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Western Clarion Apr 23, 1910

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ViM. 676.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, April 23,   1910.
SuUcrtpllon rnes
■cripiion Trlaa mi i
Ma tiu      eft J
rVTtaf Capitalist Economists Can See and What They Must
Not See.
Marx has lt that according to Gladstone "not even love has made ao many
fools of men as pondering over the nature of money." In dealing with the
high cost of living I touched upon the
money question. Next week "Leeds"
advised me to read an article in Everybody's. I did so. I read several others
also, and am of the opinion that Gladstone ls right. The money question in
general and the gold question ln particular is the mainspring of many
magazine articles at present. Consequently (apart from loose terminology
which constantly lands these authors In
metaphysical holes no thoughtful mind
would think of visiting), we have an
array of fools as per \V. E. Gladstone,
what struck me in Leeds advice was
the fact that "from 1855 the world's
coinage of gold decreased from 135 million dollars in 1855 to 97% millions In
1875. But this decrease did not affect
prices at once." This "Everybody" fellow is another fool, says I; because just
exactly what bearing the decreased
production of gold coins could have
upon the value of gold I am at a loss to
understand, any more that the decreased manufacture* of steel plates could
affect the value of steel.
But   Holt, the   writer    in   "Everybody's," is not such a fool as Leeds
would make him out to be, not that
Leeds Is at fault, but because of his
entirely loose phraseology.   Holt says
that "most economists credit all or the
larger part of the advance (in prices)
to gold depreciation resulting from Increased output of gold," but he himself
says the cause of gold depreciation is
"the same in the case of gold as In that
of any other   commodity,    relatively'
cheaper cost of production. This cheaper cost shows in an increased supply of
gold."   Quite correct.   "And results ln
making it necessary to give a greater
quantity ot gold to get the same quantity of other things."   The obvious result of which will be an increase ln the
currency, not, necessarily but possibly,
gold coins.   Therefore increased coin'
age of gold is not the eaus» but the effect of the decrease in   gold   values.
Holt assumes, not unreasonably, that
those commodities which can be produced most cheaaply wlll   attract   a
larger quantity of capital into their
sphere of production, and subsequently
this will sbow Itself ln   an   increased
of production,  but  again  It  should
be remembered   that   the   decreased
value is not the result of increased production, but the cause.   This ls pointed
ont by Marx not only in   his   larger
works but in his pamphlets, "Value,
Pries and'Profit," and "Wage-Labor and
Capital;"   According to Holt: "If we
see the output of gold Increasing more
rapidly than that of steel or wheat, we
may* be certain that there are greater
profits in producing gold than ln pro- >
ducing wheat or steel; and that   the
but he seems totally Ignorant of the
fact that labor and lab< r only enters into the cost of production. He
shows how, with the discovery of chemical processes and invention of machinery gold can be produced much
cheaper than formerly, and how this
must constantly affect the "price of
more costly produced commodities."
He is aware of habit and custom having much to do, with the fixing of
wages and salaries which Marx calls
the "historical standard of living," and
he points out how, with the exception-
mobility of the redundant labor army,
labor ever exceeds demand, and consequently muBt ever hobble painfully
on the crutches of wages, behind rising prices.
"When business expands more
quickly in the United States than In
other countries, immigrants come
over, more than a million a year. As
they did in the years from 1905 to
1907, and as they are now doing. When
business suddenly falls off here as It
did in 1908 these Immigrants return to
Europe where-the cost of living is
cheaper." Therefore, in spite of Sammy Gompers and other non-calamity
howlers, the condition of those who
toil is destined to get worse. Holt
states that wages and salaries will
continue to decrease in purchasing
power, faster than they will be raised.
"Wages and salaries will rise only half
as fast as prices." This is a serious
problem, he declares, and "unless the
wise men of the earth can solve it"
terrible things will happen. He offers
a solution in having a multiple standard instead of a single standard.
Here is a dangerous and insidious attempt to again drag the exploited af-j
ter the will-o'-the-wisp, reformed money, an attempt at which has been for
some time on foot by a misguided individual here in Canada. I shall deal
with this remedy later and attempt to
condense into a couple of columns
Marx's position on the money question. Space is filling and 1 desire to
call attention to a quotation made by
Holt from a speech of ex-Chief Forester Clifford Pinchot—not a Socialist,
but a sane Republican.
"It is not merely a question ot a few
cents more a day for tbe necessaries
ot life, or of a few cents less a day for
wages. Far more is at stake—the
health or slcknes of little babes, the
education- or ignorance of children
vice or virtue of daughters, honesty or
criminality of sons "
So there you are, the Virtue of your
daughters does not depend so much
upon the quality of religion she professes as upon the quantity of beefsteak she consumes. The honesty of
your sons ia not guaranteed so much
by the intensity of his love of God as
by the quantity of pork and beans he
can legally stow admldships.    Other
ed in France, visiting the different
Uhambres de Travail, (Labor Hails),
and getting an inside peep of ail tbe
questions that are going on in tne
labor world. Proletarians inside anu
out of the Socialist Party are losing
most of their old, faith in Politics.
(Of course there is a reason for this
at the very bottom.) Take as an illustration ail this pandemonium that has
been done between Ferrl and Turati.
My! but lt is enough to disgust anyone.
Although everything will be smoothed
up in the very end, still, such scraps
make the working class sick at heart,
seeing that there is as much Jesuitism
swellheadedness and personal ambition amongst the leaderB(?) of the S.
P., as there is in all the rest of Ihe
reactionary parties anywhere. Ferrl,
the Criminologist and man of Science,
of course, is left' untouched; but Ferrl
the Socialist, why, he has proved to
be a very poor one. His revolutionism
of ten years ago is all gone to hell,
and he would be ready to compromise
for a portfolio tomorrow or at any
time. It is the same old story. When
a man has been banqueted and salaamed by capitalism, then Labor can
well beware of him.
Another gallant fight is going on between all the extreme parties (republican, radical, socialists, and anarchists) nd the Roman Church. The old
monster, or (as Dante named her) the
"Papaclous She-Wolf," does not like to
give up. (Self Preservation of courBe).
Very often I go t#hear priests talking
at church and outside, and say—but
there is lots of fun in it. Read this
and then pass lt over to the Western
Clarion if you like.
Father Antonio Pavissich, a holy,
very respectable and most illustrious
prelate (?) was invited to speak in
Padua last week by the P. U. F. P.,
(Pensionato Universitario Francesco
Petarca) and there he gave a lecture
entitled "The Two Democracies." After an hour of oratory about the "Sovereignity of the People" ends his conference (if such it could be called) with
these words:
tented. They have been told that outside of thiii earth there is nothing
more and therefore, the heaven that
they have been promised on the other
side, they want it here. Heaven on
earth is a lie, hence the whole cause
of discontent, a cause that can be
traced back to them, who were the propagators of false promises and damnable lies; viz., the propagators of Socialism!" Now what do you think of
And now just to close up the paragraph about the church, I would like
to translate a few words by no lesser
light than Pius X (His Holiness). He
wrote in one of his last encyclics to
the "Italian Catholic Economic Asso. (I
wonder what kind bf a freak this is.)
The Vicar of Christ on earth seems
to be terribly scared of the "Christain
Justice," in fact bear him. "With such
a conception of Christain Justice, too
wide and dangerous, it can never be
told where we might land to.'' L'Asino
writes an illustrated article about lt,
entitled "Jesus Christ Judged by Pius
X, a Dangerous Individual." I tell you
it is a corker. One of the Illustrations
shows Christ, secluded in a cage like
a dangerous animal and his Holiness
Phis X that gives the explanation to
one of the oldest cardinals at the Vatican.
We enjoyed a most lovely trip from
Marseilles to Genoa. It ls the lovliest
spot I bave even seen. Starting from
Nice, all through Cette, Monaco, Monte
Carlo, Ventinille San Remo it is one
continuous garden of palms, flowers,
lemons, oranges, etc., most beautiful
chalets and villas. No wonder that
milllonarles hang around there all year
round. There are landscapes that
will make a person go into extacy
even if he is hard up.
Genoa and Milan were the main
cities where I stopped here in Italy,
and both of them Industrially and commercially speaking, are as developed
as any American city. In Milan had a
chance to meet a young aviator who
showed us his models of airships and
the way they work.   It is interesting.
What the Capitalist System is Now and What it is Rapuf-
ly Becoming.
But in spite of all this, the people I—Extracts from private letter from G.
nowadays are more than ever dlscon-'B. Civale.
output of gold will continue to increase [material wants in like proportion of
more rapidly than the output of wheat course, both for honesty and virtue
or steel, until the exchange value of
gold, in relation to wheat or steel, has
declined sufficiently to equalize the profits and cost of production for these
two commodities."
Thus sayeth Marx: "A mass of cap!
tal is thrown Into that flourishing
branch of business, and the immigration of capital into the province of the
privileged business will last until the
ordinary level of prices is obtained."
So far, so good. Holt is there with
the goods; but from now on to the end
of his article we find confusion worse
confounded. There is a gap in his
economic reading albeit he ls recognized as "one of our soundest economists." He jumped from David Ricardo to Irving Fisher. He missed Marx
and Engels. He calls gold "the standard of value" and upon that rock he
perishes as have many economists before him. Speaking of wheat, steel,
gold and labor (?) exchanging in certain proportions for each other, he
Bays, "But one of these commodities
ls the standard of value by which all
others are measured. This one ls
gold." This is entirely erroneous.
Gold is the standard of price, and the
measure of value. Labor-time, not
gold or labor, Is the standard of value.
Holt everywhere points out that the
cost of production determine*   value,
The historical and social standard of
comfort receiving (always remember)
due consideration.
The system of renting the land Is
such, that the poor farmer who is the
real producer, is always the one that
gets left at the end of the year, after
having worked hard for 365 days,
about 18 or 20 hours per day.
A long line of parasites, large and
Bmall (starting from the land owner
who might be in Paris squandering
with soubrettes, or at Monte Carlo,
gambling his soul, to the smallest cockroach sub-agent, who hires the farmers, paying them only one third of
the whole production) are sucking
their blood in such a shape, as to leave
them dry to their very bones.
