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Western Clarion Sep 3, 1910

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Array NO. 595.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Sept. 3, 1910.
snb«-rii>i*rii Prto*
raa v»*i
Illustrating the Fact that a Debate is  Sometimes
not a Debate
■ , „„ „   „   ■ "Lo and behold here we have a man
On Sunday, Aug. 21st, Com. Barltz „.     . „ ,      „   , „ .
„   ,     „   „    „ , ,     ,        „     'Who has never read a Socialist work
of the S. P. of C. came back to Tor- ,    .,.   .,,„..,      . '   .     , ,  ,
, ,„„ , ,                         ■.     ,   'in his life challenging to debate any-
onto to fulfill his engagement to de- '„„„ n—j-n—-     —- -  ■    ■
bate with Mr, E. Stephenson, known
to fame as the writer of "Toronto
Notes" In the "Winnipeg Voice.", The
subject of the debate was "Resolved
that the revolutionary attitude of the
Socialist Party of Canada Is not In the
best Interest of the working class."
Comrade Baritz was called upon by
chairman Watklnson to open up.
Baritz commenced by explaining the
revolutionary attitude of the S. P. of
C. as being a scientific one, and the
only safe and sane policy for the workers to follow. He read out the Party
p'atform and principles, proving that
the present economic system is based
upon the capitalist ownership of the
means of production, the worker depending upon the capitalists' permission to obtain access to the means
ollife, therefore the workers are the
slaves of the capitalist class, a condition known as wage-slavery. For
Mr. Stephenson to prove his case he
must overthrow the scientific position
as printed ln the Party platform and
outlined by Com. Baritz, unless he
did that he had absolutely no case
to present.
one on Socialism. Ye Gods, he must
be a marvel or else he doesn't know
what he is talking about." Next he
again asked Jir. Stephenson, whether
he stood for the maintenance of wage-
slavery or not, for to the subject under
debate he had not even attempted to
attack but has wandered around talk-
1 ig about everything except the subject
under discussion. The position a/s
Baritz outlined it in his first speech
stood to be overthrown and he again
asked him to get to work and upset
it. Baritz then, ridiculed his opponent's "revolution backwards" as contradictory, as illogical and foolish.
Regarding the Winnipeg elections,
the labor candidates were fakirs,
we're misleaders of the workers, were
!working hard in hand with the capitalist parties, therefore the S. P. of
C. being in the interest of the working
| elass alone, we would Incessantly oppose all capitalist parties whether
Liberal, Conservative or that venomous reptile known as the labor party.
The votes we lost if they are not
Socialist all the time are of no use to
us and we don't want them.   The I.
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ S. B. and the other Questions came In
Continuing, he went further Into the' for a  very severe handling, showing
Marxian    philosophy,    quoting    Prof., that our position is the only position.
Chapman in upholding our contention I    Mr.  Stephenson   then  took up  the
debate  anil   commenced   by  telling  a
that a reduction in the hours of the
workers is counteracted by the intensification of labor, by a speeding up
processs. Next in order came the
class struggle and the commodity
nature of labor power.
Barltz concluded his first speech
by bringing in more evidence that
the workers were simply the wage-
slaves of the capitalist class, if they
tunny story, It's a pity he did not
have more funny stories to tell it
would have helped him to fill ln his
time, as it was apparent that his
greatest trouble was to use up his
time. He, in his speech, repeated his
first one.
Baritz then came back and by apt
quotation      and      burning      sarcasm
lowing is a fac simile:
M. P. Cotton Co., Ltd.
172 Hastings St., Vancouver, B. C.
Contract No. 16
Camp 3.
Name,  0.  Pugh 115
Twenty  (20) hours, rate..$2.75   $*.50
Less Board    2.50
Hospital   1.00
Store 25
Total deduction   3.75
Balance due    1.25
P. M. WALKER, Timekeeper.
On my arrival at the head offlce. 172
Hastings street, 1 was confronted by
the Company's clerk, who tried to
make me believe that I was forced to
accept what the company would give
me and say nothing, or get nothing.
Because, he said, this time check Is
all right, the company does charge
?1.00 hospital to all the men that work
for them. Well, I said, I only worked
two days and was fired off the job, do
you consider this check all right. The
employment agent did not say anything to me about giving the company
$1.00 for a hospital.
So you see, it took me four days
to make $1,25 according to this time
check. The day before I was fired, 17
men were forced off the Job, and thatj
many more were on their way to be
crowded into jobs that others have
been compelled to vacate, only to be in
their turn forced out a little later, in
order to make room for other victims.
Of all the petty skin gimes that have
been evolved In this corrupt age, it
would be difficult to find a more unscrupulous scheme than the unholy
alliance which exists between most
employment agents and those employers who are responsible for their
existence. The employment agent Is
the tool used by a large number of the
employers of this city to steer the
surplus army of labor hither and
thither in a vain quest for permanent '
employment.   These floating workersj]
pay to come to town in order to r.irn
your time check into money and buy
anoL :r jo*'. Here are some questions
that were asked me, and my answers:
Why did you buy this job?
I was forced to do so; there is no |
other way of getting work In this city.
What did the employment agent tell
you about this job?
Well, the first thing he said, $1.00 \
fee. pay your fare to the camp.
Why did you go?
Because starvation and hunger were
staring me in the face.
What did the agent say about the
O, he said, it is a good camp, best
grub on the coast.
Was it good?
No, far from it, not half so good as
the IE-cent meals in town.    '
What was the bunk house like?
A large tent with a few bunks.
"here was your bed?
Oh, most of the fellows carried their
On the Necessity of a Complete Change in
(Methods of Thought
**********> 1**,' r
Before we are entitled to the term ■    The history of the evolution-of-the
Revolutionist it is necessary, from the human race is a history of struggles.
writer's viewpoint   at   least that   we It can be traced from e;;rly indivfcual
should—at least so far as may be pos- struggles  through family, tribal,fand
sibie for a human unit living in pre- racial  combats down  to the
sent society and forced, however un- class line-up.   In all the strugglj
willingly, to associate with the aver- fittest to survive won out.    Cfl
to  the  well  quoted  saying  th
was never to the slow, nor the
to the weak.    The fact that
age   slavishly   minded   proletarian,—
divest  our  minds  of  all  the  ideals,
ideas, "ethical" conceptions, superstl- 	
tions and metaphysical philosophies j conditions brought different
handed out for slave consumption by ,or classes to the top, or that
those In the pay of the master class. dards of strength varied at
The mental revolution, the great t'mes, simply bears this tontei
thing necessary In the making of class-; The slow, stupid or unfit i
consciousness, must be allowed to take | lost. The weak were invar;
beds on their backs; I did not have its full course. The new methods of ;slaved and made captive. It
any bed, so the manager of that place . thought must be applied to all things i be otherwise. Those too slo
told me to lie on the soft side of a; and affect every part of our mental .weak, at any given time, to ci
bo-ird. !Hfe.    This is imperative.    The inter- jthe conditions necessary to oi
Was the bunk house fit to sleep in? relation   and   interdependence  of  all cess  or overlordshlp were
No,  not fit for hogs, no  stove or, branches of human  activity, thought! losers in the game.
and  research make It absolutelv ne-1   _, .   ,
cessary that the mental revolution be '   ™s is true to,,aj' as ever*
all-embracing.   To fail to allow this tn e!T   Ca"italisf  °-aM  are  *
other ways of warming or drying the
tent; no floor in it, no light at all, no
hay, no straw, nothing to lie on except
What was the $5.25 per week for?
That was the profit for the boss.
How  many  days  were you  there?
Twenty hours, board bill, $2.50.
Why did the boss fire you?
To make room for more of my kind.
x    „.,,,, .,   , class because they are, as
be, to fail to allow our outlook, our i.
viewpoint on all things to change-is moaern conditions, the c
simply to limit and cramp our class- 'te''   ,0  rule  aml  eI*Joy.
consciousness and, in the long run  to *"	
weaken, if not altogether nullify our
revolutlonai-y activities, usefulness and
What profit Is there in firing men1  ,We ,°anDfat engage in the class-strug-
.. n,i.* ,Ble with
like  this?
any real  or lasting advan-
We„, I win te„ you as near as I can. K ^tb. vZTtlZZ wtmt
In the flrst place, the working plug',„„-- so iOUK «„ „e retain ,,,,'/
pays  $1.00 for his Job. that ia ,-.r-.fl»./■„ a„y „lave l-leac, -»„„,,,-■„„».  !l'.'* l-roletartat,
tor the boss;  $1.00 hospital and  two (points, or conclusions; economic, "eth-1" '    i
pieces for store goods, that ls profit. Ileal,"   "moral"   or   metaphysical      '»   lhey a■■e_"i-,
fact that they are able to
top  is   the   only fact   necj
prove thefr "right" to oc<
ition   of  overlords!
this standpo
age modern
and  "wrong']
ludlc-ous  thl
lng class ai
Does   the   company sell
» 1,-w. I
leal,"   "moral"   or   metaphysical.     If
tobacco? Ione may use the term, "It's the whole
»*-*- '■■***>
were   not   wage-slaves   then   his   op- J strengthened  the  case  for  the  S.  P.
penent's position was the correct one;
for Jir. Stephenson to overthrow the
Socialists position he must prove the
workers are not wage-slaves and must
conclusively prove that the condition
of the workers is not getting worse
and worse fn spite of all reforms
and the marvellous advancement in
the machinery of production.
Mr. Stephenson then took the platform and commenced with the confidence of one who had victory In his
palm. He criticised us for not opening the meeting by singing the International. He supposed we did not
do it because of the attitude of the
S. P. of C. took towards that great
body of international "Socialists"
known ns "The International Socialist
Bureau." He enlarged on the I. S.
B., saying we were not International
or rather we were in our mind only.
Speaking of the party he said we
were about the only persons he knew
who did solve the problem of aerial
navigation, to soar away up in dreamland nnd land back again on solid
earth. Then the Socialist ' Party of
Great Britain was the only Socialist
Party that we could agree with. Next
ln order came a rehash of the pamphlets published by the Toronto reform
ers attempting to show in Mr. Stephenson's words that we were having
"a revolution backwards."
The action of the Winnipeg comrades in contesting the last election
was foolish, the Socialists threw away
their election deposits. If they had
not opposed the labor candidate they
would have got more votes for Socialism. He could not understand the
Socialists opposing labor candidates.
