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Western Clarion Feb 18, 1911

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Array I a. sis.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Feb. 18, 1911.
snbKriptlon Price mi 11
talui       • l-UV
er
i
COAL MINES DEBATE
GETS WARM
(Miners' Interests Strenuously Defended by
Williams and Hawthornthwaite
Monday, February G, 1911.
Parker Williams resumed the debate on the second reading of the new
Coal Mines Regulation Act. *.'»' «
On the previous Friday lie had endeavored to discuss the Keserich case,
but had been stopped by the Speaker,
who hnd contended that the case was
still before the courts, but he (Williams) had been unable to discover
since then that any step had been
taken to carry the case to a higher
court, so the Speaker's ruling could
not hold good. The judge in that case
had ruled that unless an infraction of
the Coal Mines Regulation Act could
be proved to have caused the explosion
he did not care if the whole act had
been violated and he could indict no
one. The trial had proved that any
regulation which It was not in the In-
trests of the company to observe had
been Ignored. Again on January 2ti,
the judge had said that he dld.not care
ir the mine had been full of gas foi
three months before the explosion, If
it was not so on the morning of lhe
explosion. In the case of explosions
in coal mines it was inconceivable that
any man who was at the point where
an explosion took place would live to
tell anything about It. In the face of
the attitude taken by the judge only a
dead man could secure a verdict for
the widows. A trial by jury had been
asked for and refused on the ground
that it was of too technical a nature
for a jury, but he (Williams) thought
it was because a judge was coldblooded and a jury would be warmblooded.
Commenting on the Extension disaster, he referred to the fact that Inspector Dick had not mentioned in
his report that there were no shot
lighters in No. 2 mine, and characterised him as a "perfidious wretch." In
his report Shepherd had attributed
the explosion to a blown out shot. The
question then arose "Where was the
shotllghter?'' The judge could have
found out If he had wanted to. It was
significant that in Dick's reports on
the eight mines of the Wellington Colliery Co. (now the property of the C.
N. R.) shotllghts were only mentioned
In connection with the report on No.
2 mine. That was his last kick at the
widows and orphans. Both the Chief
Inspector and Robertson, tbe government mineralogist, united in jumping
on the "Inexperienced miner" as being
responsible for the explosion. Both of
those reports were "exhibits" In the
Keserich case, were read by the judge,
and the verdict was given against the
widows and orphans.
The judge must have taken those re.
ports as evidence that the Department
exonerated the company, and In con-
sequenco the verdict met the views of
the Department.
The caBe had served one useful purpose, it showed what possibility the
workers had of getting favorable ver-
diets from the courts,     t     »     *
To Bum the whole matter up, the
case had proved that there had been
a total disregard of their duties as to
the enforcement of the law on the
part of the Inspectors and as the verdict had cleared the company, the
whole responsibility must be placed
on the Department whose duty it was
to look after the safety of the miners,
the same Department that was now
professing to be anxious to secure tbe
"last word" on coal mine regulations
embodied in the new BUI. The enforcement of the present Act was all
that was needed, rather than the Introduction of a new one.   ♦   •   »
After pointing out the utter Impossibility of the Inspector visiting every
portion of the mines ln his district
once a month, as called for in the existing Act, and the urgent necessity
tor appointing a sufllccnt staff to meet
the present and future requirements of
the industry, he recommended that the
government, If they would not allow
the men to elect the inspectors, should
at least allow them to elect a man ln
each mine, with a certificate not lower
than that of a fire-boss, whose duty it
would be( subject to the Inspector) to
devote his whole time to that mine.
The mines could then be thoroughly
patrolled several times a mouth if
necessary . Such men, being con-
stanlly on the ground, would have better means of knowing the conditions
than the Inspector himself. He (P. W.)
could not understand what, objection
there could te to the men electing the
Inspectors. It would go a long way
towards maintaining greater safety in
the coal mines of the Province. * *
The trade union was a factor that
made for greater safety in coal mines,
and one of their functions was to
elect "gas committees," who reported
lo the mens' organization as to the
condition of Ihe mine. Where a union
did not exist, indifference cropped up,
the committee, if any, went out of
existence, and the individual miner
had to make a complaint off his own
bat. With a union, discrimination
against an Individual for doing that
was impossible. It was the union at
Bellevue that called on the Inspector
and made the complaint. * * * *
Dunsmulr, the late owner of the
mines at Extension had assumed the
function of a trade union smasher, and
received the greatest gift in the hands
of the Liberal party, in the shape of
the Lieut. Governorship of B. C. He had
practically claimed the privilege of
blowing up his mines if he wanted to.
Mackenzie and Mann, the new owners,
were apparently moving to build up a
record of the same character. A union
had recently been formed in Ladysmlth, and the president and secretary
were now looking for a job, and a
number of the most active men were
on the road, which indicated that the
company had instituted a process of
getting rid of active members of the
union. If that was the case, then the
quicker the whole Province knew of
It the belter. They (the union) had recently sent, a delegation to interview
McBride on the Bill then before the
House. Three of them were miners,
and one, Donald McLean, was a fire-
boss. They were met on the platform
on returning to Ladysmlth, and McLean
was Informed that If ho went to the
mine again he had better not change
his clothes, as he would find his time
check waiting for him. He (Williams)
did not know what the man's crime
had been, but he had a pretty fair
Idea. He had some reason for believing that that same mine had been in
a most, unsafe condition for the last
three or four months, and McLean had
been dropped for protesting against
the lise of the airway leading out, of
the mine, as rendering the mine unsafe, and tho firBt chance was utilised
to send him on the road. That was
what a man got for coming with n
delegation to Interview the Government on the foal Mines JF&gulatlon
Act. It indicated a disposition on the
part of the aggregation now owning
the mines, or on the part of the manager, of adopting the Dunsmulr policy
of union smashing. He desired to oall
McBride's attention to the matter of
McLean's dismissal and the attitude
of the new company ln regard to the
union. McLean had started a mining
school ln Ladysmlth, and he (Williams) thought the government should
give effective assistance to that institution. In conclusion, he called on
the government to enforce the Act by
compelling the mine owners to observe
it, and the result would be that mnny
of these explosions would be wiped
out.
The second reading carled on the
following division, only the two
Socialists voting against it.
Yeas—33.—Shaw, Watson, Fraser,
McDonald, Braden, Manson, M„ Lucas,
Brewster, Manson, W., Tlsdall, Wright,
Callanan, Miller, Jackson, Cawley,
Caven, Bowser, McBride, Ellison, McPhlllips, Cotton, Thomson, Scoeld,
Behnsen, Hunter, Manson, W. J.,
Young, Taylor, Rosb, Gifford, Mackay,
Parson, Davey.
Nays—2.—Williams, Hawthornthwaite.
Tuesday, February 7, was occupied
by dealing with government and corporation Bills of little interest to the
wageworkers.
Wednesday, February 8. The Coal
Mines Regulation Act was taken up
in committee of the whole House, and
several amendments were Introduced
by the Secretary, some of which were
accepted by McBride. The two Socialist members were in close consultation
throughout the sitting.
The first criticism put forward was
in connection with the definition of the
word "coal miner" in clause 2.   Haw-
understand or fully grasp the amendment. Without prejudice to Orientals
as such, what was desired was to prevent their employment in dangerous
industries or dangerous sections. It
was desirable to have at those points
men who understood the English
language, and the amendment would
reduce the number of Orientals, who
did not understand the language. The
mines at Cumberland would be the
only ones affected. In those mines one
white man had to work with a number
of Orientals. That produced an element of danger, and also it was not
fair to those employers who did not
employ   any   but  white   labor.   Why
thornthwaite pointed out that in some | should these mines be given a special
mines in B. C. many persons were I privilege? The remedy proposed was
employed at the working face who, by'quite simple and constitutional. These
reason of their inability to read and j Chinamen were allowed at the face, and
speak the English language constitut- to carry naked lights. The amendment
ed a grave danger to men working l might add slightly to the expenses of
with them, and suggested an amend-' the mine, but it would mean additional
ment to the effect that' any man employed at the face, although not actually engaged in mining the coal, should
have a miners certificate.
McBride said he could not accept the
sugestion. It would mean that none
but experienced miners would be allowed at the face, and would cut out
the man who was learning to mine.
Hawthornthwaite quoted the instance of the Chinese working at the
"face" in the Cumberland mines aB a
constant source of danger to the white
men working near them.
Parker Williams said that the
Chinese got their necessary experience by acting as loaders, and the
clause as it stood would allow It to
continue, while the amendment would
enable the white man to get that
experience and qualify as a miner.
McBride, while stating it was the government's desire to discourage the
employment of Orientals in the mines,
held that the suggestion would not
have the effect anticipated, and refused to accept It. Hawthornthwaite said
he did not wish to use any unnecessary  heat,  but the  Premier  did  not
safety, and would be an advantage to
the employer himself.
The clause was finally allowed to
pass, on an undertaking being given
by McBride that he was in no undue
hurry to get the Bill passed, and they
could go back and discuss any clause
they wished to.
Clause 3. Which prohibits the employment of women and girls and boys
under the age of 14, was the subject
of the next attack. Hawthornthwaite
sought to amend It by adding the following as a new section.
"No boy or person under the age
of 18 shall be employed in any place
in any mine in which inflammable gas
has been found in the preceeding 12
months."
McBride refused to acept the amendment. It would have the effect of precluding the employment of boys altogether. Hawthornthwaite said that
Inflammable gas was a source of grave
danger, and boys could not possible
understand the methods of dealing
with it.   It was of no advantage to have
DRAWING TOGETHER FOR
DEFENCE
Capitalists Realize Necessity for Co-operation to Oppose
Workers.
(Continued on Page 3)
A Stump Capitalist
Comrade Budden In Clarion No. 617,
while dealing with the education of the
fanner, assured us that It is useless
to analyze production and then leave
the farmer to work out how it applies
to tho farm. I have read A. M. Simon's pamphlet on Socialism and the
farmer; also Budden's "Slave of the
Farm," yet am unconvinced.
Simons falls flat when he says tbat
the farmer is robbed as a consumer.
