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Western Clarion Jul 31, 1909

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Array noatann OOO,
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, July 31, 1909.
subscription price   en I flit
p» vi»«      «bl.UU
In Criticising the Socialist Attitude Toward Militarism, Capitalist Editors Reinforce Socialist Arguments.
A resolution was passed by Brantford Local condemning any movement
having for its object the strengthening of the British army or navy.
Copies of the resolution were sent to
the local capitalist press.
Now the editor of the Brantford
Expositor was good enough to insert
the resolution without offering any
comment, and not having the ability to
criticise it himself, he waited until
he could read what the Hamilton Herald had to say regarding the same.
Then he plucked up enough courage to
quote the same in his own daily
newspaper, adding a few unnecessary
words himself. This is what the Herald had to say after quoting the resolution ln full:
"There is no doubt about the quality of this sample. How tawdry and
puny the conventional Canadian anti-
militarism looks beside it. These Socialists are intolerant of war and
preparation for national or imperial
defence because they are class conscious. Patriotism, either of the national or imperial sort, is to them a
sentiment to be despised. The only
loyalty they know is loyalty to the
material interests of their own class—
which mean, oi^course, their own material interests. Without a pang they
would see their country conquered,
overrun and made subject to the yoke
of a foreign foe, so long as their own
precious lives were not imperiled or
their material interests injured. They
would leave their country unprotected
against the growing might of Asiatic
nations on the other side of the Pacific—nations which, as they realize
their power, are likely to develop ambitious and aggressive plans. These
'class conscious' folks would take to
the cellar or hike for the Algoma
wilds if an Asiatic horde were to Invade this land, and would leave the
capitalist class to strike for freedom,
home and country."
We will now proceed to give the few
words of the Expositor artist. He
"This criticism is probably harsh,
hut Insofar as it concerns the principle at stake it is justifiable. The
maintenance of armies and navies Is
a necessity, both In time of peace and
war under conditions such as exist at
the present time. Authorities are
pretty well agreed that until all the
nations unite for peace the best means
of preventing war is to be prepared
for conflict." ,
Now, I take it that they, having
criticised the resolution, there will be
no objection to a Socialist criticising
their comments. I know from past
experience that they will refuse to be
brought Into a discussion of this kind,
through their own papers, the reason
being the fear they have of their readers learning the truth. So that makes
it necessary for me to take advantage
of the class conscious folks' press.
The Herald in Its comments says
the Socialists are class conscious. I
would like to ask the editor of that
same rag, whether he thinks a Socialist could be otherwise than class con-
soious. He must be fully aware that
the capitalist class and its upholders
are class conscious, the very fact that
this same class is the class that forces
all wars makes them class conscious;
they know that to perpetuate this rotten system wars are absolutely
necessary for the simple reason that
where commodities are produced to
that extent where there is overproduction, there must necessarily be
some great waste, or new markets
found, and no new markets being
available, compels the ruling class to
work up an agitation, and, under the
guise of patriotism, force the working class of different countries to fight
each other, so that the capitalists of
the vi orlous country can control a
much larger market and appropriate
the r ' >eeds coming from same.
The next accusation deals with materia'   in crests,    He says that Social
ists are loyal only to their own material interests. All Socialists will
have to admit this, Mr. Editor. They
possess the knowledge that, as creators of values, they receive a very
small percentage back in the form of
wages, the surplus values being used
to keep up a flock of parasites. Socialists are out to put an end to all
this, by demanding the full products of
their labor, and the writer fails to
see how they can get this by looking
after anybody's material interests, except their own. You will have to admit that they will not get their full
products by looking after your material interest.
This accusation seems all the more
absurd when It is known that everybody is actuated in some way by their
own material interests. I would like
to ask the editor of the Expositor
whose interests is he looking after
when he represents the present political power and upholds them in all
their actions whether good or bad?
Whose interests is he looking after
when he takes government printing
contracts? Whose Interests is he conserving by taking trips to Atlantic
city In the summer and Hot Springs,
Va., In the winter?