Mr. Stephenson told us that two years
ago, although he had never read a
Socialist work in his life, his "common" sense was enough and he issued
a challenge to debate against Socialism with any Socialist ln North America. One accepted but beat a rapid
retreat when Mr. Stephenson attempted to fix up the articles. He closed
his first speech by calling the S. P.
of C. heresy hunters and such other
phrases, and expressed his utter surprise at the S. P. of C. demanding
that applicants for membership should
understand the platform they sign.
Comrade Barltz replied  by calling |
attention  to the  fact  that  before  a
person can debate a subject he must
bave knowledge of that, subject, but
of C, requesting his opponent to state
how he stood regarding wage-slavery.
Mr. Stephenson in his last speech
bluntly refused to touch wage-slavery,
tellUig the audience to go home and
read about it themselves. Also that
Instead of the class lines becoming
sharper, the classes Were multiplying,
and appealed to the sentiment of the
trades-unionists to oppose Socialism
because some Socialists say without
being reprimanded that they are going
to be scabs all their lives, also that
the unions must "advance in front of
Com. Baritz concluded the debate
by annihilating all his opponent had
said, especially his action when on
being compelled to deal with wage-
slavery doing so by telling the audience to "go home and read about it
yourselves," what a method to treat
the very foundation of the subject under debate.
The audience was estimated by an
outsider as between 200 and 250
present. A vote being taken only !l
voted for the position taken by the
"Voice's" representative) and more
than could be counted in support of
the Socialist position. It was evident
after Mr. Stephenson's flrst speech
that he hadn't a a leg to stand on,
the further he went the worse he got,
In fact, after the debate one gentleman
thought it was a fake affair and
Stephenson was putting up his illogical arguments, and displaying his
ignorance on the cause of the misery
and poverty of the working class simply bo the Socialist representative
could smash them. To Mr. Stephenson I say "A little knowledge Is a
dangerous thing."
ers are fleeced to a finish both coming'jHave tne*t* a license to sell tobacco?
and going. The way the game ls carried on is about as raw a combination
of dishonesty, misrepresentation and
shameless gall as can be found.
Still, this is not all. I have not figured in $1.00 employment fee, which Is
never less, for what they call a good
job. Then there Is fare to the job,
and if you have any money you will
accommodating  the
a   large    profit  for
I No. they are
workingmen at
themselves.    Ba
Sincerely trusting that the readers
of these few lines will see the necessity and be the means of getting the
required action to banish such customs.   DO IT NOW.
Editor Clarion.
Sir:—Kindly allow me a little space
in your valued paper. The following
is a short account in regards to how
workingmen are used in and around
this city.
On August 19th I was sent to work
by the International Employment
Agency to work for M. P. Cotton Co.,
Ltd., at Camp S, making right-of-way
for B. C. Electric Railway Co. After
working twenty hours I was flrediJ>},,|
the bosB and paid off with what tbey
call a time check, of which the fol-
Rlght is might in every time
So runs the stern grim law;
And every age and every clime
Has seen the same stern war—
Peoples enslaved and victories won,
From courts upheld by maxim gun
Back to the fang and claw.
Ethics mid creeds have had their day,
Prophets have come to save;
Ethics and creeds have passed away,
The prophets find their graves.
Still every race or class of man
Take what they may, hold what they
The weakling still to slave.
So 'tis today as all may see,
Spite of each lie and fraud.
The veil of sham democracy
But hides the naked sword.
The  slave  still writhes beneath the
And rule of right is rule of steel—
King Piute the overlord.
Our time comes soon, we mark,  we
The hours grow big with fate;
The   quickening   fires   of   vengeance
The white hot flames of hate.
Might's    right—the    battle's    to    the
They hold UB no*', but not for long,
We gather, watch and wait.
hog or none." There can be no picking and choosing of the material. No
placing of new rebel wine in old
slave bottles, or vice versa. The old
and the new do not go together. Revolutionary economics and the materialist philosophy are inseparable. Evolution and the palpably plain facts
In regard to the survival of the fittest,
leave no room for any belief in, or
prate of, a brotherhood of man or any
community of interest between humans outside the theoretic community
of Interest of members of the same
economic classes, or the practical
community of Interest between individuals of the one class who stand together for their mutual aid and assistance.
Slaves of the old tlmeB crouched in
Beneath the Tyrant's frown;
They .nursed   their   strength   and—
might ls right—
Red blazed each stricken town.
Tbey lived or died, it matters naught,
They struck their blow, they had their
They pulled the masters down.
'Tis force, 'tis strength that holdeth
Thralls of the proletaire—
'Tie  force,  'tis  power  that  maketh
Not whine, nor moan, nor prayer,
"Love,"    "Justice,"    "Brotherhood"'—
Might's Right.jn4. lbat's.JJae only
'Strike hard and do not spare.
"Por some must watch, while some
must sleep: So runs the world
When I saw that $30 deficit In the
last month's "Clarion" statement, I
came to the conclusion that the majority of the S. P. members must be
sleeping, and very few watching.
It seems strange that the names
of the sub. hustlers are about the same
all the time. One sees the old stand-
bys almost every week, the men that
do all the sub. hustling while the large
majority are sleeping. I am personally acquainted with the majority of
tbe Manitoba comrades, yet when I
look over Spes' column ln the "Clarion" I find that the Manitoba comrades
that do sub.-hustling could be counted
on one hand. What are the rest doing? Just taking the "Clarion" und
thinking their duty done. I know
many comrades that look for Monday
because it's "Clarion" day, yet they
never think of handing one on to
anybody else. I know men that owe
their education and interest in life
to the "Clarion," yet they do nothing
but pay a miserable dollar a year for
lt. I know men that are busy writing
articles for the "Clarion," breaking
into print, practising on the readers
and trying the editor's patience, yet
doing notaiing to.boost.   Come, come,
Manitoba! let's see the Manitoba sub.
list doubled, forget that B. C. ls so fai
ahead of us, let us make Manitoba the
red spot of Canada. Let us not see
another deficit In the "Clarion." We
can surely fix that In Manitoba. $30 a
montbi $300 a year, do you know what
that means? We could have an organize:' on the road all tho time for
tlmt amount of money. You ^roiisc
enough because we have no permanent
organizer In Manitoba, why In tbe
devil don'l JTOU wake up and pui
the "Clarion" on a paying basis, then
we would have some more money for
Now you Brandon bunch, we ought
to be able to put that deficit out of
count right from Brandon. We need
the "Clailon" hear so you must get
out and dig, you memberB of Brandon
Local that have never hustled a sub.
since you have been in the Party, get
busy. You have lo wake up and do
something yourselves. Quit talking
going to B, C. where the movement
is strong, make it stronger here. The
reason why it is not good here Is just
your laziness. Wake up, talk Socialism all day and get your fellow slaves
to take the only paper in Western
There is not. a Brandon comrade
that could not afford to take a bundle
of 5 copies a week for distribution and
sub. hustling. Spend a nickle a week,
give the papers to your fellow slaves
for a week or two, then bone them
for a sub., you'll get them and the
slave will be extremely grateful to
Now, Manitoba, buck up, and especially Brandon. Let us roll In subB. and
bundle orderB. If you do your duty the
Clarion will have no deficit, Manitoba
will be considerably more ruddy and
Brandon will bave tbe largest local In
the Province.
strength nec|
class that in
but at press
only position
to date—it
failed to sti
strength  6
to create
sary to ru
for our ml
a class  liift Is SO |
It needs  "flH**M
' (&'
m a
Take  th-Hypm
nlyze  him  and  yon
slavish  in  practically
ethics,   (if  they   may   b
his morals, his religions
morals and  religions of
virtues"—meekness, ob
bleness,    forgiveness,   lo'
Slav      "virtues."      Ills
Whether one ((insiders tl
worship  of Individuals
lophlc conceptions, are fi
sis to consist mainly of
of slaves' actions and a
"thrift,"   his  "passion   f
respect for authority an
serve lo stamp him as-i
fitted    to    function  as
paid  wealth  producer,  t
slave, drudge,   This pc
his class will continue
they  nre  fitted  for a
this happens, the iiiill\
the whole slave class
mere object of con tern
brains nre sufficiently
size him and them up.
In the meantime an
veioplng of the poten
slave class, we revol
look to ourselves and
We must complete i
('mancipation and k
clean—our economics
Intact. The class stn
for the reformist, tha
mander, tbe metaphysj
ian, or the Idealist,
and water business.
ness, if not exactly all
Idealist Is practically
Intelligent hatred lo
pagandist. lA-t us
lnsions. What we an
in ls simply the old,
primitive beast re-fot
conditions—the condl;
applicable to more
tool-using animals d
omlc classes and al
a final struggle, In
other must go out oi
■ mm
ublished    every    Saturday    hy    the
at Party nr Ga*iada, in the Otnoe
i   Western   Clurlon,   1'iscK   Block
ement, 165 iiastim;s Street, vonci u-
H. C.
II W Per Year, GO cent* lor Six Months,
as cents lor Throe Moutna.
Strictly lu Advance.
Bundles of r> or mon- copies, for a
Berl-'d of not le is than throe months, ut
Ec rate of one cent per copy per issue.
Ulvcrtlslng rates on application.
if you  receive  this  papor,  ti  is   P"1'1
'.-I,                                            ,                       ,   CLARION FINANCIAL 8TATEMENT.
ployment when It became known that In  extent  aid  complexity  of organt- 	
he rewarded faithful service in that zatton.   History then becomes'the re-] August 1910.
way, and increased efficiency means cord of the development of these com-1 Receipts.
increased value to the employer.   The  munitles,  and  economics,  a  scientific gu-jB    $162.15
employee  would feel  that he  had  a analysis of the mode of life within the carn"S     -H.50
personal interest in the success of the communities.    Naught else  than  the *,ian. Exec per Dom. Exec. Subs.   75.00
concern—that his interests and his em-, biology   und   zoology   of  the   human' 	
ployer's were Identical, and Ue would'tace, and an Investigation of the fac- $281.86
discourage strikes, the nightmare of tors which have shaped lis course. Exper.ditures.
all large employers."  —  Printing four Issues $188.00
This Is as an inducement to the em-1 BARITZ    IN    BRANTKOHD.        Ma|img     13,60
ulovers to provide In a paternal man-   'Fnvplnmic 2 75
pio-iis       pi '      _,...,.,.,„,       Organizer   Barltz  lias  just   pulled  n-nveiopes    -■''
ner  for   their   employes    annuities, |        = '        ' Editing   2...00
,.    ,       .,,„  ,„,,„,.  r,   „n   ,.P. out of this place after a most exciting t*'"u"*-	
thus   relieving  the   lattei   ct   all   u. ' .Surplus     o2.40
. ..     .       ._    fniir.dnva      .-lull Throo    imlili,'    moat. .       .*
sponslbfllty In
this not truly a great volume of benevolence?
fellow us
Socialist Directory
annuities,!    Organizer   Barltz
cf  all   re- 0Uv °' "*'s l'lace after a most exciting
Ih"  nntter.    Now,  is  four-days'   visit.    Three   public   meet-,
Ings  were  held  and  on  the   Sunday I
We would ask the worker to Barltz attended  a special meeting of j
carefully In examining this the  Local.    Saturday's  meeting  was!