Budden, while perhaps getting closer
to the truth In taking the farmer as a
mere unit, producing a part of all commodities and yet producing none, or
anyone, in its entirety, mars an otherwise valuable work by stating on page
14 of "Slave of the Farm," that the
railroads are responsible for tho robbery of the farmer.
Now, Com. Budden, you surely were
in a humorous mood when you wrole
that, paragraph. You certainly had not
In view a work dealing with the robbery of the railway employes, as you
would flnd It somewhat difficult to find
just where they were robbed while
handling farm produce. I hope some
one may come to the front who has
thoroughly analyzed the farmer's position.
The writer, up to date, sees only
two avenues where he Is directly robbed, and those are in rent and interest
which he pays the real owner of his
land and tools. However, wo have a
vision of a two-legged golng-to-be capitalist, armed with a grub hoe bought
on tick, tearing up the soil in one
field, while In the next on a clear
stretch of level land, is a 40-horse-
power traction engine hitched to a dozen latest Improved ploughs with harrow, seeder etc. attached. Were I
figuring on making a raid on the
wealth produced by either of these
farmers in a given time, I would somehow be inclined to Investigate the
granary of company farmer No. 2,
We met one of the grub-hoe individual!: a few days ago and I at once took
occasion to Introduce Com. Desmond,
and at the same time gave this energetic farmer an Invitation over to my
place to hear Com. Desmond give a
spiel on Socialism. After eyeing Desmond up and down for a few minutes
he ventured the remark that he enjoy
ed  listening  to a  parson  no  matter
what denomination he belonged to.
Having a favorable position to the
rear of Desmond, 1 was enabled to
hide tne somewhat unseemly wrinkles
that crept into my otherwise beautiful face, while Desmond proceeded to
explain that while he undoubtedly was
made of similar clay, and wore clothing, consumed similar food stuffs, etc.,
yet the particular brands of goods he
had to deliver were slightly different
to that of the parsons.
Not having any time to waste over
Socialism during working hours, as it
takes this independent farmer, his wife
and four boys, going all their time, to
get hold of enough pork, beans, and
overalls to supply tbelr needs, this
exalted specimen of humanity agnln
remarked by way of dismissing the
subject, that Socialism only applied lo
laborers. Seeing that Desmond's Features were going to suffer n severe
strain, and his vocal organs become
unduly active; and knowing that the
S. P. of C. could 111 afford any repairs,
I at once hustled him off home.
Should any of you readers think
that Com. Desmond is going to waste
his energies on any of this brand of
working animals, you will get sorely
disappointed, as there is too much
good material going to waste around
here for that, and he has certainly
mado good use of that material as will
be evident In the near future.
Yonrs In Revolt
J. PILKINGTON.
In the Medieval drama the noble
knight on his prancing stead "sallies
forth from the frowning castle at cockcrow." At the present time the wage
animal beats lt from the bum shack
to tho big factory when the whistle
bloWB. The noble knight was Invariably "accoutred in shining mall." The
only shine about the modern one is
where the overalls are a little worn.
Quite a difference, of course. The
noble knight is the hero of medieval
drama. The wage animal Is the clown
of the Industrial circus.
The modern worker can get his
economic education easily through tho
Socialist press. We no longer have
to depend upon Inscriptions on bricks.
"Those of us down in the States
have felt that there were only three
ways out of the present situation;
First, the adoption of business men
of a broad co-partnership method of
doing business, or, second, a rapid
drifting toward governorship of many
branches of business; third, Socialism.
"No thoughtful man can doubt that
the choice of these three methods
should be the first one—an honest,
vigorous determined attempt at copartnership."
Here is the view of our friend, the
enemy.
A calamity is drawing nigh. There
ls something tangible and real looming up out ot the confusing mist of
theories of poverty, competition, surplus value and over production, which
the Intellectual owner of the whip
hand is becoming conscious of. There
is something inexpressible arising out
of the conditions under which we carry on business, something alarming,
which no thoughtful man can longer
overlook, and if we are to maintain
that position in the world which the
use of our intellectual faculties have
brought us, we must no longer run
the show in parts, no longer divide
our individual energies in maintaining
this high and mighty position.
We have builded our stronghold and
founded our throne, and now let us
unite to keep our stronghold from
falling. Such, comrades, ls between
the lines that friend Perkins is preaching, and his text is surely "wake up!"
Wake to the fact that there is a class
struggle, and that the men who have
builded tbelr cities and developed
their natural resources, and who operate their tools and pay the bill, are beginning to wake up. There's a stir in
the air, and the crowd below are examining the superstructure which the
king Is enthroned on. They are seeking flaws at the base and finding caverns; they tap the side and it
crumbles; they make a breach to the
core and find misery, poverty and degradation. It ls no longer wise on our
part to close our eyes to these things;
let us co-operate on a broad baiss,
that we may keep these prying eyes
out. When the stone iB crumbled let
us plaster it over, and when the foundations are rotten, let us throw dust
over.
And we who are class conscious,
and who have studied that dreadful
spectre, Socialism, the outcome of
which Ib of necessity the virtues which
under this system are mythical, let us
keep more to the work in hand, the
obtaining of perfection in the knowledge of the subjects which are the
very foundation of our structure. Ignorance and misconception of the essence of the Bciencc arc to he found
In all learners, but not abuse of outsiders nor personal antagonism inside is the true course of education.
We are out to confound the assertions
of Perkins and bis class, to show up
the rottenness of society, to break
down the Idol which we so long have
revered, nnd to build up a structuro on
a foundation of equality nnd freedom,
where greed and poverty, vice, and
destitution are no longer possible,
and where charity or possession will
no longer he a cloak for Ignorance :>r
a principle for virtue. Wo will have
no more of classes, no more of superiority by possession, no need of saying graces once a week nor of the condemnation of joys by paid officials.
The necessity of life Is not a heart
full but a stomach full, and aB we have
earned It In tho season of our youth,
so we demand lt In the sunset of life,
not as an act of goodness from a possessing angel to one criminally poor,
nor yet as a reward for living in spite
of conditions, but aB we have worked
and produced in season, bo we demand
the right to be lazy In our old age.
Enough of this nonsense of love
and fraternity, contentment and meekness and Its reward when wo are
dead. We are out for our rights, the
true acknowledgement ot our worth,
and the overthrow of that detestable
accumulation of sordid minds that
seek to uphold their disreputable and
dirty throne by appealing to those to
whom it denies love, peace and concord on these very grounds.
We have had enough of peace, peace,
there iB no peace, and now it is war
till we get that which is ours. Ours
is the earth, and all that is therein and
whether there be preaching or prophesying, praying or commanding, these
will no longer side track us for we are
aware of our condition and we know
what we want.
E. D.
A  POINTER
Dear Comrade Editor: —
In Clarion No. 613    Com.   Boerjna
quotes  President Brown of the New
York Central as saying that there are
16,000 sp. miles   of   abandoned   farm
lands in New England!  New York and
the southeast    and    central    middle
states, and ten million acres of abandoned farm lands In II. S. altogether.
Now how comes It that there Bhould
be less abandoned land in all of the
United  States  than  there  is ln the
portion specially   mentioned?    16,000
sq. miles contain 10,240,000 acres.   It
is well for us to form the habit of figuring these things for ourselves as figures quoted by our enemies are often
wrong.    I  can  well  understand  that
Com. Boerma feels disappointed with
the farmers' organizations and must
say that tbelr action in sending petitions or delegates to  the legislators
and governments is not    an    action
worthy of men but such things are
necessary to prepare material for ui
to work on.   Have never joined farmer's organization myself and only attended  one meeting,    together    with
that stalwart comrade W. H. Ander-
Bon of Dewberry, Alta.   It is necessary,
however, for us to take up the commodity  struggle  or  wc  are  likely  to
sink so low tbat we cannot  pay our
dues to the Socialist Party and without
funds our party will not amount to
much.
Is It not possible in many places to
enter Into the same relations with
farmers' unions as those which exist
between the S. P. of C. and the minerB' unions ln B. C.
Most, of tbe people here are too poor
to organize or a Socialist Local could
no doubt be formed. As it is It does
seem to me to be wise to try It.
Now, ln conclusion, allow me to say
that If we owned nil Socialist papers
we would likely have to give up much
space In all of Ihem to trilling squabbles between Individuals and their
value would be lessened In proportion-
It seems like those who drop nut get
the bust ler it is In very bad form and
tako to boosting some other paper.
May we not expect a reciprocal tendency to some extent.
Yours in the Scrap
PETER P. OLSGN
Garden Plain,-Alta
January 26, 1911.
IN PASSING
While the metaphysical preacher is
giving the workers the choice of Heaven's bliss or Hell's blister ln the here
after, tho Socialist Is teaching Ills
fcllowworkers tho solution of the
bread and butter problem in the hero—
present. I prefer tho good things of
tho here-present. A bird In tho enrthly
hand Is worth two in the heavenly
bush.
A horticulturist who reads "Now
Thought" and Biich like papers says
he believes in Soclnlism but not the
revolutionary kind which ho calls
"deBtructlve." He belloves In "Constructive Socialism." Wonder why ha
chopped down and destroyed tho wild
trees before he planted out his orchard
if he does not believe in destructive
or revolutionary methods?
P. R. THE WESTERN CLARION, VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1911
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8ATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1911
RECIPROCITY
Reciprocity with "our southern
neighbor" seems to have all other public questions gasping for breath. The
press of the country is obediently
■wrought up about it. Not. having been
brought up by a conservative government, Liberal publications refer to the
Trade Agreement as convincing evidence of the sublime wisdom and farsightedness of the Premier and his
colleagues. Conservative papers, on
the other hand, say it will ruin the
country, calling upon that filmy wraith,
patriotism, to save us.
We don't intend to discuss the pros
and cons of the question as our bank
account, and those of the persons
whose interests we represent, are irreducible. There is reason to suspect,
however, that considerable numbers
of the members of our class will allow
themselves to become worried over the
matter, they having exhibited a strong
propensity In the past to butt In
where they have nothing to gain . We
would suggest that they be calm.
Is it likely to be any items off our
bill of fare if the real estate interests
of the Okanagan suffer by a treaty?