I am spending most of my time
tramping through these small towns,
talking to and heating the ideas of
everyone about any subject, throwing
down notes for future reference. Although I had not a large amount of
money to spend for travelling purposes, still we stopped in a good many
cities through France and the northern
part of Italy, before reaching here,
Havre, Paris, Lyons, and' Marseilles
were the main places where we stopp-
Edltor Clarion,
Dear Comrade:—
Having had a little controversy with
one who at one time was a clod-hopper,
I seek information. My friend assures
me that the farmer Is the most independent man on earth. I will try to
analyze the farmer's billet, hoping tbat
some comrade will correct any mistakes in my so-doing,
The Farmer, a chunk of clay,
fashioned in the form of mankind,
"from dust we came, to dUBt we
shall return," ln this country a
heterogeneous quantity "of all lands
and of different tongues." He comes to
this domain to take up a homestead;
the kind government extend to him the
big glad hand, especially if he has
some few thousand plunks. Wy is it
that these men should trouble themselves about you. Listen, and I will try
to explain. About once in every four
years there takes place an election,
at which particular time you and I
are asked to decide whether we want
a Liberal, Tory or Socialist to write
the law in ONR name. In the past, the
voters of Canada decided Toryism and j
Liberalism was the very thing tbey re
quired. Why do these men solicit your
vote, of what good is your vote to the
politician who begs of you to vote
Tory or Liberal.as the case may be?
Think you is it to further your interests as the politician tells you at
election time? Let us see, was it to
your advantage that the Conservatives
gave themselves the money extracted
from the workers by taxes, etc? Was
It to your advantage that they employed the class that you belong to, to
build these railways paid by tho
money which they extracted from the
class that you belong to? Is it to your
advantage to pay railway rates to such
an extent as to Iteep other people rolling around in luxury, eating and drinking the flesh and blood of the class
that your Interests are not identical
that you interests are not identical
with the worker ln the mines, or factory. A farmer once told me that
miners were the most heartless (class)
of men ln God's creation. Did not the
miners go on strike and leave tbe
poor farmer to freeze to death? Since
tbey did so it Is evident the farmers
are not so very Independent after
all. Do they need coal? We also
need coal for transportation, to generate power to propel ships, the blacksmith needs coal supply you and I
with tools necessary for the part we
play in production. What do you
think? Could you live without thiB
host of workers who produce some
thing which you consider a necessity?
A farmer, In my opinion, would be as
much out of place on tho prairie, as
a cow would be in a kitchen, providing
be had not some means Of transporting and exchanging his Wares with
other workers. Where Ib your Independence? What do you produce?
For the most liart you produce nothing
except the little you grow and consume yourself, the rest of your, say
grain, you take to these railway elevators, there to deposit lt and never
see it again. The people who allow
yo to put your gain in the elevators
dictate to you what the exchange value
is; that is to say, you receive a
small sum of currency coin "which
is the medium of exchange," by means
of which you exchange your whea.t,
spuds, pork, etc. for commodities
which you require to keep yourself
physically fit to again put on the market your wheat, spuds pork, etc.
Robbery is rampant, those who work
in mine mill or factory sell their physical energy for so much per hours, "per
energy for so much per hour, "per
yard, per ton, per gallon, as the case
may be piece work," but how, you
might ask, am 1 robbed? I don't sell
my physical energy? No you don't,
your lordly masters, the elevators and
railway companies don't think it worth
the trouble to ask you to sell your
energy, they know you must come to
them and place the product of your
toil in their hands. You Imagine you
sell; in reality you don't. As a rule
any person who is selling does all the
dictating. Do you? No, you are glad
to band over your labor-power Incorporated into food stuffs for the pltance
which Is banded out to you. We who
work ln the hellholes Of capitalism
When one of the old philosophers
made the statement which was afterwards used again by Hegel that "nothing is, everything is becoming," he
hit upon about the only truth that does
not change with the time, or rather
with evolution*. Change is the order of
nature, and society is subject to this
inexorable law. It is often quoted that
the present system contains within
itself the forces making for Its own
destruction, and the time is rapidly approaching when it must pass away
and make room for the next order in
society, a system which is in harmony
with the forces of progress and compatible with the onward march of
civilization. History proves this assertion to be correct. The preceding
forms of society had their birth and maturity and then the process of decay
set in, hastened onward by the fight
for life the next system in order was
Socialists maintain that society at
all times has been determined by the
way it gets its living, by the manner in
which goods are produced. This has
caused society to be divided Into
classes, tbe class who own the principal factor in production ruling because
they own that which men depend on In
order to live. With a change in the
methods of production, bo has a
change in the essential factor in production allowed a class wbo were a
subjected class to obtain the wealth-
producing power and overthrow the
hitherto ruling class. This can be
easily seen by the change from feudal-
Ism to capitalism.
Before the evolution of the machine
the land was the principal factor in
production. The landlords were then
the rulers; but with the transformation of the hand tool into the mighty
machine, the land had to take second
place and the men who owned the machine now owned the principal thing
that men depended on in order to live;
consequently they owned the men, the
laborers. The owners of the machine
are the capitalist class; their mission
in the course of evolution was to organize industry. This tbey did, but
today perform no useful function, but
sell our power to labor direct; you, on
tbe land, sell your labor-power incorporated In wheat, pork, beans, etc.
Say, hayseed, did you ever stop and
think What good or evil the Salvation
Army are doing bringing thousands of
people here? They come In thousands
and are scattered over tbe prairie.
Tbere is an unwritten law of supply
and demand; If tbere Is a glut in the
market ot any particular commodity,
the price goes down, hence tbe more
plugs tnat come the lest you wlll have
to pay for the gathering In of tbe
grain. How delightful! Tbere is also
an ever-increasing stream of people
taking up homesteads, which means an
ever-increasing stream of foodstuffs
going on the market, which means that
the market has a horrible tendency to
become glutted. How delightful!
Again, hayseed, did It never occur to
you that you might bave to get away
from that ranch which you are pleased
to call your own? The Industries of
the world are being concentrated into
fewer hands; money breeds, and ns it
breeds those to whom the money belongs must find some industry In which
to Invest. Boon the continent will be
developed to a high pitch in other
walks of life than farming, then will
tho farmer realize to the fullest extent
that he Ib very far from being independent. As tho capitalist must And
pome place to invest bis bard-earned
liawliees he will find good an opening
In forming with all tho latest of mechanical Improvements. They wlll
en 11• a revolution In the first stage of
the ■ ,■'ni-tioii of foodstuffs, the turning of farms into factories has already
begun. Your salvation lies In your
getting next to your material Interest!-.
Your material interests are tho same
as mine. You need to bave the right to
have access to the means of life. The
way to gain that right Is to educate
your fellow workers to see the force
of voting themselves Into power.
Yours In the fight,
confine their energies to drawing dividends and gambling onjLhe stock exchange where they despoil one another
of their plunder. To make a long:
story short tbe capitalists have developed Into a parasitic class, whilst
the working class are the only useful
class In society today. In biology-
there is a law which says that which-
is useless shall pass away, and as society is an organism, therefore the Socialist maintains that the next ruler*
will be tbe working claas; but they being the last class In society to be*
emancipated they will have no one tie-
rule, so will substitute a government
of persons by an administration of Jta--
Let us examine and see if capitalism
shows signs of terminating. First there
are the ever-recurring panics. A panic
Is simply a breakdown of the capitalist
system caused principally by tbe wortV".
ers being unable to buy back wttlr
their wageB that which they have p*<o*
duced. The goods pile up ln the ware-'
houses; the workers can only take at
portion, and then we have the experience of going without because tbere to-
too much which we have produced
Wages are the price of our labor-power
and they represent a part, and usually
a small part, ot wbat that labor-power
produces. Consequently the capitalist
has a surplus of commodities produced!
by tbe workers which he has to dispose of and one outlet for them Isv
foreign markets.
Now in commodities, taking the avetr>.
age, there ls a surplus value, and it I*
the one source of profit. It is the profit the capitalist Is in business for. Ttte>
surplus value is tbe unpaid labor of
the workers, or the difference between
the price of labor-power and the, vatne
that that labor-power creates. Toe
capitalist produces for profit, and OnV
less be can find a market for bis good's
will not go on producing. It standi! to
reason that a boot factory would not
go on producing boots If they coal*
not dispose of them, and In that way
realize on tbe surplus value contains*
In them, and turn it Into fresh capital
which could be used to exploit more
wage slaves to produce more surplne
value to be used again to exploit more
workers, and so the game goes on, tus
endless chain of capitalism.
And at the root of it all do we final
Mr. capitalist producing this free*
capital, this making of a smalt capitalist Into a big one, tbe big ones Into
joint stock companies, the joint stock
companles Into trusts? No; we fin*
the wage slave tolling and sweatier
away, running to the sound of the belt'
and whistle, and many of them thank
ing their lucky stars that they have
found a master kind enough to give
them work; thanking their stars tbat
tbey are allowed to forge another link
to the chain tbat binds them—tbe*
chain of capitalism.
The countries that till recently were
foreign markets for the American an*
European surplus are now beginning*
to manufacture for themselves an*
will soon be able to produce their own,
and more than that will be able to
compete with the American and European. Japan Is an instance. Japan
today is in the throes of capitalism,,
And so we see the beginning of tbe
end when the capitalists wlll be unable
to dispose of the surplus or find reinvestments for their ever-Increasing;
capital, and we shall bo In a period ot
one great Industrial depression, which
would make life unbearable for the
working class and render a now Boclal
order imperative. This Is how the
system contains within Itself the seeds
of Its own destruction, by the concentration of capital into fewer and fewer
hands, the increasing size and perfection of tho machinery, eliminating the
skill of the worker and onabling children to be substituted for men, giving;
an over-Increasing power to the machine owner over the user, displacing*
labor, Increasing tho misery of the'
working class, and bringing the nevr
order of Bociety nearer ln which the
machine shall bo tho slave of man Us-
stead of man being tbe slave to thr
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neat issue.
Many there are among the Socialist
•comrades who are imbued with the
tdea that the sole mission of the So-
'ulalist movement is that of propaganda.
-»?o them the be all and end all Is embodied in the holding ot occasional
"meetings ln halls or upon street corners and the planless and haphazard
-Circulation of such printed matter as
•tony perchance fall in their way. Far
loo many well-meaning ones are prone
tt* allow even such limited propaganda
lo drift along as best it may without
•effort on their part. It were needless
' to suggest that under such circumstances lt would be futile to expect
(Such satisfactory results as might be
•Obtained were more vigorous effort put
forth by all concerned.