Every local of the Socialist l'urty
of Canada >lniukl run a card under thi*
head.     $1.00   per   month.       Secretarlo
please noli'.
as  far as
sales  ofj
for   the I
The new Socialist hall erected by the
was   opened   last
In  making remittance hy Cheque,
r*-*nt*e   mint   be   added.     Address
,'.m, .unicatlon*   and    make   a.l   mono
■;tde, i   payablo  to
Vancouver, B. C.
aox 1688
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
JflDAY,  SEPTEMBER  3rd,  1510.
trouble with Socialism Is that
Ists are unable to agree among
lives.     We would   suggest   to
our ranks who are disposed
by the excitement of an  occa-
bleasant wrangle that they ob-
fnd profit by the excellent har-
Ihat prevails among our oppo-
|For instance, while one Liberal
is in the West telling us how
ue should be ot our freedom
ependence, and what a privi-
lurs In being citizens of a land
bus opportunity, another is in
1 bewailing the fate of the poor
1 whose incomes on the aver-
pare'y sufi'i'nt to meet their
i.c.ecs . '•! whose opportuni-
Ibeftermcn!  an   daily becom-
\ i :.i '.ho 'ct'  r we must per-
-. having       'd It.    An
the. truth ;rom the ranks
noble scheme.   Let us see what it will the  banner  one
, literature   were
" Morally, it will give Government of- simple reason that It is about the only [Bellevue comrades
iictals etc., an opportunity to con- night in the v.eek that the mules bave 'Saturday. It is a good building—one
gratulate themselves upon their great'any money to buy literature. The-of the best, in the Crows Nest country
love for their fellow-beings. Materl- speaker dealt with industrial condi-. —and will be ot service to the work-
illy it will as we have seen, give the tlons generally. Baritz told the work-'ing class. The opening was most en-
employers a moie contented, more ef-'ers not to wait for Moses. Buddha, or joyable, and we trust profitable
ficient and consequently more profit-jJesus to do something for them. They'tion to all concerned,
able class of workers, in return tor must get ready to do something for j speeches in Finnish by
the docking of certain amounts from'themselves. For this the Salvation that rationality and in Eng'ish by
and this is the Army  offered   up   public  prayer   for \comrades. Including the writer.   After
. tunc
There were
comrades  of
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. L>. C. McKenzie, bociutory, bu.i loss, Vancouver,   B,  C.
Executive '.oniliiuiee, Sucluiitlt 1 ai'ly
of Canada Meet's every alternate
Monday. I>. Q. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box ItiSS Vancouver, B. C.
uo.iiiniuec-, oocian..i .mi, ui Canada. Meet.- every alternate Muuda.v in
Labor- Hall, kllghth Ave. Ka-t, opposite pol"tllce. Secretary will bn
pleased to answer any communications
regarding ine movement In tne province. V. Danby, Sec, llox 017 Cn.gary,
LOCAL      B27ELSTOKS,      B.C.S.P C	
Propaganda and buuiness meetings at
s ]i. in. every Sunday evening in the
KillKuii rur-or Theiitcr. Speakers
passing through ReveistQke are ln-
vlto-l to ulti'iiii. B. F. Cayman, Secretary.
LOCAL   LADYSMITH   NO.   10,  8.  V.   ot
(.'. Buslnesa meetings every Saturday
' )' 'a. ;!i headquarters mi first Ave.
.1. H. Burroiigh, Box 31, Ladysmlth,
B. C.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. In McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. ltoberts,
their wages.    Lastly,
ithe oratorical hot air had been duly
most impprtant consideration, it will Baritz.
give the Liberal party a chance to Monday night's subject was "Th-.-l"" °tt the fun commenced, and a
pose, at the next election, as the last class strugle... Thls was in my .merry evening was spent tripping
thing in kind and paternal Govern-' opinlon the most vaIuabie propaganda the light fantastic and putting our-
ments. Further, It will effectually ta,k of the series. T^e speaker dealt selves outside the varied and tooth-
knock on the head any move that may , - wlth econom,cs and modern |some refreshment »™ylded. The
be made in the future to provide Old  macnme proauction, all ot which  -j,*.:crowd  remained hard  at it.  till  long
Age Pensions.
That is the Liberal party.
What is
workers  come  into  contact  with   in
their daily work.   The result is that
the message of the Socialist party to tne truthg strike home more readily
than they  would when dealing with
other phases of the question.
At this meeting the crowd enjoyed ot literature afterwards,
the   spectacle   of  a   policeman   being DESMOND,
called to order (for talking to a person in the crowd). After the usual
bluff and bluster, and the "Do you
know who I  am?"  sort of business,
tbe workers?   Just this—they produce
all the wealth of this or any   other
country.   Therefore, if they are at any
time  In  want, or  If   Poverty  stalks
threateningly at their side, it is because   the  wealth  they   produce   is
taken from them.   And by whom is it
taken?    By the very men who now
claim  to  be  solicitous  of their welfare.    The chief extravagance of the
working Class is the maintenance of the rest of the evening!
employers,   governments    and   other
parasites.     Eliminate these,  and we
shall provide for our own lives and
our own futures.
So, workers of Canada, we say to
you, why not take possession of the
industries you operate?   Why not Own
the wealth you produce?   Why submit
further   to  the   dictates    and   petty
schemes of a class that not only ex-l  t questlon time, his replies being of
'^. ploits you to a point of abject poverty, the quick-firing gun species, short and
'but  endeavors  to  exploit  your   very tp  the  po,nt     Barit2i whnst he  has
-,-••   hnwever so mo- |Poverty t0 galn ltS endtS?    °,'fni7-e|hi8  shortcomings  as    an    organizer,
^LecTa! ItZ- V™ in the S0Clali9t Partyt a"d hafn (chief ot which, in my opinion, is his
for special atten I       ^ ^ yQu can „ &n(J as -,^1^,^ wanderlng a mtle wide In his
w „ we re'er is *nen' en.°yin* as y°u ^" t1he. wealtn 1 discussion of the subject), possesses
ba.o **e re.ei is , nroduce.   Do tills before you       .      .._   -. ,_,__ ,.. ..   Hi..*
after that witching hour of night when
churchyards are supposed, to show
signs of ennui, and graves to give forth
I heir ghostly occupants. Next the
writer addressed a meeting at Hillcrest and sold a couple of dollars worth
tive Committee. Meets tlrst and third
Tuesdays in the nn.nWi at 11 l-'J Adelaide St. Any render of the Clurlon
desiring information about the movement in Manitoba, or who wishes to
join the Party pease communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebblngs,
Sec. 31(1 Good St., Winnipeg.
tive Committee, socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKinnon s,
Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane, secretary, Box 4itl, Glace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 151 Hastings St. W.
F, Perrv, secretary, Box 1688.
the cop subsided, and he kept quiet
Tuesday, Baritz spoke on the
materialistic Interpretation of art; a
fine discourse, but much like casting
the proverbial pearls before swine,
the local wage slaves' idea of the*
beautiful and artistic being confined
to within tbe local foundries and implement shops.
Baritz at all times proved a winner
r,    ! that you produce.   Do tnis before you
Mint of Ca-1       „worn out...
tejyiLS^ggg^rtt.rau .would rather be good slaves,
and submit quietly to whatever your
"betters" decide for you, by all means
fall in heartily with the above scheme.
Do not be afraid of imposing upon
anybody, as you will see the idea is to,
cause you to work harder and faster,!
thus hastening the "wearing out" process and throwing you all the earlier
on the scrap pile of broken-down wage
on o' ' ■
kJH*t)'"* -'a"*1
(«|'-.-ore ■.
Hamp isi
nto, it:
t.     A
, ;ird
B£o lisbti ii the
Of burdens is
instance   we
, an amount
'•Hot one wage-
lid; could  ever
ssess   at   six
SO with the worn-out
herefore, as' I have said, a
solution of which is be-
»rand moro serious, and
lulres and demands the Im-
hsideration of every con-
|mployer and every think-
pave proof that the wages
islave are, on tne average,
Subsistence.    Also that he
liable, after a inn of pro-
to become worn out
vn aside to give place to
Of course, the Govern-
not be so courageous as to
existence of these condi-
not have a solution for
as—a final solution, one
ktedo claims ls to "revolu-
tomlc   conditions."     The
brief. In to make It possi-
person to purchase an an-
upo-    the   payment of
iof    money   periodically,
Jthe manner of insurance
nil bring in a steady in-
pe age of 55—or later, as
be—until death.
fe Idea is to provide comeliness  in the  declining
working class, Mr. Bas-
at pains to present it to
Association.   Let him
"reasons for so doing:
Sim  (tho worker)   adrift
, penniless, after years
ice, would, It is felt, be
jwhat any man with the
kindness in his bosom
from  doing."    This   is
(atid  a  good  one,  as  we
jrployers'  Association to
' for the purpose of dls-
Irtlciilar fluid.   But there
k speaks for Itself:
which may properly
(oyer to provide for his
'"need not be alone phil-
harltable.   He might do
business   reasons—to
changes ln his staff,
such changes are ac-
. jin Increase in tbe cost
jo promote applications
lent   from   the   highest
because the best class
Read the story of the ant. Mark
how minutely modern science observes his ways, lil-= manners, his
mode of life, and how lucidly it sets
these forth for our edification or Instruction. So with the bee, or the
oyster, or aught else in the animal
kingdom. Even of vague protoplasm
we can write and think sanely and
clearly; of the elusive electron also
we are learning things. Bul when It
comes to Man—We throw up our
hand? in despair.
