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Western Clarion Jun 25, 1910

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 ■^ 2:i?9io
f I II
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday- June 25,1910.
Showing how, if Gold and Silver are not by Nature, Money,
Money is by Nature Gold and Silver.
We have seen that the development
ot capitalist production with Its necessary universal exchange of commodities has called Into being an agent
which serves as the universal medium
of exchange i.e. money. The veriest
tyro in political economy knows that
many dl?erent commodities have at
different times and in different places
functioned as this special agent.
Without doubt to order ourselves
lowly and reverently before these
barren metals which now assume the
Godhead would be the proper part of
a religious devotee. Having no claim
to that nature, we can utilize to better
advantage the hours of worphtp by inquiring into tbe causes which force
gold and silver rather than doughnuts
or sago, to undertake this duty.
Proudhon complained that economists
in explaining this, go outside their own
science and make it an historical
question. Mar says this Is precisely
-•ft It should be. "The question as to
why gold and silver and not other commodities serve as money material falls
outside the limits of capitalist system."
(Critique p.  208.)
Social labor time being the standard
of value (always read exchange value,) and allowing only of quantitative
differences, it necessary follows that
the commodity which serves as the
universal measure of social labor time
must be "homogeneous and uniform
throughout." Take a ton of coat for
instance; lt ls beyond tbe powers ot
man to tell what degree of skill has
been utilized in its mining, hut. the
time consumed ls easily calculated, if
tbe conditions of mining be known. In
considering social labor time skill Is
eliminated. It ls therefore quantity,
and not quality, that counts.
Carlyle tells us that the peasant,
tired of lugging his ox around the
country seeking to exchange it for
some other desirable article, stamped
the image on an ox on a piece of leather and called it pecun, which served
in lieu of the ox. Apart from Carlyle's
usual historical ineptitude, we have
here an example ot exigency forcing
expediency. But we would instantly
nnd, were we engaged in this primitive means of exchange, that all oxen
are not alike, as In "ggs some are
good, some bad and some indifferent.
The average ox of course would be
the basis, but it being present only by
proxy, difficulties would arise. So with
all commodities which prior to gold
and silver, served as money. There
wae a qualitative difference which lead
to confusion.
Within narrow limits they were excellent doubtless, but beyond these
limits their excellency ceased.
The capitalist system of universal
exchange demanded money which
would not admit of this qualitative
difference. Gold and silver possess
this desirable attribute. They are not
endowed In their natural state with
structural or chromatlcal differences.
An ounce of gold in the raw state Is
equal in all respects to any other raw
state ounce of gold. With hides, or
tobacco, or sea-shells, or mankind, we
have a wide divergence. Gold and
silver, therefore, possess the Inherent
quality of representing purely quantitative differences—equal quantities
representing equal magnitudes of
value; qualities absolutely essential ln
the universal agent of exchange.
The universal commodity must also
lend Itself to ready division and reunion without interfering with its util- j
Uy.   Gold or silver admits of this.
Here lt gains ascendency over other
commodities which possess the attribute of having solely quantitative differences, iron, for instance, which requires a more elaborate and costly process to change its form.
Modern methods of exchange de-
■■*mand of the universal agent, in order
to expedite transportation, that it contain great value in small bulk. Here
gold has an advantage over silver.
Silver possesses with gold Immunity
to rust, insolubility in acids, retention
of value after passing through ordinary fires, in consequence of which it
ie safely hoarded, whether in bank-
vaults, ln stockings, in tbe ingle nook,
or 'r.eath the shade of the old apple
Both metals are divorced from the
sterner pursuits of industry by their
extreme softness and flexibility and by
their comparative scarcity. This alienation from industrial life permits
them to function in their particular
economic sphere, without depriving
mankind of use valt-es which could be
used to better advantage elsewhere.
All other moneys surrendered their
| use-values while functioning as money. Gold and silver do not. The very
qualities which forbid their extensive
(application in the process of production, enhances their utility as money,-
They can easily be changed from sovereigns, shillings or dollars to gold ingots or silver bars, and from such to
wedding rings or football cups, no
matter whose print, image or superscription once they bore, and as easily
and cheaply return to coins.
Requiring no enormous outlay of
labor nor exercise of Ingenuity to obtain them ln small quantities,' particularly ln some localities, tbey appear
early ln the history of tbe race in the
form of ornamentation, to some extent accordingly endearing themselves
to the heart of man. Added to their
natural properties we thus have the
traditional veneration accorded by
man to that which is ancient. (Be lt
noted I say ancient, not old.)
It Is therefore apparent that gold
[and sliver possesses Intrinsically most
all qualities demanded of money by
capitalist production. Most commodities possess some of' these qualities,
but none possess so many as gold and
silver. Gold takes pre-eminence over
silver by containing greater value in
smaller bulk. Answering so closely to
the requirement of modern society It
must therefore be conceded that while
"gold and silver are not by nature
money, money is by nature gold and
Approaching perfection as they certainly do, nevertheless, these precious
metals do not make ideal money. One
essential Is woefully lacking, much to
the discOnsolation of the little fish, and
little gods also. Their values are not
of unvarying magnitude. They admit
of depreciation in exchange value. And
when this happens, as ls now apparent to no insignificant degree, there ls
the devil to pay.
Sad. Indeed as sad as premature
death and as Inevitable. Everybody
but the Master of the Show feels the
I pinch and everyone squeals in harmony. The pity of it, Joga, oh, the
pity of lt! Then we have our Bryans,
I our Watsons, our Film Flams, pointing
the way out of the economic maze.
Gentlemen of tbe Legislature, platform, pulpit and press, your strenuous
labors are appreciated, but "take our
.thanks and yourself away." No com-
I modlty exists of unvarying value. Our
salvation lies not In tinkering with the
medium of exchange, but ln vigorously
fighting for ownership of the means
of production,
If lt be reported that some Central
[African State bas gold ingots for money, and ls devoid of panics, rises In
.prices, etc., we are not impressed by
| the report. We know that gold ingots
have nothing to do with panics or rls
.lng prices. We know that the ab
jsence of capitalism is responsible for
gold Ingots, lack of panics, stability of
prices, et al. ^^^^_
Money (gold and silver), again, is
unfortunately continually wearing
away. Constant changing from hand
to hand decreases its weight. More
than once haa this happened, at times
shaking the credit of nations and disturbing the peace of the world. Its
natural wear and tear was at times
augmented by clipping; and methinks
that even today the wily Chink is not
the only party guilty of sweating gold
However, the very fact the coins
could circulate at full value, not with
standing their decrease in weight,
pointed the way to paper currency. If
the credit of a nation could insure the
circulatloh of debased coins at their
denominated value, why hot have a
substitute?   In the course of capitalist
development this substitute appears.
Not the arbitrary enforcement of a
band of robbers, but the necessary outcome of industrial conditions, and
world-wide exchange. The essentia)
difference between bullion and coin;
money and token, is this: Bullion or
money value is expressed in weight
Coin or token receives in the mint a
value which corresponds to the value
of the money it represents. The entire nation agrees to accept it at its
nominal value; no matter whether thai
value be less than its real value or
more. The credit of the nation upholds lt. In consequence of this, coin
circulates solely within the boundaries, or just across; it has "a looal
habitation and a name." But should
this coin attempt to move in International affairs, it must return to the
melting pot and assume the form of
bullion. Its value then depends upon
Its weight.
We see, then, that money has its
evolutionary process, as have all things
from goods to gods. And lust as electricity, fire, steam and other forces
oft perform antics quite other than
is intended by their puny captor, so
also does money burst Its bounds and
create trouble. But our mission as
slaves is not to monkey with the
length and composition of our chains,
but to forever destroy them. They
may be lengthened or lightened, but
the manacle galled wrists are painful
as ever. Thousands of years of freedom have left their Influence upon man;
so that slavery Is considered the great
abomination. To delude the slave
class into the belief tnat they are
free, and to attribute all the evils of
slavery to money, paper and gold; to
tariff and trust; to godlessness, or]
drunkenness; is the mission of plat-'
form, pulpit and press. But SLAVERY
ls what we are afflicted with.    And
tis SLAVERY we must remove.
Knowledge ls power. 'Tis at band
for every mentally, well-conditioned individual. Have you ever seen a hornet or a moth batter its body to death
against a window, in an endeavour to
obtain freedom, when the open air lay
but a few yeards ln the opposite direction? So have we slaves been battering our bodies upon palliatives;
while if we would but turn our backs
upon tbem for an Instant, all that we
beheld through the enticing but unpenetrable window would be ours indeed. J. H.
' «
Writers of Great Reputation and Little Knowledge Attempt
to Diagnose the ills of Society.
"Ho, ye who suffer, know,
Know, ye suffer from yourselves; none
else compels,
None other holds you that you live and
And whirl upon the wheel and hug and
Its spokes of agony,
Its tire of tears, its nave of nothingness."
Dear Comrade:—
I wrote you on May 16th with regard to Gait Local's bundle of 26 Clarions, for you to discontinue them at
once, and enclosed a Postal Note No.
233664 for the One dollar and fifty
cents to pay for Clarion bundles No.
578-579 and a year's subscription for
the Clarion, to my address, W. C.
Glaspell, Gait. Now I want to make
It plain to you; 50c to pay what we
owed on our bundle account-and $1.00
for my personal subscription. You
have partly complied with my request
in stopping the bundle but I have
never received my Individual paper
and am told that it never came to the
Gait offlce, nor have I received a receipt from you acknowledging my letter or the Postal Note.
Allow me to respectfully ask what
is the matter with you folks out there
can you not do plain business in a
business-like manner or are you busy
j taking our measure if so, hurry up and
tell us about it.   You fellows out there
think we are not fit to have a Provln-
cial Executive Committee outside of
Local  24  Toronto.    It would  appear
that you don't want us to send any
papers either that we bave paid for.
Now without anything further at present Bend along my paper at once or
I will be obliged to take your measure
in another way.   Yours for the
Yours for the revolution,
And  no Boss  Rule.
Gait, Ont.
(The only way we can explain the
omission is that we must have got
rattled at the loss of Local Gait's patronage.—Mc.)
Editor Clarion:
As it ls raining this afternoon and I
cannot pursue my usual avocation of
tickling the soil to produce "bumper
crops," I thought I would write what
is really a sequel to my former article,
written last winter, showing how the
farmers were bluffed out of their chos-
en farmer cadldate. ,
The lawyer who is present M.P.P., of
Dauphin, has been working the con-
Itltuency In his own favor ever since,
and the farmer nominee's friends, who
had been told by the Liberal leader
that they would have no difficulty In
winning the next convention were dubious of the result, as they could not
ascertain whether tbe lawyer was going to drop out, as was hinted by the
lawyer's friends. So, as the date of
the Liberal Convention approached, a
strong excitement was felt by all Interested in the result.
