to the fact that
tight now tbey are rising, steadily at
tbe rate of about 11 per cent! per an-
"num, so 'that no minimum living wage
"Would remain a living wage very long.
'For our part we are glad we have
no such problem to vex us. Being an
-Impractical lmpossibllst, we hold that
When the working class can win ten
cents, a real ten cents, from the capl-
"tallst class, It can win the whole dollar. And we can safely ask to be
■shown anything In tho past which will
■controvert that statement, and feel
"secure In the conviction that everything ln the future will attest to Its
correctness.
color, nationality, creed, or thuslike.
Of course such a method will give a
pleasing diversity of groupings, but lt
can hardly be said to serve any very!
useful purpose except that of distracting attention from the inconvenient
significance of classification horizontally, that classification which draws the
dividing line between those who live
by labor and those who live on labor.
Such a classification could not be expected to recommend Itself to the latter, aud, as lt is they who rule, lt is
but natural tbat their Ideas should
rule also.
Nevertheless, the actual fact of the
division ot society into two classes is
steadily compelling a yet grudging, but
ever-growing recognition. The old
methods of grouping did very well in
the past, wben each nation was, or appeared to be, more or less sufficient
unto itself. But that day is past. There
is now nothing of moment but what is
international in its scope. The warp
and woof of nations is inextricably interwoven, so much so that not one of
them of any note could cut itself off
from tbe others and continue to exist.
And so the world ls divided into two
nations—the international capitalists
and the international workers. Between these two the gap grows ever
wider, while within each, at the same
time, the bonds become more closely
knit.
The capitalist class, on the one hand,
owns everything, but no capitalist owns
anything. The earth and its resources,
the tools of industry, in short, the entire means of production are the common property ot the capitalist class,
directly or indirectly. Individual capitalists own not this, that or the other
specific property, but only a share in
the common property of their class.
Private property in the means of production there is none.
By virtue of its ownership of the
means of production it exploits the
working class. Yet no capitalist exploits any worker or any group of
workers. The fruits of of the toll of
one worker flows ln driblets into the
coffers of many capitalists and into the
coffers of any one capitalist flows the
coined, but unpaid, labor of a host of
tollers.
On the other hand the working class
creates all wealth,. but no worker
creates anything. Not a commodity is
produced but, one might say, the entire working class had a hand in the
making of it. The labor Incorporated
ln it, a fraction here, a fraction there,
could be traced round the world and
back again. The "made in Germany"
on a child's toy ls a fable. To discover in how many lands and by how
many hands that toy was "made"
would be a task of monumental proportions. "Made by the working class"
would be nearer the truth.
As the bonds uniting the members
of each class become more close, the
chasm dividing the two classes becomes more wide and impassible. The
identity of interests within and the
conflict of interests between the two
classes become more apparent.
The mechanical process of social
evolution arrays the two classes
against one another, trains them for
the conflict, arms them, Inspires with
hatred for one another, deploys them
on the field, Impels them to the fray.
The struggle neither can avoid, for it is
a death struggle for the means of life.
Whose the victory? There is no call
for prophecy to foretell. We are
many; they are few. They are the old,
we are the new.
coward like Nicholas. Instead of that
he turned out to be an entirely colorless nonentity, performing his functions to the perfect satisfaction of his
proprietors.
That function amounted to adorning,
with his somewhat unstatuesque presence, a pedestal at which toadies at
home and abroad might bow the knee,
and, by presentation at which, social
climbers, chiefly British and American,
might be raised to the pinnacle of
"high society." And, most important,
the paying of "Royal visits," when required, to other potentates whose national credit was in need ot rehabilitation to the end that their bonds
should rise ln the market to the profit
of the international association of
pawnbrokers.
That he performed these functions
satisfactorily there is no reason to
doubt, but when that is said, all 1b.
said. There ls absolutely no excuse
for all the sycophantic drivel that is
being puked up about "the delicate
tact with which he handled difficult
diplomatic situations," diplomatic situations with which he had nothing
whatever to do, and with which everybody knows he had nothing whatever
to do. And, when nobody generally ls
at all moved by his decease, is it anything short of a felony to commit the
like of the following, taken from the
Vancouver World, containing neither
an atom of truth, a grain of sense, nor
the faintest dilution of poetry;
"Now the Nation mourns and weeps—
in long-drawn lamentation—
The heart of Empire sobs today, and
tears come to the Nation.
The King is dead,  beloved  King;   a
kingly monarch he—
A  sovereign loved  by  subjects  all
throughout an Empire free.
The King ls dead, the Empire mourns,
the flags of sorrow wave,
A  people  stand  with  tear-stained
eye beside a loved King's grave."
CLA83 AND CLASS
The usual and accepted method ot
dividing the human race into groups is
to divide them vertically, so to speak,
-along the lines of differences of race,
THE   KING   IS  DEAD.
We don't care If you are sick of
reading about that. We are too, that
Is why we feel like writing about It.
It's fierce. No, not the death of the
king. There Is nothing fierce about
that. We never heard of a king who
didn't die. But every catch-penny ink-
slinger and salaried psalm-singer from
here to Whoopup has thought lt Incumbent upon him to display his "loyalty" by out-doing his fellows in beslavering the dead monarch with nau-
seatlngly fullsome and utterly unmerited praise.
Not that we have anything in particular against the king, except that
he was a parasite upon our class. But
he waa only one of a whole horde of
parasites, and his death does not even
mean one mouth less for Labor to feed,
tor his place Is at once taken by another with equal appetite and opportunities.
It has been the fashion among radicals to pander to their own vanity and
to their public's mania for sensationalism by shedding the light of their
tallow dips upon sundry "racy" episodes ln his private life. But being
no radical and having learned to value
bourgeois morals at their real worth,
his "Indiscretions" are matters of no
concern to us. Particularly as It would
be difficult to find a radical ln the
whole herd that ls not tarred with
the same brush and might well have
borne a blacker coat of tar, given the
same opportunities.
As kings go, we are free to admit
that he was a pretty good king by
comparison. He might have been a
blatant charlatan like the uncrowned
"Teddy," or a swashbuckling absurdity
like the Kaisor, or a thorough paced
lascivious money-grubbing old blackguard like the late king ot the Belgians, or a murderous, half-demented
I
THE HIRE-PURCHASE SYSTEM
(Continued from Page 1)
Saxon  porker.    Can  you  plow,  sow,
reap mow?"
"Yes, Master John; give me 'oases,
ses I."
So John hires him for twelve months
and stick's a ribbon in Jack's hat to
indicate that he is sold and is no
longer for sale. Go to the cattle market at the same fair and you would
probably see. a fat bullock labelled
"Sold to John Smith, butcher." The
bullock would be chewing the cud with
the sublime indifference and stoical fortitude of an ancient philosopher.
Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly
to be wise. The bullock wore a label,
Hodge wore a ribbon; that was the
only difference. Both were sold. If
life is worth living only on the assumption that the pleasures exceed the
pains, probably, on the whole, the bullock had a happier life than poor
Hodge. There is something heroic in
enduring pain and hardship, isn't
there?   Forget it.
Hodge would be flaunting his ribbons and having three shies a penny
at old Aunt Sally. In the window of a
classy restaurant In London, Eng.,
years ago, daily they exhibited a live
turtle labelled "Soup tomorrow." Poor
Hodge was in the soup all the time.
He came to the fair delerloualy drunk
with excitement. He went away blind,
gloriously drunk and pugnacious—full
to the brim with Burton ale. For
twelve months after Hodge would re
cite poetry:
"Beer, beer, glorious beer;
Fill yourself right up to here.
Don't be afraid of lt,
Drink till you're made of lt;
Beer, beer, glorious beer."
While Hodge was toiling and moiling
in the fields exposed to all weathers,
laying up for himself a supply of rheumatism for his old age, as the just reward of his labors, his Puritan boss
would come along and. he, too, would
recite poetry;
Hodge: "The trivial round the common task will furnish all we need to
ask."