It is quite apparent that during the
•"earlier stages ot the movement the
trpoken word must of necessity be
■principally relied upon to gain the ear
•of those inclined to give thought to the
Solution of the perplexing problem pre-
t-ented by capitalist development. But
the workers of the world, they who
toast be awakened from the lethargy
. Into which they have sunk through
«ges of slavery, constitute a vast army
Caching to the four corners of the
•Matth. It is beyond the scope of the
(Snort fervid oratory or eloquently
spoken word to reach the great bulk of
this vast army. Otber means must be
•aSepted to effectively reach countless
thousands of those workers. Such oth-
**r means ls found in the printed word.
4ty means ot literatture millions can be
•wenched that cannot be reached in any
■""ether way.
We have no desire to belittle the
"value attached to tbe holding of propaganda meetings. A vast amount of
Cood has been and will still be accomplished by such means. Out we arejiot
"unmindful of the fact that this meth-
tod of propaganda nas Its limitations.
"ThouRh a speaker he the best informed
"rami alive he cannot Indoctrinate his
audience with his peculiar faith except
<by lime and again going over the same
(ground; repeating tho same old story
nnd reiterating tho same old arguments. As his audiences are not al-
"ways made up of the same individuals
"tho most that any Bpeaker can reasonably expect to do is to set some to
'"thinking along his lines and trust that
htla words may be supplemented and
"confirmed hy the written or spoken
'word of others later on.
It Is safe to assert that but a small
"portion of the workers In any given
-City are ever reached by the Socialist
"•propaganda through public meetings;'
Vo reach the country workers by such
"taeans Is, in the majority of cases, next
'•to Impossible. All of the city workers
told a large portion of the country
"Workers can, however, be reached by
"<the literature route. To do so requires
Systematic and thorough organization
"upon the part of those who would wish
'.'it to be done. This In turn implies
■steadfastness of purpose, unflagging
"seal and earnest work upon the part of
those engaging in it.
The recent victory of the Milwaukee
Social-Democrats in the city electiou
affords an excellent illustration of what
"may be accomplished through systematic and organized effort by earnest and |
determined men. The comrades every-
■"where may do worse than to profit by
•tie example set by those Milwaukee
Briefly stated, thcr have for Ihe past
twenty years pushed forward the propaganda and organisation along certain
'■well-defined and predetermined lines,
'including the holding of propaganda
'"oetitlngB and the systematic and thorough distribution of literature. Owing
*io a condition everywhere prevalent, I.
''»., a shortage of speakers and the iin-
■possiblllty of reaching the bulk of the
■workers by such means, they have
■Snore especially centred their efforts
apon the systematic distribution of
printed matter.   For some years past]
the city has been covered every Sunday
morning with printed matter, usually
in the form of a four-page leaflet. This
has been printed part in English and
part in German, as the city has a large
German population. For the Polish
district these leaflets have been printed
in that language. The result of tbe systematic and untiring effort may be seen
In the success of the Social-Democratic
ticket at the recent municipal election
by the largest plurality ever given in
the city.
It is needless to say that this
achievement has not been attained by
those who spend their time in endless
hair-splitting arguments over questions
of value, exchange, constant aud variable capital, the virtue or otherwise of
this, that or the other type of labor ar-
ganlzatlon and other equally weighty
matters. It has been accomplished by
men, not windbags. Whether they
could split a hair with scientific accuracy or not seems to have no appreciable effect upon the result.
To cover the city with literature as
above referred to has of late required
the services of 1200 men. These have
been on hand at a given point at u
o'clock on Sunday morning and each,
supplied with his literary ammunition,
proceeded to cover his allotted district.
In a couple of hours the job was done.
This may, perchance, be the German
way of doing things but, even so, it
might be well for us to profit by the [
lessons afforded by the Milwaukee comrades and "go and do likewise."
The nations of the earth are at present at peace with each other. The dogs
of war are in leash and the gentle dove
hovereth o'er the scene. At least that
is the way It looks to one who sees
things only from the standpoint of nation against nation. But he who pos
sesses the faculty of being able to dis
cern the forces at work within the social fabric, regardless of national
boundaries, will not be led away by
the idea that peace now prevails or
can prevail so long as social and industrial institutions rest upon their present basis.
Between slave and master peace can
not prevail. The very circumstance of
slavery precludes it. Slavery is a
coarse and brutal outrage of every
worthy human Bentiment and sooner
or later the slave will revolt.
The workers of this and every other
country of the earth are slaves, held
in bondage to capital and as ruthlessly
and mercilessly exploited as ever was
the lot of feudal serf or chattel slave.
So fierce has become this exploitation
and so mercilessly are they being
driven under the lash of capitalist brutality that millions of these slaves are
even now in revolt and signs are not
wanting to show that these and millions more wlll blase their way to freedom by the torch of revolution.
Wherever capital holds sway the
workers are seething with discontent
and muttering imprecations against
the master class. They are becoming
ever more open and bold in their determination to break the chains of
capitalist bondage and consign the
present ruling class to that oblivion
that has already swallowed many other accursed things.
The columns of every daily paper
are filled with accounts of strikes, boycotts, lockouts and other evidence of
labor's revolt. These occurrences are
becoming ever more frequent and of
greater magnitude. Gigantic demonstrations are held for the purpose of
coercing the ruling class into conceding to the workers additional political
rights, the granting of which presages
the entry of Labor into a more active
participation in the social and political
life of the various countries. Other
huge demonstrations are to be pulled
off on May 1st, emphasizing the solidarity of Labor in the great struggle
for emancipation from the galling
chains of slavery that curse the workers of all lands alike.
The social atmosphere is even now
"surcharged with the electricity of the
coming storm." The discontent and
unrest In the ranks of Labor, the growing spirit of revolt and the Increasing
political activity of the workers, are
the electric flashes along the horizon
presaging Its rapid approach. The,
frenzied efforts of the State to repress
and of the church to exorcUe It, goes
to Bhow that our brutal rulers and
their canting apologists realize that
their doom is sealed with the coming
of the revolutionary storm.
The storm ls brewing. Come lt will;
come lt must. And whether It comes
like the balmy breeze of an April
shower, or with hurricane and thunder
bolt, tho social atmosphere wlll be
purged of the stench now imparted to
it by the presence of masters and
Even the most careless student of
the growth and development of the
capitalist system of production could
scarce avoid reaching the conclusion
that eventually the wage-working class
would become revolutionary ln Its action. That so Intense would become
the economic pressure as the system
reached its most complete stage of development   that   these    proletarians
would in sheer self-preservation be
forced to make for Its overthrow and
the substitution of something which
would give greater premise of conserving their welfare. To thousands of
persons lt has even now become plain
that the present system can no longer
satisfy the needs of human kind, and
thut some sort of change ls threaten*
ing, although the nature of that change
is perhaps not clear.
If a change or upheaval is to occur
it must have a material or economic
reason, otherwise there is nothing to
prompt lt. That economic circumstances now exist that not only portend but render an upheaval certain,
is beyond reasonable dispute. The
powers of production are so highly developed that lt is possible for much
less than the entire working class tc
keep the' world's market filled to overflowing with the material things necessary to man's existence and well-being.
But as the extent to which the working
man may enjoy the fruits of his toll
and that of his fellows is measured by
the size of his wage, and this is always kept close to the living point because of the intense competition aris-
iiie," among the workers, growing out of
the fact that the labor of less than all
of them is required to keep up the supply of goods, lie finds himself cut oft
from any participation In the increased
wealth made possible through the highly developed system of production. Yet
he cannot break away from it. lt holds
him in its embrace as with veritable
bands of steel. Each day he must be
on hand when the whistle blows or the
hour strikes lo take his place In hlB
own particular nlcbe in the complicated mechanism of organized economic
power. Whatever other associations
he may Indulge in or other organizations he may aflillate with, the economic organization of the present day is
the only one which can command his
allegiance and loyalty through thick
and thin.
The economic oranlzatlon of capitalist civilization that holds the workman
in its fetters while yet denying him
participation in the benefits arising
from it, not only points out to him the
necessary line ot action to follow in
order to realize his share of the benefits, but makes It absolutely Imperative that such line be followed.
The machinery and consequent
method of capitalist production must
of necessity force the workers eventually to revolutionary action. That is
to such action as will break the rule ot
capital and the consequent power of
capitalists to seize the products of labor, and give to the workers themselves the mastery of economic power
and control of production and the products of labor.
Can the rule of capital be broken by
lighting on the "economic field," as It
Is commonly termed? Manifestly not,
for the reason that the strike, boycott
and such measures do not and cannot
destroy control of the economic power
of the capitalists, as this control is
maintained by the organized power of
the state, and is expressed in their
titles of ownership in land, factories,
railways, etc. If the workers are to
break the rule of capital and its con
sequent absorption of the benefits of
modern industry, they must by some
means destroy the titles of ownership
which are now vested in the capitalists. As the state is the means whereby such ownership is affirmed "and the
owner protected ln the enjoyment of
his property rights, it stands to reason
that here lies the point to be attacked
by the workers if they would effect the
desired change. They must obtnin
control of the powers of the state, 1. e.
government, in order to strike down
the objectionable control of economic
power by the capitalists and substitute
their own instead.
The economic groundwork or basis
for the proletarian revolution Is already prepared In the capitalist system of production. The economic organization to "back up and render effective" the seizure of the political
power by the proletariat for the purpose of breaking the economic rule of
capital, Is already at hand. The same
class that has seized the state mans
the Industries as well, the working
class. The hour for human freedom
only awaits the dawn of class-consciousness upon the field of Labor, which
ls even now breaking. Let every one
who has the cause of Labor at heart
bend every energy to spreading the
gospel of the Revolution among the
workers. By bo doing they will be
merely interpreting the mandate of the
machine at this stage of its development.
"Leeds" remarks that the Clarion
has a deficit for the month of March.
He makes no great howl about lt and
no hysterical appeal to sub. huBtlers to
get busy; just the notification which
one would think would be sufficient, as
lt is pnrty owned and controlled, Incidentally the only paper on the continent that is so.
Nnver a very patient individual, my
little stock of patience becomes completely exhausted at times when 1 hoar
people who make petty objections to
the Clarion, which could be made with
much greater force against papers
which they stamp with their approval,
such as the Appeal. Take their charge
of "abuse" and then compare a few
issues of these two papers and see
which is the greater offender in that
respect. Not that I worry about how
vigorous, the Appeal Is as I am not
squeamish In the slightest degree, but
my aim is to show the illogical position these approvers of the Appeal and
objectors to the Clarion take up. Then
the awful charge that occasional cuss
words appear in the Clarion. How often does the expression "damphool"
appear ln the Appeal, and It doesn't
take much intuition to know that expression means "damned fool." A
"lady" who a short time ago objected
to the Clarion on the score of bad
language, concluded her argument
with the statement that the Clarion
"wasn't worth two kicks in the guts."