^Even if that district had ever produced anything but photogravures and
disappointment, our position ls not
likely to be seriously affected. Or,
supposing the worst should happen,
and United States capital should become the dominant economic factor In
this country, would the wage workers
experience any appreciable change?
Ask the American wage slave.
"Trade Agreements" are made in the
interests of capitalists. It makes not
the slightest difference to the working
class whether its products are the
property of this or that band of capitalists; whether they are sold in Saskatoon or Timbuctoo; or what particular color of bunting floats over the
country where they are produced.
When governments discuss trade relations, they are merely seeking the
most profitable method whereby capital may employ labor, and providing
for the division of the spoils among the
owners of capital. They cannot, of
course, avoid doing this as It is their
natural function.
Whatever conclusions they may
come to, whether they wrangle acrimoniously or fall on each other's necks
■with mutual protestations of brotherly
affection, labor will be found on the
same old job—working for wages. Yet,
strange to say, labor Is always quite
enthusiastic about the tearing down
and building up of tariff walls. To
observe the vehemence and pomposity
with which Liberal and Conservative
workers shout for higher or lower
duties as the cose may be, one would
almost be led to believe that lt was
their business—were the facts not so
apparent.
The signs of a Dominion election begin to appear upon the political horizon. Laurier and his devoted flock are
likely to soon seek once more ratification of their various schemes at the
hands of working class voters. Socialists throughout the country should
prepare to carry the working class revolt to Ottawa.
Once let these toiling electors clearly realize that reciprocal arrangements
between their masters, that, in fact, all
questions held up as issues by old
party politicians, are purely for the advancement ot capitalist interests, and
that the one great political issue to be
considered is the overthrow of capitalism, and the next election will give
the Federal parliament the shock of its
life in the shape of a few Socialists.
Spread the light.
This outbreak of vaccination is
creating quite a disturbance in Vancouver and threatens to become quite
a political Issue with everybody Jumping with the cat. Mass meetings are
being held and overflowingly attended,
and antl-vaccinatlon badges are becoming quite the thing ln winter-wear
Whatever else vaccination may or
may not be, it ls, as a remedy, thoroughly typical of the capitalists and
their system. It deals heroically with
the effect while the causes continue
unabated. Having created conditions
so conducive to smallpox as to be a
menace to "public" health, our masters
proceed to Innoculate us with the cow-
pox as a lesser evil. There are a
Chinatown and a Jap-town in Vancouver which are all that they
shouldn't be but are sure to be. And
up and down the coast are logging
camps whose bunkhouses are no better than wage-mules can expect in the
way of stables. Consequently there ls
good material for the smallpox to work
on.
Not that we have any complaint to
make on that score. These places are
as they must necessarily be under the
system. So the next best thing to do
is to render us immune to smallpox by
giving us the reputedly less dangerous
cowpox. Also we presume that a market must be found for vaccine.
As to the efficacy of the remedy
there appears to be a difference of
opinion, to put it mildly. The majority of the medical profession is said to
endorse it, wheh leaves us to form our
own opinion as to whether this is a
recommendation for vaccination or a
proof that the majority of the medical professibn knows on which side its
bread is chiefly buttered. The vaccination of a hundred thousand peop'e
or so would seem to us to promise
quite a nice little melon to divide up
among even a fairly numerous fraternity.
Vaccinationists make much of the
practical extirpation of smallpox in
Engand. The antl-vaccinationists ascribe this to improved sanitation and
point as a telling rejoinder to the prevalence of smallpox in Japan the most
thoroughly vaccinated country on
earth.
As far as we have been able to judge
statistics show that there are more
deaths from vaccination than from
Bmallpox, which would indicate thit
the vaccination Is in a way proving a success by killing off those susceptible to fatal smallpox, which is
very comforting.
Are we in favor of vaccination?
Well, personally, no. But as a matter
of "puolic policy", there are a number
of people we would like to see innocu-
If, on tbe other hand, the value of
the coat sinks by one-half, then 20
yards of linen equals two coats.
Hence, If the value of commodity A
remain constant, its relative value expressed in commodity B rises and falls
inversely as the value of B.
If we compare the different cases in
1. and 2, we see that the same change
of magnitude in relative value may
arise from totally opposite causes.
Thus the equation, 20 yards of linen
equals one coat, becomes 20 yards of
linen equals two coats, either, because,
the value ot the linen has doubled, or
because the value of the coat has fallen by one half; and It becomes 20
yards of linen equals one-half coat,
either, because the value of the linen
has fallen by one-half, or because the
value of the coat has doubled.
Let the quantities of labor time respectively necessary for the production of the linen and the coat vary
simultaneously in the same direction
and in the same proportion.
In this case 20 yards of linen con-
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Iated with juice from a sick cow.
Vancouver Economic Class
.Quantitative Determination of Relative Value.
Every commodity, whose value it is
Intended to express, is a useful object
of a given quantity, as 15 bushels of
corn, or 100 lbs. of coffee. And a given quantity of any commodity contains a definite quantity of human labor. The value-form must, therefore,
not only express value generally, but
also value in definite quantity.
Therefore, in the value relation of
commodity A to commodity B, of the
linen to the coat, not only ls the latter, as value In general, made the
equal in quality of the linen, but a definite quantity of coat (1 coat) is made
the equivalent of a definite quantity
(20 yards) of linen.
The equation, 20 yards of linen equal
1 coat, or 20 yards of linen are worth
one coat, Implies that the same quantity of value-substance (congealed labor) is embodied in both; that the
two commodities have each cost the
same amount of labor or the same
quantity of labor time, But the labor
time necessary for the production of
20 yards of linen or 1 coat varies with
every change in the productiveness of
weaving or tailoring. We have now
to consider the influence of such changes on the quantitative aspect ot the
relative expression of value.
1. Let the value of the linen vary,
that of the coat remaining constant. If,
say in consequence of the exhaustion
of Sax-growing soil, the labor time
necessary for the production of the
linen be doubled, the value of the linen
will also be doubled.
Instead of the equation, 20 yards of
linen equals one coat, we should have
20 yards of linen equals two coats,
since one coat would now contain only
half the labor time embodied in 20
yards of linen.
If, on the other hand, in consequence
say, of improved looms, this labor
time be reduced by one-half, the value
of the linen would fall by one-half.
Consequently, we should have 20
yards of linen equalling one-half coat.
The relative value of commodity A,
i.e., its value, expressed in commodity
B, rises and falls directly as the value
of A, the value of B. being supposed
constant.
Let the value of the linen remain
constant, while the value of the coat
varies. If, under these circumstances,
in consequence, for instance, of a poor
crop of wool, the labor time necessary
for the production of a coat becomes
doubled, we bave instead of 20 yards
of linen equalling one coat, 20 yards
of linen equalling one-half coat.
occasion for the government to repeat
the nice little joke lt recently played
on the Imperial Window Glass Company. Everything points to combination in ithe glass business. Perhaps, in
time, it will embrace the entire Held
of glass production, bottle, window,
t.ibleware and all other lines. There
ii an immense field before It. Doubtless the glass trust of the futuie will
ri, il the Standard Oil.
To the student of economics, the In-
n oductioh of an epoch marking Inven-
tion like the Owens Automatic and the
capitalistic development which is following, affords an interesting subject
for observation. The whole process of
capitalistic development of an Industry
is passing in review before him. He
sees the entry of the machine, the expropriation of the workers' means of
living, the rise of the trust, the doml-
na'lon of the market, the elimination
of the small producer and the expansion of the trust perhaps into an inter,
national power.
An Interesting feature of the activl-
Socialist Directory
Every  local  of  the  Socialist Party I LOCAL  VANCOUVER, B. ft,  HO   45 —
of Canada should run a card under this       Finnish.      Meets    every   second"     and
head.     $1.00   per   month.       Secretaries      •' "■ "" -■•	
please note.
tinue equal to 1 coat, however much "es of the Owens Company Is the in
their values may have altered.
Their change of value Is seen
traduction of the machine ln undevel
oped countries.   It is significant of the
soon  as  they  are  compared   with  a \ tendency of modern capitalism to rise
third   commodity,   whose value   has ,Iu11 blossomed In the backward nations.
DOMINION  EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,   B.  C.
COLUMBIA     PBOVINCIAL
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box  1688 Vancouver, B. C.
ALBEBTA   PBOVINCIAL   EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday ln
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofllce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in the province. F. Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary,
Alia.
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
.Westminster Avenue. Secretary, Wm.
Myntti.
LOCAL   VEBNON  B.   O.,  No.  38,   S.
F
of O.    Meets  every Tuesday,  8  p
sharp,  at  L.  O.   L.  Hall, Tronson
St
W. H. Gilmore, Secretary.
remained constant.
If the values of all commodities rose
or fell simultaneously, and in the same
proportion, their relative values would
remain unaltered. Their real change
of value would appear from the diminished or increased quantity of commodities produced in a given time.
The labor time respectively inec-
essary for the production of the linen
and the coat, and, therefore, the value
of these  commodities  may simultan-
Developnient will be very rapid, because the most highly advanced engines of production wlll be utilized.
Taken in connection with the cheap
labor of those countries, the. classical
lands of capitalism will soon be face
to face with a competition which cannot be met. And all this will hasten
the time when the great change will
have to come.
True, most of this development is in
the    future, but   these    are the ten-
eously vary In the same direction, but; dencies.    Glass blowers who can find
at an unequal rate, or ln opposite directions, or in other ways.
The effect of all these possible different variations, on the relative value of a commodity, may be deduced
from, the results of 1, 2, and 3.
Thus the real changes In the magnitude of value are neither unequivocally
nor exhaustively reflected In their relative expression, that is, in the equation expressing the magnitude of relative value. The relative value of a
commodity may vary, although Its value remains constant.
Its relative value may remain constant, although its value varies; and
finally, simultaneous variations in the
magnitude of value and in that of its
lelative expression by no means necessarily correspond In amount.
(Continued next week.)
*   *   *
CLASS   DISCUSSION   ON   EXTRACT
FROM  "CAPITAL" CLARION,  11
FEBRUARY,   1911.
If two commodities are equated to
each other, a common unit of measure
must exist between them.
For instance, if 20 yards of linen are
equal to 1 coat, they, the linen and
coat, being equal to each other, are
equal expressions of the same unit.