Hodge is puzzled. He does not understand what it means, but be Ib very
docile when he isn't drunk. "Yes,
master," says he.
God help the wicked and all canting
hypocrites when Hodge and his class
wake up. For wolves ln sheep's clothing there will be no mercy. We shall
harry them out ot the land.
One of the most striking things in
these days is the glaring contrast between beliefs and conduct. How can
we reconcile Christianity and capitalism? They seem to me to be diametrically opposed to one another, i do
not say people are fools or simpletons,
but I cannot understand their lack of
consciousness of Incongruity between
beliefs and conduct. The parson accepts i large salary to preach about a
man who was an agitator, a man who
was considered a mlsleader of the people by the authorities of his day; a
man who had the courage to think and
speak what he thought; a man who
had not anywhere to lay his head. Behold the disciple of this man clothed In
ecclesiastical splendor.
We hear learned disquisitions on
points of doctrine, ponderous theology
and no simplicity, but the point Is this,
the parson accepts a large salary and
this Implies that ln the business of life,
personal welfare is the. primary consideration.   Behold our mellifluous and
I
'ebullient parson is a materialist in
reality, however strongly he njay ou-
jeci to the word. The laborer looks
for wages, the capitalist for profit and
tlir parson calls the scene of his ministration "a living." It is common
sense to be a materialist. We have to be
Then why do these spiritualists deny
materialism? Every curate would father be a sanctified and consecrated
Archbishop of Canterbury than the
poor parson of our village "passing
rich at forty pound a year." An archbishop, with all his odor of sanctity, is
only a forked radish.
Take another illustration of confusion of ideas. 1 was listening to a gentleman admiring a tabernacle recently
built in this vicinity. With ecstatic and
benignant countenance he said: "What
nath God wrought! Eight months ago
where this stately edifice now stands
there was nothing but a city lot covered with scrub."
"Excuse me," I said; "you should
say, 'What hath Labor wrought.' "
He was dumbfounded for a moment
"Ah, but," he says, "what about the
money that paid for it?"
"Labor wrought that also," 1 replied.
"Perhaps some of the money devoted
to building this temple properly belongs to the hired man who sweated
and toiled for it."
Our orthodox friend didn't like my
view of the matter one little bit. If he
had listened he might have heard the
"brickies" cursing the awful cold. If
lie had stood under the scaffold he
would very likely have had some tobac
co juice squirted in his eye. Plack!
Not much divinity about that I trow.
We have seen how Hodge is sold In
the old country, let us see how he is
sold in Canada. I can vouch for the
truth of the following:
A respectable young Englishman of
my acquaintance told me how, when
he and his young wife landed In Canada, they came west to Manitoba and
were dumped down at a small outlandish place. They were homesick and
feeling like strangers do in a strange
place. It waa early spring and the
snow covered the earth. They viewed
the dismal situation, waste and wild.
They thought of the loved ones far
away. Life was a tragedy. The wife
waa in tears. The man also felt very
unhappy; absolutely wretched. They
had left a refined home in old England.
They had been sent to this place by the
immigration authorities at Winnipeg.
A farmer was to met them and pur
chase them. He came. He looked
them over just the way as if he was
buying a horse. He cross-examined
the man and this divine Puritan asked
the man among other questions:
"You are married, ot course?"
"Yes."
"How long have you been married?
'About six months."
"Have you any children?"
"No."
"Is there likely to be any?"
The man who asked these questions
was a devout Presbyterian. To what
depths have we descended.
You that have studied economics
will you still support this capitalism,
and to the wage worker who reads this
article, don't you think it is about time
you became a Socialist?
Help us to hurl this system into Its
own hell by voting for the Socialist
candidate.
Yours for Socialism,
CLIFFORD BUTLER.
AS IT WERE.
"When supply and demand equal
each other, their effect is Nil."—Marx.
When Trusts have regulated supply
to meet the demand and so "stabilized
prices" as per Guggenheim, instead of
creating "monopoly value," they will
simply be conforming to the social
law of value. Capitalist development
proves Marx to have been correct better than a thousand pamphlets.
One hundred and seventy mounted
police easily "handled" a mob ot
strikers in Philadelphia, riding the
workers down in the good old way.
Yet you can't tell the same plugs who
were trampled on how to "handle" a
ballot.
By the way, will the Capitalists expect to be compensated for this
handling" business.? Not likely, but
tbe unexpected happens.
The C. P. R., is conceded to be the
only corporation with a soul. This ls
a matter of intense satisfaction to C.
P. R. slaves; who will now proceed to
present It with enough coin to buy a
paradise sub-division for its soul to
reside ln.
Simple Rockefeller, Jr., is an horrible
example of the atrophied Capitalist.
Imagine a being whose principal object in life ls to dump the superstitious
dry-rot of medievalism before a bible-
class of "society" mummies, and you
have the gentleman whom the working classes of America say they can't
get along without.
'But Henry, the Capitalist, is the
man who gives you work."
'Exactly, my • dear, for which we
have already presented him with nine
residences, some automobiles, aeroplanes, etc., besides a $2,000,000 titled
curiosity from Europe. He has, I be-
llve, also a small balance at the bank.
In future, lt is our earnest purpose to
take less of the poor fellow's work and
have a little something besides pork
chops for dinner on Sundays and holidays." "     SPESl:
Socialist Directory
gggr Every Leeal ef ths SodaHs* Party ef
Caaada eke-ild ran a cars' uaeer this heed
ll.ee ear aMBtk.    Secmerioe eieeae Bete.
ra-stzsTMi mxmoTTtrm oommrtaa.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. Mo-
Koasle, aeoretary, Box lit, Vanoouver.
B. C
nmi   ooieWmmtA   wmortmoxAi.
Executive Committee. Socialist Party
at Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKeaale. Secretary.
■ex III, Vaneeuvor. B. C.
 »j. ana?meal,	
Committee, Socialist Party af Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
"Laser Hall, Eighth Ave. Bast, •**-
B-ulta poatoffloa. Secretary will ia
Biassed te answer any oenununloatlona
regarding ths movement In the prav
lass.
P.   Oxtoby,    Baa., Box     til     Cal-
eary, Alta.
TTeOfXMOtA^
tlve Committee. Meets flrat and third
Tuesdays in Ibe month at ieo% Adelaide St.
Any reader of the Clarion dertrlnf information about the movement In Manitoba, or who
wlshea to join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebblug, Sec.
Sl« Good St.
 noYxnoxAx    axnov
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meeta every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non'a, Cottase Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box i Olace Bay, N. S.
xooax taj-oo-oybb, no. 1, a. t. ot
Canada. Bualness meetlnse every
Tueaday evening at headquarters, over
Kdgett'o Store, 151 Hastings St W.
F. Parry, Secretary, Box III.
XOOAX WAMOOVtmm, B. O, VO. 48.
Finnish. Meats every second and
fourth Thursdays In tha month at 111
Hastings St W.   Secretary, Wm. Mynttl
"LOOAX MABA, B. 0„ BO. 84, 8. T. at O.
Meets flrst Sunday In every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara, l:i< p.m. Cyril
Hoaoman, Becordlns Secretary.
Ltnsii ■bABTCum no. 18, 8. T. •*■
C.    Business meetlnse every Saturday
7 p.m. In headquarters on Flrat Ave.
luk.i, Williams. Sec., Laiijamllh, B.C.
xooax mra, b. c, vo. ..
s       d Sunday 7:10 p.m. In M
Hall   (Miner's   "	
Secretary.
Hall)'.'*Mrs! Thonfler.
. as. a t. o» o_
•very Santa* at
Mil, iityT.f. TJ.
 - Me. as, 8. T.
meets In Miners' Ball aver
7:11  p.   B.      8-  Campbell,  .