Now this is a quotation, so don't blame
either the Clarion or Gribble for it. I
have often wondered since why two
kicks, why not one?
And, strange to say, this "lady" belongs to a creed which denies the existence of matter, so, according to her,
there can be no such things as intestines. You can see how much choicer
Gribble is ln his language than this
"lady" Is?
The fact of the matter Is that these
objections are Invariably made by
mentally lazy or insincere people, or,
by cheap guys who want to conceal Ihe
fact that a whole big Dollar is too
great a "sacrlllce" for them to make.
Cheapness is a great recommendation
with this type, but I want to tell them
that they can't fool this chicken a little bit. Experience enables me to pipe
them off from the start.
I suppose some squeamish humbug
will be objecting to Gribble's slang
now. but If they can stand the statement that the capitalists are devils,
Burely they can stand a little mild
The capitalists are not devils. They
are human beings, originally the same
aa ourselves, dominated by the desire
to get happiness out of life, as we are.
On the average they are no more
"greedy and grasping" than we are
They want all they can get, and we
want all we can get. That's why we're
Socialists, that's why we want a
change, as we realize that under the
capitalist system the capitalists are in
a good strategic position and we are
not—and that is why they don't want
a change. I dislike the capitalists
very much, to put lt mildly, but my
dislike doesn't impel me to make absurd statements abom them.
It is no good, you cheap skates. We
know that a 50-cent paper Is better
than a dollar one, a 25cent better than
a 50-cent, and a 10-cent magazine the
best of all to you, and we know ln addition that, though you call yourselves
Socialists, your slavish minds are
pleased at being patronized and you
would sooner support any paper that
comes down to you from above, than
one tbat is the result of the struggles
of working men and women, who In
many cases have spent their little all
In the struggle—and more, iu some
cases gone into debt. I know one who
is still slaving to pay off a debt Incurred In that way.
I wish I were at liberty to say more.
Then as to the mentally lazy, they
usually say they "don't like" the
Clarion. Of course, they don't. The
Clarion teaches Socialism and that
means brain work, but they want to
be spoonfed with pap. The very fact
that they "don't like" it, if they were
In earnest, would Impel them to take
it and study it. Who "likes" economics for themselves alone. 1 detested
them myself at first; would a lot sooti-
er play billiards, but it is necessary for
enough of the working classes to know
enough of them for the working class
to be free, and 1 want to be free.
Come now, you lazy fellows, you are
not so bad as the stingy humbugs. Get
a move on. Take the Clarion; read
the Clarion as a duty and you'll find it
a pleasure later on.
An article about the number of concubines some capitalist keeps, or how
Judge Grosscup assaulted a chambermaid may be spicy reading and doesn't
require much brain work to grasp, but
it isn't Socialism, and what a morally
bad lot the capitalists are, the evidence Is clear the workers are every
bit as "bad" on the average.
The Clarion, not being run for the
sole purpose of getting a circulation,
but for the purpose of teaching Social-
Ism, doesn't go In for sensationalism.
I know the Clarion has bitter enemies in Canada. I know who many of
them are. I have met them from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. I know how
they are underhandedly endeavoring to
put it out of business and I know they
are going to fail. There • are enough
real Socialists who realize their duty
In this respect and there are going to
be more. It is not necessary to work
for the Clarion to the exclusion of all
others, but it is necessary to push the
circulation of the party paper primarily-
One tip is all that is necessary to
hustlers—keep everlastingly at lt, and
results are certain. Now go ahead and
gdt results.      WILFRID GRIBBLE.
Socialist Directory
gfgg- Every Local of the Socialist Party ef
Canada should run a card under thla head.
tl.SO per month.     Secretaries please note.
ssm-noi bxbcvtxte con-ami,
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. Mc-
Kemie, Secretary, Box 836, Vancouver,
B. C.
       CO&VatBIA     PBOYIHCIAfc
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKencle, Secretary.
Box til, Vancouver, B. C.
At the Ymir General Hospital
a duly trained nurse. For par-
ticultrt write
W. B. MclSAAC, Secy.
ausbbta noT-a-foxax execotxtb
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East op-
posite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
recanting the movement ln the province. , „ .
V. Oxtoby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary, Alta.
tive Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuesdays 111 the month nt 120;' Adelaide St
' Any reader uf the Clarion deriring Information about the movement in Manitoba, or who
wishes to join tbe Party plens" communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebblng, 8rc.
'Mo (iood St.
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKIn-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box 41   Olace Bay, N. S.
■LOOAX, VAHCOVV-L'B, SO. 1,  8.  T. OP
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett'a Store, 161 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
LOCAL MABA, B. C, VO. 84, S. P. Of O.
Meets llrst Sunday in every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2.-30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
C. Business meetlnta every Saturday
7 p.m. In headquarters on First Ave.
11 ilit. Williams. Sec., Ladysmith, B. C.
1st rd Sunday 7:30 p.m. In McGregor
Hall (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley,
LOOAL B08BLABB, Be. 88, 8. T. OP O.
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday It
7:80 p. m. E. Campbell, Secy., p. o
Box. ",*■    Rossland   Finnish   Branch
?1sl.m.rA1"SJHS: H-i-'-1-- s«,0*»"-«*
786 Rossland,
A. Sebble. Secy..
—   B. C.
P. O." Box
every   Friday   evening  at   8   n m    *•»
Miners'   Hall   Nelson,   B.   C.
p.m.,  In
-    - ,   -.   ~.       C     A
Organizer; 1. A. Austin, Secy.
. 8. 8. T. OP O,
meets  every  Sunday at   -::fl)   p.m.,  ls
Miners'   Hall.     Matt Holiday,   Organ-
mmt-~.-   secretary.
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and  Reading  Room,    Labor Hall, T. H
. Machin     Box 647.    Secretary,   A.   Mac
"onald, Organizer,    Box 647.
P of C. meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall
J. Ollphant, Secretary.
LOOAL   VAVCOUVEB,   B.   0.,    MO.    48,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, win. Mynttl
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propoganda
ijieetlngs every Sunday at Grand
Theatre.     K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOOAL NANAIMO, BO. 3,  8. P. of 0.,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock|
Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826.
LOOAL   PBBBXB,   8.   P.   of   O,   BOLS8
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Bualness meeting flrat Sunday tn each
month, same place at 2:30 p m.
David I'atou, Secy, Box 101
C, meets every Sunday in Miners'
Union Hall at 7:30 P.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month. Geo. Heulherton, Organizer;
R. J. Campbell, Secretary. Box 124.
LOOAL TBBBOB, B. C, BO. 88, 8. P. OP
C, meets every second ana last Friday in
eacli mouth. Chas. Chaney, Secretary, Box
117, Vernon, B. C.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     BO.     8.
Meets   every   Sunday   night     in     ths
Miners'  Hall   and  Opera  House  st  I
p.m.     Everybody   welcome.     Socialist
speakers  are  Invited  to  call.    H.  J. .
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 649 Athabasca Ave., Seort-
tary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quartera, Kerr's Hall, 120 i-a Adelaide Stree
upp. Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.      Secretary, j, W. H Ming,
270 Young St; Organizer, D. McDougall, 424
Jarvis St.
ot C.—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays ln the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3:8? o'clock st
the Labor Temple. Speakers' class
every Thursday at 8:00 o clock at Labor
Tempe. J.  Stewart, Secretary,
62 Seaton St. ■
Bualness meeting lat Sunday ls
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Roberts-
Allan Hall, 78 Rideau St. A. G. Mo
Collum, 68 Slater St., Secretary.
S3, 8. P. of C—Meets every Sunday ln
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 8:00
p.  m.    Angus Mclver, Secretary.
Propaganda and business meetings at
8 p.m. every Sunday evening in thu
Edison Parlor Theatre. Speaker*
passing through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Oayman, Secretary.   W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. O., Mo. 16, 8. P. of
C, meets every Sunday in Graham's
Hail ut 10:30 a. m. Socialist speakers
are invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
LOOAL   COBALT,   MO.   8,  8.   P.   OP  a
Propaganda and bualness meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 44(.
LOOAL   «"*■"*»    ONT.,   BO.   4,   8.   P.
of C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday  evenings,  at  8   p.m.,   II
King  St.   E..   opposite  Market   Hotel
a. V. A. Hints, Sec, 98 West Lancaster Street
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Mocdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. Ct.
Ross, Financial Secretary, offlce ln D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union
i,To Canadian Socialists
On nccoupt. of increased postal
rates we nre obliged to miike the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review in Canada
11.20 11 year instead of 81.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For "3.00 we will mall three
copies ot the Review to one Canadian addrcsB for one year.
For 70 cents we wlll mail ten
copies of any one issue.
For 83.00 we will mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 West KInzie St., Chicago.
Books of all Kinds
The Mistakes of Moses   50c
The Riddle of the Universe   25c
Merrie England  20c
God and my Neighbor, Blatchford
Ayeaha, or the Return of She, by
Rider Haggard  75c
Decameron Boccaccio  75c
Maria Monk  75c
All books sent postage paid.
Send for catalog.
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
A. F. Cobb
Merchant Tailor
OKotoka,   Alberta
For every suit sold through
this advertisement I will gWe
$2.00 to ths circulation ot the
Western Clarion.
' Plan:
1. Write ma tor samples ol
2. Mention the price you wait
to pay for suit
8. Compare my sample with
the price.
4. If suitable, send me deposit of U.M.
6. I will guarantee to delrrer
suit to fit within three weeks.
I. Cleric* will acknowledge
receipt of »2.M from me wheat
mlt is paid for.
Suite to measure from 91M>
to I30M-
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'Clock
City Hall
Vancouver B. C. SATURDAY, APRIL 23, 1910
Tb'' Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Berlin, Ont., April 1.4, 1910.
Editor Western Clarion:
Dear Comrade,—Referring to the
notice ln the Clarion of April 9, calling
the attention of the members of the
S. P. of C. to the suspension of the
Ontario Provincial Executive Committee and calling upon the various locals
to Instruct their respective olficerB to
take steps of having referendum vote
taken, we would ask whst opportunity
have the comrades throughout the Dominion had at their command to have
an unprejudiced, intelligent opinion as
to the state of affairs in Ontario?