The Herald then goes on to say that
if an Asiatic horde were to invade
this land the Socialists would all hike
to the Algoma wilds or find shelter in
the cellar. I can assure you, Mr.
Editor, there would be no question
whose cellar we would take to, It is
most likely to be in one of the capitalist class cellars, where we would
be sure of something to eat and drink
while we were beseiged. The editors
in question must be trembling in their
shoes in expectation of this foreign
invasion. I do not see any of the
workers getting scared. Maybe it ls
because they are not gifted with such
great intelligence as these pressmen.
Now, you two enemies of progress,
try and forget about this foreign invasion and tell the workers where
their real enemy is: tell them it is
right here in their midst; namely, the
capitalist parties (Tory or Grit), they
long as they vote for either of the
capitalis parties (Tory or Grit), they
will just get one-fifth of what they
produce, or less.
It is very necessary for every Socialist to know just why he is one,
for he needs knowledge to protect
himself from unprincipled wind-bags
and orators of the Wm. Jennings
Bryan or the W. E. Gladstone type,
who, while thinking about something
else, declaim, "You shall not press
down upon the brow of labor this,
crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."
• • •
A little thought as to which class
these gentlemen belong to will bring
out the fact that they are firm adherents of that holy institution, "Unpaid Labor," so that while their stream
of oratory gives a nice pleasurable
feeling, it can only be classed among
"the sweet nothings."
• •   •
A working plug is no Socialist until
he has learned to estimate such guff
at its real value, for any shyster coming along can ring the changes in the
same way and easily sweep a sentimentalist off his feet and play him
once again for a sucker.
• . *   »
When a speaker blurts out, "You
shall not cast aside an Injured worker
to perish like spoilt pork; you shall
not buy and sell the laboring capacl
ties of men, women and children upon the open market like skunk-skins
or spittoons," why then there is something worthy of a poor plug's thoughtful attention.
• •   •
It appears the next red herring to
be used by the ruling class of British
Columbia to tickle the sensitive nostrils of the great majority in society—
the working class—is to be Local Option.
* • •
It is backed up by slick politicians,
though initiated by well-meaning but
practically illiterate people from
moral motives.
•   •   •
Morals; that is, ideas of right and
wrong being merely a reflex of economic conditions, or our mode of obtaining our living in producing and
exchanging things.
• • •
'Now, a moral foundation is pretty
much like quick-sands for building an
edifice upon, being an ever-shifting
,i<lea— shifting in accordance with different modes of production and exchange during different historical periods, and also shaped to a large extent
by the material Interests of the class
happening just then to be ruling.
So the efforts of the temperance
bunch amount tq. this: Their fearful
anxiety about the intemperance
among the working class (they confine their efforts to that class) tallies
exactly with the bosses' interests to
have all hands promtply to work every
hour their physique will stand. Hence,
there is no hardening of the heart
when the employer is "touched" to
lend financial support to so "good a
As long as there is a great gang of
wealthy idlers living off the labor of
over-worked, under-fed, badly sheltered working people who are denied
everything that would tend to elevate
them, then these same workers will
seek a spurious pleasure and temporary forgetfulness by guzzling some
chemical solution called beer or
• •   •
Free them from the bondage and
servitude of wage labor, let them retain the results ot their labor for
themselves, and they will find there
is no necessity to work 8, 10, 12, 14,
16 and 18 hours a day for a living!!!
• »   •
Give us this chance, and you smug
hypocriteB who shelter yourselves behind the name of Jesus Christ, the
man who was true to our class to the
death, and the improvement in our
condition will make you hang your
heads for shame, and your time will
be fully taken up with trying to
straighten out your own character.
• •   *    /
Moralists become in a very short
time totally forgetful of the hypocrisy
they fall into!
• *   «
For a broad generalization, the only
straightforward thing is to admit that
in the last analysis a man's material
self-interest rules, and then we are
upon bedrock.