Bex 174.    Roeslaad   Finnish   nn_	
meats In Flnlandere' Hall, Sundays at
7:11 a. m. A Sebble, Secy.. P. O. Bra
711 Rossland. a C
 m, b. t. of a,
•very   Friday  evening  at  I  p.m.,
Miners'   Hall   Nelson.   B.   C.      c    A
Organiser; L A. Austin, Se-sy.
xooax FKOn-azx, ho. a. a. ». or a,
meets every Sunday at 1:10 p.m., la
Minora' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organizer.    H. K. Maclnnls, Secretary.
I.OOAX. OAXBABY, AXTA., HO. 4, B. T.
of C.     Meetings  every   Sunday   at   I
fem. In th* Labor Hall, Barber Blook,
Ighth Ave. E. (near postofflce).   Clnb
and  Reading Room,     Labor Hall, T. H
Machiu    Box 147.    Seoretary,   A.   Mac
douald, Organiser,    Box 147.
XOOAX lULlTtn, AHA., HO. IB, B.
P of C, meets «very first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HaU.
J. Ollpheut, Secretary.
XOOAX OOXBafAH. AXTA, "SO. ft
Meeta every Sunday night In tha
Miners' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. SooUna*
apeakere ara Invited to call. H. t.
-imlth, Secy.
Im
xooax -rxovoaiA, no. a, n. *. of o.
Headquarters aad Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 111* Government St Bualness meeting every
Tueeday evening, I p.m. Propoganda
meetlnge every Sunday at Orand
Theatre,     *».  Thomas,   Secretary.
XOOAX HAHAIMO, HO. 8, B. ». sf C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:01 o'clook sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences st 1:00 o'clockl
Jack Place. Rao. Secy., Box III.
xooax HXMZB, a. ***•. sf o, nous
educational meetlnge In tha Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernle,
avery Sunday evening at 7:41. Business meeting flret Sunday ln each
month, eama place at 1:10 p m.
David Paton, Secy, Box ioi
XOOAX •aUUHWOOB HO. 8, B, T. OF
C, meets avery Sunday in Minora'
Union Hall at 7:10 p.m. Business
meetings. 1st and Ird Sundays of each
month. Geo. Heatherton, Organiser;
R. J. Campbell, Secretary, Box lit.
LOOAX TBMOH, B. O, HO. 88, S. T. OF
C, meets every second and last Friday in
each month, ('-has. Cheney, Secretary, Box
117, Vernon, B. C.
X-OOAX FBSHOH BUFBBT, B. O., HO.
aS. T. at O.—Meets every Sunday In
1 In Empress Theatre Block at 1:00
p. m.    Angua Hclver, Secretary.
LOOAX, BBXOBTOH, AXTA- HO. X. B.
&, ot C. Headquarters 111 First Ot,
uelness snd propaganda meetla-ps
ovary Thursday at 7:11 p.m. shaiB.
Our Reading Room la open to tha public free, from 10 a-m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 141 Athabasca Ave.. Bcere-
tary-Treasurer, T. Blsiett, III Fourth
St., Organiser..
xooax wzbbifbo. ar.oic. bub.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, im l-i Adelaide Sine
opp.BobUuHotel. Busineeemeetlngavanr
Sunday morning nam. Prapaj-aaaa
meeting Sunday evening I p.m. Everybody welcome.     Secretary, J, w. Hillb-g.
S7e Young Bt; Organiser, D. McDougall, *i-
Jervla St.
XOOAX TOBOHTO, OH*, HO. 84, 8. ».
•f O—Business meetings Ind and 4U
Wednesdays ln tha month, at tha Laker
Temple, Church St. Propaganda matt
lags every Sunday at l:|| o'clock at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' claas
•very Thundey.at 1:01 o'clock at Leber
Tempie. J.  Stewart, Secretary,
It Beaton Bt
XOOAX OTTAWA, HO. 8, 8. F. OF O.
Business meatus let Sunday ta
month, and propaganda meetings fallowing Sundays at I p.m. ln Roberta-
Allan Hall, 71 Rldeau St A. O. Me
Collum, II Slater St., Secretary.
XOOAX  OOBAXT,   HO.   I,  8.  F.   OF  OL
Propaganda    and    business    meetings
every Wednesday at I p.m. la Mln—
Hall.     Everybody   Invited   to   atti
Arthur L. Botlay, Secy., Box. 441.
XOOAX  BBBX-IH,  OHT, HO.  4,  B. Mr
of C, meets every eecond and fourth
s^s^^l^^^^HB Wednesday p.m.,    II
XOOAX     BBYVXBTOXn,     S.Cir.O—   King  St.   E„  opposite  Market   Hotel.
Propaganda and buslnees meetings at    v- •*•• Hint., sec, ot West Uncester Street.
I p.m.  every Sunday evening ln the.
Edison    Parlor    Theatre.      Speakers ».«•««•»«.«•«  .   — m  m
paaslng   through   Reveletoke   are    ln-XOOAX OXAOB BAT HO. 1, OF H. JU-
vlted to attend.    B. F. Cayman, Score-    5?A1»«S!..._™'!_ fropM™d,a    meotlas>
tary-   W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
XOOAX MIOHBX, B. 0.. Ho. IS, 8. F. of
C, meets every Sunday ln Qraham'e
Hall at 10:10 a. m. Socialist apeakere
are Invited to call. V. Frodaham, Secretary.
every Thursday at t p.m. ln Maodses-
aid's hall, Union Street All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Correspondlmf-
Secretary, Olace Bay: Wm. Sutherland. Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. Q.
Roaa, Financial Secretary, offlce Is u.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Unloa
Street
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	 WBTiWf  gjafaON.  VANCOUVER,  BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Tb1*" Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—-Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
UP TO OTTAWA.
Dear Comrade:
I am Instructed to write you stating
that Comrade McGuire's case be voted
on by referendum. To explain briefly,
Com. MeGuire, when In Ottawa Socialist Party Local made the statement
that the struggle of the workers would
have to be an Industrial one as well
as a political one. He denied the Socialist Party's conception of the Class
Struggle as being only half a truth and
for tnla he was suspsnded.
Trusting this wlll meet with a
speedy and satisfactory answer, I re
main,
Your In revolt,
E. JONES.
Cobalt, Ont.
Fln.-Sec.
UNIONISM   AND   SOCIALISM.
Comrades and Fellow WorkerB-.
While recuperating from the effects
of exhausting all your labor power, I
want you to spare a few moments to
give a thought as to where you stand
•on the above heading. It is such an
' important question to the average
working plug that I must try my humble pen at coming to some conclusion, and, if there are any of you can
do better, well, now ls your chance.
In running amuck amongst you human machines one hears some funny
questions but an everlasting question
or I may say, a thoughtless outburst of
vituperation is   "a d d lot of good
you are doing with your Socialism, why
dim't you have a good union." Should
you ask them to answer their own
question they are simply non-plussed
or pussy-struck.
What ideal humanitarian and courageous pictures are drawn by these
apostles of the pulpit preacher type.
Their cry is, look what the unions did
and are doing ln the States, in the
Crow's Nest Pass, in the Old Country,
etc., etc. "You've got nothing here
(meaning Vancouver Island). Down
there, or up there, we Just call a meeting and demand what we want, If we
don't get it, you bet your skin there's
something doing." (Ood help those
poor corporations when they are at the
mercy of a handful of union men. No
wonder they send for the Police, Militia, Magistrates and Gunboats, to protect themselves against the savage onslaught of those bunches of merchandise) "Yes, my boy, we Just stick
right to it; the other camps are levied
so much per head to keep us out; we
are determined to win."
You do win? You silly asses. Your
union constitution ls on a par with the
capitalist class when it comes down to
levying upon your fellow workers' labor-power and spurring him on to keep
you also. Looking back over the field
of Industry I fall to see anything you
have won. Look back for yourself,
will you, and count how many have
been brutally murdered, starved, Imprisoned, torn from home,and shelter,
through your winnings. What have
you won after all your miserable suffering? Not a red bean. The constitution of your unions are wrong. The
method of your procedure Ib wrong.