Not that we have not thought and
written enough about, him. Thinkers
on man are legion and their tomes
encumber the earth. We have in
point of fact written and thought of
hlm so much that lt Is yet necessary
to think and write of him a great deal
more. And It Is not our Ignorance
that is altogether to blame for this,
for, considering who we are, we know
quite a lot. The fault is with our
extreme vanity. We have divided the
universe into two partB, Man and not
First-born of an ass. Is Man not
cousin to the ant and great grandchild
of protoplasm? Man ls merely ONE
of the animal species which inhabit
this planet, which is only one of the
planets circling about one of the suns.
As such he Is of no greater Import
ance in the scheme of things than the
ant or the oyster. His habits and customs and mode of life are on the
same plane as theirs, though more
complex and less satisfactory. Of
course his own affairs are all important to him, but that is all the more
reason why he should bring to bear
upon their Investigation at. least as
much scientific observation, exact
reasoning and unprejudiced utterance
as he devoteB to the affairs of the
ant or the bee. He must put his
species into its proper place in the
department of biology, and there examine It as though it were being
observed by a scientific and unen-
thusiastlc ant.
In this light the human race appears, not as a coterie of remarkable
individuals differentiated from one
another by marked personal attributes, but as It should appear, as a
species of gregarious mammals, living
In..hills, hlves-or oaHMWiPimeB-^ar-rlttg-
a faculty for pushing literature that
few of our speakers have. Also he
lets the crowd have no illusions about
"our" helping "them." He tells them
straight that they must help themselves by supporting the propaganda
of the S. P. of C.
It .soon being evidenced that the organizer was a bit of a musical crank,
an orchestra sprang up among the
"Brantford Gazoots," something of the
"squeegee band" sort ofthing. Since
Baritz's departure this monstrosity
has subsided into a normal condition,
much to the relief of the neighbors,
after immortalizing itself on several
phonographic records. But the chief
point that we have gained, is, a general discussion throughout the city of
the meetings, and although we have
many "sympathisers," still the workers are so shy and so modest when
it comes to doing any active work in
the movement, or even joining the
Party. Tbey agree with our position
but, "Who will bell the cat?" It's a
case of "I love my Soclnlist propaganda, but, Oh! you job!"—W. D.
Comrade Editor:
Comrade Fulcher and the writer
took a notion to go to Rivers last
Thursday, August 18th, for the purpose
of trying to organise a local there.
Rivers is a town of about 700 slaves,
first divisional point west of Winnipeg on the G. T. P. Ed. took the
stand and from the time we got there
until darkness, handed out the dope
in fine style to a crowd of about 100
slaves.. Taking for his subject "Modern slavery and the way out," he showed them conclusively that they were
slaves whose sole purpose through life
was to create profits for the master | off."    "Trust ln God  and keep your
class, pointing out to them how and powder dry."
Comrade Editor,—The other Sunday night a parson at the First Methodist Church, Brandon, was pleased
to attack the Socialists. That is to
say, "the fly stood on the axle of the
chariot wheel. What a dust do I
raise, quoth he."
Secure in the divinity which doth
edge a pulpit,. out good friend fired
off his pop gun, nor did he check his
thunder in mid volley. The Socialists
shall be utterly destroyed; Brimstone
and Treakle Sulphur Tablets. Dynamite shall not be used because I saw
a poor wage-slave at Brandon Fair
and It had only taken off his nose
and blinded hlm; and this pan eon
believes in anhilation! Dynamite
now and again blasts the wage-slave
and now and again the wage-slave
blasts the Parsons.
Before the capitalists' system of
dividing up forced ma' out of my own
dear country, England, or rather that
country which the English Capitalists
pwn, I went to London to see Queen
Victoria's funeral procession.
"The boast of heraldry. The pomp of
And all that beauty, all that wealth
e'er gave,
Await alike the inevitable hour;
The pathB of glory lead but to the
' That is one consolation fellow wage-
In company with a fellow wage-
slave who by the way was known as
Copperknob, I arrived at London in
the small hours of the morning. We
immediately walked down to Piccadilly and opposite Walsingham House.
We took our stand on the cawse. We
passed the time away by eating pork
pies and gazing at nothing in particular. After we had indulged 111 this
recreation for an indeterminate space
of time we discovered we were not
tho only pebbles on the beach, for immediately behind us were two fair
maidens. With that coy modesty
characteristic of the English youth we
angled for an Introduction. Copper-
knob glanced at them with tender admiration. The girls giggled, the ice
was broken.
Every now and again we could hear
the boom of distant artillery. "Hark
at the big guns going off!" said one
of the fair maidens. "Never you mind
Mary my dear," I said, "for until they
put old Copperkuob's cokernut inBlde
one of those gun3, they won't do any
When I heard of our clerical
friend's denunciation I whispered to
myself, "Hark at the big guns going
where they are robbed, and how they
can stop the robbery when they are
alive to their material interests. He
showed Ihem that there was no difference between the two old political
parties (Liberals and Conservatives)
they were just the henchmen of the
Capitalist class. No matter how the
workers voted for the one or the other,
they got it in the neck every lime.
Ed. then showed them what Socialism was, what Socialists stood for,
and the way to get It. It it was to
their own material interest, they
should study Socialist literature;
which advice they obviously took, seeing that I sold $2.15 worth of Charlie
O.'B.'s masterly exposition in the Alberta Legislature, and Summary of
Marx Capital. Took a sub. for the
Clarion and distributed nearly 100 copies. Will organize here shortly, I
Tours ln revolt,
-   • * r;-H:xt!GQB."
I saw one of these black sheep
standing in the midst of those yellow,
red and blue streaks, the Salvation
Army, with the oil of grace plastered
all over his hair and oozing out of
every pore of his body, with the light
divine radiating from his visage, he
lifted up his shining eyes, his radiant
orbs, fixed his gaze upon the starry
heavens, the ethereal blue, and said,
"If Jesus Christ wanted to Bave a lost
soul he would instantly command all
Ihe angels ln heaven to stop playing
their harps ln order to save that soul."
This gives the impression that Heaven
is one grand orchestra and that Jesus
Christ is a musical conductor. "See
the leader of the band, with his baton
Finnish. .Meets e\ery second and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 151
Hastings St. \V. Secretary, Wm.
X.OCAI. BOSSLAUD, NO. 25, 8. P. of C,
meets in Miners' HaU every Sunday at
7:3d p.m. K Campbe.l, Secy., P. O.
Box liTl, Ro.ialand Finnish Branch
meets In Finlahders" Hail, Sundays at
J:3d p.m. .-\. Sebb.e, Secy., P, O. Box
iijj Uon. land.
every Friday evening at 8 p. ni., In
Miners' Hall, Nelson, U. C. I. A, Austin, Secy.
LOCAI. C4L8ABY,  AI.TA., No. 4, S. F.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at S
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block.
Eighth Ave. li. (near postofllce). Club
and Heading Room. Lauor Hall, T,
Machin, Secretary. Box 647, A. Maedonald,  Organizer,   Box  647.
P. of C, meets every flrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall,
J. Ollphant, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,    NO.     9,
Miners' Hull und Opera House at 8
p.m. Everybody welcome to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
LOCAL  VANCOUVEB,  B.  C,   NO.   58—
LETTISH—Meets every second and
iOdt sun.iLiv in the month, 2 p. m.
R J Weinberg. 40 Ave., South Hill.
J. Schogart, Secretary, Box 1616,
\ ancuuvv.1'.   6.   c.
P. of C. Heurquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings,
every Thur.-day at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. lo 11 p.m. dally.
1*. Blake. 640 Athabasca Ave.. Secretary. Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre. Ii.
Thomas, Secretary.
KOOAL  NANAIMO,  NO.  8,   S.   P.   of   C.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
Jack Place. Itec. Secy., Box 826.
LOCAL   PEBNIE,   S.   P.   of   O.   HOLDS
educational meetings In the Miners
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting tlrst Sunday In each month,
same place at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
8. P. of C.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
uuartcrs, Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide
Street, opposite Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every Monday evening at
3P m Propaganda meeting Sunday
evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.
Secretary, J. W. Hilling, 270 Young
Street. g
meets every Sunday in Miners' Union
Hall at 7:30 p. m. Buslnesa meetings,
1st and 3rd Sundays of each month.
George Heatherton, Organizer; R. J.
Campbel.. secretary, Box 124.
LOCAL VEII.1TON, E. C, 38, 8. P. of C,
meets every ^ecund and last Friday ln
each month. Chas. Chaney, Sec, Box
127  Ven.i it,  B. J. '
S. P. of C.—Meet-i every Sunday In
hall In Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. 0., VO. 16, 8. P. OP
C, meets every Sunday in Graham's
Hail at 10:30 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodaham, Secretary.
LOOAL MABA, B. 0., NO. 34, 8. P. Of C,
Meets flrat Sunday In every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman,   Recording  Secretary.
OP O. Business meetings 2nd and
4th Wednesdays ln the month, at
the Labor Temple, Church St. Outdoor propaganda meetings, Saturday,
8 p.m., City Hall; Sunday afternoon,
3 p.m., at University and Queen St.;
Sunday night, 8 p.m., at Shuter and
Yonge St. Speakers' Class every
Thursday, 8 p.m., at Headquarter*,
79 Church St. Secretary, Arthur
Taylor, 201 George St,
LOCAL   COBALT,   No.   9,   S.   P.   of   O.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
M.    J     Gorman,    Box    446,    Financial
LOOAL   OTTAWA,   NO.   8,   S.   P.   Of   O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday ln
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. tn Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rldeau St. The usual
weekly inside propaganda meetings
discontinued during summer months.
John Lyon, secretary, 43 Centre St.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Maedonald' s hall. Union Street. All are wel-
. come. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary. Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building. Union
•>s OWN"  o.oH-itl.S" op
ft£ST in b.c.        cir»/vB»:
Pamphlets Now Ready
Proletarian in Politics   The Slave ol
EdSfcSMtSh*        25c per dozen
in his hand. There ls music in the
When I told a fellow slave, who by
the way ls not a Socialist, what the
parson hud said, he said, "What about
the cat gut; where do they get lt
from?" This is evidently a question
not to be asked.