A large crowd was present. The
meeting was called to order and nominations asked for. A dense stillness
prevailed. At last a protest was raised
at nothing being done and the lawyer
was nominated by a "gentleman farmer" who holds many mortgages, and
seconded by a miller. Tbe farmers sat
silent according to agreement among
themselves, believing that the Convention was fixed. "Is 'Bob' not going to
be nominated?" whispered the last
president ot the Liberal Association.
"No," was the answer fierce from the
farmers ln front ot him, "you fellows
wanted the nomination, take it and do
the best you can with it."
As the chairman was declaring nom
inations closed, the lawyer called a
.halt, and ln a rambling speech declined
'the nomination. During this speech
he said that in politics he was governed by two principles, one was that the
office should seek the man and the
other was—ahem! ahem! Well—he
had forgotten the other, Several started to speechify at once, a Frenchman
ln the lead probably.   The chairman
called order and said to the Frenchman, "you have the floor." Not understanding the English Idiom the Frenchman look   puzzled.     "You   have   the
floor Mr. ," repeated the chairman.
"Well—no more than you have Mr.
Chairman," replied the Frenchman.
The nomination of the Liberal Party
was going begging. A doctor declined
It. A law partner of the lawyer begged
a Socialist to accept it, offering $50.to
start an election fund. "You can get
the farmers and we can get you the
town," said be. The Socialist said
that to accept a Liberal nomination
would be a retrograde movement for
him. Even IiIh opponents begged the
former farmer candidate to accept lt.
Nothing doing. Even tho lawyer
i would not take what was now eagerly
proffered by four-fifths of the convention. It was anything to save the
party now. A third man was wanted,
farmer preferred, to heal the split In
the Liberal party of the farmers and
The convention adjourned, fruitless,
to hear some prominent speakers ln
[the town hall who were probably disappointed at not being able to laud the
.virtues of a Liberal candidate.   After
| the speeches on the failings and vices
of the Government of Manitoba by the
Liberal leader and a farmer  M.P.P.
* from another constituency the convention resumed its sitting and after considerable begging by Frenchmen and
promise  of his  vote only,  from  the
farmer candidate, the lawyer requested
a standing vote to see who was for
and who was against him.   Early ln
the evening 43 delegates had voted for
him and 10 against.   At 2 a.m. some
hail gone home, possibly some did not
vote, 41 for nnd 1 against.   The lawyer
accepted.   His only unforgotten principle   vlndlcntcd.     The   office    had
sought the man.    Lots of honor in
Manitoba theBP dayB, but it is a high-
priced commodity for the producers of
"No. 2 Northern." W. J. B.
Weep and wall ye workers for the
miseries that shall come upon you.
For sooner or later you will be forced
[down to a diet of corn-meal stirabout
plus hay-tea. Anyhow that, In effect,
is what Nahum H. Bacheller and several others Bay In the current Issue of
the Cosmopolitan. Some of the celebrities who have given vent to this
'Big Noise" are Socialists. It would
pay any person who possesses the necessary change to invest In a copy and
so enlighten himself aa to the things
that have not and cannot have aught
to do with the question as to why our
rations as a producing claas are steadily being reduced. Incidentally he may
learn that it ls quite possible for a celebrity, a hard-headed Captain of Industry, a college professor and divers other
of the upper strata of society to know
damned little about any thing ln particular, and also, that lt ls a paying
business from their point of view to
| exhibit their ignorance in fluent articles containing many high sounding and
mouth-filling words.
I purpose dealing especially with the
screeds of the two "Socialists," Russell
and Spargo (and It might be well for
me to say that had I thought that J. H.
or any other of the economists
would have taken the matter up I
would not have touched it aa I do not
believe I am hardly competent). The
other writers being kings of finance, Intellectual prostitutes or professional
labor leaders." We cannot expect tbe
truth from them, especially as the
truth in this case might Injure the
status of high finance.
Russel shows up very well as a
muckraker as all the world knows.
But the things tbat he knows (If any)
about economics are conspicuous by
their absence in his screed. He groans
with the poor dear public, the consuming public; be sheds copious tears with
lour dearly beloved brother Bryan
(I mean the Bryan of 1896) over tbe
monetary system. But bo far as having any knowledge of the process of
production, of value, price, profit, etc.,
is concerned he Is sb innocent as the
newly born babe. He tells us "its (the
world's) supply of gold increased relatively faster than Its supply of commodities." Not a word about gold Itself
being a commodity and as such liable
,to fluctuation . Therefore its value as
compared with that of other commodities has depreciated. In fact, most
of them, In order to be In style prob-
Jably, have something to say about the
depreciation in value of gold. But—
and here the lamentable ignorance of
professional economists ls exhibited—
they seem to have no Idea as to the
ratio—in others at a greater ratio—
than ln the case of gold; therefore the
prenomenon of certain values Increasing or diminishing taster than others.
Or, to be plainer, the values ot other
commodities as compared with gold do ,
not Increase uniformly because of, to
Borne extent, market conditions, and,
primarily, the varied Increase in the
different industries of the productivity
of labor. If these statements are correct,
then our friend Russell should know
them, or, tailing tills, he should be
refused admission to the Socialist
But Russell goes on to explain—to
his own satisfaction and that ot hla
pocketbook, we presume—tbe reason
that the phenomena of high prices are
more acute ln the United States than
elsewhere. And he reaches the astounding conclusion that lt is due to overcapitalization (gee, what a mouthful!)
—watered stocks.   Nine billions ot the
capitalization of the American   railroads ls water.   Therefore you and I.
fellow  slave,  are being skinned    so.
closely.   Apparently Mr. Russell never
dreamt of such a thing as labor power
the commodity, sold at Its cost of pro-,
duction regardless of whether stocks
are watered  or not.    Pray, tell us,,
friend Russell, bow the masters could
get more out of us if stocks were,
watered in a ratio of ten to one instead of one to one as at present In tha.
case you cite.   They get all but tha
mighty bare living tbat we manage to
stow away ln our anatomy.   Were they
to take much more of that, we would;
be unable to show up at the call of.
the whistle, and tbey would be the
losers in such a case.
Further, he says: "Of thla fictitious
capital the interest and dividends must
be dug from the shippers, who merely
pass tbe tax along, with Interest and
profit to the consumer. The larger
the capitalization, the larger the
amount dug. (Poor, dear consumers!
How they must suffer! We presume
the sympathy of Mr. Russell comes as
a balm to their sorely buffetted purse-
Thus we see that be hasn't even
the barest Idea' as to the process by
which surplus value or profit ls produced. He, ln common with a lot of
other learned gentlemen, think that
because the profit Is realized in exchange, it must necessarily be produced (from nothing) In exchange,
and that the final price to tbe consumer of a commodity Is the capitalist
cost (or from his Incorrect view-point,
value), plus three or four profits added
at will by various dealers or middlemen and depending solely upon the
they seem to have no men aa iu iuo  ...««   ~.-  ...,.- ...
cause for this depreciation.   They say cupidity of said dealers.  The fact that
the Increase in the production of gold, the surplus  or  profit  (perhaps these
Further tnan thlB they know nothing.
First,   then   let  us   look   Into  this
cause.   To say that gold bas depreciated because of ItB Increased production
and that alone Is lo Ignore tbe law of
.value.    The basis ot value Is labor.
|The value of a commodity Is based upon the amount of necessary labor embodied ln It when completed and the
value ln exchange must approximate
this.    Now this being the case—and
[It remains for our learned college professors  to  prove otherwise—we can
.easily see that a steady depreciation
In value such as has been experienced
in the past decade, or even longer can
mean  but  one  thing  viz.,  that  lees
I labor is embodied in a given amount
of gold than formerly.   It takes less
labor to produce an ounce of gold today than lt did a few years ago.   Improved machinery haa simplified and
cheapened  ( In labor time)  the pro-
cess and made It possible at a much
reduced  cost in labor to work very
low grade ores—In fact   ores   which
could not have been worked profitably
a few years ago are now paying propositions.    Herein lies the cause for
the Increased productlnn of gold. Then,
primarily, the low value of gold ln exchange  today  as  compared  with  ItB
value in exchange fifteen years ago Is
due to the Increasing productivity of
labor and nothing else.
In certain industries the productivity
ot labor has nol increased in tbe same
terms should not be used as synonyms) Is contained within the value of
the commodity, not outside It, is new
to this "Socialist." Pray, know, Mr.,
Russell, tbat profit Is made by selling commodities at their value. And
by Investing a few cents in real Socialist literature you may learn how
It Is done.
"Over-capitalization Is a huge pump
that Is steadily absorbing the nation'a
wealth Into the bands ot a few," saya
this Daniel. Let's see—don't we read
about the wealth of Germany, for Instance, being ln process of concentration! Yet tbere can be no over-capitalized railroads tbere. Tbey are state-
owned, as ls the case ln several other
countries, They've been trying some
American "Socialism" (Milwaukee
brand) over there. According to Russell, the only thing necessary to give
the workers economic freedom ls to
squeeze the water out of stocks. This
being done, and It only being necessary
to pay dividends on half tbe amount
of stock, we will roll In wealth and
doubtless visit Monte Carlo during our
But If, as we contend, the workers as
a class receive merely the cost ot production of their labor power, in thla
being governed by economic laws as
unchangeable as tho laws of the Medes
and Persians wero said to be, then
what can this howl about watered
(Continued on Page 4) •***•
SATURDAY, JUNE 25th,  1910.
Published everr BsXurday »r the
Socialist Party at CMada, at the Office
Of the Wester* Clarion, Flack Black
Basement, Its Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
*B.OO Tn Taw, N osata for Six Months,
ta OMsts far Three Months.
. •trta-tty ta Ada-anon.
Buadles of I or more copies, for a
•aria* of not loss than three months, at
the rats of oae oaat per oopy per Issue.
Advsrtlslng ttaaa am application.
tt you reoesve this paper. It Is paid
_ .._ -ssltUnce hy cheque, ex-
most tw aided AMraaa all
simmr*'~*'— and make all money
w-aara  payaklo to
our class. Of men harried and driven;
of women weary and broken; of children listless, stunted and hungry. Of
generations exploited of the product
of their toil and robbed of the joy of
Lawyer and priest, trader and master, all the bourgeosle; every dollar
that passes through their hands, every
morsel that passes their lips, the cloth
tnat covers them, the roof that shelters
them, the fire that warms them, all
stink with the pollution of our enslavement. Our fibres are woven into the
warp and woof of their vestments;
our babes are crucified on tbe nails of
their roof-tree; their viands are salt
with our women's tears; their wine
red with our blood. Their fires burn
because our hearths are cold; because
our lives are without light their halls
are brilliant.