The whole darned organization ls built
upon a false and treacherous foundation. So where is the possibility of
your winning. Your leaders have had
a good time acting as mediators between you and your lords and masters; buying and selling; think of it.
The modern industries each have a
union of their own operating by themselves, and for the life of me I can't
see where you can organize while
these hundreds of unions parcelled out
means a divide. When one has trouble
it is left to the tender mercies of the'
enemy, and should any of those parcels strike, they are left to strike so
long as they are peaceable and don't
Interfere with the corporation property
or other packets of merchandise who
take their place or Interfere at all by
look, word, or deed, with anything or
anyone. They can strike until they
are tired, but when these imitation
wolves begin to show their teeth
through hunger, and start to bite, how
easy they are driven to their dens.
They are soon brought to their senses
by the lash In the form ot police, militia, magistrates, gunboats and prison.
Is that not so? Are not the police, militia, Dreadnaughts, magistrates, prisons, politicians, nil at the bidding of
' toe corporations? Are they not fed,
clothed, housed, and given every luxury and pleasure out of the surplus-
value that Is wrung from your hide?
You bundles of human commodities,
why don't you take a tumble, nnd get
your think-tanks to work, don't take It
all ln as gospel that the other fellow
pumps Into you. Get down and solve
lt for yourself and for yourself alone.
The unions as they stand today are a
dead-lettor and n blot op. civilization,
and Socialism has come to Inko Ur
place. Take notice that "these clamor
ous unionists very seldom or never
turn up at a Socialist meeting where
there ls scope enough for discussion.
What would they do If they had a union? Socialism goes all the way. Unionism did not go half. Socialism goes
for the overthrow of this blood sucking system. That is what I want and
if I could get it without your help I
would not be sitting here writing this
appeal to you. But I can't get it without you. I want the full product of
my labor. I want to enjoy my life as
nature ordained that I Bhould. I want
to see a better race of people, physically, mentally and morally. I want
pure food stuff, not this d—d adulterated pig grub. I want pure drink, not
the workhouse mixture with a drop of
hydrophobia that, is doled out to us
today. I want a home or house to live
in, not an erection that some of the
big ladles would not allow their pet
dogs to smell, much less enter. I
want the earth and all her bounteous
nature back to you and I, to whom lt
rightly and justly belongs. Do you
want all these? Well, get ln line with
yours for the Revolution,
MATTHEW STAFFORD.
MANITOBA CAMPAIGN FUND
Labor party launched on a sea of
trouble. We got rid of one or two
deadheads and sore heads. We are
waiting for campaign to open up in
July so that we can get  some sport.
Hope you are in no need for stuff
for the Clarion as I have enough to
do now.
The following additions to the fund:
Stranger,  Stettler,  Alta .$   1.00
James, Wpg., doesn't like our
tactics, but o u      1.7B
W. J. Boughen,   Valley   River,
C. N. R. didn't take it all.... .   2.00
Fund to date ls $290.15
W.  H.  STEBBINGS.
RED HERRINGS
The desire ls father to the thought
and to the most of working men the
scraps af legislation which tend to lift
them out of the rut has no meaning,
only to the few who are busy spreading
discontent are these sops of any great
interest. It will no doubt be a surprise
to many to learn that the crumbs which
fall from the table of the great god
Capital are of more Importance to the1
agitator than to the "meek." True, the
"meek" get their share of the crumbs,
but will, they ever stop to think why It
Is that they did get (for simplicity's
sake) more crumbs? Will they ever
stop to find of what ingredients these
crumbs are composed? Speaking for
myself, I generally find that these sops
are "bad eggs"; to the agitator this
dropping of "bad eggs" is a hopeful
sign.
The most popular opinion of any
given period is predominant, all other
opinions go to the wall for the time
being. The workers being in the vast
majority, their opinion, If general, will
be supreme. Today the workers are
being pestered by all kinds of political
and labor fakirs. The political trickster will tell you that such and such a
company or "gentleman" is making far
too much money and for your vote he
promises to bring before the house of
legislation a bill to shorten your hours
of toil, or any other little tittle tattle
which in the opinion of the workers
they require. Possibly another political guy will come along and tell you
that the other fellow was ony drawing
a red herring across the track. The
political trickster recognizing tbat the
workers are clamoring for a "suck"
knows well that he must satisfy the
longing of the workers or risk the extermination (rudely) of the class who
do nothing and enjoy all, hence he
draws a red herring across the track,
which smells sweet to the worker but,
alas, fllleth not the stomach.
The labor fakir, if he should be a
Labor M. P., wlll-tell you that by the
prestige of the Labour party ln the
House of Parliament the condition of
the workers has been materially Improved. He wlll paint ln rosy colors
what the Labor party has achieved and
what they are going to do to help the
workers. It often happens that union
officials peddle the same sort of guff.
They have visions of a seat ln the
house.
In Britain today there is a great cry
of "Down with the House of Lords."
Why, sure; put them out ot business.
It is a wonder to me that our kind masters have allowed these old feudal
barons to remain so long ln a position
where they could retard capitalist industry, "red. herring from which the
workers get a pleasing smell." It Is
the opinion (seemingly) of a great
many of the people ln Britain that
when this old curse ls gone they will
have less drones to combat. True, but
will their position be better? Think
for a moment. The Liberals ln Britain
are, as here, parasites. Now here ls a
spectacle, one parasite telling the other
he has no right to exploit the workers,
and the workers, who are in a vast
majority, are content to express'themselves as being in favor of being skinned by one parasite only. This parasite ls In business for one reason only
and that ls profit. And as he ls in a
position to say'what Is and what Is not
a fair day's work or a fair day's wage,
you can take it for granted that a fair
day's wage is about as much as will
keep your flesh from leaving your
bones. As the barons must go by the
will of the workers, may the workers
get It Into their heads to put that other
bouse out of business also..
,;Yours In the light,''    -
imjt. JASPSB-BUTHEiSfOJRD, „
"  THE   HIGHER   EDUCATION"
By George Allan England.
In past issues of this paper I have
at various times had a thing or two to
say regarding the way In which our
universities hand out "fixed" knowledge and carefully sterilized economics to the rising generation. Safe
and sane professors of the "retainer"
type preside over every department
which may by any chance touch upon
the class struggle. Truth is all very
well ln a course dealing with ancient
Greek dithyrambs, or in a study of the
inter-relations between the Tactile
Syzygee of the pre-Etruscan Flapdoodles and the exian Prognosis of the Lat-
ymer Kurds. But whenever, in economics, history, government or political
economy any truly vital phase of life
arises, there you will find clever and
oily-tongued savants to steer the young
Idea safely away from radicalism into
the calmer shallows of conservative
thought.
Looking over .some old papers the
other day, I came upon an essay of
mine, written seven or eight years ago,
while I was at that deah Hawvawd—
before I had become a Socialist, of
course, though even then I had highly
dangerous leanings. This essay bo
aptly Illustrates the point I love to
dwell on, that I am going to take lt as
a text for the following item.
Its title ts "Three Types of American
Partnership." Upon Its attaining a
high mark my degree of M. A. entirely
depended. The course which called for
its preparation was one on the "Ethics
of the Social System," ably administered by a sleek, elderly person, who
shall be nameles here.
This course, beside much other work,
required the presentation of two
theses. The flrst of my two dealt with
"The Amusements of the Poor." It was
so radical, so horridly shocking to the
sensibilities of the professor that it
received a very low mark. Whereupon
it was I who became shocked. I saw
my degree slipping away from me, after five years' hard grinding. (The
essay, by the way, hardly altered at all,
was printed some time ago in The Call.
So It must have been a terrific bomb
to have exploded under classic elms!)
I was warned about Essay No. 2, and
took counsel with myself. The result
was a touching piece of conciliatory
writing that would have done credit to
the Civic Federation or to Ralph M.
Peasley himself. I blush when I look
over its pages. But tt got a high mark.