They are therefore alike, because
they are equal magnitudes of the same
unit, but they occupy different positions in the relationship as presented.
In the coat Is the value of 20 yards
of linen indicated, for the relationship
shows that the coat is equal to or
may be exchanged for 20 yards of
linen.
Value is represented here in a coat
and as value, the coat is the same as
the linen.
The value of the linen, however,
is shown by its comparison with the
coat; as value it exchanges for the
coat.
One commodity is shown as value
by its relationship to another. By
20 yards of linen being equated to one
coat, the different sorts of labor that
produced them are reduced to their
common character of human labor;
because they produce identical values,
weaving and tailoring are indistinguishable.
The value of the linen although different from the linen Itself, ls the common possession of all commoditie's
together with the linen, because tbey
are congelations of human labor, consequently, because they are equated
to each other and are values, the coat
and linen are alike.
By equating itself with the coat, the
linen finds in the coat expression of
its value, nnd as value lt assumes the
relative form.
EWEN  MACLEOD
THE  PA8SING OF THE  BOTTLE
BLOWER.
By Robert J. Wheeler, member Glass
Bottle Blowers' Union.
(Continued from last Issue)
per cent ln 1908, and the Owens Company promptly reduced royalties 37
per cent), the Owens people wlll do
as in 1908, reduce royalties even below
the hand scale. This would leave the
small fellows no better off. The little
fellows cannot combine, even though
they were able to put aside their intense individualism.
The coming combination in the glass
trade will be outside the operation of
the Sherman laws. Its activities will
be entirely "legitimate." Its component parts can claim economy as a
reason for combination. With each of
the big firms making a different line of
ware on the machine, the cry of "restraint of trade" cannot be raised. The
glass trust will be what Teddy used to
call "a good trust."   There will be no
jobs are still profitably employed;
small plants are still making money;
small capitalists are even building new
factories. But were they not eating
and drinking and making merry before
the deluge?   Even so today.
The Beginning of the End.
Automatic machinery is the fruit of
the final triumph of the race over the
forces of nature. Man lias become a
creator of a being almost as wonderful as himself; a being which will labor
without ceasing, without complaining.
This new phase of industrial civilization confounds all the capitalist economists. All their smug philosophy with
regard to the relations between Capital
and Labor become as "sounding brass."
What now becomes of ithe stock answer
they were wont to give to the working
man's complaint? "Capital set free by
reorganization and labor set free by
Indus! lial development, will, in a free
market, uni'e and develop new industries." The machine instead of man
will be used by the capitalist. With
the day In sight when machinery will
be doing the greater part in production,
while the workers will be idle, who
will purchase ithe product of the machines? Face to face with this problem, the capitalist economist becomes
a discredited counselor. The working
class alone can solve this problem.
When In restrospection the economic
history of the race is passed, it will be
a wonderful story. Behold man the
savage In his home in the primal forests, most of his needs supplied to him
by nature. His existence was no more
a burden to him than ls that of the
bird. See him again, when pressed out
of his primitive abode by ever increasing numbers, he ls forced to seek a better means of food supply. He begins
to invent crude tools and discovers the
arts of agriculture and manufacturing.
Necessity drives him as a taskmaster.
He has never been a willing doer.
Even though he has labored hard and
builded wondrously, yet his aspirations
have been toward a state of existence
where the weary would rest and the
toll-laden be relieved of their burden.
All his efforts In his upward Journey
have been towards the creation of
tools, which, producing the means of
life for him, would permit him to live
again, as in his earlier history, without constant toll. The way of the journey has been a rough one; the hindrances mighty, and myriads of men
through the uncounted centuries have
tolled and suffered and discovered and
died, leaving the final consummation to
the men of today.
And now the mighty work is almost
finished. All the Important forces of
nature have been harnessed to provide
power. The machine which can produce without human labor ls here.
The principle is being applied in every
department of Industry and as the processes are simplified by subdivision,
will perform almost every part of the
process of production. There remains
but one step more and the goal of economic endeavor is reached and the race
made free. Again, as in the beginning,
necessity is the driving force. The
mass of men made jobless by machinery are facing the age-old question:
"What shall we do for food?"
Until this question is answered, further social progress is impossible. Civ.
lllzatlon Is marking time gathering
power for the next leap. From the
working class must come the action
that will let loose this power. The
machinery must become the property
of the workers.
So the glass blower Is passing to join
the army of outcast workers. A multitude precedes him; a multitude follows—but not to despair. Necessity is
compelling; education ls preparing and
hope ls beckoning them to unite end
overthrow the capitalist system.—Inter,
national Socialist Review.
MANITOBA PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee: Notice—This card is
Inserted for the purpose of getting
"you" interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
310 Good street, Winnipeg.
LOCAL   PEBNIE,   S.   P.   of   C.   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting llrst Sunday in each month,
same pluce at 2:80 p, m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
LOCAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   C,   NO.   9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G.  Johnson,  Secretary.
LOCAL VICTORIA, NO. 2,   .8. P. OF O
Headquarters and Reading Hoom,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre.
T. Gray. Secretary.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9,
Miners' Hall and Opera House—Propaganda meetings ut 8 p. m. on the first
und third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
secretary, Jas. Glendenning, Box 83,
Coleman, Altu. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, secretary of
U. M. W.  of A.
LOOAL CALOABT, ALTA., No. 4, B. P.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T,
Machln, Secretary. Box 647, A. Maedonald,   Organizer,   Box  647.
LOCAL  EDMONTON, ALTA.,  NO.  1,  0.
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake, 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Bissett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
LOCAL  LADYSMITH  NO.  10,   S.   P.   ot
C.   Business  meetings every  Saturday
7  p.m.   in   headquarters  on  First  Ave
J.   H.   Burrough,   Box  31,   Ladysmith,'
B. C.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. C, NO. 16, B. P. OP
C„ meets every Sunday in Graham's
Hall ut 10:30 a. in. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
LOCAL LETHBBIDQE,, ALTA., NO. IS,
B. P. of C.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. la
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
LOCAL REGINA NO. 6, SASKATCHEWAN—Meets every Sunday, 3 p.m..
Trades Hall, Scarth St. Secretary,
Ben Simmons, P. O. Box 1016.
Socialist speakers will be greatly appreciated.
HWs B-,C-' 7*°' 34' S' R li °2   LOCAL WINNIPEG, MAN., NO. 1, B.
first. Sunday in every month In      of    c.     Headquarters,    528   1-2   M.
1st   Hall,   Mara  2:30   p.m.     Cyril       street,   Room   No.   2,   next  Dreamla
LOCAL 1
Meets
Soclalis
Roscman,   Recording   Secretary.
LOCAL MOYIE, B. C, NO. 30 MEETS
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGrego:
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts,
Secretary.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,   NO.   8,  B.  P.   of  C.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters Hull. Business meeting
nt 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
A.  Jordan, Secy.   Box 410.
LOCAL   NELSON,   B.  P.   of  C,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p. in., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson. B. C. I. A. Austin,  Secy.
LOCAL PRINCE BUPERT, B. C, No. 53,
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday in
hall In Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOCAL   BEVELSTOXE,   B.   C,   NO.   7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. T. S. Cassidy, Organizer; B. F. Gnyman, Secretary.
LOCAL HOSSLAND, NO. 35, S. P. of C.
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday al
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, secy., P. O
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy.. P. O. Box
54 Rossland.
LOCAL   VANCOUVEB,   B.  0.,  NO.  1.—
Canada.      Business    meetings    every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 2237
Westminster Ave.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
LOCAL SOUTH FOBT OEOROE NO. SI,
headquarters and public reading room,
Show building, Hamilton street. Business meetings every Saturday night at
8 p. m. Nell McLean, secretary, John
Mclnnis, organizer. Comrades contemplating coming to Fort George are
earnestly requested to write for reliable Information.
P.
Main
 -   —.'eamland
Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at 8 p.m.;
propaganda meeting every Wednesday
at S p.m.; economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh
l.aldlow, Room 2, 528 1-2 Main Street
Secretury, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young
Street.
LOCAL     NO.     34,     TORONTO,   ONT	
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice St
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every 2nd und 4th Wednesday: propaganda meetings every Sunday at 1
and 8 p. m. By arrangement with
Toronto University popular scientific
lectures every Monduy at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address all communications to Secretary, No. 10 and IS
Alice St.
LOOAL BRANTFORD, No, 18, S. P. Of O.
Meets at headquarters, 13 George St.,
every Thursday and Sunduy nights.
Business und Speakers' Class on Thursdays: Economic Class on Sundays
Wage workers Invited. A. W. Baker,
Secretary, II George St. W. Davenport, Organizer,   141  Nelson St.
LOCAL   0.1'TAWA,   NO.   8,   S.   P.   of  O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rldeau St. hns,
Secretury, 43 Centre St.
MARITIME PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sunday
in the Cape Breton office of the Party
Commercial Street, Glace Bay, N S
nan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491.
Glace Bay, X. S. '
LOOAL OLACE BAT NO. 1, OP N   S~
SSS!S°S.*! a?tl proP<»eando meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Maedonald s hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Se-
Hjf. Gla'-e Bay; Wm. Sutherland.
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross
I-lnanclal Secretary, offlce in D. n!
Brodie Printing Co. building, Unloii
btreet.
To Canadian  Socialists
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For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one Issue.
For 83.00 we will mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Daily Socialist for one year.
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(To Locals.)
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Membership  Cards, each 01
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Platform, and   application   blank
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"Slave of The Farm," or
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*®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®m SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8,1911
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUV ER. BRITISH COLUMBIA
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Advices from Winnipeg bring the
unwelcome Intelligence that Comrade
'W. H. Stebblngs ls ill with scarlet
fever. It will be some time before he
■will be able to attend to his duties
as secretary of the Manitoba Provincial Executive. We wish him a speedy
recovery.
OKANAGAN ORGANIZATION,
' _____
The work of education and organlz-
ition in the Okanagan goes on apace.
Vfter doing all I could In Armstrong,
:ame on to Enderby.   This Is a burg
pith many sympathizers and quite a
ew good fighting reds. Bustled around
own a couple of days and sold some
iterature, then went out to comrade
tosoman's and did about 9 or 10 days
ersonal work.   Ran into a cold snap
ere, 28 and 30 below, which hapiper-
d the propaganda a little.