But not always shall this be. The
day is at hand when the earth shall
be peopled with men, not with parasites and slaves. When no hearth shall
be cold, no mortal hungry, no life
cheerless. When no man shall be exalted for his prostitution and no woman outcast for hers.
Watch the label on your pa-
get. If Una munbar Is on It,
yonr -satecriptfoa expires tha
SATURDAY, JUNE  25th,  1910.
Not many miles from here not many
moons ago, a pick-pocket fell among
thieves—no, we err—was rounded up
by our trusty and vigilant guardians
of the public peace and private property. Forthwith a lady from "down
the line" retained the services of a
local legal luminary for uis defence.
What became of the pick-pocket we
'do not know. It is the money we are
interested in.
The lawyer, like most lawyers, was
of course a perfectly "respectable"
member of highly respectable, not to
say lucrative, profession, and possibly
regarded the "social evil" with loathing, but, he being a man, we are not
quite certain of this. Anyway, theoretically, he, as a respectable member
of society, would be supposed to so
regard lt. Nevertheless he displayed
no hesitation in taking the wages of
Furthermore, whether the prisoner
was a pick-pocket or not, it is quite
evident, from the fact that one of the
tribe of Lllllth was putting up his defence fund, that hd was at any rate a
pimp, for which he would be deserving,
from the viewpoint of the lawyer's own
moral code, of far more severe punishment than for picking pockets. Yet
that lawyer would go to the courts
and bend all his energies, his talents,
tils legal knowledge, his forensic ability, and his specially trained mental
-equipment generally, to the end that
that proven pimp and prpbnble pickpocket might escape "justice." He
would do this ln a perfectly legitimate
and eminently respectable manner, and
his ability as a lawyer would be measured by his success ln thwarting the
law.   Wonderful is the lawyer!
Quite as wonderful ls his wife. This
dame would regard the very touch of
the prostitute as pollution, yet would
take the proceeds of prostitution wlth-
. out a quiver and would live off it,
dress on it, entertain on it, possibly
put some of It ln the church plate,
whence It would go towards paying
the godly and triply respectable preacher's stipend.
Of course some preachers make
-julte a fuss about "tainted money,"
even less tainted, as they look at lt,
than this, particularly when considerable advertising can be gotten by publicly refusing lt; quite regardless of
the text anent he that Is without sin
casting the flrst stone. Being a deter-
minist, we are securely entrenched In
the knowledge of our own slnlessneSs,
whatever the neighbors may say about
it Hence we may continue caBting
The moral oode of the day regards
prostitution as moat loathBome and
degraded. The pimp Is looked upon as
the lowest of the low for living off
the proceeds of prostitution. But the
lawyer and his dame and the parson
may do the same thing without a blemish upon their respectability. True the
pimp probably doeB nothing to earn
his keep. The lawyer does. The lady
from down the line prostitutes her
charms to the public. The lawyer prostitutes his "gifts" and talents to the
prostitute. Who Ib the worse? Measured by the moral code of the lawyer
nnd his set, most certainly the lawyer.
In the light of the working class
philosophy, which bas "swallowed all
formulas" and is merely amused at
moral codes, none of them Is "worse."
They are all mere helpless creatures
of circumstance. As such we may be
moved to pity the lady from down the
line, knowing that hnr lot Is a hard
one. For the lawyer we can have
wothlng but contempt, not for his prostitution, but for his respectability.
As for tho money, it is sure tainted
and all money with it, but not with
tbe taint of "white slavery." Its pollution ls deeper and more vile—that of
wage slavery. Every dollar Is slimy
•with the sweat and tearB and blood of
The legislature of New South Wales
has passed an amendment to the Industrial Disputes Act empowering
"any police officer above the rank of
sergeant, when he has any reasonable
ground to believe that any building
or place Is being used for a meeting
for instigating or aiding iu the continuance of a strike, to enter such
building by breaking open doors, etc.,
and seize any documents which he
may reasonably suspect relate to such
a strike pr lockout. The amended Act
further provides that any meeting of
two or more persons assembled for the
foregoing purposes shall be declared
unlawful, and any person caught in
such unlawful purposes shall be liable
to Imprisonment for twelve months."
And yet Australia has just been the
scene of a "momentuous labor victory." How then can legislation so
obviously hostile to "Labor" be possible?
The answer is simple. No matter
what party may attain to powei;, if it
does not stand against Capital it must
stand for it. If it will even let Capital live it must let Capital rule. There
is no middle ground.
Again and again have parties sprung
up to win the "rights of Labor." Their
slogan, expressed or implied, has been
tbat "Labor has rights as well as Capital." Eminently expressing "the spirit
of fairplay"—and absolutely fatal to
the Interests of Labor.
That slogan contains not nn atom
of truth. Labor has no rights while
Capital has any. So hostile are their
respective "rights" that they are mutually destructive. Side by side they
cannot exist. The "rights" of Capital
hinge on Its right to exploit Labor.
Deny it that right and you destroy
Capital. Affirm, or even admit that
right and you enslave Labor. Enslave
beyond all hope of betterment whatsoever.
So long as Capital endures the best
tbat can be done for Labor ls to keep
the laborers in work. To provide a
ready sale for their power to labor.
Capital alone can buy that labor power, and it will buy It only under conditions where it can make a profit from
it. Hence the path of Capital must be
made smooth.
Therefore any party not bent upon
destroying Capital, when It comes Into power must not In any way hinder
Capital. If It does so, Capital will
flow Into other channels and buy labor power elsewhere. The laborers
will be workless, and the Party will
be discredited and will fail of election subsequently. And to be elected
is after all, what these parties, even
"Labor" partieB, exist for.
Labor and Capital both can no party serve. It may serve Capital and
thereby serve the sellers of labor power, and only by serving Capital can lt
do this. If that Is what the laborers
wish, they cannot do better than give
their earnest and whole-hearted support to whichever party they find serving Capital the most efficiently. But
If they seek any easement of their
conditions they must go the whole
hog and support that party which
stands for the absolute destruction of
Capital as a preliminary to securing
the "rights of Labor."
master class. This labor power with
the aid of machinery produces all the
things necessary for human well-being.
Thio machinery Itself ls the product of
previous labor.
Now the wealth thus produced belongs to tbe capitalist, because he
owns the three things from which it
was produced, namely labor power,
machinery, and natural resources. He
pays for the labor power a sum called
wages, which is sufficient to enable the
worker to buy back enough commodities to enable him to live.
The remainder of the wealth is called surplus value. Some of this surplus value ls consumed and wasted
by the master class, and their personal
servants. Some of it appears ln the
form of new machinery. The remainder ls stored in warehouses, and other
places, ln the form of merchandise,
waiting to be sold on the market.
These Immense stores cannot be
used by the workers, because tbey lack
the purchasing power. Hence we have
a constantly glutted market, and our
factories and mills must of necessity
close down till these stores are disposed of.
This is the condition of society's
troubles. The worker produces much
more than he can buy back. Poverty,
unemployment, intemperance and the
white slave traffic are all directly
traceable to this eveil. Everyone realizes that something must be wrong
and many remedies are proposed.
We Socialists ssy that there Is only
one remedy. All our social evils are
the direct outcome of the capitalist
ownership of the means of production,
and therefore can only be cured by Its
The workers must own and control
the means of production.   Production
must be for use and not for profit
For the present, we have two means
to obtain this end. The first is edit
cation snd agitation. The second is
the election of Socialist members to
Now, workers of Westminster. What
do we wish of you?
First that you will come to our
meetings, second that you will study
our literature and third, that you will
discuss economics with us.
"Come let us reason together."
Open-air Socialist meetings are held
every Saturday night at the corner of
Columbia and Begbie streets.
The Western Clarion, published
weekly, ts the organ of the Socialist
Party of Canada. Subscription, 50c
for six months.
The Local secretary ls Archibald
Hogg, Box 256. He will be pleased
to answer any Inquiries In connection
with the movement.
Workers of New Westminster:—
This leaflet is addressed to you by
the New Westminster branch of the
Socialist Party of Canada. Its object
ls to lay before you, In brief form, the
principles of that Party, ln the hope
that you wlll be sufficiently interested
to further study the Socialist movement.
In order to understand Socialism it
ls necessary flrst to study the present
state of society called capitalism.
At present Society is  divided Into I
two  classes,  an owning or  capitalist
class,   and   a   working   or   producing
The capitalist class owns all the instruments of production, the factories,
mills, mines and machinery. The working class has nothing.
In order to live tbe working class
must sell   Its   labor   power   to   the
Awful, man, awful! You used that
naughty, naughty swear-word again.
What will your rellgo-economlc adherents think of you? You are most assuredly heading straight for the brimstone pit, unless you straightway reform—beg pardon, revolute.
But, "to our muttons." It Is undoubtedly Impossible to enhance the price of
the commodity labor-power to any
great extent, Its price being merely the
cost of its maintenance and reproduction. But, tbe "standard of living" being a variable quantity in the various
countries and localities therein, it can
be lowered or raised to a certain extent. For example, on the average,
the standard of living of the "white"
race is higher than that of the "yellow" race; and this is the real reason that the workers here in B. C.
are so strongly opposed to the entry
of the Chinese, and not because of the
difference In the texture of their skin.
They can work and grow fat on wages
we could barely starve respectably on.
The present function of the union Ib
to endeavor to prevent the lowering
of this standard, whether the unionist
recognize the fact or not; and to educate the workers to a realization of
the necessity of concerted action. This
"standard of living" of the "white"
workers Is being lowered just the
same; and we are unable to prevent
It, "economic determinism" being
stronger than either ourselves or our
capitalist cronies.
The majority of the workers wlll not
acknowledge this, however, being
strong disciples of the Missouri school
of knowledge. Hence, they must be
shown; and undoubtedly will be, before a hirsult appendage adorns the
face of the moon.
When the Ineffectiveness of the uni-
on as "an Instrument for the enhancement of the price of the commodity
labor-power" has been properly nnd
thoroughly demonstrated to tbem to
their entire satisfaction; and having
no more "cul-de-sacs" to rush down
and dash their heads against, the blind
wall at the foot; and flndln** no more
sand-holes to burrow their heads in;
they will at length be brought face to
ace with the one and only solution of
THE  S.  P.  OF  C.  BUTTON.
Price, each -    50c
To Locals five for $2.00.   Apply to your
Provincial Secretary.
their problem, the social ownership of
the means of wealth production,—the
ultimate aim of the industrial union.