The comrades of Local Berlin and
of the majority of the locals of Ontario,
judging from correspondence at hand,
contend that the action of the Dominion Executive Committee, asking the
membership of the S. P. of 0. to vote
upon an important question before having full and correct information upon
it, is unfair to say the least.
Reviewing the action of the Dominion Executive Committee up to date in
regard to this affair, we feel that they
have overstepped their authority and
acted contrary to the provisions of the
party constitution. In the flrst place,
it was hasty and uncalled-for procedure to revoke the charter of Local No.
1, without affording them a chance of
stating their case, tho Dominion Executive Committee relying solely upon
information by a few members, to
whom afterwards was granted charter
No. il.
After recelveing an official communication from the secretary , P. C.
Young, informing us that the newly-
formed Ontario Provincial Executive
Committee had disbanded, Local Berlin called a special meeting inviting
Locals Gait and Guelph to be represented. On April 3 they held a joint
meeting at Berlin to consider the advisability of taking the initiative steps
for the selection of a seat for a new
Provincial Executive Committee. At
this special meeting a joint committee
of Berlin, Gait and Guelph Locals was
appointed. They drafted and sent to
the secretaries of all Locals of Ontario the following resolution:
Whereas Local No. 24 at a meeting
held on March 23 disbanded the Provincial Executive Committee without
the consent of the membership of the
province, and
Whereas, Article HI. of the Constitution of tbe Socialist Party of Canada
provides for a Provincial Executive
Committee elected by a general vote
of the membership of the riding wherein is located the seat of the Committee, and
Whereas the action of Local No. 24
leaves the province without a properly
constituted provincial body, It becomes
the duty of the locals throughout the
province to select a seat for a new
Provincial Executive Committee at the
earliest possible moment, and
Whereas Local No. 4 of Berlin at a
special meting held on Sunday, March
27, passed a resolution Inviting Locals
Guelph and Gait to a joint meeting to
be held In Berlin on Sunday, April 3,
to take Initiative steps for reorganization, and
Whereas Locals Gait, Guelph and
Berlin appointed a committee to act
jointly at the meting held at Berlin on
April 3, and
Whereas the committee of the aforementioned Locals decided to submit a
referendum to the provincial membership,
Be It Therefore Resolved, that in the
opinion of this joint committee the
secretary be instructed to write all Locals throughout the province to vote at
once upon the following questions, calling a special meeting if necessary to
save time:
1. Shall a convention be held to
select a seat for a new Provincial Executive Committee?
2. Where shall convention be held?
'3.   At what date?
This  joint committee  recommends
the 24th of May, 1910, at the Finnish
Hall, Toronto, and would further
recommend that the convention provide ways and means to defray expenses by assisting Locals from a distance.
W. PEARD, Gait.
H. MARTIN, Berlin.
We contend, and falrmlnded comrades everywhere will agree with us,
that the selection of the seat of the
Provincial Executive Committee is a
purely provincial affair and should be
left for settlement to the membership
of the province.
We therefore appeal to the good
Judgment of the memberB of the S. P.
of C. and trust that provincial autonomy will prevail.
Copies of this resolution were sent
to the Executive Committee of Manitoba, Alberta and Maritime Provinces.
(Press Committee.) -  O. PRAGER.
In reading , many Socialist periodicals and pamphlets that are advertised
as first-class Socialist publications, we
very often come across things lhat are
not to the best interest of the Socialist
movement. Chief among these are the
importance paid to industrial unionism. To a non-Socialist after reading
many of these articles lt would appear
that the only way for the workers to
get possession of the means of production is through an industrial union of
the workers. Nothing could be further from the mark. When we see
such things as "That the revolutionary act, the act of taking over the
means of production and establishing
a social order, based upon the principles of the working class, cannot be
achieved by a disorganized, dejected
and humiliated working class, but
must be the work of that class after
it has attained a commanding position
on the field of economic struggle." And
again, "Use our economic power to
gain political power." These and other impossibilities are openly advocated
as good propaganda.
First, let me point out that the working class, as a class, have got no economic power. Capitalism is based on
the robbery of the producers. The development of Industry, Engels says,
upon a capitalist basis makes poverty
and misery of the working masses'
conditions of existence for society.
How can we talk of economic power
when we know that the value of our
commodity, labor-power, is determined
by the cost of its production.
Again we have already got political
power in countries where the wage
slave has a vote, and as he Is in the
majority in all countries, you can
easily see that he gets what he voJes
for—"MiBery and degredation of himself and his class."
What makes the starving armies of
unemployed and the half-starved employed submit to the conditions that
obtain under capitalism. We know it
is tbe ignorance ot the wage slave that
allows those conditions to exist. But
lt is the government with its armies
and navies, police and militia, together
with citizens' alliances, Pinkerton
thus and Thiel cutthroats, all ot which
are at the disposal of the owners of
the means of production, and are maintained for the purpose of protecting
the capitalist class in that ownership.
That is what makes us submit bo
gracefully to the conditions we impose
upon ourselves.
Let the workers try to take possession of the means of production without first being in possesion of the powers of government. To do so would be
suicide. When the revolutionary act,
the act of taking over the means of
production and establishing the economic program of the working class,
comos, lt will be done by an intelligent, class-conscious working class,
whom the capitalist system of production l.ao 'Iready organized into u
vast producing army, knowing well the
step to be taken when once In possession.
It cannot be denied but that Industrial unionism Is a better form of unionism than the old craft organizations
and as a means of forcing our masters
to grant us a little more of what we
produce It is the only weapon we have,
but it can never make him give up the
full value of what we produce.
We cannot but admire the heroic
efforts of our class In the misery and
hardships they undergo In an effort to
gain concessions from their masters In
the way of shorter hours, higher wages
and the right to organize. The strike
in Sweeden, McKees Rocks and the
present street-car strike ln Philadelphia go to show that the working class
are already permeated with that spirit,
that makes the injury of one the concern of all. But their economic position as peddlars of that commodity,
labor-power, will not permit them to
carry it to a successful issue. The most
they can gain Is experience.
The battle between masters and
slaves must be fought out on the political field. The sooner we realize this
fact the sooner will be the victory. We
can never take possession of what we
produce until we have first taken possesion of the powers of government
through political action and used that
power to establish and enforce our demands.
Our propaganda should be conducted
to show the economic weakness and
political strength of the working class.
Economic conditions to a great extent
determine the conditions under which
we shall work. Not so of how we shall
vote. Wage-labor furnishes the organizing, directing and managing ability
together with the Bkilled and unskilled
labor that go to make up this great
army of production. Then why give
up most of what is produced to an unnecessary parsltlc class?
L. R. McINNlS.
Comrade Gribble gave two addresses
ln the Lyric theatre at Brandon on
Sunday, April 13. Comrade Higgins
played the piano, and although I am
deaf, I could hear him playing thhe
"Red Flag" "chune" as I stood outside
on the pavement of Rosser avenue. It
takes a Socialist to play Socialist music. The revolutionary spirit comes
out at the finger tips.
Comrade Tommy Legge, who is not
by any means a boubting Thomas,
sold literature to the crowd and proved
himself an unscrupulous capitalist by
having the audacity to sell his commodity on the dearest market. When he
was taking a {-cent piece from one individual I actually heard him quoting
Shakespeare: "Thanks, noble peer,"
quoth he, "the cheapest of us is ten
groats too dear."
Tommy has gone out In the country
this week carrying bricks. I can see
him gasping, groaning and cussing under his heavy loads. Brick! brick!
Nothing but brick will ring In his ears
during the day time. In the evening
he will be studying "Value, Price and
Profit." It is Tommy's New Testament, and he would rejoice if every
wage slave understood the little book
of revelation. Tommy would carry
brick to build another pyramid if that
slobbering, ghoulish, diabolical, potbellied monstrosity, capitalism, could
therein be decently interred. Comrade
Gribble would read the funeral sermon
with pious unction: "Imperial Ceasar
dead, and turned to clay might stop a
hole to keep the wind away. Lord, let
this dirty, stinking, foul, filthy old
devil rot; let him stew in his own
grease; let him ferment himself away;
let him dissolve and leave not a shred
behind. Send him to the infernal regions, there to converse with everlasting groans, unrespited, unpitled, unre-
prieved. Send him to the dungeon horrible; let him lave in the fluid flames,
and let us hear him bellow from the
vasty deep of hell."
From the mourners there would
arise a mighty shout, a roar of exultation, a seven fold of hallelujahs and
harping symphonies.
However, I must leave Tom to build
his pyramid, and give a report of the
meetings. Ed. Fulcher was chairman
and opened the meetings by short
speeches on economics, dealing chiefly
with the commodity labor-power. He
showed clearly how the wage slave
was bought tn the cheapest market and
how, when he was worn out, he was
thrown upon the scrap heap.
It seems remarkable to the writer
that both the wage slave and the capitalist should each commence their existence as an egg. "Man Is developed
from an ovule about the 125th part of
an Inch in diameter." Why should one
structureless jelly-like substance dominate another structureless jelly-like
substance? Why should one egg dominate another egg? I think it is because one of them must be addled.
How would you like to eat capitalist
fried eggs on toast?
At the afternoon meeting Comrade
Gribble gave us an insight into the
trustification of capital. At night he
spoke for two hours. He electrified his
audience and paralyzed resistance. Respectable orthodoxy stared open
mouthed, astounded, astonished, amazed. Comrade Gribble shamed them out
of their nonsense. They came ln frigid
and calculating liars; they went out
shame-faced hypocrites.
Gribble is naturally an orator and
can give unspeakable effect to any passages of pathos or scorn, but he never
loses control of his oratory. What
Gribble spoke I have thought many a
times, and 1 was delighted.
When, like a good son of Boanerges,
dribble was rumbling at the audience
In a voice of thunder to read Socialist
literature, I shouted, "Hear! hear!"
the fellow next to me got up and crawled out of the room like a crab. That
settled me. I laughed because the
fierceness of the speaker was just
glorious. If It were possible to get
capitalism into one shape we would
put It under the axe of the guillotine.
I would kneel down by its side and
whisper: "Spawn of the devil, go down
to hell." I should be the Jack Priest
and give it consolation, but Comrade
Gribble would be the executioner and
send the axe clanking down and shear
off its ugly head.