It won my degree for me. And, best of
all, it helped me understand a little better than I might otherwise have done
just the modus operandi of university
methods. So perhaps it was worth
while after all.
Let me quote you a few of the things
that, eight years ago, I was saying—
under compulsion of the greatest American university, for, verily, had I
written FACTS, I should have been
plucked to the bare and bleeding quick.
The essay begins with some scripture: "And shall he not render to every
man according to his works?" "Not
now as a servant, but above a servant,
a brother." Then follows the truly
t'easleyesque and straddling introduction:
"The relations between capital and
labor ... have for so long
been at best those of an armed neutrality, that we find it difficult to realize
the extent to which, for some time
past, progressive and satisfactory adjustments ot the various conflicting
claims have been taking place. * *
* While it is true that the general
condition is still one of profound discontent on the part of the great body
of men and women who support the
industrial world by labor; while it is
Indisputable that the steady rise In
wages • • • has done little to
allay the indifference and hostility felt
by each of the two main industrial
classes for the other * * * *
there are yet here and there to be
seen manifest signs of change and betterment. From time to time employers, recognizing that the solution of
the problem can never be reached
save through economic science enlightened by the spirit of the Gospel,
are abandoning their disparagement of
the laboring classes » » • and
are adopting the policy of either admitting the workers to some share in
tbe profits which their labor has produced, or are compensating them In a
variety of ways, by 'welfare work,' for
the difficult life they must of necessity
lead.
The workers generally, though not
Invariably, responding to this change
them for its own ends, and are meeting the advances made to them with
good faith and renewed energy (!)
Friendliness arising from kindly association in a common work • » »
is becoming steadily more and more
common. Business men * • e
are beginning both to lose their fear of
tempering business with philanthropy,
and to discover that certain forms of
philanthropy possess In themselves a
very sound commercial basis (!).
That, of the whole apparatus of production, the most Important part is
the 'living machinery,' the human energy under their control; and that ln
precisely the degree to which reason
and good will prevail, will the Ideal
industrial condition be attained."
This is rather rich, is it not? No
comments of mine could heighten the
effect, for the discerning; therefore I
omit remark and pass on.
The means to bring about this ideal
have been numerous. Some reformers
have been practical, others visionary,
still others have proclaimed the conflict between labor and capital a permanent and normal one, an inevitable
result of the existing classes. For
these later economists there are but
two solutions, the one unsatisfactory
and the other impracticable—one the
degradation of the poor beyond the
point of resistance, the other a total
abolition of class distinctions and the
possession in common of all land and
property."
Very shocking, this. By the way, in
a recent speech Charles W. Elliott,
President Emeritus of Harvard, is
quoted as saying that the best way to
avert strikes was to make the workingman afraid to strike. Solution number one, as above, eh? Ab tor number
two—but there, that would break up
the family.
The essay then goes on to describe
with great detail the schemes put Into
effect by the Steel Trust, the National
Cash Register company, and the J. B.
Stetson Hat company. Oblivious to
the manifest desire of those companies
to sandbag the workers with anti-
strike measures, it lauds them to the
seventh heaven. Later events, as at
McKees Rocks, or at Dayton, Ohio, or
again as exemplified by the strict open-
shop policy of the Stetson company,
have made the essay even more absurd
than lt was even then; but none the
less lt was, when written, both nauseating and ludicrous. I suppose no
more notorious swindle was ever put
through on labor, than the Steel Trust
profit-sharing fraud. The Cash Register Company, too, open a veritable
Pandora's box of trouble, with its paternalistic and tale-bearing futilities
Its kitchen gardens and leather medals. The hat company's work is patently a fence against unionism. But
of such are the kingdom of fullsome
praise, in University Economics and
Labor courses.
I quote a few more gems:
"Profit-sharing employers consider
the sharing of gains with the employees a presumptively and practically better arrangement, both from an
economic and moral standpoint * *
* * * claiming that more wealth
will thereby be produced and that a
more equitable distribution of the
same will be effected then formerly.
"Those who have once used and
have abandoned tbe system, give for
their industrial retrogreslon causes
like the following: Lack of interest
of employees, their intrusion into tbe
affairs ot theh firm, extravagance, jealousy or failure to respond In zeal or
care to the stimulus ('.). Bad times,
Socialism and anarchy are also
blamed.
(Naughty, naughty Socialism, Harvard will slap tt on the wrist so lt
will!)
"It is claimed by some employers
that the wage system needs no expansion, since the payment of wages
constitutes per se a kind of Industrial
partnership, ln which the larger part
of the uncertainties and risks fall on
the employer, and the larger portion
of certain and regular return falls to
the men."
Miserable, wretched Trusts! Happy,
thrice-blest, beatified toilers! Who
would be a care-worn Piute, when
there are luxurious blast furnaces ln
front ot which one may dally for
twelve hours a day, seven days a
week?
"It ls feared that the 'providential'
character of help given the men may
Induce them to cease making efforts
for their own welfare, and to abandon
prudence, economy and thrift."
Awful fear! Wasteful, hlghllving
and sportive proletaire!
'The point ls clear that the extra
reward so given is more than regained out of the Increased earnings due
to additional efforts on the part ot the
employees. As Leclaire himself said:
It ls better to earn 100 francs and give
B0 to the workmen, than to earn but
25 and keep them all for one's self. *
* Profit-sharing advances Ihe prosperity of a house by Increasing the quantity of Its product,-Improving its puallty
of Its product, Improving Its quality,
promoting care of implements and economy of materials, and by diminishing
labor difficulties nnd the cost of superintendence. From a strict Industrial
standpoint It ls bad policy to neglect
such a means of prosperity."
Five Per Cent." Again, and also by
the way, he waa a Christian minister
and a professor of Christian morals,
A rare .ype, truly. Some day he must
go into a novel. But I digress. To the
essay a bit, then 1 am through.
Most important of all are the moral
and ethical aspects. * • * * Any
and every step taken toward an harmonious and satisfactory relation between ihasters and men ls a distinct
advance toward tbe morallzatton of the
world. * • » If a workman labors
only hard enough to retain his position In a factory and takes no Interest
In his employer's welfare; If during a
strike, he goes no further than refraining from violence, and in defense of
that employer makes no Independent
effort, then • * ♦ he is imperfectly moralized."
This, as a result of teachings at the
university where Scabolator Eliot then
reigned supreme. Verily,'I say unto
you, you know not what dope is ladled
out to the younger generation, what
scabby doctrines taught and enforced,
crammed down the throats of our college men under pain of losing their
degree if they gag, squirm, or make
an effort not to swallow.
'Where the banner ot welfare-
institutions is firmly erected and persistently followed, the jealousy of Eph-
riam departs and the enmity in Judah
is at an end.' The share-holding workman, ls the most desirable link between capital and labor, partaking of
the Interests of both.   *'.. *   •'
Such methods as profit-sharing, are
applicable only by employers who feel
that life consists not only in abundance of material possessions, but in
capacity for service in the common
cause of humanity; who regard stewardship as nobler than ownership, and
who see in the ultimate outcome of all
true work an Issue reaching beyond
the limits of the present dispensation.'
* The duty of the present generation, as Bishop Fraser has said,
is not so much to Christianize Socialism as to socialize Christianity and
profit-sharing furnishes * • • perhaps the best method ot bringing Christian principles into dally working life
of society. * • * Better workers.
Better masters, ls Its claim; and between the two classes a welcome
peace.
"Peace ls the one great aim in moralizing the Industrial situation, a peace
that oversteps the boundaries of class
distinctions and unites tbe man at
the machine with the man in the direc
tor's chair In the bonds of a common
humanity. • • » The commercial
spirit must be tempered by the Christ-
Ian doctrine, • » • and in no better way can this doctrine be inculcated
* than through participation,
where both morally and financially it
is to the Interest of the employer to recognize his men as men. Tbe Christian gospel * * • has had a rebirth
in more than one age of doubt and vexation. In no other philosophy can the
labor trouble of the perplexed twentieth century find a more effectual solvent."