This is, ln some ways, a peculiar
istrlct.    Quite  a percentage  of the
ranchers" are  petty  bourgeois Eng-
sh that have been frozen out of in-
ustrtal life and are In agriculture as
"larst 'ope."   These people ire un-
er the delusion that they are going
make anything from ten thousand
er cent up out of agriculture, "when
lie   trees   come   into   bearing,"   and
on't want Socialism.   I did not bother
mch with such, leaving them to the
eal estate person  and  other instruments of evolution to deal with.   Some
f 'em will perhaps get wise very soon.
After doing all  possible in this di-
ectlon, with what results time alone
an show, went out to another com-
ade's and did a couple of day's work
here.
With   the farmer—as with the other
lections of the toilers— there Is great
lifflculty at first in getting them away
[rom  a narrow view  of things onto
class viewpoint.    I was once called
to task in the Clarion by a Dauphin
^Man.)  comrade for saying that the
larmers found lt harder to grasp so-
■ial production than any other section
of the workers.    Now, with about a
year's more experience as an organizer, very largely amongst the agriculturists, I am more convinced than ever
that this is true.
Moreover, the farmer suffers from
another delusion that the pure and
simple wage worker does not have, and
this Is, that he Is a capitalist. Fully
half of them have this Idea and uphold it. However, there is one thing
to be said for the agriculturist. That
is the fact that a great percentage of
them are ready to be convinced. I
have made a special point with them
of showing that they are not by any
means in the capitalist class bht just
the reverse, and as a result, more than
one has already, in speaking to comrades, acknowledged the correctness of
the socialist viewpoint.
I wish Comrade Budden or some of
the rest would write a simple farmer
pamphlet. If they don't, why, although hardly capable of the job I
know another party that will make a
stab at it.
DESMOND
BRANTFORD,  ONT.
Pear Mac:—
Brantford local ls still in the running
nd keeping up the working class propaganda by various means, chief
among these being the distribution of
racialist literature, and the holding of
propaganda meetings at which the
local comrades take a hand at speaking. Until recently we had confined
all our speaking abilities within the
city, but we are now endeavoring to
broaden out a little by visiting outside towns. Com. Davenport made a
start by addressing the Karl Marx
Club at Hamilton on Sunday, Jan.
29. The subject he took was "Questions for Non-Socialist Workingmen to
Answer." The attendance, though
small, was above the average wage
worker's standard of intelligence,
which made up somewhat for the lack
I of numbers present.
\\ Com. Davenport Is developing into
a first rate speaker. His meaning being easily followed by the workers,
due, no doubt, to his eliminating those
stereotyped sentences which many Socialist speakers fall a prey to, and confining his choice of wordB to those that
are used every day by tho workers.
Com. Davenport asked many pointed
questions such as, "Why was it that
the producers of everything, namely,
the workers got a bare existence, and
oft times not that, and that, on the
other hand, there were the non-pro-
ducers, the capitalists, who had an
abundance of everything at their command all the time?" After making
an elaboration on this phase of the
question, he struck their humorous
side, when he asked them if it was a
benefit to them to be robbed of the
biggest bulk of their product, and
would it harm them to own an automobile and take an occasional trip to
Europe, live in a swell house, and
know that their daughters would be
assured of an opportunity to obtain
plenty of everything, without being
forced to live a life of prostitution.
The speaker also dealt with the
standard of morals, pointing out that
our morals and ideas of "right" and
"wrong" were determined by the prevailing mode of getting our livelihood.
He illustrated this point by comparing the present wage worker with the
Indian of a few years ago. The Indian would be termed good, who could
get the most scalps for his belt, and
capture the most wild animals for eating purposes. Nowadays, a good man
is one who is contented with his lot
in life, refuses to drink intoxicating
drinks, is a non-smoker, and is able
to create lots of profits for his employer.
After answering various qustions,
Com. Davenport got two or three subscriptions for the "Clarion" and sold
some pamphlets. Well, Mac, while not
affiliated with any organization, the
Hamilton boys are up against the same
problem that confronts the Socialist
elsewhere, viz., the uninterested position of the workers in regard to their
own standing in present day society.
Nevertheless, there is a sign that they
are waking up some of their fellow
workers. They are now established
in permanent headquarters and are
holding propaganda meetings every
week.
Wnile the writer does not agree with
the position the Hamilton comrades
adopt, namely, the twofold organization ot the economic right hand, and
the political left hand, I am convinced
that experience makes the finest teacher, and for that reason when we are
industrially organized . and run up
against political action in the shape
of policemens' clubs, and the army and
navy forces, not to mention their judicial control, it might at least have the
effect of malting us willing to concede
that, after all, the political hand is the
dominant hand and, for that reason,
the only one we need bother about.
The impression I gained while in
Hamilton was that the comrades there
have not a very good conception of
what constitutes political action. Apparently they have proved to their own
satisfaction that it oonsists simply of
ballot box action—certainly a terrible
lot of dependence to place upon those
puny little crosses on paper. By narrowing political action down to the
above, we can all see the absolute necessity for economic organization. But
by understanding what political action
really is, an economic organization is
not only unnecessary but becomes a
nuisance to the workers' cause.
Yours in Revolt
A. W. B.
When you meet another mongrel
That has got some work to do,
And he's locking for a angel
That's been raised on Mulligan stew,
Wants to get him looking busy
While he holds the point of view,
Tells you how some stiffs are giddy
They can do the work of two.
Some of us are full of visions
And we ain't thi! only ones.
Some of uu are lions rampant,
Wage   slaves,   blanket   stiffs   and
bums.
And the jays that make us holler,
Ain't we handing them the buns,
While the rubes that put ub next,
Why, we'd   scrap    them    for   the
crumbs.
JAMES  ALLAN  McKECHNIE
THE WORKING CLASS AND THE
CHURCH.
LOCAL  VANCOUVER   NO.  1
PRICE LIST OF LITERATURE.
Capital, Vol. 1, II, III, Karl Marx,
per vol $2.00
Ancient Society, I^ewls Morgan.. 1.00
Six Centuries of Work and Wages,
Thorold Rogers  2.00
Woman Under Socialism, Bebel.. 1.00
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Dietzgen     1.00
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HARD  PAN
When you're up against a sucker
With the common tale of woe;
A big professional mucker
With an awful lot to know;
And he starts hla tale a humming
Till your tears begin to flow,
And you feel there's something coming
If that rube don't stop his row.
1
Tells you how he left his country
In the days of long ago,
How he came to change his masters
And become a Western Bo-
Heard the call of distant places,
Didn't have the sense to know
He couldn't drop the masters' traces
When he started in to blow.
When you meet a poor unfortunate
That ain't no place to flop.
And he talking Rockefeller-
How old John began to hop;
Tells you how to be a winner,
What to do to reach the top—    •
All you want ls just ambition,
Keep on glommering, never stop.
By M. L. Bruce.
A pastor of one of the churches In
Reglna took occasion a short time ago
to take Issue with a statement appearing ln Labor's Realm to the effect
that the Church Is opposed to the
working class.
The truth nearly always carries a
ating and even the gentlemen of the
cloth sometimes wince when its penetrating powers are applied. This explains why this unctuous follower of
the working man of Galilee instinctively realizing the facts, forgot his
role for the moment and allowed the
mask of brotherly love to fall and revealed himself in his true light.
Unarmed with facts, he resorted to
the use of epithets and a la Teddy
serves up the old stand-by, the word
"liar." Even sophistry is more dignified than the use of the shorter and
uglier word.
The Church is opposed to the working class. It cannot help Itself. The
individual members within It are powerless to change that attitude. The
Church and the state are the instruments of the ruling class, have always
been and will be so long as there Is a
material base. Both are effects of
economic conditions, and change as
economic conditions change, since the
economic factor is the determining
dominant and compelling factor In society. Customs, ideas, ideals, morals,
ethics and religion are but the reflex
of economic conditions, and reflect the
prevailing mode of production, which
Is capitalism. The present mode of
production is based upon the exploitation of the many by the few who constitute the class which own the means
of life. The working class must have
access to the means ot life in order to
live. That access is granted by the
owning class on conditions which are,
that the worker shall surrender the
full product of his labor in return for
sufficient wages to keep him in fit condition as a human machine and under
Hip same condition as other machinery. For this deal the ruling class
have invented the term 'profit," and
that term whicli is faithfully echoed
by the dignitaries of the church really
signifies the robbery of the workers
at the point of production.    .
This deal or steal Is legalized by
the capitalist owned state and sanctified by the capitalist supported
church.
Religion does not explain history,
but history explains religion. A backward glance into history bears out the
contention that the Church la con-
trolled by the dominant class ln society—an effect of economic conditions. In the days of Chattel Slavery
the Church sanctified chattel slavery
and proved It by the Bible, while the
state legalized it. The same was true
in feudalism and to-day under wage
slavery the workers flnd themselves
alone, while opposed to them are the
ruling class In control of the State,
the platform, the press and the pulpits. And alone they must overthrow
the oppressors of mankind and take
possession of the earth and enjoy the
wealth they alone can create.
The workers as they accumulate
knowledge lose faith ln the Church.
In every battle upon the Industrial
Held the Church has demonstrated the
truth of economic determinism. As
Prof. Lewis said in speaking of the
clergy, "Is this the mouse your mountain has brought forth after centuries
of labor? Nay, gentlemen, you are not
in earnest. You have found for yourselves that physical comfort and well
being which you are afraid would be so
harmful to others, and now, ln your
easy chairs, in your comfortable parlors, you have forgotten your mlaslon,
If you ever had one. The world ls
weary of your pretences.   It no longer
fears your fulmlnations. You have
had your chance and you have always
brought ridicule upon the best there
was in your faith and now it requests
you to step inside and give room to
earnest men and sincere women, who
really believe in and labor to realize
that doctrine of human brotherhood
which you have preached so long in
sniffling tones and which in your heart
you have always despised."
Mr. Hill assures us of his sympathy.
We Leg to assure him that we do not
want his sympathy.