Undoubtedly many of the workers
join the Industrial union (or even the
\V. F. M.) with the-idea of bettering
their condition by raising their wages
through "strikes," etc., and believing
that the organizations' ultimate aim,
social ownership, is but the pipe-dream
ot a motley gang of fanatics; but they
can certainly not be said to be inveigled into the union "under false
pretences." The preamble ls plainly
and simply worded. Whether, theoretically, they would be expected to "shy"
or not, the fact remains that they have
Joined, are joining, and undobutedly
will join in increasing numbers.
Socialism rests strongly on the results of specific environments, and the
environment of a cohesive organization
of the workers can not fail in producing a strong impression on the "near-
and anti-Socialist" workers ot the
strength of their class when united;
and imbue them with a spirit of reliance In the capacity of the workers
to accomplish many seeming impossibilities—even that of running the
The "shop instinct" is no "desire for
higher wages or shorter hours," as
you would make lt appear to be. It
is the feeling and knowledge the workers possess that they are individually
capable of performing some function
in the realm of production. They can
run, and are running, some part of the
machinery; their shop-mates are running other parts; and the workers of
the world are running the whole concern. But this they are doing at their
"master's"—the capitalists — bidding.
The capitalists possess the organization, though a somewhat defective one;
wliile the workers are disorganized.
The organized few dominate the disorganized many. When there is a glut
on the market of some commodity, the
capitalists close down on its production, and the workers are turned loose.
They have no say In the matter.
It ls here the "shop instinct" will find
fruitful ground. Suppose the worker
reasons thus: "I can perform a certain function In production myself. My
fellow-workers perform the others
amongst them. We collectively can
produce sufficient wealth from the
earth to maintain ourselves ln comfort, even In luxury. Yet, under capitalism, the harder we work the worse
off .we are. These "superiors" of
ours, who at present own the earth,
and hold our lives In the hollow of
their hands, have proved themselves
utterly incapable of managing the Industries, even with all their much-
vaunted business capacity, and predominant intellectuality. Tney are so
incapable that they perodically have to
go Into bankruptcy; and these periods
are contracting as the industries develop; thus demonstrating their ever-
increasing Incapacity. Why then not
run the industries ourselves, at our
own bidding, as the various articles
are required for use, and not only when
they are profit producers. A majority of the workers educated to the
same point, and there would occur the
last and best "lock-out' of all—the
lock-out of the entire capitalist class.
We must construct "an economic organization to run the Industries when
the workers own them," whether we
like the task or not. There can be no
Interregnum between the fall ot capitalism, and the establishment of Socialism. The embryo of the new society must be, and is being, built up
within the shell of the old, whether
we are willing to recognize the fact or
not. Capitalism ls undoubtedly teaching them—to build their own organization. And economic necessity is driving both. It were absurd and foolish
to sit, Micawber-llke, "waiting for
something to turn up." We can't sit
on the fence, biting our finger nails.
We must work out our own salvation.
Capitalism is our tutor, and a most
assuredly cruel and stern one, exacting every pound of flesh, and every
drop of blood, until the contract be
duly fulfilled.
The capitalist class own the means
of wealth production, and with that
ownership the power to exploit us, as
you say; but they do not exploit us
by means of the state, "the surface
Indications," the legislative, judiciary,
executive. If my memory does not
play me false, I already had this question demonstrated and re-demonstrated to me over that "Dreadnought"
question. Tbe function of tbe pollclcal
state is to do tbe capitalist policing
and tax-collecting, and to overawe the
workers when necessary. By capturing the state by means of political action, we do not overthrow capitalism.
We merely cut off a tentacle or two
from the octopus.
Socialist Directory
gay Every Local of the Socialist Psrty of   LOCAL
Canada should ran a card under this head
tl.ee per sum*"".     Secretaries please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
•vary alternate Monday. D. a. Me-
Konalo, Secretary, Box lit, Vanoouver.
b. c.
Bxeeetlve Committee Socialist Party
•f Canada. Meets every alUrnato
Monday. D. O. McKaau-le, Beoretary,
Wax III. Vanoouver. & O.
Committee, Soolallat Party of Canada. Meeta every alasrsste Monday in
Laker Haa Bf nth Ave. Bast, apposite poetoBoe. asaretary will ta
pleased to answer any oo-nmualoaUono
raa-aimlas tho movement la Ue prov-
p.   batohy,   lea. Boa     t-7     Cat-
■ary, Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuejdays in Ihe month at iaoX Adelaide St.
any reader of the Clarion derlling Information shout the movement In Manitoba, or who
wishes to join the "farly please communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. atebblng, Sec.
lit Good at.
     PBOTXBOiAX.    axaotr-
tlve Committee, Soolallat Party of
Canada, Meats avery second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box i Olace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evenlns; at headquarters, over
Bdgett's store, Ul Hastings St W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box III.
-LOOAX  VABOOVTBa,  B.   O,    BO.    «S,
Finnish. Meets every seoond and
fourth Thursdays In tha month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, Wm. Myutti
IP'4*!1 •£*■■*•*■■ ■• O- »0. 34, s. T. at O
Meets.first Sunday ln every month X
Socialist Hall. Mara, 2:30 p.m. cyrU
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.       7
LOOAL UBT*ni»B BO. 10, a. T. OB
C. Business meetings ovary SaturaS?
7 p.m. |n headquarters on>5it AS
11.1I.-1. Williams. Sec., ladysmith,™   c~
looal mm b. a, bo. in  »■■*■
•-, „ *■?»">«•/  »»0 p.m.   InMooTSo?
toretery.     ' ,Ul1''  Mr"   "*«™RE
meeta In Miners' riall ararw Siiadu at
till  P.   m.     8   Ca-.pb.il, *■- -"**** a*
Rossland   Flai
meou la FlTiludore' Hsjl? Sudan at
•vary .■VTldair evening at I pnJT^J
Miners' Halt Nelson, a. C. c A
a Orgaalaer; I. X Austin. Seoy
meeta •very Sunday at «:*u p.m.. |J
Minora' Hall. Matt Holiday, Organiser.    H.  K. Maclnnls, Secretary.
of  C.     Meetings  every   Sunday  at   I
femi,.ln in* t"°r "»' • Barber ■Bloelfc
Ighth Ave. E. (near postofflce).   Club
and  Reading Room.       labor   Hall,  p.
EDanby Secretary, Box U7. A. Ma<donald.
Organiser,    Box 147.
LOOAL IlLU-rtr-j, ALTA, BO. 18. B.
P of C, meets every flrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall.
J. Oliphaut, Secretary.
Meets every Sunday night ln tha
Miners' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J
Smith, Secy.
Z.OOAX VZOTOaiA, BO. a, B. T. OB o.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1. Halle Building, 111) Government Bt Bualness meeting every
Tuesday evening, I p.m. Proporanda
im tings avery Bunday at Orand
heatre.      K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOOAL BABAZasO, BO. t, B. T. at O.,
moots every alternate Bunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:10 o'clook sharp. Propaganda
mooting commences at 1:00 o'clock|
Jack Place, Rao.  Seoy., Box III.
LOOAL   BBBBZa,   B.   T.   at   O,   BOX-OS
educational meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall. Victoria Ave., Fernle,
•very Sunday evening at 7:41. Buelness meeting llrst Bunday In each
month, same place at 1:10 p m.
David fatoo, Secy, Box lot
C, moots avery Sunday In Minora'
Union Hall at 7:10 p.m. Business
naoetlnge, 1st and Ird Sundays of each
month. Geo. Heatherton, Organiser;
R. J. Campbell, Secretary. Box 124.
C. meou every second auu last Friday iu
each month, ("has. Chancy, Secretary, Box
117, Vtruou, B.C.
SS, S. T. at O.—Meets every Sunday ln
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 1:00
p.  m.    Angus Mclver. Secretary.
_, J, B.O.SJ-.0.—
Propaganda and business meetings at
I p.m. avery Sunday evening ln the
Edison Parlor Theatre. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Say man, Beoretary.   W. W. Lefeaux, Orgaalaer.
LOOAL MTOatn, B. C.. Bo. IS, S. T. of
C.» moots every Sunday ln Graham's
Hall at 10:10 a m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
P. of C. Headquarters 111 Flrat St,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room la open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally
F. Blake «"» Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blsaott, 111 Fourth
St., Organiser.
looal wmait, a. t. ob o. xbab-
quart-m, Kerr's Hall, no i-i Adelaide stree
upp.Koblm Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening I p.m. Everybody welcome.      Secretary, J W. Hilling.
lie Young "•■ " '—   -    "-	
Jarvis St.
It; organiser, D.  McDougall, 414
-LOOAX "rOBORTO, OBT., BO. 14, B. B.
of O.—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays In the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meat
lngs every Sunday at 3:f| o'clock M
the Labor Temple. Speakers' clans
every Thursday at 1:00 o'clock at Labor
Temple. J.  Stewart.  Secretary,
12 Seaton St.
XOOAX  OTTAWA, BO. •,■._.._   _
Buslnesa    meeting    1st    Sunday    la
. »•. °T O.
— --••----      HwiuH,      nt      suuuar      ui
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at I p.m. ln Roberta-
Allan Hall, 11 Rldeau St. The usual
weekly inside propaganda meetings discon
tinued during summer mouths. II.a. old-
bam Sec. 131 liruiuiuoiid St.
XOOAX   COBALT,   BO.   t,   S.   T.   OB   OL
Propaganda and business meetings
V!*,.y "ifdnesday at I p.m. la Minors-
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
h.tlilebert Jones, Financial Hecy.
ot C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at I p.m., II
King St E., opposite Market dotal.
V. A. Hiuta, S-c.,,-3 West Lancaster Street.
Buslnesa and Propaganda meeting]
every Thursday at I p.m. ta Macdmi-
ald's hall, Union Street All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Olace Bay; Wm. SutJMt?
land. Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. Q.
Ross, Financial Secretary, offloe ia D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building. Union
Books of all Kinds
The Works of Josephus 3.00
Origin of the Bible, Remsburg ....
Ingersoll's 44 Lectures 1.50
Darwin's Descent of Man ISO
McCabe's Life of Ferrer  30c
Paine's Age of Reason 15c
Three Weeks, Elinor Glynn... 1,50
Robbery Under Arms,
Boldrewood 1.15
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
162 Cordova St. W.
The various "politics" of different
previous nations, and of different periods, is the method of "governing" the
people. And the politics of any given
period are the reflex of that period's
industrial condition. It were foolish,
then, to endeavor to change "Industrial" conditions by means of "political"
action. The shadow cannot alter the
substance. The horse should go before
the cart.
The political action of the more
highly-developed and "civilized" countries necessarily operates through parliament, and ls therefore Inseparable
from parliamentarism. Some countries
of courBe—Russia, for instance—may
govern through an executive, the "Duma" being a somewhat colorless nonentity. But then Russia Is In a somewhat backward condition Industrially
and politically. How, then, can a thing
be confounded with Itself?