When will our black sheep come
down to mother enrth and realise that
ln this capitalistic system ot Production Profits, are more important than
wage-slaves. Wage-slaves are only
means to that end, that sympathy,
love, tenderness cannot flourish till
this ruthless system of buying men In
the cheapest market is abolished.
Socialists are wage-slaves who realise
that they are "more Important than
Profits. I am now going to demonstrate that a Parson has his price.
At a convention of parsons held in
Victoria the other day, the parsons
voted to advance their own salaries
on account of the increased cost of
living. Trust ln God and keep your
powder dry. They may have prayed
about these rising prices, but they
evidently made up their minds that
no supernatural power controlled rising prices, not even for the benefit of
his peculiar people, let alone un-
clrcumcised Philistines, Socialists and
such like trash. It may be true that
there are more things    wrought    by
prayer than the world dreams of, but
judging by the actions of those black
sheep ut Victoria, It hud no influence
on rising prices. They didn't pray,
they voted! Vote for Socialism! Its
a funny thing to reflect on because a
very bold man (Martin Luther, probably), Bald God himself cannot do
without good men and truly a parson
Is a poor fellow that would live, and so
in convention assembled they vote to
increase their own salaries.
He wanted to live also when it
comes to dollars and cents; what
about the cat gut, Mr. Parson? However, ln conclusion, I may say I approve of your voting to Increase your
salaries. We Socialists are voting to
increase our salaries. So, Mr. Parson,
what are you squealing about? Miserable creature, don't be greedy. You
know when to come down to Mother
Earth, don't you? You know what
you want and we know what we want.
You didn't consult us, do you think
we shall consider you? Mr. Parson, we
are not careful to answer you on this
matter. Go and get the beam out of
your own eye. Shut up! Dry up! and
don't be greedy or in your own Hell
we shall frizzle you to a frazzle.
Yours -for Socialism,
Brandon, Man.
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday -Sept. 4tH.
J. H. Hawthornthwaite 8ATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3rd, 1910.
Tb'" Page Is L)-*vot-jd to Reports of Exectitive Committees, Locals
and General Patty Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box   168S,  Vancouver, B. C.
ment and therefore with the issue, so
he refused to vote. Comrade Harry
Topelensky spoke against reforms and
for the S. P. of C. He voted against
Joining the Social Democrats. Most
of the delegates gave their time and
pnld their own expenses, which one
delegate told me would be about a
thousand dollars.
Meeting held August 29th, 1910!
Piesent Comrades Morgan (chairman) Karme, Mengel, Peterson, Stebblngs, the Secretary and Com. John
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from Locals St. John, N, B.; Montreal, Que.;
Brartford, Out.; Edmonton tnd Innis-
ford, Alta. From Organizers O'Brien,
Gribble, Desmond and llailtz and from
Com. J. Stewart, Toronto.
Locals Sault, Ste. Marie Supplies $2.00
Local Brantford  Stamps     3.00
Local Montreal stamps      2.00
Literature, etc., Vancouver $10;
P. Cory $2;  R. Hellingher 50c. 12.50
Clarion, August Surplus   52.40
Clarion Maintenance Fund—B. L.
J. $1; J. R. $1; Happy Cap $20;
J. 'Allison $1     23.00
Warrants authorized for Clarion, August card, $1.00; Clarion on behalf
Manitoba Executive vi5.00; Secretary,
August Salary, $15.00; Expressage
$1.80; Gerald Desmond, Organizing,
Meeting  held Aug.  29, 1910.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Nanaimo, Ladysmith and New
Local Vancouver    $10.25
Local Ladysmlth      3.00
Local New Westminster       5.00
Total $18.25
Warrants authorized for Clarion
August card $1.00. Postage $5.00. Secretary's August Salary $15.00.
Dear Comrade:
Will you please find room in the
issues of The Clarion between now and
Labor Day, September 5th, for an Invitation for all Comrades on the Island
and the Locals on the coast to picnic
with Victoria Local on that date. The
scene of the picnic is Fraser street
water-front, Esquimau, and all Comrades within reach will be looked for.
Yours in revolt,
Sec'y Victoria Local No. 2, S. P. of C.
Twenty-six delegates representing
ten locals of the Ukrainian socialists
of Western Canada met in convention
in Edmoton August 22nd to 25th inclusive. When dealing with whether
' they should join the Socialist Party
of Canada or the Social Democrats, I
was Invited to speak. The following
! is. roughly, what I had to say:
The task of emancipating ourselves
from wage slavery is a great one. Not
only do we have to fight the common
[enemy, but we must light among our-
Iselves as to the shortest and easiest
[•way out, as well as to rid ourselves
lof what Com. Kingsley calls Orchard-
| itis—a low down cussedness that
[slavery, nnd particularly wage-slavery,
[has brought Into us.
Let me give you a short sketch of a
[few of the  efforts  of  the slaves  of
[Canada to do things  for themselves.
I have here  a platform of thlrty-
[ seven planks  adopted  by the Labor
[party in Toronto in 1886.   Their death
[ is a matter of past  History.    Since
[then the Socialist Labor Party made
i very good  headway  in most of the
f then industrial centers of Canada. Hop-
king to do still better they tied them-
1 selves to a Union, which became  a
millstone around  their  necks.    They
Idled hard;  so far as I know they have
(not got a branch  in  Canada.    Then
, the Canadian Socialist Leagues advo-
' eating   reforms,   prticularly   Government Ownership, with New Zealand as
| the   only   Socialist   country   in   the
world.    Although   Russia  had   more
Government    Ownership    than    New
(Zealand, I suppose they did not con-
i sidcr Russia a Socialist country be-
I cause it was not "democratic."    For
a while they thrived  and then died.
Several reform movements have since
[had a mushroom growth, then died.
[in British Columbia a number of re-
j formers who  called  themselves  Socialists helped to bring into existence
I the Peoples' Progressive Party, it soon
Then came the Socialist Party of
[British  Columbia;    they  refused   to
have reforms in their platform or pro-
[        wv mna. toe pusincs» us, mu,iu,m.M«vrsl
I SB-riueru and others who realize the advisability of taidBg their Patent burines* transacted
Montreal i and WMhlmrton. n.C- tl.S-A.
pagandal no compromise, no political
trading; anything that will help the
slaves in their class struggle against
the rule of capital, we are for lt. The
class struggle is a struggle between
.Masters and Slaves for the ownership
of the means of wealth production.
Tho struggle over the price of commodities is not. a part of the class
struggle, They refused to tie themselves up with any union. They did
not fight the unions but insisted on
putting them where they belonged,
in the midst of the struggle over the
pi ice of commodities. The S. P. of
B. C. has grown to be the Socialist
Party of Canada.
Then came an Independent Labor
Party on the Pacific Coast; they died.
Then came the Social Democrats who
catered to Christianity, Unions, and
several other things including the
Anti-Asiatic League; they too are
dead. Then came the I. W. W. and
grew so fast that faint-hearted wise
guys thought it was all up with the
S. P. of C. So far as I know the I. W.
W. has dwindled down to a couple of
small locals. Imagine a pop«lation
very little larger than that of the
city of London scattered over a territory several hundred thousand square
miles larger than the United States;
the great difficulty and expense in the
way of the slaves getting together for
purposes of propaganda; most of the
population new from other parts of the
world, all trying to gobble some property, knowing that this is the last
great West and that It will soon be
old. Such ls Canada. Yet in spite
of—and to some extent because of—
all this the S. P. of C. has about as
many members, a greater number of
well-posted Socialists and more members In Parliament than any other English speaking place of about the same
Yet we have Stechlsin, Saltzman,
Rigg, and a few- others trying to organize another Social Democratic
Party on the cheap pretext that the
S. P. of C. is not growing fast enough
owing, they say, to wrong tactics
on Trades Union?, refoii/s and several
other things. Saltzman and Rigg are
both suffering from too much training
in Capitalist places of education ard
too little knowledge in the Proletarian School. They are not wonhy of
serious consideration. Not so with
Stechlsin. I am confident he is sufficiently familiar with the Proletarian
Schoql to know better. I do not know
his motives, but 1 ara ever more con
vinced they are not to the best interests of my class. Conditions are
much more favorable for Socialist propaganda ln most other parts of the
English speaking world than iu Canada. Most of the Socialist parties in
these parts have reforms in their platforms. They cater to Unions, religion, etc., with the hope of getting
votes so ns to get members in parliament to give prestige to the movement, but they have failed. If members of Parliament eive prestige to the
movement—nnd I believe they do-
then the S. P. of C. has shown how It
"an be done. The difference between
the S. P. of C. and the other movements to which referred—and seme to
which 1 have not referred—is about
the same as the difference between
the S. P. of C. und the now Social
There is a reason why the other
movements have failed and why the
S. P. of C. is doing so well. At one
time I, with other members, wanted
the S. P. of C. to tie up with side
Issues, but they refused even at the
expense of losing some members.
Since then the side Issues have died.
So I have learned that we do the
Socialist movement an injury when we
attempt to tie it to side issues. In
time side issues must fall and every
failure with which we are connected
is an exhibition of our lack of knowledge and a setback to our movement.
Hence, when the S. P. of C. Ib financially In a position to have a National
Convention, if I am there, I will propose, not to make the platform longer,
but to make it shorter. The abolition of the rule of capital with its
labor market or system of wage slavery, by the transformation of capitalist property into the collective property of the working class, is all that
is needed.
Those of you who do not agree with
the programme of the S. P. of C.
will be asked to join the Social Democrats. It is up to you. Those of you
who agree with the S. P. of C, we
welcome you.
In answer to why the S. P. of C.
did not Join the International Bureau,
flrst, because we are too poor. Second, as a protest against the compromising tactics of the 1. S. B.
All the delegates but two voted to
join tbe Social Democrats, some hesitating considerably before voting, as
though they did not understand the
proposition. Comrade John Semeniuk,
lately from the U. S. A., said he was
not sufficiently familiar with the move-
Brantford, August 10, 1910.
My first set of propaganda speeches
In this place are over. I have held
three meetings. Considering the
whole of Ihe circumstances, the stay
here has been very successful in every
way. It has given me greater opportunity of getting into touch with the
Comrades. They meet on Sunday
afternoons in a park and hold an open
air discussion. I was present on Sunday and could see that the Comrades
were as sound as a bell, as solid as a
rock on the economic position of the
working class. They have a clear conception of the revolutionary position
the workers must occupy. It is an advantage to the workers that this Local
refuses to have "free lance" Socialists
who talk about all things except the
emancipation of the workers from
wage slavery. They do not allow anybody on their platform but those
who point out the class struggle and
its immediate abolition. No reform
dope for them.