The very Idea of sympathy Indicates
the worker's degradation and their dependence upon a parasite class. Besides a nauseating insult his sympathy
is worthless. We can't use It when we
get it and besides it is a waste of
energy on the part of him who extends
it.
each shaft or outlet.
Clause 25 (Puts necessary thickness
of overlying strata in sub-marine areas
at 180 feet solid measures, or not less
than 100 feet unless Minister of Mines
permits). Hawthornthwaite said he
had pointed out on the second reading
that the figures given were no guar
antee of safety. If the strata was solid
rock a lesser thickness would do, but
if lt was conglomerate or sandstone,
twice the thickness would be insufficient. The element of safety depended
largely on the thickness of the seam of
coal that waa being mined. The responsibility of deciding these matters
should be on the shoulders of the Chief
inspector, who was supposed to be an
expert and not on the Minister of
Mines. The thickness of the strata
should be increased to 400 feet.
McBride quoted authorities to prove
The ache in the sympathetic heart that  the  margin  was  sufficient,  Mr.
of Mr. Hill can never relieve the pain Foster, engaged by the Nova Scotia
in the empty stomach of a single wage 'government, in particular.   He said he
slave, nor add one rag to shelter the
shivering bodies of his wife and children.
The working class want the full product of their labor, nothing less will do
|one jot of good. Nothing "just as
good" will do for there is nothing else
any good.
Will Mr. Hill as an individual advocate the abolition of the wage system
and demand the full product of his toll
for the worker?   If not, why not?
By advocating and fighting for that
and no other way can he prove his
personal friendship for the working
class. I do not think he will preach
that owing to his environment past
and present. Should he do so he
would soon have It Impressed upon
him that his place was not within the
church of capitalism, but without it,
and he would find his place within the
growing church which is destined to
usher in a new and real civilization
wherein man at last Is free—Labor
Realm (Regina).
COAL   MINES   ACT   DEBATE   GETS
WARM.
(Continued from Page 1)
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children in the mines, except to the
employer. The question needed serious consideration. He had referred
the other day to the fearful disaster
in Wales, which resulted In the death
of 300 miners, and the fact of the first
body recovered being that of a child.
The wording of his amendment might
be altered to affect only those sections
of the mine where gas had been found.
Boys could not possibly understand the
danger. Children 12 and 13 years
were being employed In the coal mines
of B. C. and some steps should be
taken to prevent it.
McBride did not answer, but called
for the question, and the amendment
was lost on the voices, only the two
Socialists voting "aye." (The amendment will be introduced again on "report.")
Present—Shaw, Lucas, Jardine, Man-
son (Skeena), Tlsdall, Callanan, Miller,
Jackson, Caven, McBride, McPhlllips,
Schofield, Hunter, Gifford, Parson.
(Noes-15.)
Hawthornthwaite, Williams (Ayes-2)
McBride then moved to amend
clause 4 by striking out the words
"eighteen," and inserting "sixteen."
ThiB reduced the age of any person
operating any machinery used for moving material In any mine.
Hawthornthwaite said he did not
care If McBride reduced the age to ten.
The whole purpose ln the construction
of the Bill seemed to be the knocking
down ot barriers In that way.
The amendment carried, only the Socialists opposing.   Vote practically the
same as the former one.
Clause 9.—(As to payment by Weight).
Before the clause was passed Parker
Williams suggested that a provision be
inserted dealing with any attempts to
adopt a system of fines for light weight.
It might have no significance now, the
majority of miners working by the
yard, but he would suggest that it be
Inserted to cover any case where the
miner was paid by weight.
Hawthornthwaite wanted to know If
the Act defined a ton as 2,000 lbs? McBride replied that the point was covered farther on ln the Act.
Hawthornthwaite rejoined that at
present the Interpretation of the Act
was a farce. At Alexandria a ton was
2,800 lbs.
McBride said the Department had no
knowledge of such abuses.
Clause 18. McBride moved to amend
by striking out the whole clause and Inserting a new one, Hawthornthwaite
characterized such a proceeding as unfair, claiming that notice should have
been given. It altered the condition as
to the 8-hour law, and should not be
done without giving the workers of
the Province notice.
McBride allowed the amendment to
be laid over to give an opportunity to
the Socialist members to study lt.
Clause 20 (providing for separate
shafts for the Intake and return airways). McBride explained that the
clause was a new one and was Inserted
to prevent a repetition of the conditions that existed ln No. 6 mine at
Cumberland, which were highly dangerous ln case of fire. He amended It
by Inserting the words "where necessary" after the wurd "outlet" ln the
latter part, of the clause, which pre
vldes that proper apparatus for raising
and lowering persons bo installed at
could not accept the suggestion.
Hawthornthwaite said he did not
know Foster from a crow. He had
heard of one or two famous experts,
but not of that one. As the clause
stood lt meant that operators could
go to work anywhere and mine. If
an accident occurred the employer
could say he had complied with the
Act, and escape liability under common
law. The provision aa to thickness of
strata should be increased and the responsibility laid on the Chief Inspector.
Actual danger was liable to occur, and
he could not see why the amendment
should not be accepted.
McBride said that Foster had been
engaged by the Nova Scotia government as the best man that could be
secured, and in his report, published
in the Canadian Mining Journal, he
had put the limit at 180 feet. In regard
to the substitution of the Chief Inspector for the Minister of Mines, it was
the latter who was responsible in the
last analysis. As to safeguards around
mining submarine areas, the whole
plans had to be submitted to the Chief
Inspector for his satisfaction before
any steps were taken to start operations. If the membr for Nanalmo insisted, he would suggest he bring it up
again on "report."
Hawthornthwaite could not see why
his amendment could not be accepted
then. He repeated that he knew nothing about Foster, and pointed out that
the Chief Inspector had shown lack of
confidence In the B. C. government by
going to an expert employed by the
Nova Scotia government.
McBride Anally accepted an amendment inserting the words "on the written report of the Chief Inspector," after
the words "Minister of Mines" in line
8.
Clause 26-7 (allowing owner to
divide a mine into two parts, on per
mission of Chief Inspector). Parker
Williams wanted to know what was in
tended by the clause. The same provision was included in clause 29 of the
old Act. The present BUI provided
that when "two or more part's of a
mine are worked separately" lt could
be deemed to be two separate mines.
If a portion of the mine contained gas,
was It intended to make it a separate
mine? The limits of a mine should be
determined by the air courses. No. 2
mine at Extension had two slopes and
it would appear that the clause would
provide an excuse for classing it as
two separate mines. He suggested that
the clause be cut out altogether. By
dividing up one mine different conditions could be made to apply to one
portion. What meaning waa to be attached to the word "separate" in that
connection?
McBride replied that the member for
Newcastle seemed to be afraid that
mine-owners would violate the Act.
Clause 27 provided that the Chief Inspector could refuse permission to have
a mine divided.
Parker Williams said that evasions
of the Act known to the Inspector
might not reach the department at all.
The method of ventilation alone should
determine the matter.
The clause passed without amendment.
Clause 28 (2) (providing that "underground workings of every mine
shall be under the dally charge of an
overman or overmen, and shift boss
or shift bosses.") Hawthornthwaite
moved to amend by adding the words
"fire-boss or fire-bosses," and "shot-
lighter or shot-lighters." McBride had
no objection, but asked that notice be
given. Hawthornthwaite consented
and the clause was allowed to stand
over, Hawthornthwaite pointing out
that the Manager at Extension wan
doing all those duties. He was not
sure that his amendment covered the
ground fully, but It was essential to
amend the Act at that point.
A similar amendment was made to
clause 28 (3), and laid over.
Clause 33 sections (b) and (e). Haw.
thornthwaite objected to a certificate
being granted to an overman who waa
23 years of age. A candidate for that
position should have a miner's certificate, technical education without
practical experience should not be considered sufficient qualification.
McBride allowed the section to stand
over.
Sub-section (c). Hawthornthwaite
moved to amend by inserting' the
words "and is owner of a certificate
of competency as a coal miner," affecting the conditions under which a candidate for the position of shift-boss, fire-
boss, or shot-lighter could obtain a certificate. The amendment was accepted.
Clause 39 (dealing with enquiry Into the competency of manager, as tt-
ected by drunkenness, gross negligence
etc.).
Hawthornthwaite referred to this as
a very important section, which should
be made as stringent as possible. In
the provisions for inquiry into charges
made, every possible precaution seemed to have been taken to prevent injustice being done. He suggested that
the clause be amended by striking out
the "word "gross" and adding after
"negligence" the words "leading to
or resulting in losa of life." He had
been present at many inquests nt
which it had appeared that lives had
been lost through the negligence of
these men.
McBride asked that the amendment
be submitted on report.
Clause 49 (e) (making the Inspector
an ex-oflicio member of the Board ot
Examiners in his district). Hawthornthwaite asked what was the reason
for the clause, and if the Inspector
would have the same right to vote as
the other members?
McBride said, in answer to the flrst
query that it would make for more
satisfactory examinations, and in regard to the second was understood to
say that the clause would be amended.
Ross (Fernle) just then happening
to walk in, Hawthornthwaite remarked
that he hoped the Hon. gentleman
would now give the House the benefit
of his experience and legal advice, especially as he represented a coal mining constituency.
McBride replied that Ross had taken great interest in the preparation of
the Bill, and given much assistance.
Clause 50 (provides that no certificate be granted unless applicant be
sufficiently conversant with the English language and mining regulations,
and otherwise competent.)
Hawthornthwaite said that there
were many men in B. C. holding certificates who were a constant source of
danger. He suggested that the clause
bo amended so that any five men
could lodge an objection to the Chief
Inspector against a certificate being
granted, or something to that effect.
Parker-Williams endorsed the suggestion. It was a fact that many men
held certificates who should not do
so. The Inspector of the Cumberland
district must be aware of that. They
might have the necessary skill In mining, and be totally unable to express
themselves In English.
McBride said that each colliery
would have a miner from that colliery
on the Board of Examiners, and one
would naturally think that he would
take every care to see that a man was
properly qualified who was to work in
the same mine as himself.