Hard Raps for Moral Reformers Who Seek to Regenerate
the Workers in the Interests of Their Masters.
Just now the matter of immediate
demands is agitating some members
of our Party, and many socalled Socialists outside. Certain of our membership in conjunction with these little "s" Socialists, wish to pack our
platform with reforms and switch our
clear-cut revolutionary party Into the
bog of reform.   They wish us to chase
The Herald then further says, that will   'o  the  wisps  in  the  shape   of
the Socialists would leave the capitalist class to fight for home, freedom
and country. Well, seeing that they
have got all the finest homes, Ib it not
logical they should fight for them?
And seeing that they have all the freedom is it not logical that they should
fight to hold It. And again, seeing
that they own all the country, is it not
logical for them to protect lt themselves."
But what a great historical fact it
would make for the next generation to
read, if it was quoted in history,
where the capitalist class fought one
of its own battles. We are certain it
will not be done by them, as long as
they can get their hirelings to fight.
The working class have done all the
fighting so far, for the benefit of the
ruling clasB, with one brilliant exception, ln 1871, when the workers of
Paris awoke to the realization of better things, and started a revolt which
culminated in their capturing and holding the city of Paris for a certain period, but which was fustrated afterwards by the combined force of the
French and German armies.
I would also like to call the editors'
attention to the fact that a short time
back the Brantford Socialists opposed
a grant to a local military organization, and advised that the money be
spent ln arms and amunition, the Socialists agreeing, to take their share of
the weapons. That desputes the editors' theory of the Socialists hiking to
Algoma wilds. But while we are talking, Mr. Editor, don't be under any delusion as to whose material interests
we would fight for.
8-hour day, minimum wage, prohibition, reforms, etc. etc. The more we
chase them the better they will do the
work of the master and the worse off
we shall be.
A comrade of mine, while on his
vacation, wrote me that he had met
an Immediate demander who put up
some good arguments in favor of reforms. I want to say right here that
I am an Immediate demander. I immediately demand that the means of
wealth production, now the collective
property of the capitalist class shall
be transformed into the collective
property of the working class. I believe that since private property in the
means of wealth production is practically out of existence, that such
transformation will be in the interest
of the whole of society and especially
To sum up, the Expositor says the
criticism from the Herald is harsh. I
would like to know to whom is it
harsh. It can't be harsh to any Socialist for the reason that it is exactly what they are contending, and although there are one or two sentences
that could be modified to suit the Socialist idea more correctly, the general trend of it appears to be as good
a boost for Socialism ns has ever
come from the capitalist press.
Make me aware, you two pressmen,
when you are ready to wive us another
boost, and I will forward you the platform of the Party, so that you can
pick it to pieces at your leisure, and
misrepresent through your capitalist
press.   The pleasure ls all mine.
of the working class, to which class
the most of us belong. Believing that
to be right I immediately demand it, I
demand it from Monday morning till
Saturday night, and all day Sunday.
I am always demanding it, and doing
my best to get others to demand it.
What demand can we put In our platform that we need sooner than that?
And the way to get it Is to get up and
howl for It, and not try to get It by
howling for something else.
Somewhere I read "I asked for
bread and ye gave me a stone." Our
reformer friends say, "Ask for a stone
if you want bread." Probably you will
get it (the stone) thrown at you.
The majority of the reforms found
in the labor party planks are ln force
ln some part of the world, yet conditions are not a great deal better than
where they are not In force. It does,
not lessen the load by shifting lt from
one shoulder lo anothr, dump It off,
get rid of it. The load the working
class is carrying to-day Is the capitalist class. There Is the root of the
trouble, and patching up the skin of
capitalism will not eradicate its
filth from the society as a whole.
Reform? Humbug; what matters it
to you, fellow slaves, if you are skinned of four-fifihs of your product slowly In ten hours, or quickly in eight
hours per day? You get it just In tho
same place. Supposing you do spend
your one-fifth in cheap booze, putting
booze out of existence won't bring the
four-fifths back.