Quite a number of the associates of
the Comrades realize the impregnable attitude assumed by the revolutionists and do their best to oppose
the freakish notions of the reformers
in Brantford. They will become members soon. It says much for the activity and energy of the boys here
when they can get one hundred three
months' "subs" for The Clarion.
Brantford is a spot that will show the
way for the towns in its vicinity. The
Local has no speakers at all, which
again goes to illustrate the soundness
of the "silent" members. Brantford
Local gives an inspiration to those
who can not speak, but occupy their
time in getting around, taking part ln
conversation and interesting their fellow-slaves ln the only matter that
should concern them.
There Is one thing, however, I should
like to point out, and that is, the boys
must cultivate patience and get sweet-
tempered. A speaker on a platform
is always able to get the best of an
argument against a "buttinski." I
proved that in the case of the policeman whom I told to keep quiet when
I was speaking. A sweet-temper ls a
good thing, and helps one along so
nicely. May I thank Comrades Baker,
Davenport and Morean for the extreme kindness they tendered me during my stay. You are the kind of boys
to get things done. It's no use saying: "Keep the ball rolling." It would
be superfluous.
•   •   •
Gait, August 8, 1910.
Cicero wrote or said some time ago
the following phrase: "Bea'tos IIIob qui
cum adesse ipsio non llcebat aderant
tamen." That in plain English, embellished by Galtian ideas, means:
"Happy they be who, when it was not
allowed them to attend in person, still
were there." He can not have been
thinking of the Gait Local of the S.
P. of C.i I'm sure of that. But nevertheless It ls applicable o the Gait Com-
Pe'ore I set out on my tour I received a note from the secretary of
Gait saying that they could do nothing for me in the way of hospitality
nor financial assistance. I wrote from
Brantford stating what day I would
arrive, and Secretary Henderson answered me courteously and kindly,
giving me information where to stay,
etc. In due course I arrived at the
hotel (It's all well, Mac, I'll not squander my money—I'll pay about $4.00 for
the two days I'm here), and lo! I met
a Comrade belonging to the Local. He
greeted me very warmly, became
bubbling over with enthusiasm. I
asked, "What preparations are the Local making for ray meetings? " The
reply was: "Oh, none; we don't recognize you at all." I said, "Is that
so? Don't you know that my work
as organizer ls officially sanctioned
by the party, and the Dominion Executive bave appointed me?" "Oh!" was
the reply, "but we don't recognize the
Dominion Executive." My retort was:
"If you chaps are anxious for Soclal-
sim at all you will do all In your power
to assist me." He then intimated that
when the Local met on Tuesday nigbt,
August 16th, lt had decided to boycott
my meetings and not to assist in any
way. I said It was certainly a dirty
thing to do, seeing that I was a stranger.
After a little inconsequential conversation we arrived at the point of
who was here last week. He stated
Ben P. Wilson was here. I said: "And
do you chaps say you are revolutionary when you have a man ■ like that
here? I certainly will expose the
Kingdom of God idea and twaddle
about the Brotherhood of Man." He
said in a very severe tone: "Well,
if you attack Wilson you will not have
it your own way. You'll get an argument. My reply was that, "judging
from your decision to boycott me you
Comrades haven't
Innsft "   H« wm *h
I went down town to find the meeting place. I did not know where to
go. In a moment or two I asked the
same Comrade to oblige and show,
me where the meeting place was, so
that I could get a rcowd. He absolutely refused, saying: "I won't help
you in any way—find out for yourself."
1 asked some workingmen standing at
the corner where the meeting place
was, and they directed me. They also
Informed me about Wilson's speech re
"Our Lord and Saviour," etc.
I started my speech just after the
secretary, Mr. Henderson, arrived and
said that he would assist me "unofficially." He told me not to undo the
good (?) work that Wilson had done.
I strated pointing out the essential
difference between scientific Socialism
and superstitious supernaturalism.
That the working-class, In a social and
collective manner, would emancipate
themselves without the iiftercession or
intervention of a bralnstormer in the
way of a ghost. Man alone would do
it, etc. I had a good crowd, got forty
cents, sold firty-five cents literature.
Then I asked for a few questions.
None were forthcoming. I begged for
opposition. The audience jeered at
the local Comrades when I beseeched
them to get on the platform to oppose
wnat I said. I informed the audience
of their "supreme kindness" in attempting to make my visit a fiasco.
When I closed the meeting I went
to some of the Comrades. They then
got it—where the chicken got the axe.
One man who was listening said: "I
am not a Socialist, but I agreed with
that fellow Wilson." Secretary Henderson said I had done more harm in
five minutes than could be repaired
in twelve months. I agree. It'll take
that crew even longer than that to
get over it.
It is apparent that the Gait Local
are as much Interested in advocating
revolution as I am in enunciating Judaism. To treat a total stranger in
the way they have done, to hinder the
revolutionary work I am out for,
stamps them as'unfit for the party
membership. They don't get any Clarions. They sell anything but Socialist literature. They refuse to take
any notice and recognition of the Dominion Executive. Both Henderson
and tbe other Comrades admitted that.
I was an Interloper and a grafter to
them. I was to be treated as a political leper. The Local, as a Local, decided not to be officially represented
at my meetings, but, to quote Cicero,
"Happy they who, when it was not
allowed them to appear ln person, still
were there." They were at the meeting, but kept a very discreet silence.
If whispers of the crowd count for
anything it will be a long time before
the present Local will have the jires-
tige they have held. Contemptuous
disregard will be their lot. More later.
The resolutlonary stage of the Social-Democratic Party of Canada has
commenced in earnest, and while it is
well known that all opportunist parties are strong on resolutions, I must
congratulate our friend Rigg on the
comprehensive manner In which he
he has set forth his own particular
views, without clashing with the
other democratic members of the S.
D. P. of Canada.
In the resolution which appeared in
the Clarion of August 20th, 1910, issued by the supposed S. D. P. of
Canada, were statements that would
lead some, who were ignorant of the
facts, to get a wrong Impression of
the S. P. of C. In connection with this
matter. The clash between Reformers
and Revolutionists has been smoldering in Ontario and Manitoba for some
time back, and I venture to say would
have been smoldering yet, if the Reds
In Manitoba on the occasion of the last
Provincial Elections, had not antagonized the near Socialists, the Christ'-
Socialists, the labor union Socialists
and all the other hybrids, who lay
claim to that name; and lncidently
was the means of them losing $200.00
deposit money, by putting up a Socialist In opposition to a supposed Labor
Party Candidate Mr. Dixon.
I deny absolutely the statement of
lilggs as set forth In the resolution
of the Committee; That the action is
taken, not so much because of difference of opinion regarding the fundamental basis of Marxian doctrines,
as on the ground of different views
taken respecting their interpretation
and application to the International
working class movement of to-day.
And, furthermore, the resolution
states; "that the principal reason for
such separation exists In the fact, that
we despair of ever securing a fair
bearing under the present administration." I know from experience that
these mouth-filling prhases of democracy are only an excuse for forming a separate organization that will
give wider scope to Individuals, who
have pet theories that they wish included as Socialism; but chiefly their
object Is a party that will give free
play to their personal ambitions; an
organization that can be used for the
purpose of displaying their oratorlal
abilities, irrespective of whether they
understand the reality of the subject
road to Democracy with a rush; notwithstanding that tbe committee decided on the 24th of July to break
away from the S. P. of C. I, as secretary of the Manitoba Provincial Executive S. P. of C, have not up to the
present time (22nd of August, received any notice either verbal, or
written from any of the Locals that
seceded, informing the Executive of
their action, and, furthermore, it has
been intimated that they are so democratic that they wish to retain the
Charter of the S. P. of C. which is not
their property, If they live up to our
democratic constitution.
Winnipeg Local No. 21 (Ruthenian)
bas an average membership of 1.06
per month. I presume as Stechishln is organizer and his wife secretary that they form the membership,
who constitutes the decimal I can't
say for certain but I think Stechishln
is the fraction. Stechishln stands for
democracy, as he signed the resolution as chairman, but if we recollect
anything correctly, this same Stechishln formed an organization, during
tbe time that he was a member of
the despotic S. P. of C; that had for
Its object a Socialist organization,
independent, except nominally, of the
S. P. of C, and after the organization
was formed, he sent the resolution
to the Dom. Executive asking leave
to form it. If that is'nt robbing a man
and then asking for a loan. I am
from Missouri.   Show me.
As for Ihe statement that we do not
differ so much re the fundamental
basis of Marxian economics as to
their construction for the working
Class Movement of to-day. It is quite
true that your Opportunist Party does
not differ as to econonjics, for the
simple reason that they don't understand Marxian economics, or any
other, for that matter, if they did
they would not be opportunists.
Did Marx utter those historic words
for nothing: "Workers of the World
unite, you bave nothing to lose but
your chains and a world to gain." He
certainly did waste time if we as a
Working Class" devote our time
to anything that has not for its object
directly or indirectly the abollsion of
"Wage Slavery." What has municipal
administration got to do with the
"Working Class?" Let your masters
look after their own property. What
business have we as a Political Party
meddling with labor unions or federations. As commodity peddlers we are
sometimes forced Into trade unions
as sellers of the commodity labor-
power; but as a Socialist my object
ln life is not to get more oats as a
seller of energy under the capitalist
system, but to abolish the system,
which compels me to sell myself on
the installment plan.
When our friends get lost for a
real foundation for their ambitious
schemes, they draw our attention, to
what the Party in Germany believes,
and what they do, or what Kaulsky
thinks Is the correct tactics. Now!
I do not deny the advisability of quoting Kautsky, or Bebel, or Kingsley,
or Rigg, when their ideas conform to
what seems logical, but there is no
man living good enough for me to
accept, because he happens to be the
shepherd of a flock of sheep, and I
refuse to accept his (Kautsky's) interpretation of Marx unless I think it
correct. Furthermore If anyone will
take the trouble lo look up the original
he will find that the quotation does
not apply, which would have been
quite clear if our friends had not
thoughtfully left parts of It out.