Socialism aims at an "administration of things," In contradistinction to
the political "government of persons."
We have had quite sufficient government. And let me here say, paradoxical as it may seem, that it is only
under Socialism that a high individualism can be developed. We desire to
establish a new and common-sense system of conducting the industries of
the world, so that the producer may obtain full control of his product, or Its
equivalent.    The political state don't
control production. "Political economy" and "Industrial economy" are
two distinct propositions. The former
is the science of policing and governing; the latter is the science of wealth
production. Socialism is concerned
mainly with the latter science, and
revolutionizes the capitalist interpretation by asserting and demanding that
the producer should obtain control
over his, or her, own product.
If we could better our condition by
some new system of governing, then
there Ib some justification for the
"single-taxers" and other reform
schemes, even for that of "Sunday observance."
The question then resolves Itself Into tills: "Do we want a new system
of government of the people; or a new
system of administering the Industries?"   What do you suy?
11 the S. P. C. desire the latter, then
their definition of the "class-struggle"
must be re-written to Include the Industrial struggle; for, as their definition stands at present, it is but half a
The action, then, which alma at a
new "administration of things"—not
ignoring its fellow-workers, the political action which aims at destroying
the capitalist state—is the only Socialism for which I give two damns,
and "double-barreled" ones at that.
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock
City Hall
Vancouver B. C. Saturday, june 25th, 1910.
Tb1" Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
The solution, however, is not hope-] titlon, with all    the  risks    ot being
(The following has been sent in for
criticism and comment, which would
probably help some.—Mc.)
Ir. Chairman and Gentlemen,—
I feel great diffidence in addressing
|you this evening on a subject of such
nagnltude and Importance as the one
you have requested  me to take for
Ithls occasion.
It is a Bubject that will repay us
I all to give very careful and thoughtful consideration.
The courtesy and interest shown to
■me in my last address gives me courtage to ask for the same kind snd for-
I bearing hearing on this occasion.
I regret that I am not sufficiently acquainted with the subject to enter on
extemporaneous  discussion  of it,
pd whilst there may be points that
am unable to answer ln full, I trust
lu will have a broader, fuller   and
Larer  conception  of the  Movement
Iter I have finished, so as to Induce
[ou to read the subject for yourselves,
|ltten by men who have made it a
fit gives me very great pleasure to
[note from W. Westcott, Lord Bishop
of Durham, who is considered in England as one of the most learned of the
land, the following definition of Socialism which well Indicates the distinction between Socialism and Individualism.
"Individualism regards humanity as
made up of disconnected or waving
atoms. Socialism regards It as an organic whole. The aim o^ Socialism
is the fulfilment of service; the aim
of Individualism ls the attainment of
some personal advantage, riches, place
or fame. Socialism seeks such an organization of life as shall secure for
every one the most complete development of his powers; Individualism
seeks primarily the satisfaction of the
particular wants of each one, In the
hope that the pursuit of private interests will, In the end, secure public
But the word Socialism has come to
be employed in a more definite and
economic sense and signalizes an industrial society of which the main
features are clear and distinct.
Tliis economic system is commonly
called "Scientific Socialism."
The blowing definition of Professor Ely, will, I hope clear away certain
popular and inaccurate ideas and at the
same time present the most salient
points ln the following programme of
"Socialism ls that contemplated system of Industrial society, which proposes the abolition of private property
1n the great material instruments of
production and the substitution therefor of- collective property; and advocates the collective management of
production, together with the distribution of social Income by society, and
private property in the larger proportion of this social Income."
Mr. Schaffle, ln his "Quintessence of
Socialism" gives the following as the
real aim of Socialism; To replace the
system of private capital by a system
of collective capital, that ls by a method of production which would introduce a unified (social or "collective") organization of natural labor,
on the basis of collective or common
ownership of the means of production
by all the members of society.
This collective method of production
would replace the present competitive
system, by replacing under official
administration such departments of
production as can be managed collectively (socially or co-operatively) as
well as the distribution among all the
common produce of all, according to
the amount and social utility of tbe
productive labor of each.
These definitions give In a general
outline the meaning of Socialism which
has come to denote a specific theory of
industrial society, as contra-distinguished from Capitalism.
From these definitions lt ls seen that
one of the first elements ot Modern
Socialism is the common ownership
of the machinery of production. ,
Society as a whole supplants the
Individual control of land and capital,
that the advantage ot ownership may
accrue to it. With the socialization of
the means of production, interest nnd
rent, the remuneration of "private
ownership will cease.
Inasmuch as the post office has In
effect been already socialized as far as
Is possible under existing conditions,
we have not far to seek for an example showing the possibility of carrying out the ideas of Socialism.
. The ownership of the means of
production carries with it the collective
management of production.
This is in order that the benefits
of production may accrue to society
as a whole, and that production may
proceed in accordance with public
need. When production ls carried on
as now for private profit, it ceases as
soon as lt becomes unprofitable;   But
under socialism production would be
for the purpose of satisfying our needs,
and so would continue as long as our
wants remained unsatisfied; until that
end ls attained there can be no real
This of course under the profit system would be Impossible as production
is carried out for gain and to the benefit of private Individuals; as soon as
the profit ceaaes the production ls
Under Socialism, production would
be conducted for consumption and
not exohange; the greater the production, the more ample the means
of satisfying our wants.
Society, of course would furnish
employment for all who desire it,
each person being assigned some function which would render him useful.
Under such a system the problem of
the unemployed would be inconceivable. Not only would all find employment, but all would have to avail
themselves of It, for there would be no
income without personal exertion.
Another important element of
Socialism Is the distribution of the
wealth after lt has been co-operatively
Socialism alms at justice ln distribution, such a distribution as shall satisfy all needs, and render to each the
full product of his or her toll.
The last element to deserve mention here, that of private property In
Income. Socialism does not propose
to abolish private property In wealth
as many seem to think, but rather to
extend the Institution of private property, and make It more secure.
While private property In the means
of production would be reduced to a
minimum, private property In the
products of production would be greatly Increased and extended. Socialism
only proposes to abolish private property in that which enables one to
secure an Income at the expense of
another without personal exertion. It
simply Involves a discontinuance of
the payment of unearned Incomes,
and the addition to the incomes of the
laborers of the wealth winch ls now
exacted from them. It declares that'
no man should be permitted to live
in idleness by levying a tax or tribute
upon the labors of others. It proposes to abolish the idlers at both
ends of the social scale. As all are
consumers, so all who are physically
and mentally able, should be producers.
Socialism, then, means Justice and
Fraternity, the Universal Brotherhood
of Man. The Red Flag, the emblem
of Socialism, adopted because tbe
blood of all people Is red, denoted
brotherly love, and not bloody revolution, as Is so often stated through
Ignorance in the capitalist press.
The meaning of Socialism, therefore, is peace, justice, prosperity, happiness,  altruism and  fraternity.
Modern Socialism is the product of
modern industrial conditions. Interesting as it is to follow the history of
the development of Industry since the
middle ages, the time is too short this
evening to go Into that phase of the
The present period of Industry began with the last third of the 18th
century, brought about by the important Inventions of that period, causing
a change ln the methods of production. The Inventors of that day little
dreamed of the important bearing
their labors would bave ln bringing
Into existence the present social economic conditions, and its remedy.
This change has resulted In bringing large masses of working people
together ln great factories of which
they own no part. The vast cost of
new machinery and the large amount
of capital required for the new methods of production gave rise to the
capitalistic class, the owners of the
means of production.
With this change ln the Industrial
regime, the means of production, and
the products of the individual producer were rendered of little value.
The only way open to him was to become a wage worker under capitalism.
Wage labor which before this was the
exception, became the rule. They
are obliged to work for a master, to
whom (with the exception of barely
enough to sustain them In a working
condition) the product of their labor
goes. Their wage bears but slight relation to the productive value of their
labor, the former being determined
by the competition of the labor market. Instead of chattel slavery, we
have wage slavery.
Now what Is the remedy which
Socialism proposes?
It says if the laborers obsequence
was caused through the appropriation
by a class, of the meanB of production,
their emancipation can only be accomplished by their again becoming the
owners of the instruments of toil. But
individual ownership is impossible
owing to the subdivision of labor and
the Immense scale of production.
less, for production having become
socialized, the means ot production
should also become socialized, as
tools are used in common, they should
be owned in common.
The conclusion of Socialism then, is
perfectly rational and legitimate.
Socialism, remember, has an economic basis, and is then an industrial
rather than a social or political proposition, but they seek to attain political supremacy only as a means
whereby they may usher In a co-operative common-wealth, thns realizing
their economic Ideals.
Tbe economic development, as we
have seen leads to the downfall ot the
small producer, thus divorcing him
from the means of production
In spite of the thrift and industry of
tbe small agriculturist, and industrialist, one fate awaits them, bankruptcy,
This Is the inevitable result ot the
capitalist economic development,
Chauncy M. Depew ls authority for
the statement, that fifty men in the
United States could meet and decide
to close all business activity, and all
the wheels of Industry would have to
stand still.
Another phase is the growth of the
joint stock company. The capitalist
was at one time the manager of the
concern, but now owing to concentration of capital, and cost of machinery
of production the capitalist of today
has abdicated his position, and become
a mere interest receiver.
The next development of the present
economic system is the union of these
companies into trusts.
The formation of the trust and syndicate, Is one of the most significant
'phenomena of the  present day.    Its
appearance in the social realm foreshadows the doom of the present
competitive system, and the inauguration of the socallst order.
The choice must soon be made between monoply under private management, and monopoly under public
control; for monopoly, In some form
it must be. Trusls must combine In
a general trust—the nation. Centralize all business ln a trust, and
then make those in control responsible
to the people Instead of to a syndicate
of capitalists, and Socialism ls attained.
Not only the means of production,
but the wealth of the country In
general, is concentrating into the
hands of a few men.
Edward Bellamy stated, that ln 1905
tne property of 100,000 men In the
United States aggregates more than
the total possessions of the rest of the
people. The entire bonded debt of
the United States Is held by 71,000
persons only, and over 60 per cent, of
it is In the hands of 23,000 persons.
Professor Parsons says "In 1840
there was one millionaire to two million people, now there ls one to each
15,000. In 1840 lt took one fourth of
the people to buy half the wealth of
the nation, now lt takes less than
one-twentieth of one per cent, or 30,000
to buy out the remaining 65 millions
of people—a congestion of wealth 700
times as intense as that of 1840.
These facts evidence the rapid concentration of wealth. Is there danger
In this congestion?
Danlal Webster said, The freest
government cannot long endure where
the tendency of the law is to create
rapid accumulation of property in the
hands of a few.