All reforms show the same old
story, lock the door after the horse
is gone. You are robbed Hunt whore
you work, and nowhere else. You and
your one-fifth can Juggle till tho crack
o' doom and you won' be ahead any.
Get out after the four-fifths, it's yours
by right, and you must Hike It by your
might, and quit playln? soldieivi with
reforms for a battleground. Gat busv.
Yours in revolt,
That poverty is the cause of drink
and not drink the cause of poverty
was the view expressed by J. H. Hawthornthwaite, M. L. A., at the city
hall last night in the course of his
address on the attitude of Socialism
towards local option or prohibition.
The fact that he has been a total
abstainer for the last five years lent
additional interest to his words. A
large audience, who were almost
without exception ln entire accord
with the speaker of the evening, listened attentively as Mr. Hawthornthwaite made his charges against local option.
In his opening remarks the Socialist member from Nanalmo said that
the local option question would undoubtedly be made an issue ln the
next provincial election, but it was
simply a red herring drawn by the
master class across the trail.
"These people want to have the
right to tell you that you must not
drink good Scotch and to force you to
use Peruna," said the island representative.
There was no question as to the importance of this questlon-of the regulation of the liquor traffic, he went on,
and he would be the last person to underrate the importance of this problem.    It must be dealt with, and it is,
only a question of time before It would Went  on   the  speaker,   "that  nearly
be dealt with. [400 years they have gone about this
"It is, however," said Mr. Haw- work in the wrong way for in spite
thornthwaite, "not the only problem of all their efforts the drink problem
with which society is cursed. There
is the problem of preventable diseases
government is supposed to be good to
the slave.
Wipe Out All Government.
"In the old days the slave's master
stood around with a club to drive
him to greater efforts. In these days
the policeman's club and the militia
bayonets are used for the same pur.,
pose and the Socialist party will never-
quit until the last form of government is wiped off the earth.
"I do not attack religion," proceeded Mr. Hawthornthwaite, "for
no man has a greater respect than I
have for the Carpenter of Nazareth
who was crulcifled by the master class
of that day. It seems to me to be an
extraordinary thing that men calling
themselves Christians should approach
the question ot local option in the
manner they do, for they are not following the precepts of Christ. Christ
attacked evil but I have never read in
the Bible that He asked the master
class to give him the aid of soldiers)
or policemen in order to make people
more sober or more religious. These
people want local option and prohibl-.
tion and tbey say to the government,.
'We want more jails, more policemen
and more clubs to compel our fellowmen to think and act as we think
Let me tell my temperance friends,"
such as tuberculosis, and there are
the problems of unemployment and
other curses which have, under the
present system of producing wealth,
grown with startling rapidity.
"Most people think that some remedy can be found for the drink traffic, but the majority of those who attempt to deal with 'it get off wrong,
for they try to cure the symptoms and
not the disease."
Believes  Opponents   Sincere.
"I will give local optlonists and prohibitionists credit for being absolutely
and entirely sincere," said the speaker. "In fact some of them have become fanatics on this' question. They
say that drink is the cause of unemployment, that drink is the cause of
human misery and that drink Is the
cause of poverty. That view Is the
view of either a 'prevaricator or an
Ignoramus , because the evils to which
I refer lie a good deal deeper, and before they have been abolished from
human society you will find a great
number of other steps will have to be
"I am aware that the local option
movement Is spreading rapidly all
over the world, but the great crisis
which will have to be dealt with is
the question of unemployment. The
good people, the Christian people, tell
us that it is our lack of Christianity
and our sins which cause these conditions. Now, I will frankly admit that
local option has gained ground, but it
is because it appeals to the people
from the standpoint of democracy ami
that is an argument which is more
or less irresistible. The working people have had so little say In matters
of government that they jump at this
chance to lie heard for iince. Now, I
want to say distinctly that I am not In
favor of democratic government, or
aristocratic, plutocratic or even Socialist government. I have no use for
government In any shape or form.