There! How is that for high? Such
shown by a few quotations which, however. Indicate the character of the
whole, was the thesis that won for me
my degree. At the time of its writing,
I vaguely realized its hypocrisy, its
twaddling Pecksnlfflanlsm and Its hog-
washed cant; but I was (like all other
students) up against tbe necessity of
turning out something satisfactory to'
the Powers and to the reverend "philanthropic and flve-per-cent" clerical
who presided over my destinies. So 1
excised the previous radicalism, the
attack on rank abuses and Injustice,
and substituted the finest brand ot
soft-soap I could lay hand to. Economic
determinism, In the form of an A.M.!
"They were all doing the same," us the
song hath it; and today, likewise, they
are all doing tbe same, or falling. Of
such is the Kingdom of Higher Education.
They don't want modern up-to-fact-
proven truth about economics, politics
or labor, ln our universities. They want
platitudes and religious drool and
Slinky Federation harmonics. Those
are what they teach; those are what
tbey get The student body issues out
into the world ot actualities, crammed
to tbe callow muzzle with mothy antiquities or with backing-and-fllling theories about the Identity of Interests between Slave-driver and Slave. Do you
wonder, after all, that so little aid and
sympathy come to you from the educated aud "better" classes?
Ghent's "You Retainers" gives the
key to the whole situation. It is so
far ahead ot anything I could do that
my additions to this subject are, Indeed, mere impertinences. Yet, having
seen the thing actually at work. I
have on a few occasions given testimony to the practical, vital truth of
that classic exposure. "You Retainers" stands high on my list of neces-
The deficit on the working of the
Clarion during March was $87 and
last month $10. $77 better for April
than the previous month is pretty
good; $77 better for May than April
would look look amazing, wouldn't It?
Can you do lt? Make a try anyhow.
e    •    •
Alberta Executive hands in $8.60 tor
bill.
e   e   e
The workers' paradise, a steady Job,
is gradually receding from their
grasp, Abolish the wage system and
some ideas of paradise wlll become
conceptions of hell.
a   a   a
A. Percy Chew sends in two subs
and a change of address. It's peculiar
how the revolutionaries change their
addresses. They ought to give more
thought to the poor postman and not
move around so much. They don't
have to move. What?
a   a   •
The slave in the Roman Empire
wore around his neck an iron collar,
the badge of servitude. It was fastened by another slave, a smith or
armorer. Today we no, longer wear
such a useless ornament. We, however, carry on our person, for the most
part, the sign manual of the slave in
one form or other. The woodworker
has several fingers missing, the boiler-
maker has a glass eye or Is deaf, the
coal miner filches from his master
chunks of coal which he hides under
the skin ot bis face, the trackman haa
left a foot or a leg somewhere on the
line, and so on. These are more lasting ornaments than any paltry little
collar of brass or iron and they are
not so expensive to the property-owning elsss.
sea
People's Book Store on Cordova pays
up for a bundle and ad.
a   a   a
Capitalism is decaying*, in fact it ls
now tottering, but a rotten tree, although dead, wlll stand a long time till
some outside force pushes lt over.
Capitalism is a rotten tree and the
education of the workers is the outside
force that will send lt rotten and and
decadent, crumbling to Its death.
e    e    •
Local New Westminster sends along
a five spot for J 25 a week for a month.
a    a    a
The masters nowadays need no lash
of leather to spur the workers to
greater efforts. The economic lash is
much more scientific and effective and
though more stinging tbe wielders are
concealed from the unenlightened proletariat.
a   a   a
3. C. Burgess puts another two on
In Winnipeg.   Next.
a   a   a
The class that owns the machinery
of production cannot handle It. They
buy the ability of the workers, brain
and brawn. They cannot protect lt,
they come to the same class again.
The only thing they can do Is grab
hold of the profits accruing from their
ownership and they do that well.
Local  Toronto
and card.
pays up for bundle
The United States Supreme Court Is
making a bluff at dissolving the Standard Oil Trust. Say, fellow workers,
would you sooner be skinned by one
bunch or several. The fewer the better, for there will be the less for us to
upset on the day of reckoning.
a   a   a
Wearing a red tie and voting the
Socialist ticket is not the acme of
revolutionary Socialism. Spread the
propaganda wherever and whenever
possible.
a   a   a
Singles: H. Noakes, Victoria, B. C;
E. J. Thompson, North Battleford,
Sask.; Clifford Butler, Brandon; Helen
Armstrong, Winnipeg; Arthur Taylor,
Toronto; A. Way, New Westminster;
G. W. Hale, Nelson, B. C; John Pllk-
Ington, Enderby, B. O.j J. M. Tyler,
Mission City, B. C.i J. F. McVey, Victor, Alta.; C. Lestor, Vancouver; P. C.
Young, Fort William, Ont.; Local Gold-
field, S. P. A., Goldfleld, Nevada.
TORY SOCIALISM.
It is not sufficient to denounce Socialism; we must be able to show that
what the Socialists vaguely desire can
be actually achieved by progressive and
democratic Conservatism.—Standard.
J'te creed that 'capital' is  exploiting
of front, are here, and there showing     ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
a disposition to relinquish t"hjelr. favor;!...TJ-**. i*rofeRS,or'B constant watchword.
by the way, was  -"Philanthropy   and
sary books. I only wish 1 might have
read It before ever entering Hawvawd;
then perhaps, 1 might have clearly seen
and understood the process which, aslt
was, 1 only dimly and half-cunsciouBly
perceived.
More anent ihls subject, at a later
date. For the present, let this confession suffice,
"The 1 Usher Education," forsooth!
Oh farce supromo!
Oh: Jest and mocker of true understanding       ,    .    .
88 VBAM'
EXPERIENCE
Tradc Murks
Distorts
^^^_^^__^_. Copvbiohts Ac.
Anyone eesSUis seteirh end desertpUon mey
qnl-MIr ascertain oor opinion free wbetbar aa
Inreuunn te probably pat*, UMeOommunloa..
tlnnailTlc-lre-mldaiitUU. N/UMMM on I'umu
aaat free. Oleeot sseuer for eecarlnf MUnle.
Talents taken uniaah Munn A Co. raoetre
apeeml mMm, wIUwoi oh-tie, in the
Scientific American.
A eenOeoaaelT lll«aU»l«l waaUf-, I»re<* otr-
eeleUon of say adentin* Journal. Tame for
Cane**, *• n m, rmt, ixeUse sneak!   Sold hj F-*"-*.
THE   WISTMUf
u^^^^^^^"^^^"IM^M'^"'*''''^^S5B5S»T»"»*BSSSSSeB"s"eBBT»B"M
SATURDAY, MAY 14th, 1910
A Proletarian in Politics
The flrst session of the second Legislature of
the Province of Alberta was unique, and Its record
wlll become historically valuable to the student
of the changing order of society, inasmuch that,
for the first time, the interests of the working
class were directly represented.
The man who waa elected to become the first
mouthpiece of the wage-slaves of Alberta waa
Comrade C. M. O'Brien, who was elected ln the
Rocky Mountain riding. He was not returned on
promises—such as" are handed out by the candidates of those parties, who by their very nature
are pledged to uphold the rule of Capital—not by
promises ot good roads or bridges, not even on
a policy of government-owned elevators, so that
ihe hardworking, deserving farmer might escape
the voracious maws of greedy corporations. Not
on any of these was Comrade O'Brien elected.
The platform upon which he stood, which he presented to the electorate of tbe constituency for
approval or rejection, was the Platform ot the
Socialist Party of Canada, his electioneering literature was the Manifesto of the Party and Its
official Organ, "The Western Clarion." When I
told O'Brien that I was preparing this leaflet he
said: "Tell them to read the Manifesto, that
contains most ot It."
With the exception of "The Ledger," the organ of the miners, the Western Clarion was also
the only paper which published a true account
of this comrade's efforts In the House.