Parker Williams said that Cumberland was honeycombed with spies and
informers, under the Dunsmlur regime,
and if any man ventured to express
an opinion contrary to the Company's
interests he had to look for another
job, and the company's Influence could
remove such a man from the Board of
Examiners. The consequence was that
the Board issued certificates to incompetent men. He was sure of that, and
If proof was required lt could be obtained hy re-examining some of the
men who had received certificates during that time. If some of tho fire-bosses and Bhot-llKhters were re-oxamlned,
it would bo found that the certificates
they held were merely "complimentary."
The clauso was not amended.
Clause 52 (provides that coal-cutting
machinery can be operated by auy
person If accompanied by and under
control of a coal-miner). Hawthornthwaite objected to this clause, and it
was laid over.
Clause 54 (provides penalty against
owners, etc., who prevent miners holding meetings and electing examiners
providing such meetings do not Interfere with tho working of tho mine or
tho Act).
Hawthornthwaite wanted to know
how such meetings could interfere with
the working of the Act? McBride replied that cases might arise ln which
(Continued on Page 4)
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday, Feby. 19th.
rrani THE WESTERN CLARION, VANCOUVER. BRITISH COLUMBIA
8ATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1911
COAL MINE8 ACT DEBATE GETS
WARM.
(Cantinued from page 3)
it could happen and Hawthornthwaite
retorted that it would then be a case
for the government to deal with and
not the manager or owner of the mine.
Clause 59 (sub-sec. 3.) (provides that
the scene of an accident shall remain
undisturbed for three days). McBride
drew attention to some alterations in
the clause which had been taken from
the old Act. Hawthornthwaite approved of the changes, but pointed out that
there was no penalty clause for noncompliance on the part of the ownera.
He moved to strike out the words
"Provided, however, that a compliance
herewith shall not seriously Interfere
with the operation of the mine."
Parker Williams said that as far Extension was concerned the clause
would be easily evaded. If the company continued their union-smashing
tactics there would be no committee of
the men to look after these things, and
the manager or one of the bosses would
call a man over to look at the place,
and in giving evidence that man would
be thinking of his wife and family and
little town lot.
McBride said that the deputation
from Extension had approved of the
clause.
Hawthornthwaite replied that the ordinary miner was not acquainted with
the meaning of legal phrases. The Premier could give them a genial talk and
pat them on the back, but they did not
grasp the effect of the language used
in Bills of that nature.
After further discussion Hawthornthwaite withdrew his amendment and
moved another, to Insert the word
"general" between "the" and "operation." The clause was laid over for
further consideration.
. .McBride further amended the same
sub-section by adding the words "such
place of accident shall have been examined by an employee, being a coal-
miner, or a member o£ the gas committee on behalf of the miners."
Parker Williams repeated his objection, and said he would deal with it
later on.   The amendment carried.
Clause 65 (deals with plans of abandoned mines, which have to be prepared and placed with the Chief Inspector,
no other person to have access to
them).
Hawthornthwaite succeeded in
amending it by inserting "permanently
or temporarily" before the word abandoned in the first line.. He then moved
to strike out the provision that no per-
Bon  otner than  an Inspector  should
Hawthornthwaite said he had not expected that McBride would accept lt,
but he intended to file an amendment
later on.
Clause 76 (Declares that lt be an offence against the Act to keep in a mine
a person whom the Inspector had required to be ejected). McBride amended the clause by striking out the final
provision that such conduct should not
be an offence against the Act If it was
proved by arbitration that the employment of such person did not Interfere
with the safety or operation of the
mine, Hawthornthwaite again pointing
out that no remedy was provided for
the miner against the Inspector's decision.
Clause 77 (Gives the mine-owner
power to demand arbitration in above
cases, the parties to such arbitration
to be the owner or manager and the
Chief Inspector).
Hawthornthwaite said that the poor
slave of a miner could not be even
legally represented ln the arbitration,
but the owner and the Chief Inspector
between them decided what was to be
done with him. He also pointed out
that McBride had just wiped out the
provision for arbitration in the pre.-
ceding clause and the reference to arbitration ln the clause under discussion
was useless.
McBride looked worried, but did not
deal with it, contenting himself with
striking out the word "chief" thus making it possible for any Inspector to
act as arbitrator.
Clause 78 was cancelled and a new
one inserted by McBride. It deals with
the penalty on an owner for not removing any person when called upon to do
so by the Inspector, or failure to comply with the award of arbitration.
Clause 82 (Provides for plan of portion of mine in operation to be posted
up at or near the mine). Parker Williams objected to the words "at or near"
and moved they be struck out. They
could be taken to mean 200 or 300 feet
away from the entrance. McBride held
the clause oyer for consideration.  '
Clause 86 (Aa to coroner's inquests).
Parker Williams moved an amendment to sub-sec. (5) which would allow
any person Interested and nominated in
writing by friends or relatives of the
deceased to examine witness.
The amendment passed.
Sub-sec. (7) Williams wanted to
know why an official of a miners union
should not be allowed to serve on a
coroner's jury? McBride said he was
likely to be prejudiced, and it was
very necessary to have a fair-minded
Jury.
Williams replied that members of the
trade unions were generally the most
air shall travel free from all stagnant,
water, stables, and places set apart
for sanitary purposes, and, when
practicable, also free from old workings, and every place shall be brat-
ticed up within four yards of the
face, and where open lights or explosives are used, or where electricity is used for power or lighting
purposes, all brattice cloth or canvas and ventilating curtains shall be
made fireproof.
"On all main roads where a door
is required the Inapector of Mines
may order that two or more doors
shall be so placed that while cars
are oeing taken through the one the
other shall remain closed and no air
shall be lost."
Hawthornthwaite said that the alteration as to fire-proof brattices weakened the Act.
McBride said that the theory was
that the use of electricity reduced the
danger to a minimum.
Hawthornthwaite replied that there
was always danger when gas was present, and he hoped McBride would very
seriously consider the alteration before
passing it.
McBride said that a delegation of
miners from Extension had approved
of it.
Hawthornthwaite replied that he had
no confidence in delegations. A delegation had even come to the House to
oppose the S-hour law. The delegates
were very often humbugged, dominated
and influenced against their own interests. He would not endorse a delegation from the Nanaimo miners if he
thought they were wrong.
McBride thought that might be true
in some cases, but the delegation from
Extension had struck him with their
grasp of the Bill, and as being exceptionally able men.
Parker Williams said he had no
fault to find with anything that had
been said by either of the previous
speakers. The Extension delegation
was composed of four practical men,
who would have every disposition to
make the mine as safe as possible, but
if they had known that any off-hand
opinion they expressed would be quoted as an argument In the House, they
would have been very careful, and he
was convinced that they had no intension or desire to have their off-hand
opinions so quoted.. He (Parker Williams) would like to point out in answer to the criticism of himself made
by the member for Grand Forks on
Monday, Feb. 6th, for failing to appear
before the Commission and offer suggestions that the delegaton had also
failed to do so. They had come to Victoria to do what they would have been
intelligent men in any   industry   and, quite willing to do at Extension.
have access to such plans.   Being full l there was no justification for accusing
of gas or water, or both, abandoned
mines were a source of danger to working mines in the vicinity.
McBride said it was token from the
English Act and quoted It
Hawthornthwaite pointed out that
only a portion of the clause had been
utilized, quoted the remainder—"unless such inspection is necessary in the
interests of safety." He gave notice of
an amendment he would introduce later on.
Clause 69 (Gives the Minister of Mines power to appoint persons of special
experience to report on conditions as
far as they relate to the safety of life
and property). Parker Williams said
this was also from the old Act, but with
protection of "property" added, and he
saw no reason why it should be included. He desired to amend the clause,
McBride consented to lay the clause
over.
Hawthornthwaite moved an amendment making practical experience necessary for the position, which McBride accepted.
Clause 72 (Disqualifies aa Inspectors
all who have Intereats ln the coal mining industry). Hawthornthwaite amended the clause by adding the following
wordB: "No Inspector shall be a partner, nor have any Interest, direct or
indirect, In any mine under his charge."
' Clause 73 (Dealing with the powers
of an Inspector). Sub-section (2) gives an Inspector power to visit and examine any mine, but so as not to impede the working of said mine. Hawthornthwaite suggested that It be
amended by adding something to the
effect of "except, for the purpose of
protecting human life." The section
was held over.
Sub-sec. (5) (Inapector to visit every
working part of a mine once a month).
Hawthornthwaite objected. Abandoned
portions of working mines should also
be examined regularly. They were
often in a dangerous condition.
McBride met the objection by striking out tho word "working."
Claue 75 (Inspector to have the power to remove any person on account
of mental or physical Incapacity, or to
examine such on the application of 3
miners). Hawthornthwaite pointed out
that while the Act guarded the interests of the owners In every respect, and
gave them the right of arbitration ln reference to the clause under discussion,
the miner who was removed by the
Inspector was not given that right to
exclude him from the mine. The owner, having property rights ln the miner
could object, but the poor miner himself could not. He recommended that
the right of arbitration be extended to
the miner.
McBride would not accept the suggestion.
them of bias. The clause was In line
with the American style, under which
a man had to swear he did not know
he was alive.
Hawthornthwaite moved to amend
the subsection by adding "Providing always that coal miners holding certificates of competency shall form a majority upon any jury empanelled under
the provisions of this section." He
said it had been the practice to have
as many men as possible on the jury
who knew nothing about a coal mine.
As a matter of common sense they
should be required to understand the
technical details of the industry but
the ignorance they displayed was often
positively absurd.
McBride said that It was not desirable to adopt such a principle, and
quoted passages from the report of an
English Royal Commission and also
from the Alberta Act in support of
his statement.
.. Hawthornthwaite pointed out that no
solid reaaon was given why miners
should not be employed. McBride had
said that they might be biased, but
that was offset by the possibility that
they might be dominated by the company. It was essential that the Jury
should have some knowledge of coal
mining.
. .Parker Williams said that the Keserich case had been denied a trial by
jury on the ground that was of too
technical a nature for a jury, and the
House was now going to say that the
men who understood the technicalities
should not serve on the coroner's Juries.
The amendment was defeated.
Before the committee rose McBride
referred back to clause 49 and amended
it on the lines suggested by Hawthornthwaite previously, by providing that
an Inspector sitting on a Board of Examiners should have no vote.
Friday, Feb. 10th, 1911.