Canada is practically what might
be called an industrial infant; she is
not hampered by many remains of
feudal laws or customs, confined by
precedents, or tied up by mediaeval
land tenure, consequently we have
Capitalist development In its purity,
and displaying all the wonderful ramifications, and kalledescoplc motions
of which it is capable. Surety our
friends the reformers believe that the
political institutions arc the reflex
of the economic conditions, and they
also know that the economic system
in the U. S. and Canada have no
barriers outside of nature, and that
Industrialism has full swing. Not like
Germany which has not succeeded In
throwing off the relics of middle age
land tenure, and that our tactics must
be different. Our interpretation of
Marx Is different. Not to the Revolutionists In Germany, but to the Social
Democratic Party, which has grown
up   a   conglomeration   of   Rods   and
eXere and 9fow
By Spes.
The experiences of a worker In a J
construction camp as narrated by one ';
of them in this issue, make truly enlightening reading, coming at a time
when a    tremendous   how! ls being
raised over a shortage of labor, and
the splendid conditions that exist In
British Columbia.   It will be remembered that, perhaps, only one slave
out of thousands would ever get nerve
enough to roar.   Verily, capitalism Is
the  very refinement of slave conditions.   It mak | men call up the last
ounce of energy in their bodies and
give it, In work, to the master.   This,
under conditions that any able-bodied
chattel slave would scorn to tolerate.
But its chief beauty is that it blames
it all on the incapacity of the slave
for other work.   At the same time,
the masters do not hesitate to claim;
credit for doing the same work them- j
selves.   For instance, who builds the
Grand Trunk Pacific?   Why, the Liberal Party and the Grand Trunk Rail- •
way  Company.    What are  tbe  con-;
structlon  camps  for,  then?    Just  to ■
give" the dear unfortunate workers ,
some Jobs. !
•     •     • tr-
Ot course, there is just a suspicion
that if there is any giving, it Is the |
workers who do It. In short, It looks |t
very much as though these fellows *
who buy their way Into the camps,
with their beds on their backs, are
engaged in the pleasant occupation of
building railroads for nothing ahd
handing them over to somebody else.
I say "for nothing," advisedly, jfor
they are barely enabled to subsist,
and, so far as they are concerned, Are
their lives not wasted? And the
somebody else who gets the railroads-
do they even say "thank you?" Only
at election times, when tbey graciously admit that labor has "assisted" pap-
Hal In "developing the country." There
is a good prospect that this suspicion
will develop into a strong conviction
and that the workers will conclude
that they would look a great deal better building railroads for themselves.
If tbey did that, their grub would be
considerably Improved, and they would
at least bave a mattress to rest on.
But, now you're getting into Socialism,
and you better cut it out as that will
take away our libertyl
• •   T
We have turned the'Bulldog and the
Strawberry Blonde out Into the cold,/
cruel world.    Tbe conscience of the,
Circulation Liar will'only permit him/
to acknowledge subs .in this wise:       (
Local Dauphin  50
Local Brantford   21
W. a. S 1	
Ed. Fulcher, Brandon	
Wayman and Johnson, Motnreal...
J. C. Burgess, Calgary	
H. Norman, Vancouver    2
.   .-  . |
Singles. f
Jas. Allison, Nanalmo; Wm. Ritchie,
South Hill, B. C.| W. H. Bambu*-,
Phoenix; Fred Larson, Union Bay*, 13.
C; I. Jobllng, Shield, B. C; Walter E.
Hadden, Grand Forks, B. C.;iJ. Tre-
bitt, South Vancouver; Alice Harllng,
Victoria, B. C; Thos. Machin, Calgary, Alta.; A. .1. Browning, Lundbrek,
Alta.; Theo. Hansen, Hastings Coulee,
Local Vernon pays for curd, and
Local Lethbridge orders a bundle.
• *    •
How Impressive It Is to behold the
Majesty of the Law upheld in all its
Above the turmoil of the street, rose
the sweet tones of a child's voice. The
diversion was pleasing, and we
paused to llBten. Upon the pavement
stood a mother and her two daughters.
The younger one was singing. Soon
a little hand was outstretched that
the listeners might express their substantial approval, which they did.
Suddenly there appeared the imposing
figure of a large policeman. We trem-
b'ed, had a crime been committed?
He spoke to the lady, who, smiling
resignedly, turned away. A' sigh of
relief went up—it was only the Law
justifying its existence. Wt\ the bystanders, did not know what weighty
statute had been violated, hut at any
rate, the dignity of the Law was maintained, nnd tho mother with her tiny
singers, having no bass drum or Im-
reactionaries and not ns Is commonly
supposed   a   purely    Working    Class  migration policy, moved on.
Party.   What has the boast of three
million  Socialists done for Germany?
Why!  nothing but place them on a
pedestal, that Is already seen to be a
Illusion and not a reality.
I don't see why the statemeni «as
made that the Lettish Comrades broke
away from the S. P. of ('■ It Is absolutely untrue, and besides several of
the German Locals joined Local No.
I. As 1 proved by the membership
standing, that Winnipeg No. 2 had
only 1.6 members ln good standing,
Jewish Local average 6, and German
11 (approx.) the membership that
the S. P. of C. loses won't worry her
very much; what she lost in members
she gained in prestage.
Yours In Revolt,
'i ,,."c Ma rut. 8
Atw.nee-'tiilliig r« -kri. ii tnd uoMrtptlQH mny
qui. 1:1- inee-rl-uil our o|<nm 'i tn.o wueflicr un
luvinll'in in in..."t.iv I'm. tin.liiii (''Xiiniiinlcii.
I ■'. :i, "in- I ly .-..iji'-j.-i!! i. It.VJDilOCK "*i I'lil'.'iiU
■mil r ■.... Olilc-t it. ''I'-v f^r-uouitiiu I'utoi'U.
I'nluiiU taken itiroueh Munn a Co. reoelv*
'-■"■(nt notice, without clmrsa, Intno
f     I
Scientific America...
hAndflom-Blr UlwtmtM weekly*    L-nnreet -Hr-
tlaMun of mttf   fci't-Miliii-*!  JouruM.    Tviim   for
■an-vi***-, 13.71 ft jtrnx, jMMtttte prepaid.   Bold b*
. 1 Mwedveleri.
'. I tour
Value, Price
and Profit
Value and Labor.
Citizens, I have now arrived at a point where I must enter the real development of the question. I cannot promise to do this ln a very satisfactory way, because to do so I should be obliged to go over the whole Held
of political economy. I can, as the French would say, but "effleurer la
question," touch upon the main points.
The flrst question we have to put is: What is the value of a commodity?
How is it determined?
At flrst sight it would seem that the value of a commodity is a thing
quite relative, and not to be settled without considering one commodity in
its relations to all other commodities. In fact, in speaking of a value, tbe
value ln exchange of a commodity, we mean the proportional quantities in
•which it exchanges with all other commodities. But then arises the question: How are the proportions in which commodities exchange with each
other regulated?
We know from experience that these proportions vary infinitely. Taking
one single commodity, wheat, for instance, we shall find that a quarter of
wheat exchanges in almost countless variations of proportion with different
commodities. Yet, Its value being exactly the same whether expressed in
silk, gold or any other commodity, it must be something distinct from, and
independent of, these different rates of exchange with different articles. It
must be possible to express, in a very different form, these various equations
with various commodities.
Besides, if I say a quarter of wheat exchanges with iron in a certain
proportion, or the value of a quarter of wheat is expressed in a certain
amount of iron, I say that the value of wheat and its equivalent in iron are
equal to some third thing, which is neither wheat, nor Iron, because I suppose them to express the same magnitude in two different shapes. Either
of them, the wheat or the iron must, therefore, independently of the other,
be reducible to this third thing which is their common measure.
To elucidate this point I shall recur to a very simple geometrical illustration. In comparing the areas of triangles of all possible forms and magnitudes, or comparing triangles with rectangles, or any other rectilinear
figure, how do we proceed? We reduce the area of any triangle whatever
to ail expression quite different from JtB visible form. Having found from
the nature of the triangle that its area is equal to half the product of its
basd. by Its height, we can then compare the different values of all sorts
of triangles, and of all rectilinear figures whatever, because all of them may
be resolved into a certain number of triangles.
The same mode of procedure must obtain with the values of commodities] We must be able to reduce all of them to an expression common to
all, and distinguishing them only by tbe proportions in which they contain
that Identical measure.
As the exchange values of commodities are only social functions of
those things, and have nothing at all to do with the natural qualities, we
must first ask, What is the common social substance of all commodities?
It it Labor.   To produce a commodity a certain amount of labor must be
bestowed upon it, or worked up in it.   And I say not only Labor, but Social
Labor.   A man who produces an article for his own immediate use, to consume lt himself, creates a product, but not a commodity.   As a self-sustaining-producer he has nothing to do with society.  But to produce a commodity,
a man must not only produce an article satisfying some social want, but
his .labor itself must form part and parcel of the total sum of labor expended
I   by society.   It must be subordinate to the Division of Labor within Society.
I  It is nothing without the other divisions of labor, and on its part is required
j to Integrate them.
; T    If  we  consider commodities as values, we consider them exclusively
; under tbe single aspect of realized, fixed, or, if you like, crystallized social
labor.   In this respect they can differ only by representing greater or
smaller quantities of labor, as, for example, a greater amount Qf tabor may
.' be worked up In a silken handkerchief than in a brick.   But how does one.
' measure quantities of labor?   By the time the labor lasts, in measuring the
labor by the hour, the day, etc.   Of course, to apply this measure, all sorts
of labor are reduced to average or simple labor as their unit,
We arrive, therefore, at this conclusion.   A commodity has a value,
because it is a crystallization of social labor. The greatness of its value,
or its relative value, depends upon the greater or less amount of that social
substance contained in it; that Is to say, on the relative mass of labor necessary for Its production. The relative values of commodities are, therefore,
determined by the respective quantities or amounts of labor, worked up,
realized, fixed in them. The correlative quantities of commodities which
can be produced In the same time of labor are equal. Or the value of one
commodity is to the value of another commodity as the quantity of labor
fixed in the one is to the quantity of labor fixed in the other.