Socialism, however, proclaims tbat
the principle of combination ls sound
and ought to be extended to the whole
social order. It production and distribution on a large scale are more
economic, they ought to survive.
But while private monopoly Is an enemy to industrial freedom, and the
public good, public monopoly Is a
blessing. "The economic dependence
of the laboring man upon the monopolist of the Implements of work, and
sources of life, forms the basis of
every kind of servitude, of social
misery, of spiritual degradation, and
political dependence."
The only remedy Is to substitute
public for private control of Industry.
Socialism monopolies, and the evils
which arise from private ownorshlp
will disappear, leaving only the benefits that result from co-operation.
Any business organized as a trust
Is emminently ripe for appropriation
by society.
It is useless to say that such an
enterprise cannot be managed by the
state, when lt Is being managed by a
band of capitalists. The board of
directors, who do not usually own the
capital invested, can as readily be
made responsible to the nation as to
the shareholders. There need be no
Inconvenience experienced ln making
the change, for If the state deem it expedient, the directors ln charge at
the time can be retained. What difference does it make whether there are
7000 or 70,000,000 shareholders, will
not the managers be as faithful when
nil the people are shareholders, ss they
are now when only a few are such?
Cannot all the people find managers to
produce wealth for them, as well as
the few shareholders of today.
Increasing the number of the firm
really makes no difference. If managers can be secured to conduct business in tbe present state of compe-
rulned by the intrigues of rivals,
surely there will be no difficulty in
finding competent directors when
these baneful conditions no longer
The practicability of Socialism ls
demonstrated by the methods of modern industry.
One of the greatest advantages
urged on behalf ot Socialism ls that
all the forces will work for a large
product. Whereas at present lt is
notorious that certain forces strive
to diminish production. This is perfectly uatnral when production Is
carried on for exchange, for an abun
dance of commodities means small
(Cntirusi next issue)
Comrade Editor,—
This warfare between whether we
should embrace unionism or not wants
quite a bit airing, and the fallacy of it
should ever be kept before tbe wage-
slave, not only to those whom we run
amuck amongst, but also those who
are ln the Party, and have not a clear
conception of the question.
Rutherford never Intended to Imply
that a knowledge ot the English language was essential to the understanding of Socialism; a census of the Party members would soon prove the reverse, and the cause of these little
European countries being ahead (ln
that line) of the Englishmen, is not
far to seek, of which I need not touch
upon here, my object being to show
the blundering statements that are
made, when a Liberal and one who
claims to be a Socialist, are acting in
conjunction over dictating a letter.
Lazzaris goes wide of the mark when
he quotes, "If the object of the I. W.
W. is the same as Socialism, viz., the
emancipation of tne working class, I
want to ask: 'Why have Socialism
then?' or If they are Identical, 'Why
have the I. W. W.?' We can't have
I have a copy of the "Industrial Union Bulletin," and the headlines read:
The I. W. W. is the Economic Organization of the Working Class; It has
NO Political Affiliation, snd is Controlled by NO Political Party," and
Clause (2) of the Preamble reads:
"Between these two classes (working
class and employing class) a struggle
must go on until all the toilers come
together on the POLITICAL field, ss
well as on the industrial field, and take
snd hold that which they produce by
their labor through an economic organization of the working class, without AFFILIATION with any political
Now, Comrade, where or when are
they going to embrace politics? First,
they say thst they can do the Job
without politics, snd then admit they
must work together, politically and
Industrially, and then again they don't
want to affiliate with any political party. Teach me to understand this sky-
pilot miracle, will you?
Clause (3): "The rapid gathering
of wealth and the centering of the
management of Industries Into fewer
and fewer hands (the fewer hands the
quicker our salvation) make the trades
union unable to cope with the overgrowth of the employing class, because
the trade unions foster a state of
things which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set
of workers in the same Industry, thereby helping to defeat one another In
wage wars. The trade unions aid the
employing clasB to mislead the workers into belief that the working class
bave Interests In common with the
employers. These sad conditions can
be changed and the interests of the
working clasB upheld only by an organization formed ln such a way that
Its memberB In any one Industry, or
ln all Industries, If necessary, cease
work whenever a strike or lock-out
Is on In any department thereof, thuB
making Injury to one an Injury to all.
Therefore without endorsing or desiring endorsement of any political party, etc., etc."
Now, Lazzaris, you aee that the capitalists are still left masters of the
situation, the Jobs, means of production, the Instruments of murder, all
meanB of communication, etc., etc.
Also when It comes to a sympathetic
strike, as It would be termed, who Bur-
vlves the longest? What? For Instance,
to see where the I, W. W. and the
S. P. of C. are not Identical, compare
the above with the S. P. of 0. Platform.
You have admitted that the, workers are in the majority, and then go
on to state: "But lt Is certain that
they are swayed by something different to the principles of Socialism."
Now, you Comrades, did you ever see
or hear such conflicting rub-a-tub as
that? He claims to be "more than a
Socialist In embryo," and yet he Is
assisting In the swaying by peddling
this I. W. W.'ism, "something different to the principles of Socialism,"
also directly assisting to the "representatives of the money-bngs to be
returned." I fall to see his claim ot
being a Socialist at all, and If he Is
going to peddle such dope it Is time
he was put on trial.
Then he contends this ougnt to stimulate every "honest Socialist" to avail
himself of every legitimate means to
better the conditions ot the workers.
I might point out that these legitimate
means have been tried these hundreds
of generations, and our masters have
always found them to be illegitimate
every time we have shown our teeth
through hunger. So it was up to some
to find another way out of the tangle,
and it Is found In the shape of this
crazy proposition, Socialism. Now the
masters can't find any legitimate
means to attack that (except by attacking the franchise), so want us to
return to unionism again, to enable
them to lengthen their years of enjoyment of the fruits of your toil, and
to have their sport out of you targets.
Nothing doing, Lazzaris. You want
something to be moving between these
election times, so do I, You can't do
better than get out and educate the
wage-slave to his material interests,
and have patience, but If you keep
peddling this I. W. W. dope you are
not only cutting your own head off,
but teaching the other fellow to commit suicide also.
The function of a union is to barter
labor-power for the most It can fetch.
It is a notorious fact that the workers of, say, Britain (as an example)
before, and after, the golden age of
labor, received a brute existence (the
cost of their production). It would be
absurd for the magnates to bring tbe
workers below subsistence point. How
would they obtain sufficient labor-
power did the workers not receive
enough to keep themselves physically lit to do their stunt of work and reproduce their own kind?
It would be well that those Interested tn discussions of industrial unionism, would take the trouble to read
"Gourock's Industrial Unionist" article ana the editorial of the same issue, "There Is No God but Allah."
(No. 581, May 28, 1910.)
The machine has not been perfected
yet sufficient to bring us down to a
level with the Chinamen, but lt Ib coming. Our physical energy is gradually dying, but care is taken that a sufficient quantity of labor-power Is kept
on the market to supply the present
needs of the magnates. The Socialist
Party are out to abolish this bartering or begging proposition neck and
chop. This perpetual uncertainty of
the means of life. They promise you
nothing; every man Jack has to be a
Moses unto himself, and the sooner
you wage-slaves recognize that you
are slaves body and soul, the better
for yourselves and us who are suffering at the expense of your careless Indifference.
The fittest survives, mentally and
physically. That means to say, that
you bunches of labor-power or bodies
of mechanicals, are placed in the market on a par with cattle, pigs, or machines; you are a commodity. These
corporations do not employ you because you're a nice fellow, or because
they are kind, or for love. They chose
the most physically fit, mentally fit, so
that they are able to grind more profit out of you at the least cost than
they could out of a degenerate, and
when they have taxed your muscles
all they can bear, out you go on the
scrap-heap to starve or stop your atmosphere by the rope.
You Englishmen get sore when anyone calls you a Blave. "A slave! Gor
I'm Independent of this company any time." Yes, but then Mr.
Slave, you must of necessity beg the
loan of a Job off some other corporation. That's so. Well, then, aren't
you a slave? As O'Brien said; "He
that owns the means whereby I must
have access to obtain the necessaries
of life, owns me." True for you, Charlie.
As far as I can understand, there
Is quite a bunch votes for Hawthornthwaite because he is a good man.
Now, Jim does not want you and he
despises you for that, and the Socialist Party does not want you, so get
out until you understand the principles
Hawthornthwaite stands for.
One votes for hlm because he's a
nice fellow, and the same coon Is content with the present system, but
would like a fair day's wage for a fair
day's work. Another votes the same
way, but helps Smith to Iho Dominion.
Another says BolflBhneHB Is bred In us
because a child suckles its mother
while ttie Is sick, yet the majority are
against Socialism because they don't
practice what they preach. These are
only a sample of Ideas of those hang-
rs-on who don't know what they are
bunging on to.
For your own sakes, get out of the
way  and   don't    pollute  anyone  else
with such d d suicidal conflammer-
allons. When I work for a nob I want
a bob, not 2d. or one-sixth of what 1
produce. You remind me of the typical Geordy. A cockney osked him
what all the commotion was about,
while In the Central Station (New-
castle-on-Tyne, Durham). "Wey, dlB
thoo not nar, It's wor big meet ing
day."' ''Ob, I see, nnd what do you
have your big meetings for?" "Whey,
tn get wor reets." "Yes, and what are
your rights, my man?" "Whey, Mis-
tor, ar dlvent nar, but wor ganning to
fight tor them."
And It ls Just so with a lot of you
dull-heads; you vote for the man, nnd
never Klve a thought to the principles
he stands for.
Gel out, will you?
M. S.
In the middle ages chattel-slavery
had become an obselete method of production aud the serfdom which took
its place evolved gradually Into a system of personal bondage of varying
grades, of serfs, cottars and villains.
This was the feudal system. The actual living man was not regarded as
private property as in the previous order, but was compelled to render certain services to his seigneur or lord,
such as the cultivation of fields, the
raising of cattle, the weaving of fabrics or the performance ot work ot
all kinds from venery to digging ditches. This ls distinctive of the Middle
Ages and the system of production that
obtained in that period,' Feudalism.
e   »   •
M.'s P. can do a little good occasionally. Parker Williams picked up
two, not votes, subs, in Ladysmlth.
• •   •
Great demand for Western Clarions
ln New Westminster. One hundred
a week for a month, per A. Hogg.
Two seems to be the favorite number with our hustlers. L. R. Mclnnes
hands ln other two from Sandon.
• •   e
Arthur Taylor has quite a lot to say
about the new headquarters of the
Toronto bunch, the home beautiful, I
don't think. '"Tis a small place, but
our own." The part of his communication, however, that interests us most
is the three subs, he encloses. Good
luck to the headquarters, though.