Yours truly,
->     - i   . i mTi'iTv j ... i .   ..ii
Editor Westera Clarion.—Iu the
article entitled "The New Slavery"
(April 2,) the writer who elsewhere
who elsewhere seems to have a good
Beems to have a good knowledge of
Marxian economics has gone astray
three or four times.
He states that "the worker
would produce the equivalent of
wages advanced to him by the capitalist," etc.
I would like to point out that he suffers from the capitalistic idea that the
capitalist does advance wages, to the
worker. Now, in "Value, Price and
Profit" (I think), and in "Capital," vol.
I., Marx points out this fallacy, stating
that "the worker advances his labor to
the capitalist" and has to maintain
himself until his wages are paid, which
is never "in advance" like our landlady's bills.
Having recently worked for a company which has "gone broke," I can
sadly assure the writer that Marx Is
correct on this point; or does he (the
writer) maintain that I have robbed
the aforesaid company of one month's
wages, and if so, why does It not
prosecute me? I can get nothing out
of the company, but, as Bumble says,
"the law's a hass."
The point is rather important as it
tends to show that there is no justlfl
cation for extracting surplus value under the name of "Interest."
Working men and women should pay
more attention to these small points as
they would not then be quite so pro
fuse (at the polls) with their thanks
to the dear, kind capitalist who main
tains them during the hard times and
long winters!
Yours in revolt,
Cooking Lake, Alta.
Charter   (with    necessary    supplies to start Local)  $5.04
Membership  Cards, each    01
Dues Stamps, each li
Platform  and  application  blank
per 100  25
Ditto ln Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukrainian, per 100 6*
Ditto in Italian, per 100 51
Constitutions, each 20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen 50
Dear Mc,—In view of the fact that
my handwriting ls not quite copy-jdate,
I could look upon the printer tribe
more in sorrow than in anger. But after the Clarion of April 2nd I feel disposed to exclaim with Cicero, "How
long wll you abuse our patience?"
That my own matter got mixed I
could forgive and perhaps, after a
lapse of years forget; but when the
law, an action ot the law, ls quoted and
a word omitted, I ask you, my masters,
is the bounds of patience not exceeded?
The printer tribe has, if I read history aright, justified to no inconsiderable extent, the building of jails; lt
also appears to me that not always
were they imprisoned for such crimes
that would meet with my.disapproval;
in fact, the cause of their frequent
imprisonments was something of
which I heartily approve. Yea, heartily. From Wilkes to Warren they are
a noble band, these printer jailbirds.
'Birds of Freedom," Debs, I think, calls
them. But if I condemn and deplore
their imprisonment upon the charges
brought against them, I am not saying
that they were wholly undeserving of
imprisonment, not to say something
worse. If the sins of commission for
which they suffered are not to be condoned, the sins of omission and transmission are absolutely unpardonable.
And while they suffered for something
they ought not to have suffered for,
they went unpunished for crimes
which are not In the criminal code.
One comrade has, I believe, once suggested that, if for no other purpose
than to properly punish the printer
tribe, hell should exist. I subscribe to
that with less reserve. I am Inclined
to ask as Falstaff did of Polns: "What
hole In hell is hot enough to accommodate the vidians."
J. H.
Them's my sentiments, John, but
what's the use? Printers are born human and raised devils.—Mc.
The recent political upheaval In
Prussia which attracted world-wide attention was the cause of many false
conclusions and expressions. It may
therefore not be out of place to review
the movement of our German comrades which brought them in several
cases ln contact with the armed forces
of their masters.
The empire of Germany consists of a
conglomeration of states; every one
has its own law factory with about the
same power as the provincial houses
here. While the representatives to the
Reichstag, much resembling the Dominion parliament, are chosen by the
male population by a   more   modern.
305  Cambie Street
The beBt of everything properly
Chas. Molcahey, Prop.
Trade Marks
Copvriqhts Ac.
ImontTon la probably iniie"'»**'%nf ™JH**.■"""•*
tlo!» -trlctlj cnnlldent l»l. HANDBOOK on r
eontfrea. Oldest a«oncy ,'"'""™'ffi *i|*'ii&_
I'ntonte taken through Munn A Co, reoelTe
Anyone ■ending a akelrti aiid a^-rtpM-mnijj
nnlokly aicertnln our opinion 'reej-nether an
 "Ion li probably patent*
trlotlyconDdentlal. HANI
•a. Oldest a«encr for st
 nta taken through Munn *
nx-lol notice, without chnme. In tin
Scientific American.
A handeomely UlnatnUi-1 weekly. I*nv*** eft-
OTliuonotany"ei'lentlil" Journal. , T«™. 'or
Canada, si 1» a year, po-lane prepaid.   Sold by
and as far aa registration is concerned,
even better franchise than 1b here prevailing, the members to the local assemblies are elected by more or less
ancient and reactionary election laws.
The kingdom of Prussia has the distinction ot not only being the largest
of the German states, but also ot pos-
sesing the most backward and unfair
franchise bill. The very limited number of electors are divided into three
classes, depending upon the amount of
earthly goods, or knowledge, or grade
of ancestors. The large portion of the
working class Is disfranchised. It
would take us too for to go Into
lengthy explanation as to the further
nature of this mode of election, sufficient is lt to recall a declaration of the
famous statesman Bismarck, about
two decades ago: "The Prussian three-
class election system is the most contemptible of all." Be it remembered
that this was the same reactionary
who vainly attempted to check the onward march of Labor with exceptional
With the rapid political awakening
of the German proletariat, persistent
efforts on their part were made to extend the franchise and supplant the
existing mode of election at least for
the Reichstag. It will be readily seen
that under outlined conditions, It was
almost impossible for Labor tc voice
its sentiments in the Landtag. It is
| quite true that after the last general
election five Socialists for the first
time invaded the house of reaction, but
be It remembered that not one seat
was captured by Socialist strength
Who read W. Llebnecht's "No Compromise" will see that the veteran had
ample reason to warn his comrades
not to enter the unfavorable battle,
and the irony that destined that his
own son was chosen to represent a
Berlin district ln the Prussian law-
The brutal reactionary majority here
limited not only the activity of the Socialist members by stringent rules
which they were ever ready to enforce,
but prohibited it entirely by hissing
and shouting the speakers down. This
shameful treatment of their representatives aroused the working class more
than all the speeches in the house
could have done and soon the waves of
discontent became so threatening to
the ruling class that Billy II. waa
forced to pour oil on the troubled waters. In a speech from the throne he
promised the demanded election reform. Expectation ran high for a
time as to the intention of the government. Although the secrecy as to the
nature of the reform and the fact that
the Socialist victories in every by-election had been surprising, left little
hope that the announced change would
be radical. When that long-expected
child was at last presented to the unruly population of Prussia its reactionary parentage could be easily recognized, for the promised reform was
looked for in vain.
The deluded working class could
hardly be kept back from open revolt.
Well aware of the fact that ln the face
of the armed forces of the empire an
uprising of the working class could
only result In disaster, the executive
of the Prussian Party called a congress to discuss further steps to cope
with the situation. After very little
debate it was resolved to push the propaganda for equal, secret ballot by all
ways and means, and as the last reBort
Ihe general strike was agreed on, hardly as a weapon to wrest the power out
of the hands of the ruling elass, but as
a means of protest. Tho German Socialist Is well aware of the fact that
the general strike as a dub to capture
the reins of power is obselete. Hebel
expressed their views correctly when
he declared "general strike Is general
nonsence. It can only be successful
when the masses are well organized
and well educated, and when we have
reached that stage it will be superfluous."
Realizing that if it was possible to
keep the spirit of revolt aflame up to
the coming Reichstag election lt could
be led Into channels where lt was most
effective, and should they succeed In
keeping the pot boiling history would
repeat itself as in 1903 in the kingdom
of Saxony, which returned at that time
under resembling conditions all but
one Socialist to the house, the executive of the party directed their efforts
ln propaganda work. Monster meetings were held, thirty in one day alone
In Berlin, and huge protest demonstrations followed all over Prussia.
Wherever the servantB of law and order Interfered bloodshed and disorder
reigned, otherwise tho demonstrations
were of an orderly character. In many
cities the police committed the most
brutal ads, while the militia was confined to barracks.
That this step was not taken without gond reason will be easily seen by
the fact that In several Instances the
Boldiers waved the flag of revolution
from the ivlndows of their confinement
while Hie demonstrations were In progress, Judging by those occurrences
there is very little hope that "our"
navy can ever be used to defend "our"
country against the German.
It may be questioned If with the prevailing sentiment an uprising would
not bring better results than meetings
and demonstrations. Two and a half
million SoclallBt voters and only pas-
Following upon the intimation ln
last week's Clarion of the intended
celebration of May Day by the Vancouver Local, the committee has decided
to hold an open air demonstration on
the afternoon of Sunday, May 1st, on
the Cambie street grounds. Comrades
Klngsley, Hawthornthwaite, Parker
Williams and Pettlpiece will address
the meeting. This will be followed In
the evening by a meeting in the City
Hall. This note is merely inserted
here to remind you of the necessity
of being present to help swell the
crowd and insure the success ot the
• • •
Nanalmo Local pays up for their
bundle and Card.
C. E. Kilby sends along his own renewal accompanied by another. A dollar is also enclosed to go where it
will do the most good. Manitoba Campaign Fund gets tho benefit.
• •   *
Com. Hintza informs us that Local
Nelson has sent along $10.00 towards
the Building Fund of the Gibson's
Landing boys.
•   •   •
J. Shaw sends ln one from Cowichan and complains that the last one is
not coming often enough. For our
part lt is coming along alright.
• •   »
Chas. Steen brings another two down
In South Vancouver.
a   a   a
3. L. Thornley sends (9.00 to renew
Moyie bundle and adds another to the
list of luckey ones.
• •   •
Com. Colllngwood takes ln four
• •   •
The degradation and misery ot the
working class will continue as long
as the capitalist system. It can only
be abolished by putting an end to
capitalist ownership ot the means of
• *   •
Local Sandon No. 36 sends along
$10.00 per A. Shilland to cover the
pledge of the local towards the Publishing fund.
• •   *
Locals Fernle, B. C. and Brantford,
Ont., pay up for Bundles.
• •   •
Charlie O'Brien plucks two more
brands from tbe burning ln I.undbreck
• •   •
When you are out in the wood, working for some gunny sack contractor
and Bleeping in a crummy bunkhouse,
does It not make you feel ill to think
that Socialism is going to destroy the
home.    Your home?