That Comrade O'Brien Is now a member of the
Legislature and the fact that he took part in
the great debate over the Alberta and Great
Waterways Railway Co.'s deal with the government is sufficient evidence that his methods of
electioneering, and the platform he stood upon,
were eminently satisfactorily to those whow ere its
judges.
The opening of the Legislature on February
10th, 1910, with all its attendant ceremonies and
show of force and power, proceeded without the
presence of Comrade O'Brien, who did not take
his seat till the second day of the session. The
impression created in the mind of one "knight of
the pencil" Ib aa follows, which is an extract from
the "Edmonton Daily Capital," of February 14,
1910;
,*y Socialist Takes His Ssat.
"* Calmly and dlspaslonately C. M. O'Brien, M.L.A.,
Socialist representative tor Rocky Mountain, took
his Beat ln the Legislature yesterday tor the flrst
tiipe. The opening ceremonies with the social
frills appertaining thereto had proceeded without
him, and he see*ned to enter the HouBe only
when he thought lt meant business. His pres-
, ence to the extreme left of the speaker behind the
leader of the Opposition and near the door was
conspicuous. He wore a heavy projecting jaw, a
soft ahlrt and a bright red necktie. Altogether he
looked the Socialist, but the curtain has not yet
gone up on the part he is to play."
On March 1st the debate on the Great Waterways' deal having lasted several days, Comrade
O'Brien caught the Speaker's eye and proceeded
to define his position as below:
"Mr. Speaker, for several days past I have been
listening to this debate, not with interest, but
with a good deal of forbearance. We have heard
a great deal about this agreement between the
government and the Alberta & Great Waterways
Railway Co., and, I suppose, will hear a great deal
more. To most members here this appears to be
a matter of great Importance, ih fact, one has
said that "This is the most momentous question
in the history of the Legislature.' If that be so,
then, sir, I can only say that from the workers'
point of view this Legislature has not justified its
existence.
"Throughout this discussion, the Interests of the
employees, the men who will actually build the
road, bave been completely ignored. The Opposition, who so loudly proclaim that they speak
ln the Interests of the public have clearly shown
in whose Interests they are working by the fact
that they have never once criticized the few
clauses in the agreement relating to conditions of
employment of the workers, which are bo indefinite as to be almost meaningless. The government, too, has told us that they are working in
the interests of the people, but In the face of these
clauses lt Is easy to see that neither side consider
the working class as being a part of the people
or the public.
"Consciously or unconsciously, every member
here ls representing deflnlte^materlal Interests,
the Interests of the C. P. R., tbe C. N. R., the A. G.
& W. R and other corporations are being carefully wached.. I, too, am representing material
Interests. I am here to voice the interests of they
who are slaves to the rule of capital.
We do not care whether the government guarantees $20,000, $40,000, or $100,000 per mile. True,
it all comes from my class, but when lt has once
been taken from us, and Is In your possession, it
matters not to us how you spend it or divide lt
among yourselves, our mission Is to stop you from
getting it. What we want you to do Is to have
this and other roads built as speedily as possible,
the quicker this and all other countries are developed the better for us, as we'will be taking
them over In the near future.
"Irf order to be understood, Mr. Speaker, lt must
be remembered that I represent a distinct political party, very different to any other in this
country. This Party—the Socialist Party of Canada—has a Platform and Manifesto very different to that adopted by any other party. Nothing
ln this platform or manifesto has been used by
either Liberal or Conservative, for the very sufficient reason that it contains nothing they could
use.
"If it ls my privilege, sir, I feel it is my duty to
clearly define my position ln this House, bo that
the members may know in what relation I stand
to them and they to me. To do so wtll not be
speaking directly to the question under discussion, but that baa already taken a very wide
range, from growing onions in the month of February near the North Pole, do'-yu to Kansas City in
the som thence eaat to,■$**'lotJ^Clty, Wlfert!
they evI-HBUf aad a i
don't think
I could very well get beyond this range.
"Before my election, I was and I am now, one
of the national organizers for the Socialist Party
of Canada, whose mission It is to point out the
inevitable ultimate collapse of this present commercial system, and to seek to establsh in its
place a system whereby the man who produces
shall receive the full product of his toil, or its
equivalent, and where production Bhall be for
USE Instead of for PROFIT, and where every
man, If he would enjoy, shall first produce; therefore, as one of Us organizers I am authorized and
empowered to speak in its behalf.
"There was a time when slavery did not exist,
but that period of human development Is bo far
in the dim distance that It leaves very little historic trace; but, by piecing together such knowledge as we have of that period, with what we
know of the races still living in a primitive state,
we attain such knowledge as is possible of that
time. The feature that most distinctly stamps
that period of human freedom from that of to-day
is the fact that at that early time property was
noni-exlstent  In   the * true  sense   of  the   word.
"Personal possessions these primitive people
had, but as the natural resources ot the earth
were free of access to all, they were, therefore,
the property of none, for owning property is not
so much the assertion or claim of the individual
or individuals to ownership as it is the exclusion
of all others from It. Natural resources were not
always property, for property is merely a character imposed by definite conditions, the few
claiming ownership and excluding the non-owners
except on conditions laid down by those self-
styled owners, and those conditions always spell
slavery in some form for the non-owners."
At this point, J. W. Woolf (Lib.) rose to a
point of order, claiming that O'Brien was not
speaking to the question, but giving a lecture
on Socialism.
Attorney-General Cross thought that the Hon.
member for Rocky Mountains was leading up to
the question, and it was natural that he should
Wish to define his position as a member of the
House.
R. B. Bennett (Con.) in a sarcastic vein of
humor wished to know if the Hon. Attorney General had also become a disciple of Marx; he
asked that question aa he had seen a set of
Marx's "Capital" ln the Attorney General's offlce?
Attorney General Cross: I have read a good
deal of Marx's writings, and I can assure the Hon.
junior member ofr Calgary that a close study
of them would do him no harm.
J. R. Boyle (Lib.) thought that O'Brien was
leading up to the question—and—
M. McKenzie (Lib.) thought that they all would
like to hear the Hon. member for Rocky Mountains lecture on Socialism, but tbat was neither
the time nor place for it.
The Speaker ruled that the Hon. member for
Rocky Mountains must speak closer to the question.
O'Brien said It was very difficult for him to
know where the Speaker was drawing the line,
and proceeded:
"If we trace the growth and development of
property we find it has taken on different forms
or characters, at different times. At one time
communistic property predominated, out of that
.grew private property and out of private property
has grown capitalist property.
Every social system has had for its foundation
property endowed with some peculiar characteristic; to remove that characteristic from property
is to remove the foundation from that social system, in that way we account for the destruction
of previous civilizations and social systems. The
present social system has for its foundation property endowed with the peculiar characteristic of
capital. To remove the characteristic of capital
from property ls to remove its foundation.
"Every member of this assembly, Liberal, Conservative or Independent (I do not know what
this Independent means; he may be independent
of the Liberals or the Conservatives, or even both,
but be is not Independent of the rule of capital).
I say every member of this assembly, except myself, was elected to defend and uphold the present social system, to defend Its foundation—
capital, and therefore to Justify the capitalist class
in their ownership of all the essential means of
wealth production.
"We Socialists have in our platform "The transformation of capitalist property into the collective
property oT the working class;" so, Mr. Speaker,
it Is easy to see that the Interests represented by
the other members of the assembly are absolutely
opposed to the Interests I represent, and vice
versa. True, we are all interested in having
good weather in Sunny Alberta, ln being free from
pestilence, disease and natural calamities, but
economically and poTlttcaly we are enemies.
"We Socialists do not blame individuals for
social conditions, for we believe the Individual
to be a creature of social conditions, no matter
how mu<ch he or she may subjectively raise' himself or herself above those conditions. I have
no Ill-will for individual capitalists pr representatives of capitalists, and when I refer to individuals, I do so only because I believe them to'be
the expression or personification of definite class'
Interests. The social system that the other Hon.
members of this assembly were elected to defend
had a great historic mission to perform, and we
believe that it has about completed that mission.