■ •   •   •
J. Naylor, Cumberland, B. C, goes
wide In his efforts—one for England,
one to Montana, and his own, makes
three. The change of the note to go
to the_Maintenance Fund.
• •    e
The Winnipeg bundle is growing
bigger weekly, one might say dally. W.
W. L„ Vancouver, has donated 200 a
week to the Winnipeg campaign. This
brings the total up to 700 a week.
• •   •
Those engaged In the distribution
are getting something to do, but Watts
wants 1000. This Is the best stunt
yet. Who will come up with some
• e   •
Local Berlin pays up for bundle and
• •   •
The basis of capitalization is the
class monopoly ot land, factories, ships,
railroads, etc., that is the capitalist
ownership of the means and Instruments of production and distribution.
The ownership of these things enables
the class In whose hands they are to
shape or fashion the lives of the non-
possessing and compell them to yield
up the greater part of the wealth they
produce In the shape ot surplus value,
rent, Interest and profit. If the propertyless are ever to be emancipated,
the basis of society must Buffer a radical change.
• •   •
R. I. Matthews brought in two with
him on his way down from Revelstoke
to the Coast.
• •   •
A. Farmilo goes above the two line.
He gets three ln Toronto.
• •   •
The Unpatriotic Irishman does even
better In Revelstoke, getting four.
If our old friend F. S. Faulkner keeps
on In his peregrinations, God knows
where he will end. From Mason City,
III., to Bloomlngton,  III.    After    the
• •   •
Another bunch of four. From John
Burgess this time.   We're getting on
In Calgary.
• •   •
Local Port Moody, B. C, wants tea
copies a week for ten weeks.   Sure.
• •   •
In the days of small production the
usurer was simply a leech who profited
by the distress or Improvidence ot
otherB to Buck their blood. Our obser-
vatlons lead ub to believe that things
have changed—that the worker Ib the
sucker now.
e    e    e
Singles.—F. Home, Hillcrest, B. C;
John Plckenshovel, Sidney, B. C; H.
Judd, Brackendale, B. C; Moses Barltz, Manchester, Eng.; Jos. Effler,
Grandvlew, Man.; C. M. O'Brien, Edmonton; .1. Marren, Lawrence Anderson, Toronto; Jack Place, Nanalmo;
A. Karme, Mrs. Perclval, Vancouver;
Bughouse," SOuth Wellington.
Trade Marks
Copyhiohts ate.
Anyone sending askex-ii nnd description mar
nnU'kl- iwccrtnln our <>i>n,li>n free whether an
invention is urotmblf tmieiu-i'lo.  Cnmmitnlen.
Uowstrtolfi tldent',.1.HANDBOOK on -al-ula
sunt Iron. Oldest tilienry rvrseeutlng-potent*.
riilents taken tnrouoh Munn A Co. receive
-p-cWI notice, without coarse, la the
Scientific American.
A. kanssoinolr lilnattated weekly. I*r**"»t *Jj£
Julilton ot any KUMfflj lournal. Tern-a 'or
Caaeea, •>." a rear, -aulas* prepaid. Sold liy
all naas'islisa.
(Concluded From Last Issue.)
So much for the very poor type; now for those
who are able to go right ahead and break up a
claim, retaining the title deeds and making a living. This type ls very often pointed out as a refutation of the Socialist contention; he ls referred to as an independent man. Now the writer
readily grants that some farmers own their farms
but would submit the following questions in all
humility. Is it any benefit to a hungry man that
he owns a pot in which a pudding has been boiled
if someone else has stolen the duff? And is it not
wisdom upon the thief's part if he is able to persuade the hungry one ttuat the ownership of the
pot and not the contents'thereof Is a most desirable thing, to do so? Certainly, and that is just
why the farmer ls so backward upon this very
Important point; he thinks the title deeds to a
little land, which In reality are spurs to urge him
to greater efforts, either to pay off a mortgage or
keep it from creeping on, separate him from the
rest of the workers; while the capitalist class
calmly lift the produce of the farms, returning to
the farm-slave enough to enable bim to go on producing.
Which brings us to tbe second contention that
the farm-slave has an Interest in the grain he
raises. This is certainly true and in this respect
he is unlike bis fellow slave of the city. The factory hand incorporates his labor-power In products
and goes home on Saturday with his wages In his
pocket. The farm-slave Incorporates his labor-
power in grain and then the game Is to get lt out
again. Now lt is certain that a rise ln price of
grain mean's a rise in that portion which comes
back to the slave, and a fall means the opposite,
hence the G. G. A. and similar organizations have
some excuse for their existence, but they overestimate their power. As we have said, a rise
In the price ot grain means that the portion of
it coming to the slave wlll exchange for a larger
quantity of commodities, and vice versa.. But it
la only price, and that law of value butts ln with
its usual persistence and spoils things for price
hovers around value and the rise and fall thereof
compensate each other. So that the grain exchanges in the long run at value—the labor-time
incorporated therein, and that portion coming to
the slave follows suit and exchanges at value—
the cost of his subsistence. Of course he gets his
portion ln money and bo the deal ls disguised
The farm-slave, then, has some interest in the
sale ot grain, although it is not his. But these
grain growers are a funny bunch; can you Imagine
a man trying to keep a trip-hammer from coming
down by putting himself under it? That Is Just
what they are doing. Their struggle is to keep
the price of grain up, and once more that unrelenting law of value bobs up. Now value is determined by the socially necessary labor-time, and
these last few years have been rich in a perfect
shower of labor-saving machinery for the farm,
hence you see the value of grain ls going down
and value is a leaden plummet which must drag
price down after it. It is thus perfectly clear that
the masters themselves cannot keep the price
from falling, let alone a slave organization who
do not even own the wheat.
Look well upon tbe gasoline, kerosene, distillate and steam farm engines; the giant reaper,
binder and thresher, for In them is written your
doom aa property holders. They grow too big for
you to buy and manage; they are essentially social
machines, and at present your masters are your
masters snd wlll exploit you to a finish until you
become real wage slaves, devoid of property and
working for them at flrst hand.
We speak of robbery; how Is this robbery accomplished? How are the farmers compelled to
give up the fruit of their toll? Why, it is that
thing you all howl so much for, a railway which
enables tbem to skin you. As soon aa grain is
raised and a country becomes settled, In comes a
railway, thrust like the arm of a bear into a bee's
nest and lo! in a trice ail the honey is drawn out.
Yes, the farmer unloads every kernel of grain, except that required for seed, at the railway depot,
at his master's command. But I hear some one
say tbe farmer can hold grain for a better price ;
which is true enough if he can borrow money or
has had some to start with, but soon or late the
"stand and deliver" of the real owner comes and
the farm slave unloads, which is quite right and
just, as things go.
Now we see that the old serf could in three days
produce his own living with very clumsy tools
and that we to-day have the most up-to-date machinery enabling us to produce our living ln about
4 hours, which is considerably less than we work
ln a day. What then becomes of the product of
the rest of the working day ? Why, good farmer,
wise headed, keen, hard, business man, It is stolen
before your very eyes and you can't see it.   Yet
we are not certain if it is stolen seeing how readily you "part up."
Let us sum up. We have seen that farming is
part and parcel of the present industrial system,
Interwoven and so mixed up as to render It impossible to say just where the process of raising
grain begins. We have seen that the farmer has
no more title to consideration than any other
of his class—the working class, for In strict truth
there ls no such thing as a farming class—all are
workers, all are slaves. Indeed the factory slave
is better off than the farm worker because hail,
frost or drouth may sweep the farm slaves'
wages out of sight and the G.G.A. powerful as they
are cannot stop that. As there is no class of
farmers, Ib It not rank Idiocy to send men to parliament as "farmers' candidates to look after
the interests of a class that has no existence ?
Besides be tbey ever so honest they will do their
master's work, In conserving his interests, because
not being socialists, they do not know their own.
We have Been that In struggling against the
law of value the worker ls like an ant butting
down a brick wall. We have seen that these
precious title deeds we own are simply goads to
drive us to greater exertions, and altho tbe writer
has not gone Into detail answering the G.G.A. and
similar organizations, space being limited, yet it
must be plain that they are useless to ease the
pressure we feel. We bave seen, in a word, that
In society—ihe workers produce great wealth and
that it belongs to another class.
Our work is plain before us, the masters hold
their place because they hold political power, they
are few, we are many, we must then join hands with
our brothers of the factory, mill or mine and workers all, go to tbe ballot and grasp political power;
Send our own men to parliament to rule as we
shall dictate. The Socialist Party have this aim
In view, not to dally with reform but to go straight
to the goal and sweep the master class from power.
Farm slaves, your case is desperate. The minutes are flashing past into hours, the hours Into
days, the days Into years. The new form of
society—Social ownership (not to be confounded
with Government ownership), is ready to burst the
cramping shell of the old. It awaits but the effort
of a united working class. How long will you
dally ? Knowledge is power. Read, study, think
and then act. For things will go from bad to worse
until you have sense enough enough to call a halt.
In conclusion ; the writer has made no effort
to go into detail, making ln places mere bald statements, for space Is too limited to allow of much
complication. His effort has been to place before
his fellow farm slaves the main factors of their
position under modern conditions. To urge them
by this short disquisition into looking deeper into
the matter for theselves. If in any way tbe writer
has plagiarised any one, he here offers his apology.
By far the greatest calamity that has
befallen the nation this year took place
early ln May, when 137 workingmen
were burled alive ln a coal mine ln
Cumberland. Compared with this the
passing away of Albert Edward Wet-
tin, otherwise known as King of England, etc., is aa nothing compared with
On the night of May 6th this lndivll-
ual died, after an easy, useless life of
nearly 70 years' duration, and despite
the endeavours of five prominent physicians, and the order is given for the
nation to go Into mourning. Then, as
if to mock the hollowness and hypocrisy of the pantomime engineered by
Interested parties, and assisted so successfully by their allies of the Press
that people were actually beginning to
worship tbe Inanimate form of one that
had ever been wasted clay—came the
shock of the tragedy in the Wellington pit
Throughout the mining districts a
Warning waa published on the morning of May 12th, drawing attention to
the existing dangerous atmospheric
conditions. During the day these grew
worse, particularly In the vicinity of
Whitehaven, till they were practically
similar to the conditiona observed at
the time of nearly all previous mining
disasters. In such circumstances no
one should have been allowed down
a mine save those necessary to tend
What animals might be below. And
when lt Is realized that there was no
life-saving apparatus near the mine,
that the pit in question was a veritable
death-trap, extending four miles under
the sea and having but one way of entrance and exit, It becomes Increasingly difficult to charge the mine-owners
with anything short of murder.