Local Cobalt   drops
bundle and card.
la   12.50   for
Gribble sends two from Dauphin,
Man., and W. Davenport a like number
from Brantford, Ont.
• •   •
E. J. Turner ln search of a home,
notifies us of his change of address.
• •   •
Price Is the expression of the relative value of a commodity tn terms ot
money, the money name for tho labor
materialized In a commodity.
• •   •
Singles from the following bunch:
W. Voss, B. Peuke, Winnipeg; Lestor, Leeds, R. Graham, Vancouver; F.
O. Watts, Burqiiatlam, R. C.j M. Stafford, South Wellington; ('. Sprlngford
Behlll, Alta.; T. J. llennlnger, Christina Lake, B. C; W. S., Lethbridge,
Alta.; A. Hogg, New Westminster, P.
Paul, Uellevue, Alta.; A. McDonald,
Calgary, A. Taylor, Toronto.
slve resistance, many will undoubtedly
exclaim. But whoever raises questions
of this kind does not perceive that the
general movement is hardly any belter
than ln Wisconsin. Articles which we
frequently find In the Clarion of an
educational nature can, ln the over
fifty Socialist papers in Germany, only
be found on very rare Instances, if
ever. Revolutionary speeches as from
the Canadian members notably Charlie
O'Brien or ex-lil. P. P. MclnneB, are
perhaps never heard in the German
halls of legislature.
At the same time It Is well worth
while to take a leaf out of the book ot
our comrades there as regards their
untiring efforts to spread the propaganda; 125,000 leaflets have been passed around In Milwaukee the day before
the civic election before 6 a. m. Literature is distributed weekly in German
cities. Work of this kind wlll be more
fruitbearlng than useless hairsplitting
in party headquarters or persistent attempts to criticize speakers in meetings held for propaganda purposes,
ceases. The Socialist movement In
Germany ,1s perhaps not. all what can
be desired, but, some lessons can be
drawn, and one Important one is that
the little pieces of paper perhaps represent more than our direct-action
friends Imagine. If not, please explain
why the ruling clas in Prussia do not
present the workers with the harmless
H. N. SATURJDAJr, APRIL. 23, lilO.,. ...	
BY  A.  P.  HAZELL \ '
mwmaietmwwfeftammmammmwW '<
With the abolition of social Inequality will also
come the abolition of those physical and intellectual differences which are so marked to-day.
As soon as society feeds, clothes, and carefully
educates its members, lt will at once tend to restore a physical and mental equilibrium between
Us members. The individuality of its members
will be maintained by the special cultivation of
a given number of their faculties in the following
of certain pursuits ln arts, science, or philosophy,
as the case may be. Thus we shall, comparatively
speaking, secure in the future a race of healthy
giants, whose individuality will consist in the
specialized culture of their intellect, whch, in its
turn, will form the basis of an Intellectual individualism upon which the future progress of society may securely rest.
In giving our concluding remarks, we cannot
Impress upon the reader too much that to understand Marx thoroughly, great attention must be
given to the price-form of value, for we believe
it was through his patient study of the money-
form of commodities that Marx conquered all the
difficulties attending his analysis of the capitalist
system. The conclusion forces itself upon one
Tthen reading his flrBt work, "Economique Critique."
His philosophical studies convinced him that an
exchange of two commodities implied an equation.
Exchange-value to Marx, like all other comparisons, resolved itself into a quantitative relation in
the terms of a given substance. These facts
were already apprehended, though imperfectly,
by the classical economists. Experience forced
them to consider labor as the substance of value;
but to exalt labor was to depreciate capital, and
condemn profit, so they fell back on the shibboleths of "supply and demand," "economic rent,"
"the reward of abstinence," "rent of ability," etc.,
to justify the exploitation of labor.
Marx, of course, had still to explain how one
commodity with many hours of labor came to exchange with a commodity containing less.
To Bay that labor, governed by time, Ib the substance of exchange-value, is to assert that one
hour's labor ls equal to that of any other, and
to affirm that the amount of labor in a shilling's
worth of ordinary matches is* the same as that
contained ln a shilling toy at a West End bazaar,
when it is patent to all that the matches represent at least ten times as much laboh as the other.
Furthermore, labor-power being a commodity,
that also should, approximately at least, attain to
an even price, whereas lt varies as 1 to 100.
These facts  seemed to destroy  the  basis of
Marx's labor equation, which implied a determination of equal quantities.
The price-form of value solved this difficulty for
Marx, for lt showed him that it turned all commodities into imaginary pieces of gold, and then
measured them by means of their weight. An
ounce of gold is, of course, equal to any other
ounce of gold, and it must necessarily follow that
on the average the amount of labor ln one ounce
of gold is equal to that contained In any other.
The price-form of commodities, notwithstanding
any variation in their cost of production measured
by labor, conforms to all the conditions laid down
by the lawB governing comparisons, and enabled
Marx to sustain his proposition that labor was
the substance of exchange-value.
The price-form of value solves many difficulties.
Marx, by studying the effect that the amount of
Interest, or, as he calls it, "the rate of profit,"
had upon the price of commodities, coupled with
the variations between "constant" and "variable"
capital in the development of an Industry, discovered the key to these seeming anomalies. Capitalists, says Marx, enter into production to get
profit or interest on money. It ls a matter of
indifference to them whether they spend their
money on machinery or on labor so long as they
get a return in the form of interest. To beat a
competitor they spend more money in machinery
and plant, and less in labor. They produce quicker, and with less labor, a given commodity. Its
price, however, may still remain for some time
approximately the same. However this may be,
there is set up a great difference between the
amount of labor In that as compared with other
commodities. Competition equates many of these
differences, and in the process of time these commodities become fixed in price, and maintain a
given proportion or disproportion of labor, as the
case may be. These disparities between the
labor-time contained in commodities are also reflected ln the price of labor-power, which is ex->
plained best by considering the origin of the
differences in the price of labor. To reduce the
differences of labor-time which lay hidden in the
price-form of commodities, we must go back to
the first form of exploitation—that of slavery—
before the price-form of value existed.
Slaves are equal producers with their masters
in the flrst instance. The only difference between
slave and owner Is that the slave has to be content with a portion of what he produces, the other
going to keep his master. In time, when slaves
become numerous enough, their surplus product
becomes divided between the family and individuals who assist in maintaining the slaves In subjection. The number of this exploiting class depends upon tbe number of slaves. The number
of Idlers who live upon slaves must necessarily be
small as compared with tbe producers. When
slaves become serfs, the same principle of exploitation continues. There grow up, of course,
ever so many more grades of workers and shirkers, whose powers over consumption express their
power to exploit their fellows.   When the condi
tions of production, exchange, and capitalism become supreme, those who have control over the
means of p-oduction pay their serfs Wages instead of allowing them to produce their own
subsistence nnd then work for their serf lords.
Those serfs who have been allowed as artisans,
retainers, and superintendents, to have a greater
share over consumption than wage-slaves, receive
as wages the equivalent bf what they had in the
past secured, and thus the social inequalities and
evils of exploitation, attached to slavery and serfdom are handed down to the present day. Convention sanctions the power of the sword, on
which slavery and serfdom are based. Men now
receive as wages not what they earn, but what
they can secure as remuneration, governed by
the social influence they have ln society. The
aristocracy control the land, the capitalists the
plant and machinery, and between the two are
divided all the political forces and also control
over the Army and Navy and Law. Thus the
price of labor is a reflex of the exploitation by
force which was carried on under* slavery. So
many men work so many hours, and produce a
given quantity of wealth. Society allows their
products to lie divided up by individuals or classes
of individuals, according as they claim it under
the form of rent, interest and profit, or cost of
subsistence. Because one man has a power over
consumption equal to £100, and another equal to
£10, it does not follow that the former produces
more or that the latter produces lesB than the
other; the question is not one of earning, but
social power over consumption. On an average
all produce the same. Any variation over command of wealth is due to forces which can only
be explained by studying history.
Marx is also celebrated for his adoption of what
is known as the "Materialist conception of history," by means of which he is said to reduce all
men's activities (including physical, mental and
moral) to the forms of production. Very few of
Marx's works are translated Into English, but
we know that Marx was a sociologist, who regarded economics as a branch of that science. He
saw that so long as the means of life were held
by a class then those dependent on them would,
within certain limits, be controlled by their economic environment. His book was written with
the hope and purpose of freeing society from
capitalist domination, and giving it democratic
control over its economic forms of production.
This view appeals to us as a reasonable and right
one, and does not land us in the coils of an absolute economic determinism or economic fatalism, which are only forms resurrected from the
study of the absolute.
The above will be published in
pamphlet form. Price 5 cents. $1.00
per 100 to subscribers to the publishing fund.
Saul, the son of Klsh, went out in
search ot the strayed asses of his father. He came back with the crown
ot Israel.
The Socialists of Prussia have for
several years past been waging a most
res olute campaign for universal,
equal, direct suffrage to the Prussian
Diet. Prussia is the most powerful,
most influential, and most reactionary
state in the German empire.- The King
of Prussia ls tbe Emperor of Germany.
To shatter the political power of the
great capitalists and landlords of Prussia, to transform the parliament ot
Prussia from a family gathering of the
plutocracy Into an assembly representative of the people, would .be a democratic achievement of the flrst rank. It
would mean the collapse of plutocratic
rule in Prussia, for the masses of the
working people of Prussia, unlike
those of our own country, do know how
to employ their ballots to their own advantage and advancement, instead of
for the advantage and advancement of
corrupt capitalistic interests. It would
mean the entrance of a new spirit into
the public life of the whole of Germany, the freeing of the more advanced German west from the oppressive hold of the Prussian east. The
difficult and protracted campaign for a
democratic suffrage waged by the Socialists of Prussia was, therefore, recognised by the Socialists of Germany
as a national and not a local fight.
Furthermore, considering the weight
and influence of Qermany In European
politics, a great Social Democratic victory in Germany ls bound to have a
profound effect upon the Internal and
external politics of every European
state, and particularly upon that rock
of European reaction, the Russian empire. The Prussian fight Ib, therefore,
of European and International significance.
In the last few months the Socialist
campaign in Prussia has reached
unusual intensity. Immense popular
demonstrations have become the order
of the day in every Important city of
the kingdom. These demonstrations
are being held to protest against the
sham suffrage "reform" proposed by
the government and approved by the
Lower House of the Diet. Now, Prussia Is a bureaucratic-military state.