When capitalism' came upon the scene* of hiinisn'
development; it found the workers for the most
ptu-t an ignorant, voiceless, peasant horde'. It
leaves them an organized proletarian army, Industrially Intelligent, and becoming politically in-
telllgent. It found them working Individually and
wltb little cd-oT-ftkaii-m. it has madis theiB worit
collectively and scientifically, it has abolished
their individuality add reduced their labor tb a
social average*, levelling their differences until today the humble ploughman is *a skilled, laborer by
comparison with th« wtJttVer who tends the1 ldotf;
who- bah becom**' so mechanical in action' that' he
Is indeed btfif a -cfiere p"srt of that nacftntfi In
short: ■l\i'-BBBl'mtW'.tp wbriatgi Hget.
"It found the •JJttMtf' rr±<Va-rtf^* -WOttc-
tion crude, scattered and ill-ordered, the private
property of individuals, very often of'individuals
who themselves took a part in production. It
leaves them practically one gigantic machine of
wealth production, orderly, highly productive,
economical of labor, closely Inter-related, the collective property of a class wholly unnecessary to
production. A class whose sudden extinction
would not alter the speed of one wheel or the
heat of one furnace.
"It found the earth large, with communications
difficult, divided Into nations knowing little of one
another, with prairies unpopulated, forests un-
trod, mountains unsealed, lt has brought the
ends of the earth within speaking distance of
one another, has ploughed the prairies, hewed
down the forests, tunnelled the mountains, explored all regions, developed all resources. It has
broken down al! boundaries, except on maps. It
found the human family divided Into several
classes, third, fourth, fifth and even sixth estates.
It has ruthlessly abolished all estates, although
in the early part of Its development tt produced
a middle class of its own; but, as It grows older
it just as-ruthlessly destroys that middle class—
the child of its own womb. It has brought ths
human family Into two dlstalnct classes. The
International capitalist class, and the international
working class, with a common interest the world
over.
"The modern class struggle is a struggle between masters and slaves for ownership of the
means of production, for they who own that
which I must huve access to ln order to live are
my masters, and I am their slave. The capitalists
are struggling to retain their ownership and
mastery, that they may hold us in slavery. We
slaves are struggling to break the rule of capital
and secure freedom by obtaining ownership. We
believe that the slavery of the past and present,
with all its evil effects, was necessary to fit us
to individually enjoy what we will collectively
produce; we believe all the ages of chattel slavery
were necessary to pave the way to make possible
feudal society, also, that all the ages of feudal
serfdom were necessary to pave the way and
make possible capitalism; but in a few generations the rule of capital has not only paved the
way and made possible, but it has brought us
to the very threshold of a new social order. The
co-operative commonwealth—and, Mr. Speaker, I
am proud to be its flrst representative in this
legislative assembly of Alberta.
"Having defined my position ln this House,
Mr. Speaker, I want now to deal for a few
moments with the question directly before the
House. One honorable member severely criticized the agreement because lt provides tbat prairie loam may be used for balast instead of gravel
or Btone. My reason for criticizing It is because,
although It contains certain clauses in relation
to the employees, they are so Indefinite that, as
I said before, they are to the average lay mind,
almost meaningless, for the wording is such that
it requires a brain trained to the solving of legal
intricacies to make anything out of it at all;
how then are the workers going to understand
them? Just imagine, Mr. Speaker, a laborer ln
the construction camp trying to wade through
that mass of legal phrases, vainly trying to find
out what wages the government has said he
should receive, but that appears to be the beauty
of it—it looks big and means nothing.
"Now, Mr. Speaker, in place of this mass of
jargon, I have drawn up a few clauses here which
are simple and clear ln language, and state definitely what is meant. I would like to be able
to get this before the House, either in the shape
of a motion or as an amendment to the existing
motion. I have already asked several members
to second this for me, one of whom, during his
election campaign signed an affidavit that he
would support any and all labor legislation that
was brought before the house, but he, with the
others, refused to second this amendment, being
afraid, I suppose, that they might incur the anger
of their masters by so doing.
"Mr. W. R. Clark, president of the Alberta and
Great Waterways Railway, has sent a letter to .
the government saying that as it appears some
of the members are not satisfied with the terms
of the agreement, he Is willing, as a concession,
to construct the first fifty miles of the road without drawing any money for it until the line
is completed. The government has brought In an
amendment to the amendment to the motion asking the House to accept this concession, and further that the sum of $1,000,000 of the contract
money be retained for five years after the completion of the road as a guarantee of equipment
and operation. This amendment brought In by
the Hon. member for Cardaton (J. W. Woolf) ls
in effect a motion to open the agreement. I shall
probably vote for that amendment to open the
contract in order to introduce the amendment
which I have framed.
"'I would like to Bay a few words in regard tb
railway construction camps, Mr. Speaker. We
have been told that contractors experience difficulty In getting all the men they require. I am
not going to contradict that statement, but I want
to say that'the conditions the workers live under
at these camps makes me wonder how they get
as many men as they do. The workers do not
go to the railway construction camp to work
for the' pleasure, Indeed the conditions at the <
majority of these camps are such that men will
not work in them until they are absolutely forced
to it'by economic necessity. As a matter ot fact
these construction camps are a last resort to men
Who have any'sense of decency and respectability.
My object in trying to get an amendment before
the House is not so much that it will make the
condition of the workers much better, for I realize that I cah do nothing, and I don't suppose
for a moment that" you will accept it in Its present form,- if you accept it at all you will probably
mutilate it to such an extent that Its usefulness
wlll be lost, but lt will have this effect, that the
'hon. memberB who Bit herb will go on record as
being either for of against the workers.
(Concluded In Next Issue.)
The above will be pubKsfc-Sd in pamphlet
tom.   PrlWBc-eriW.    ©tie dotta* pit a**
6m%>so±T<m«i WmitlfmWWm .-jW--
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently ail tbe products of labor belong to
the capitalist elsss. The capitalist ts therefore master; the*worker a
Slavs.
So long as the capitalist class remains In possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State wlll be used to protect aad
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
Tbe Interest ot the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation ot capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker ls rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party ot Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.^
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working claas and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If lt wlll, the Socialist Party ls for it; if lt will ndt, the
Socialist Party ia absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct ail the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
aa to promote the interests of the working class alone.
VANCOUVER HEIGHTS EXTENSION
Big lots, 99 by 124, just at the end of Hastings Street Best carllne
only fifteen minutes from tram office and fonr chains from car terminus, fronting on Boundary Road (1S2 feet wide).
PRICE $1000 UP PER LOT
Or equal to $333 for 33 feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12, 18
and 24 months. This is the third subdivision I have put on in the
Eaat End, and the others bave increased In value, some as much as
100 per cent in less than one year. As some of our customers well
know, lots in block 84, Hastings townslte were sold from $300 up,
one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I will pay $600 for any
lot in that block. Our other subdivision put on later, has Increased
proportionately, and I feel sure that this will do the same, as it hss
advantages that the others had not, being close to carllne and having
sidewalk from carllne to and through the property on Barnard and
Venablea streets to the eastern boundary. Branch offlce on the ground
and men ln charge.
T. M. BEAMISH
41 Hasting St. E*      Phone 3391,      Vancouver, B.C.
DENTIST
W. J. CURRY
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
ir von HAVE
UKRAINIAN
neighbors, send for a bundle af
"Rbttftcfcyj Narad"
the organ of the Ukrainian essa-
radas in Canada,
50 ctals a year
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
VThicK St-m-ia r.r a Li-Wn* Ws-af.
Leeal 867.
qUyo* womld like to toemd leas tlsae ia yowr kiteke-a
aa* iraooalKd, aad lutte ■«*■«» tta* for mUmc
life, ntemti** emA ■pMemtt', look «■* tke ejsjeatioiB erf
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l^JL...

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