According to Mr. Henry, umler-man-
ager of the mine, the fire started in
quite a small way, and could probably
bave been easily extinguished. Valuable time waa wasted, and when experts with life-saving appliances arrived from Sheffield and Glasgow, lt
was found that valuable coal and mining plant waa being burnt. The experts could not reach the entombed
men, but declare that had they been
there earlier tbe latter could have been
saved. And—horror of horrors!—despite the convictions of many and tbe
assertion of one who had escaped, tbat
the men below were . alive and bad
fresh air and water enough for a
month, It was decided to no longer try
to save the men, but to save the coal.
"Alas! that coal should be so dear
And flesh and blood so cheap,"
The decision to brick up the mine
In order to smother the fire (and the
men) nearly caused a riot in the town
—but tbe mine, if not the men, must
be saved, So the mine was bricked
up and the only possible means of escape for the men cut off, while preparations were also made to flood the pit
should those who owned lt deem It
We venture to suggest that had Teddy Roosevelt, the late King Edward,
or even the latter's pet dog Caesar,
been down in that mine, tliere would
not have been such unBeemly haste to
make lt a tomb. But a few score of
workmen—what of them! They don't
count: there are plenty more of tbem
at a few shillings a week. And as for
the heartbroken widows and orphans
—tbey are accustomed to such things,
you know. A few pounds will solace
them! Thus we speak the capitalist
mind; and the capitalist Press cynically passes over the brutal murder of
workingmen, the fiendish interment of
living human beings in a flaming pit
ln order to save coal and plant, with
a report that a relief fund is being
raised and that work is being resumed
in the district.—Socialist Standard.
Dear "M,c,"—A somewhat factitious
argument has arisen re advancement
of wages between a Cooking Lake
economist and W. J. U. Without beating about the bush, let me say that
both are right and both are wrong.
The C. L. gent ls right, for Marx
points out (though any fool knows it)
the laborer gives the capitalist credit.
For he is not paid for any work until
lt ls done. W. J. U. is also right in
claiming tbat the capitalist advances
wages to the laborer. But not In the
sense he speaks of. The capitalist
does advance wages because he pays
for the commodity long before It is
sold on tbe market. Sometimes he
keeps It (the commodity) for years,
and, of course, has to wait until it Is
sold before he receives the price he
paid the laborer, let alone surplus
"But," says W. J. U., "how could the
laborer exist for one, two, or more
weeks if he did not receive wages in
advance?" By credit, of course. When
a boy commences work for the flrst
time he Is allowed credit until pay
day. If he ls boarding he gets credit
just the same. When he marries he
either has enough money to sustain
himself and wife till pay day or he
gets credit from the store.
Anyway, if W. J. U. can find me a
job where I get my wages In advance
of my labor-power I'll be on the job
right away.   'Souse me for butting in.
Yours in the scrap,
Gait, Ont.
Reading a copy of Solidarity tbe
other day the flrst thing that crossed
my vision was a small article headed
Practical Idealism. The writer states
that the I. W. W. has an ideal in the
future and ln trying to attain that
Ideal, that this body of men are going
about lt ln a practical way and therefore industrial unionists were practical Idealists.
An Ideal, according to the prevalent
idea is an absolutely perfect mind picture of our greatest desire and limited
by our environment, for instance the
Ideal of the Christian ls heaven. You
have a small pair of wings and fly
through pearly gates. (The combination of gates and wings is certainly a
puzzle.) On your arrival before the
throne you are forgiven your misdeeds
and you receive permission to sit upon
a diamond studded chair—very com-
foVtable seat ln your bare skin. Thus
we can very readily grasp that ideals
are In tbe future and are certainly
graduated by our limited knowledge
or experience.
The I. W. W. expects to combine all
the workers in one great and grand
international labor union, and when
they have accomplished this, they propose to take over the means of production and operate them for the benefit of the working class. Their immediate object is to "raise wages and
improve working conditions" and also
to teach the workers in different industries how to run the machines of
production bo as tbey can operate
them properly when they bave attained their ideal. The capitalist class,
however, have already instructed the
wage-workers along this line, for they
no longer take any part in production
whatever, as a class. But granting
that there may be some mysterious
and terrible examination to be passed
before the workers can successfully
operate them, I would ask Gourock
one little question: As the means of
production are constantly evolving to
a more perfect stage, Is not the I. W.
W. wasting their time teaching the
workers how to operate means of production nOw, when they may become
obsolete in a few years?
Take the railroads for Instance.
Gourock would drill these men (I
don't know what more he could drill
them in) so they could operate the
line without bitch or flaw immediately
the workers were victorious. Now
airships are practical but not commercially profitable, and can easily revolutionize all the carrying trade in both
steamship lines and railways, consequently all of Gourock's drilling would
be absolutely useless.
Gourock would also teach the workers how to direct Industry and to
form a successful administration of
things (when they get the I. W. W.
"ideal") before they have any industry to direct or many things to administer. Gourock would learn us
how to ride horses before we get them.
I am not using any reflex as an argument (which Gourock casts to one
side without any explanation) but am
taking the teaching of Industrial un
ionlsm as it is effervesced by its most
"prominent exponents" and wlll be
pleased If Gourock can show me reasons why Industrial unionists are not
Utopians in every sense of the word.
(Continued from Page 1)
stocks mean to us? What ln the name
of the gods do we care how much they
water their stocks? Let them water
them and be banged. We, the producers, care naught—Booner or later
we will allow them to eat their stocks
it they like, while we use the things
that the stocks are supposed to repr&
Bent. So It's up to them to make the
most of the little time they have. In
the .meantime we refuse to be sidetracked by red herring dangled by so-
called Socialists. We care not a kopeck what they do with their stocks
and bonds, nor how they do it.
Let us now touch briefly the effort
of Brother Spargo (of "Spiritual Significance of Socialism" fame). He deals
with "what some of the great economists have called 'the secondary exploitation of the producers'," (Selah!)
He talks learnedly of "monopoly
prices." He says that "the great combinations of capital .    .    .   can now
Bet the law of demand and supply
aside," and a few other things. All
of which we have heard before ad
nauseum. Incidentally the "infamous
protective tariff" ls tbe instrument
used in the skin-game. Never a word
here either about labor power, the
commodity subject to all the economic
laws governing the exchange and sale
of commodities. The whole trouble is
caused by the devilish greed of our
captains of Industry, and the tariff Is
one of their infernal machines. Not
content with robbing us when we work
like blazes, they have even, by means
of "artlflcally enhanced" prices (in
direct contravention of the laws of exchange) worked It down so fine that
we are being robbed while we sleep,
and in fact during every moment of
our existence. Every fellow who is
running a 2x2% business and has
$2.48 cents worth of groceries on sale
is our mortal enemy. He is soaking
us every time we buy a lemon or a
plug of McDonald's.
The remedy! Quite correct, dear
friend; lt ls Socialism (not "Socialism"). But how did you discover it?
Nobody would ever have thought it
after reading the squibs of yourself
and Russell.
Comrades of the S. P. of C, we have
heard a lot about high prices lately.
We bave heard a lot about the ungodly
way that we are being robbed as consumers. But this ls the important
thing to remember, and, this fact being kept ln mind, all the bourgeois
squabbling over taxes and watered
stocks and tariffs will show up red
against the trail as herring drawn
there to sidetrack us. This fact kept
ln mind wlll save us from shipwreck
on the same reef as other one-time
revolutionary parties have broken on.
It ls—we, tbe producers, through non-
ownership of the tools of production
are compelled to sell ourselves—or our
energy, which amounts to tbe same
thing—to masters. We can as a class
receive only a bare existence. The
very nature of capitalism precludes
the possibility of our receiving more.
Then, why waste time in trying to
"reform" the laws that tyrants have
made to hold us in subjection? The
law is their's. Let them use lt as they
choose. The earth ls theirs today,
through our pig-headed ignorance. Let
ub be up and doing and stop at nothing short of the whole earth for labor
and nothing for the shirk.
It is related that in Slam it is a
regular custom of the devout native
to rise early and, facing tbe east,
await the rising of the sun; and when
the first golden beams of the orb of
day illuminate the face of earth, the
native offers his morning greeting and
prayer in these words:
Thla prayer, though short, is impressive when understood; and even
a workingman who believes in capitalism, if he will repeat it several
times, slowly and reverently at first,
then rapidly for six or more timeB,
will be fully convinced of what all
Socialists and most of his friends have
known for a long time.
Try lt!—The Harp.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support ot the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor producea all wealth, and to the producers lt ahould belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership ef the
meaas of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. Tha capitalist Is therefor* master; th* worker a
So long aa the capitalist elsss remains in possession of th* relas of
government all the powers of the Stat* will be used to protect aad
defend their property rights In the means of wealth production aad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies In the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wag*
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at th*
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict ot interests between the capitalist and
the worker Is rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of th*
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organise under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, aa follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the meaas of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
th* workers.
3. The establishment, aa speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Parti when in office .shall always' and everywhere
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers ln their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if lt will not, th*
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner -
aa to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
A campaign issue of the Clarion
will be published for the Winnipeg Central Campaign Committee.
Locals and comrades throughout
Manitoba should obtain bundles
for distribution.   Order of
Winnipeg 384 Elgin Ave.
WWtema. the msmkss of Kaatiraetarers,
Hsslslllii aad athttt whs realise Ihe advisability at haftac their Patent traslsess transacted
bySa-Mta. PrcHaaiaaryadvice free. Charges
•a* hma-tar** A-Mssr sent spaa
irleti ClUrlaa, New York Uf* BUg.
MssH-aal: aad Waahinetaa. D.C, U.8JU
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start Local) $6.00
Membership Cards, each    .01
Dues Stamps, each     .10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100  25
Ditto in Finnish, per 100 SO
Ditto In Ukranlan, per 100 50
Constitutions, each  20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen        <S0
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian Socialists
On account of lnereasad postal
[at** we a,, obllt*d to main thi
subscription price of th* In tar national socialist Review In Canada
•1.2* a year instead of $1.0*. We
can, however, make th* followlag
special offer*: ~
For 13.00 we wlll mall three
copies of the Review to on* Canadian address for on* year.
For 70 cents we wlll mall tan
e0E.lu *>r Any on* Issue.
For 13.00 we will mall th* Review one year and th* Chlcag*
Dally Socialist for on* year.
114 Waat Klnsie St., Chicago?
S05 Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mtricaney, Prop.
neighbors, send for a bundle of
"Robtrtchy, Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comradea in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 SUphsn St.       ▼tanlptg.Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
WKlch Stand*) for a. Uwing MTrngm
Vanoouver Local  S67.
q If you would like to spend less time in yonr kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to oar office and we will send a man
to measure yonr premises and give yen an estimate of cost of
installing the gae pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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