I suspect that many of you will ask, Does then, Indeed, there exist such
a vast, or any difference whatever, between determining the values of commodities by wages, and determining them by the relative quantities of labor
necessary for their production? You must, however, be aware that the
reward for labor, and quantity of labor, are quite disparate things. Suppose,
for example, equal quuantities of labor to be fixed in one quarter of wheat
and one ounce of gold. I resort to the example because it was used by
Benjamin Franklin In his first EsBay published in 1721, and entitled,
A Modest Enquiry Into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency, where
he, one of the first, hit upon the true nature of value. Well. We suppose,
then, that one-quarter of wheat and one ounce of gold are equal values or
equivalents, because they are crystallizations of equal amounts of average
labor, of so many days' or so many weeks' labor respectively fixed ln them.
In thus determining the relative values of gold and grain, do we refer in any
way whatever to the wages of the agricultural laborer and the miner? Not
a hit. We leave It quite Indeterminate how their day's or their week's labor
was paid, or even whether wages labor was employed at all. If it was, wages
may have been very unequal. The laborer whose labor Is realized in the
quarter of wheat mny receive two bushels only, and the laborer employed
in 'mining may receive one-half of the ounce of gold. Or, supposing their
wages to be equal, they may deviate in all possible proportions from the
values of the commodities produced by them. They may amount to one-
hajf, one-third, one-fourth, one-fifth, or any other proportional part of the
one-quarter of corn or the one ounce of gold. Their wages can, of course,
not exceed, not be more than the values of the commodities they produced,
but they can be less in every possible degree. Their wages will be limited
by the values of the products, but the values of their products will not be
limited by the wages. And above all,, the values, the relative values of wheat
and gold, for example, will have been settled without any regard whatever
to the value of the labor employed, that ls to say, to wages. To determine
the values of commodities by the relative quantities of labor fixed In them,
is, therefore, a thing quite different from the tautological method of determining the values of commodities by the "value of labor," or by wages.
This point, however, will be further elucidated in the progress of our Inquiry.
In calculating the exchange value of a commodity we must add to the
quantity of labor last employed the quantity of labor previously worked up
in the raw material of the commodity, and the labor bestowed on the implements, tools, machinery, and buildings, with which such labor is assisted.
For example, the value of a certain amount of cotton-yarn la the crystallization of the quantity of labor added to the cotton during the spinning process,
the quantity of labor previously realized in the cotton itself, the quantity of
labor realized in the coal, oil, and other auxiliary substances used, the quantity of labor fixed ln the'iteam engine, the spindles, the factory building,
and bo forth. Instruments of production properly so-called, such as tools,
machinery, buildings, serve again and again for a longer or shorter period
during repeated processes of production. If they were used up at once, like
the raw material, their whole value would at once be transferred to the commodities they assist In producing. But as a spindle, for example, Is but
gradually used up, an average calculation ls made, based upon the average
time lt lastB, and its average waBte or wear and tear during a certain period,
say a day. In thlB way we calculate how much of the value of the spindle
is transferred to the yarn daily spun, and how much, therefore, of the total
amount of labor realized In a pound of yarn, for example, Is due to the quantity of labor previously realized In the spindle. For our present purpose It
is not necessary to dwell any longer upon this point.
——— tatufally seek hjs ein-'llu hills,''nft«£of aotnb
Socially Necessary Labor;
It might seem that if the value of a commodity is determined by the
quantity of labor bestowed upon its production, the lazier a man, or the
clumsier a man, the more valuable his commodity, because the greater the
time of labor required for finishing the commodity. This, however, would be
a sad mistake. You will recollect that I used the word "Social labor," and
many points are involved in this qualification of "Social." In saying that the
value of a commodity is determined hy the quantity of labor worked up or
crystallized in it, we mean the quantity of labor necessary for its production
ln a given state of society, under certain social average conditions of production, with a given social average Intensity, and average skill of the labor
employed. When, in England, the power-loom came to compete with the
hand-loom, only half the former time of labor was wanted to convert a given
amount of yarn into a yard of cotton or cloth. The poor hand-loom weaver
now worked seventeen or eighteen hours daily, instead of the nine or ten
hours he had worked before. Still the product of twenty hours of his labor
represented now only ten social hours of labor, or ten hours of labor socially
necessary for the conversion of a certain amount of yarn into textile stuffs.
His product of twenty hours had, therefore, no more value than his former
product of ten hours.
If then the quantity of socially necessary labor realized ln commodities
regulates their exchange value, every Increase in the quantity of labor
wanted for the production of a commodity must augment its value, as every
diminution must lower lt.
If the tespecttve quantities of labor necessary for the production of the
respective commodities remained constant, their relative values also would
be constant. But such is not the case. The quantity of labor necessary for
the production of a commodity changes continuously with the changes In the
productive powers of the labor employed. Ttie greater the productive powers
of labor, the more produce is finished in a given time of labor; and the
smaller the productive powers of labor, the less produce Is finished in the
same time. If, for example, in the progress of population it should become
necessary to cultivate less fertile soils, the same amount of produce would
be only attainable by a greater amount of labor spent, and the value of agricultural produce would consequently rise.. On the other hand, if, with the
modern means of production, a single spinner converts into yarn, during
one working day, many thousand times the amount of cotton which he could
have spun during the same time with the spinning wheel, it is evident that
every single pound of cotton will absorb many thousand times less of spinning labor than it did before, and, consequently, the value added by spinning
to every single pound of cotton will be a thousand times less than before.
The value of yarn will sink accordingly.
Apart from the different natural energies and acquired working abilities of different peoples, the productive powers of labor must principally
Firstly. Upon the natural conditions of labor, such as fertility of soil,
mines, and so forth.
Secondly. Upon the progressive Improvement of the Social Powers of
Labor, such as are derived from production on a grand scale, concentration
of capital and combination of labor, subdivision of labor, machinery, improved
methods, appliance ot chemical and other natural agencies, shortening of
time and space by means of communication and transport, and every other
contrivance by which science presses natural agencies into the service of
labor, and by which the social or co-operative character of labor Is developed.
The greater the productive powers of labor, the less labor bestowed upon
a given amount of produce; hence the smaller the value of the produce. The
smaller the productive powers of labor, the more labor Is bestowed upon
the same amount of produce; hence the greater its value. As a general law
we may, therefore, set it down that:
The values of commodities are directly as the times of labor employed
In their production, and are inversely as the productive powers of the labor
Price, taken by itself, is nothing but the monetary expression of value.
The values of all commodities of this country (England), for example, are
expressed In gold prices, while on the Continent they are mainly expressed
in silver prices. The value of gold or silver, like that of all other commodities, is regulated by the quantity of labor necessary for getting them. You
exchange a certain amount of your national products, in which a certain
amount of your national labor is crystallized, for the produce of the gold
and silver-producing countries, in which a certain quantity of their labor is
crystallized. It ls in this way, In fact by barter, that you learn to express
ln gold and silver the value of all commodities, that is the respective quantities of labor bestowed upon them. Looking somewhat closer into the monetary expression of value, or what comes to the same, the conversion into
price, you will find that it is a process by which you give to the values of
all commodities an independent and homogeneous form, or by which you
express them as quantities of equal social labor. So far as lt ls but the
monetary expression of value, price has been called natural price by Adam
Smith, "prix necessaire" by the French physiocrats.
What then ls the relation between value and market prices, or between
natural prices and market prices? You all know that the market price is
the same for all commodities of the same kind; however, the conditions of
production may differ for the individual producers. The market price expresses only the average amount of social labor necessary, under the average
conditions of production, to supply the market with a certain mass of a
certain article. It is calculated upon the whole lot of a commodity of a certain description.
So far the market price of a commodity coincides with its value. On
the other hand, the oscillations of market prices, rising now over, sinkidg
now under the value or natural price, depend upon the fluctuations of supply
and demand. The deviations of market prices from values are continual,
but, as Adam Smith says: "The natural price is the central price to which
the prices of commodities are continually gravitating. Different accidents
may sometimes keep them suspended a good deal above It, and sometimes
force them down even somewhat below it. But, whatever may be the obstacles which hinder them from settling in this centre of repose and continuance, they ore constantly tending toward it."
I can not now sift this matter. It suffices to say that If the supply and
demand equilibrate each other the market prices of commodities will correspond with their natural prices, that is to say with their values, as determined by the respective quantities of labor required for their production.
But supply and demand must constantly tend to equilibrate each other, although they do so only by compensating one fluctuation by another, a rise
by a fall, and vice versa. If, instead of considering only the dally fluctuations, you analyze the movement of market prices for longer periods, as Mr.
Tooke, for example, has done ln his History of Prices, you will find that the
fluctuations of market prices, their deviations from values, their ups and
downs, paralyze and compensate each other; so that, apart from the effect
of monoplles and some other modifications I must now pass by, all descriptions of commodities are, on the average, sold at their respective values, or
natural prices. The average pteriods during which the fluctuations of market prices compensate each other are different for different kinds of commodities, because with one kind it is easier to adapt supply to demand than
with the other.
If then, speaking broadly, and embracing Bomewhat longer periods, all
descriptions of commodities sell at their respective values, it ls nonsense to
suppose that profits—not profits in individual cases, but the constant and
usual profits of different trades—spring from the prices of commodities, or
selling them at a price over and above their value. The absurdity of this
notion becomes evident if lt is generalized. What a man would constantly
win as a seller he would as constantly lose as a purchaser. It would not do
to say that there are men who are buyers without being sellers, or consumers
without being producers. What theBe people pay to they producers they must
first get from them for nothing. If a man first takes your money, and atter-
. wards returns that money in buying your commodities, you will never enrich
yourself by selling your commodities too dear to that same man. This sort
of transaction might diminish a loss, but would never help ln realizing a
To explain, therefore, the general nature of profits, you must start from
the theorem that, on an average, commodities are sold at their real values,
and that profits are derived from telling them at their real values—that is,
In proportion to the quantity of labor realized in them. If you can not explain profit upon this supposition you can not explain it all. This seems
paradox and contrary to every-day observation. It is also paradox that the
earth moveB around the sun, and that water consists of two highly lnlamma-
ble gases. Scientific truth Ib always paradox, if judged by every-day experience, which catches only the delusive appearance of things.
.1 -    ' :".'Ctrnmimf KWrf tMtf ' (tV? !
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working clasB.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transtc rma-
tlon of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management ot industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead ot production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system Ib abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers ln their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, tbe Socialist Party ls tor it; if lt will not, the
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle tbe Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in Its hands In such a manner
as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
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