Clause 87 (containing the rules). McBride moved lo strike out subsection
(2) and insert the following:
"Rule 2. An adequate supply of
pure air shall mean not less than
one hundred cubic feet per minute
for each man or boy, and not less
than three hundred cubic feet per
minute for each horse or mule employed in a mine, and as much more
as tho Inspector may direct, which
McBride in repiy, tried to give the
impression that Williams had expressed himself as having no confidence in
the delegation from Extension, and
as having expressed an opinion that
they did not represent the section from
which they came, and that all the Interviews with the Chief Inspector were
not genuine.
.. Hawthornthwaite pointed out that
Williams had not criticised the Extension delegation but that he (the speaker) had. If they had endorsed the
clause In question they were absolutely
unlit, or had been humbugged into doing it. He had been present at the
Commission in Nanaimo and some of
the miners who were present also,
made suggestions that were the worst
tommyrot he had ever heard. Some
miners present who understood the
Act had thought it best to hold their
tongues, company representatives being present. The miners of Newcastle
had sent Williams to the House, a man
with expert knowledge of legislation,
and he could take a different position
on certain questions than the minerB
did, because he knew what wss going
on. The Bill was drafted largely in the
interests of the mine-owners. The men
did not care for the property of the
company but only took an Interest ln
the Bill as it affected the safety of
their own lives, and wanted their
views expressed and embodied In the
BUI. Williams was an expert and
knew the meaning of the regulations.
The men did not know, and If they had
known they would not have endorsed
the position taken by McBride. They
had had neither the opportunity nor
the practice necessary to an understanding of the terms used in thoae
cases.
Williams said he did not propose to
let the Premier or any one else place
him in a false position.   He was sure
of their off-hand opinions, would have
been very careful. McBride had an
old bum printer in Ladysmlth (laughter) who made a practice of attending
to him (Williams) and the mis-statements of the Premier were sent to
Ladysmith to be printed In the Chronicle—but the men in Ladysmlth knew
the quality of tbe politics talked ln the
House, and such luetics had no effect
In the Newcastle District.
. .McBride denied that he had ever intentionally misquoted Williams, and
said he had every respect for him as a
member of the House. Whether that
sentiment was ever returned it was not
for him (McBride) to say * • •
It had been his (McBride's) experience
that delegations came right out and
spoke their mind—
Hawthornthwaite:—I notice that
they generally come right out of the
mine to do it.
Hawthornthwaite's motion to strike
out the words after "face" (in connection with brattices) iu the new rule
was lost.
Rule 4 (Deals with velocity of air
and inspection of mines in which gas
has been found). McBride submitted
an amendment, but was inaudible to
the press gallery.
Williams said he had no objection,
but hoped that in future there would
be more disposition to report any gas
that was present. One witness in the
Keserich case had confessed that he
never reported gas that produced less
than 3-4 of an inch of blue cap over the
flame of his lump, and he had suffered
no evil consequences from confessing
it.
The amendment carried.
Rule 9. .McBride said It was from
the old Act, with alterations, and that
it spoke for Itself.
(The clause deals with the examination of safety lamps, and the locking
of them, and prohibits tho carrying of
matches, tobaccos, etc.).
Hawthornthwaite said it certainly
did speak for itself. In the old Act
the Minister of Mines had to approve
of the type of safety lamp, now the
Inspector was to have that power, and
he would move an amendment to
strike out the words "Chief Inspector"
where they occurred ln rules 4, 9, and
12 (a-.
The amendments were accepted.
Parker Williams said that If a man
was not safe the Inspector could put
him over the road, and it was better
that the Inspector should have that
power than the manager. He most
sincerely believed that if the officials
were searched after an explosion they
would be more able to understand the
cause. In Carbonado eight or ten
years ago a disastrous explosion had
occurred, and the rescue gang had
found a dead man with matches in his
pocket. He (Williams) had worked in
the mine, and quit because he knew it
would blow up, and he knew the dead
man well as being the most careful
man he had ever seen. Dead men were
frequently discovered with open lamps,
but the officials needed to be searched
just as much. The power should be
given to the Inspector and not to the
manager.
Hawthornthwaite said it meant
legalizing the Pinkerton and thug system. If any one was to be employed
with the power of a policeman he
should be paid by the government. • *
In every mine In British Columbia,
where explosions had taken place,
naked lights had been used, and he
wished to emphasize that statement.
What difference did it make If a man
had matches in his pocket, so long
as he had a naked light on his head?
It was always the policy to find some
scheme to fool outside people and
charge it up to the miners, for lt
meant considerable difference to the
Company if it was sued for damages
by the widows.
McBride said lt was Intended to apply more particularly to the Fernie
mines. There the searcher was searched before doing it to others.
The amendment carried.
Rule 12. (Shot-lighter nas to oversee
every detail of firing shots). Parker
Williams said that the government
would have to see that sufficient shotlighters were employed to fulfil the
requirements of the rule, for where
men fired 4 or 5 shots a shift, a shot-
lighter could only attend to three or
four places. The Premier should either
cut out that portion of the rule, or
limit the territory a shot-lighter had
to cover.
McBride Bald he could not  accept
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working cIbbs.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers It Bhould belong,
The present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belung to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights In the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
mlBery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
syBtem, under which Ib cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker ls rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers (o organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object, of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, aB rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily ns possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when ln office shall always and everywhere
until tbe present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the iuterests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for lt; if it will not, the
Socialist Fartv ts absolutely opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed In Its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
that In most cases the attempt to do Ithe suggestion.
so was made deliberately. It was the
Premier's policy to re-state hla (Williams) position, and that version was
the one moBt widely read.   Most news-
Williams replied that he had no objection to the rule If it was enforced,
but he could forsee danger If it was
not.
paper readers looked to see what the '. .'Hawthornthwaite said It   might   be
Premier, and not what Williams, said,
and gathered impressions of what he
(Williams) had said that were not true.
Ho had been in touch with the delegation from Extension, and knew what
they were after. They wanted one little thing with which he could not agree
shall sweep the face of each working. and for that reason he did not attend
place, and a notice stating the quan- the Interview and oppose them, but
tlty of air required shall be kept gave them a free hand. That was why
posted at the mouth of the mine by he did not accompany them. The Pre-
tho Inspector whenever he directs mier knew that all the remarks that
that more air shall be furnished ln
a mine. Every mine shall be divided Into districts or splits of not more
than seventy men In each district,
and shall be supplied with a separ-
he (Williams) had made as to the delegation were that they were four good
men, who had sufficient common sense
to protest against some provisions of
the Act, and who, of they had been
ate current of fresh air.   All Intake aware of the use McBride would make
advisable to provide that when a shot
had been fired and it waa proved that
the shot-lighter had not examined the
place, he should at once lose his position. When accidents had happened
it had been shown that the shot-lighter had not gone back and examined
the place after the shot had been fired.
If prompt punishment followed it
would tend to reduce the number of
accidents.
Rule 12, subsection (b). McBride
moved to amend by substituting the
following as a new section.
"Detonators shall be kept under
the control of some peraon appointed in writing by the manager for
the purpose, and may be issued to
shotlighters only, and no other person shall take any detonator into a
mine. Shotlighters shall keep all
detonators bo issued to them in a
locked case or box, of a pattern to
be approved by the Chief Inspector,
until about to be used, and no other
explosive shall be carried in the
same case or box with the detonators: Provided, however, the Inspector may grant permission in
writing that such locked cases or
boxes containing detonators may be
issued to miners, but a shotllghter
shall be the only person In the mine
who shall be permitted to carry or
use the key for such cases or boxes:
And provided, further, that where
an electric Igniter and electric fuses
are used the miners may carry their
own supply of detonjtitors, but a
shotllghter shall be the only person
In the mine who shall be permlted
to carry or use an electric Igniter."
Parker Williams pointed out that
this would limit the earning powers of
the men unless the Inspector or the
Department provided that enough shot
lighters were employed.
Rule 15. (Provides for manholes)
McBride moved to amend by striking
out the words "at least" preceding
the words ligve feet high" (being the
height of the manholes), also the
words "as high as the seam" in the
same connection.
Both amendments carried.
Rule 24. BcBride amended by striking out the word "competent" as applied to the engineman employed in
lowering and raising persona in a
shaft.
..Hawthornthwaite objected, and McBride promised to bring the rule under the Stationary Boilers Act. The
amendment carried.
Rule 31 (Fencing of machinery). McBride amended by striking out the
word "and" between "exposed" and
"dangerous," and also a printer's error following.
Rule 25    (Signalling).    .Hawthornthwaite wanted to know why no provision was made to prevent winding
the cage over the top of the shaft?
McBride answered that was because
no reliable appliance was to be obtained and Hawthornthwaite said he
would submit an amendment on report.
Rule 37 (Inspection of mine on behalf of the men). Hawthornthwaite
suggested that In mines where the
men did not appoint a gas committee
the Chief Inspector should select two
men, alphabetically, and compel them
to inspect the mine every two weeks,
between the Inspector's visits, the
men to be paid by the government. It
would apply to mines where the men
had no union.
McBride said he would consider lt,
and Hawthornthwaite said he would
submit the amendment on report.
..Rule 42 (Refers to Chinamen and
persons unable to speak English to be
employed In various named positions).
Hawthornthwaite asked why "miner"
as defined In the Act, was not Included ln the list? He had no desire to
hurt the Chinamen as such, but they
were a source of danger, and he announced his intention to bring in an
amendment on report.
Clause 88 (Mine rescue stations) and
Clause 73 (2) (Powers of Inspectors)
were amended by McBride, but the
purport of the amendments could not
be gathered from the press gallery.
Clause 82 wub amended by McBride
on the lines suggested by Parker Will-
lams the previous day ,by providing
that the plan of the portion of a mine
ln active operation should be posted
up "at the main opening used for ingress or egress" instead of the previous reading "at or near the mine."
The Committee then arose.
J. H. B.
Bring your dull razors to
SMITH'S BARBER
SHOP
Clarendon Pool Room, oppont-
car bemi
Weitmituler Avenue
Vancouver, B.C.
TO HOUSEKEEPERS
q If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate of cost of
Installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company,, Limited.

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