Everybody and everything are supposed to act and to be in conformity with
the police regulations. The police did
not permit the vast popular demonstrations in the cities. Therefore, the
police concluded, the demonstrations
should not have happened.
But the demonstrations did happen.
The firm resolve of the working people
to overthrow plutocratic rule was not
to be overcome by police regulations.
The police interfered. There were
pitched battles ln the streets of many
cities. There were wounded and dying. The protest against police
tyranny became all but universal. In
Berlin the magniflclent Socialist organization outwitted and outmaneuvered
the police. There were demonstrations even In front of the royal palace.
The police came to recognize their
helplessness. They acknowledged
themseleves beaten by the superior
force ot the popular will, enlightened
by Socialism and solidified Into a
matchless organisation.    The police
yielded. And last Sunday the working
people of Berlin, over 120,000 in number, were in undisputed and undisturbed possession of the streets.
Universal suffrage to the Prussian
Diet has not yet been wrested from
the iron grip of the plutocracy. But its
conquest is now only a question of
time. (The writing on the wall is unmistakable. The conquest of the
streets ls only a forerunner of the conquest of universal suffrage, and of
still greater conquests to come.
Thus have the united and determined workers of Prussia, In fighting
for universal suffrage, won an almost
equally valuable possession—the possession of the streets for the free and
untrammeled expression of the popular will. Thus does a fighting proletariat gain ever new rights by fixing
its eyes upon difficult tasks and great
achievements. Thus does a policy of
revolutionary realism—a policy that
utilizes the existing social tendencies
and forces for the advancement of the
working class—justify Itself by its
May the Btubborn fight of the Socialists of Germany prove a guide and
inspiration to the Socialists of America—The Call.
It ls utterly impossible for the people to rule so long as the capitalist
system of society remains. An economic tyranny cannot be turned into
a free state by homoepathtc doses of
political and social reforms. In order to obtain freedom a fundamental
change Is needed, (or the power of
non-elected capitalists and Boards of
Directors Ib a greater menace to the
prosperity and liberty of the people
than the political privileges of the
The capitalist system is based upon
the private control by a part of the
people of the things which the rest
of the people must use in order to obtain food, clothing, houses and all the
other necessaries and luxuries ot lite
by their labor. So long as this continues the few will rule the many.
The land, which was created by no
set of men, which was the gift of God
or Nature to all men, which therefore
should have been the common heritage
of all the people, is held as private
property by men who do not work on
it. Owning the natural oportunltieB
of production, without access to which
labour is unable to produce, the land
monopolists are enabled to exact a toll
from the unpaid labor of the workers,
are enabled to rule the lives and destines of the useful section of the community.
Further, In these days of complicated
and Interdependent processes of industry—in these days of collective industry—even could they freely obtain
access to the land, the workers would
nevertheless be more helpless and dependent than naked savages in a
primeval forest—unless they could alBo
obtain access to the factories and railways, with their marvelous machinery;
and these things are owned as private
property by a cIbbs who do none of the
work of running them. Owning the
social opportunities of production—the
means of production which the collective labor of the workers has created,
which the collective labor of the
wealth-producers operates, repairs and
reproduces and which are necesary to
the very existence of civilized society
the machinery-monopolists, the capital
lsts, are enabled to exort unearned
wealth from the unpaid labor of the
wage-workers and to rule the lives of
tbe rest of the people.
Who shall rule? Until the transformation of society, the social revolution, shall have placed the workers
in control of the workshops in which
they work, the class which owns these
things wlll exercise power over the
rest of tbe people, will rule. Industry under capitalism is controlled, not
according to the people's need for the
products of labor, but solely by the
capitalist's desire to get the largest
surplus they can out of the workers'
labor. With the collective ownership
of industry the workers will come into
their own, they will control their own
Industries, produce for use and not for
profit, and will be entirely freed from
class rule. Then all will share ln
useful work with their fellows, work
will partake more of the nature of
recreation and exercise, rather than
of drudgery and pain, and the only
thing tbat will be "ruled" will be natural powers and machinery which will
give plenty to all. In place of the political government ot to-day, whose
main function ls the protection ot
property, we shall have an administration of Industry which will be concerned with utilizing the natural resources and tbe labor of the people
to the best advantage, so that all shall
be assured ot security of existence
and a sufficiency of the good things of
life.—New World.
Collier's Weekly, In commenting on
the Philadelphia strike, had the following editorial:
"Two strong and clever men were
revealed by the Philadelphia strike.
One was George H. Earle, city director on the Rapid Transit Company,
and the other was C. O. Pratt, leader
ot the striking carmen. Each Is a
fighter, with a rapid-fire brain, a liking for rhetorical prophetic utterances,
and an unfailing personal magnetism.
Each wishes a knock-down fight to a
finish, and they will continue to meet
at future Phillppis, in the next few
years. That which is helping to end
the strike Is the fact that the street
car company ls a corporation with a
past. It is dropsical with watered
stock, indebtedness, and the other results of the daring plunges made in
former years by the Elkins-Widener-
Wbitney coterie. So the company is
always close to a receivership. The
losses of the last month have brought
It almost to the brink of the cut-off.
What is at issue in the strike is untouched by surface adjustments. Union-
Ism Is attempting to gain "footing"
nnd "standing" in Philadelphia—a city
notably weak In organized labor. The
dispute varying from a state-wide
strike to temporary quietus, will probably continue to recur annually, or
semi-annually, till the unions win recognition, and it is settled just what
recognition' means."
The above shows that even a publication that Is backed- by millions can
discern that men are leaping from the
loins of the. labor movement who will
yet be able to match their intellectual
power aaalnst the strongest mentally
equipped upholders of capitalism. The
conditions that are being created by
the awful brutality of the present
industrial system are causing men in
the labor movement to think deeply
and probe for the solution of the greatest problem of the age—the labor problem. In every strike and lock-out, lessons are learned and every battle be-
teween master and slave makes more
clear the vision of men who are consecrating their best efforts to win industrial liberty for the working class.
Collier's Weekly failed to mention
the fact that C. O. Pratt, and the
leader of the striking car men, and
George H. Earle, city director on the
Rapid Transit Company were engaged
in a contest where all the functions of
government were arrayed against the
official who represented labor. Collier's Weekly should have mentioned
the tact that tne wnoie armed power
of the "City of Brotherly Love ' backed
and supported by tne Pennsylvania
Cossacks, were behind George H. Kane
in his fight to crush the organization
of the strikers.
But regardless of the fact that Pratt
was confronted by the armed allies
which a despotic Transit Company
summoned to engage in the conflict,
yet a publication of such national repute as Collier's is forced to recognize
the ability ot tbe man who commanded
the labor forces ln Philadelphia. Some
day the labor forces of this country
will reach the conclusion that lt ia
about time that the armed forces of
cities, states and nation became the
allies of the working class, and when
tbat day dawns, labor will wrest from
capitalism the forces tbat have maintained the supremacy of our brutalized
system of profit.—Miners' Magazine.
At the time and quite apart from
the general servitude Involved ln the
wages system, the working class ought
not to exaggerate to themselves the
ultimate working ot these everyday
struggles. They ought not to forget
that they are fighting with effects, but
not with the causes of those effects;
that they are retarding the downward
movement, but not changing its direction; that they are applying paliatlves,
not curing the malady. They ought,
therefore, not to be exclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerrilla fights
incessantly springing up from the ever-
Increasing encroachments of capital or
changes of the market. They ought to
understand that, with all the miseries
it imposes on them, the present system
simultaneously engenders the material
conditions and social forms necessary
for an economic reconstruction of society. Instead of the conservative motto, "A fair day's Wages for a fair day's
work!" they ought to inscribe on their
banner the revolutionary watchword,
"Abolition of the wage system."—Karl
Marx in 1866.
60c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 26e.
>, •*-*»-
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, aad to the producers It should belong. Ths present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, conseeueatly all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist elass. The oapltaliat ls thevsfors
■aster; the worker a slave.
80 leag as the capitalist class remains la pessesssoa    of    the
reins of government all the powers of the State wlll be nsed to
protect and defend their property rights la ths mesas of wealth
preduetlea and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of prolts, and to the worker aa ever Increasing measure
of misery and degradation.-
The interest of ths working class lies In ths direction of setting
Itself frss from capitalist exploitation by the abolition ot the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working-class
at the point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the
transformation of capitalist property ln the to—on of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist
and the worker ls rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession
of the power of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure It by political action. This ls the clan struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working claas, as- follows:
1. The transformation, aa rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property In the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into the collective property of the
working class.
t. The democratic organisation and management of industry
by the workers.
S.   The establishment, as speedily as posslbls, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
Tho Socialist Party, whets in office, shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to
thla question Its guiding nils of conduct: Will this lsglslattoa advance the iBteresta of the working class aad aid the workers II
their elass struggle against capltallsmT If It will the Socialist
Party Is for lt; If It will not, the Socialist Party • Is absolutely
lie It.
Ia accordance with this principle tho Socialist Party pledges
Itself to conduct all the puhllo affairs placed la Ito heads la rack
a maaaer as to promote the Interests of tho working class alone.
Big lots, 99 by 124, just at the end of Hastings Street East carllne
only fifteen minutes from tram office and four chains from car terminus, fronting on Boundary Road (132 feet wide).
Or equal to $333 for 33 feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12 lg
and 24 months. This is the third subdivision I have put on in the
East End, and the others have increased in value, some as much as
100 per cent, in less than one year. As some of our customers well
know, lots In block 84, Hastings townslte were sold from $300 up,
one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I will pay $600 for any
lot ln that block. Our other subdivision put on later, has Increased
proportionately, and I feel sure that this wlll do the same, as It has
advantages that the others had not, being close to carllne and having
sidewalk from carllne to and through the property on Barnard and
Venables streets to the eastern boundary. Branch office on the ground
and men ln charge.
41 Hasting St. E.     Phone 3391,     Vancouver, B.C.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
ir you bavb    <
neighbors,  send for « bundle ef
"Robtftcfay, Natod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 eco'i a year
135 Stephen St.       Vfa-nlpt**, Maa.,
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stands for m *Liwin-j]*W**.**(•
Vancouver Local 357. 556
qii you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to oar office and we will send a man
to mtssare your premises snd give you an estimate of coat of
installing the gar. pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company,


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