Government has existed 4,000 years,
although some people claim man has
existed on this earth only five or six
thousand years, which is a song and
dance. It has, I say, existed ever
since the first human being was made
a slave and continued right down to
the present time. You will find many
wage-earners who are slaves say they
are  in   favor  of  democratic  govern-
to-day is greater than ever."
"Below the Bread-line."
Brandon, (ment, but it is because this form of
Mr. Hathornthwaite then got down
to statistics and quoting from the
pamphlets of temperance organza-
tions and government returns said
that in the United States over 30,-
000,000 people were living under local
option or prohibition, yet last year the
drink bill of the United States Increased from $970,000,000 to over one
billion dollars.
"Drink is not the cause of unemployment, of poverty, of human want,
suffering or degradation," he commented. "In Great Britain they have gone
Into this question very largely and
Sir George White, a capitalist reformer, states that the laboring class spent
$250,000,000 on drink. He says that if
this had been saved it would have
given employment for 2,000,000 men.
Now, two great temperance workers
In the United Kingdom, Mr. Rountr.ee
and Mr. Booth, have analyzed the
drink question and the poverty question and find that about 30 per cent,
of Ihe people of Great Britain are living 'below the breadline.' It takes
Home $5 a week to keep a family In
absolute necessities of life and that
means that 30 per cent of the entire
population, or about 14,700,000 people
are not receiving sufficient money to
enable them to obtain proper food.
Now, if that money had been saved it
would not have given those men employment at even $"> a week, but works
out at $2.50, which is evidently what
Reformer White considers a good
wage. The abolition of drink would
not affect the question of employment,
for we find that although the drink bill
in Great Britain has decreased the
number of unemployed has increased.
"We take the stand that wages obtained by the working class are simply another name for the price of its
labor power. No other clans has tho
power of settling or determining this
quest ion. The value of labor power
is determined by the amount of necessary social labor that has been consumed ln Its production. That means
that the wage you get would only
cover the cost of your pro<ltictloii, and
sn long as the wage-earners arc forced
to sell their labor power day by day to
some master, human society will be
Inflicted by drunkenness, misery, poverty and other evils.   Until you have
(Continued on page two.) tiwo
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MsMtallst Party of Canada, at tha Offlce
«• die western Clarion, Flack Blook
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SATURDAY, JULY  31ST,  1909.
It is that fictitious ownership of the
land which keeps the proletarian farmer chained to his job, slaving, sweating and freezing winter and summer,
scraping and paring and fretting lest
he be turned adrift among the wage-
slaves. He always hopes that luck or
a railroad will come his way some day
and bring him a better market for his
products. Vain hope. Railroad or no
railroad, his products must be surrendered into the hands of capitalist
property whose slave he is.
He is only a part producer, anyhow.
Between him and the consumer lie
many processes of production through
which farm products must pass before
their value is realized. Slave after
slave must add thereto his item of
value. And the finished product belongs always to the owners of the
means of production. To the slaves,
farmers, millers, freight-handlers, railroadmen, etc., is due but a living, the
price of their labor-power. Nothing
Co-operatively, land-slave and wage-
slave together produce the world's
wealth. Co-operatively, together they
must own all the means of production,
if they would have the products of
their toil; if they would have anything
but a slave's portion, a bare and bitter
fity no inconsiderable element in the
!§s*lalist movement generally, in dem-
ttpestj-ating to diverse persons that So-
Vialrsm will do them no harm, a great
■Qwa) of energy is absolutely wasted
H*aich might bring results if It were
Vfcusumed In showing the workers
*Ui»t  Capitalism is    doing    them    no
'39ius our expert vote-trappers, skill-
W in bait and gin and dead-fall, have
<4ifcrilayed no little ingenuity in de-
Vfclag a sign to the effect that "this
*WiSl is not dangerous to farmers."
SImi farmers being considered a very
♦Soard folk that shy off at the first
i*e«nt of a Socialist.
"Whe farmer, when approached on
tjttff subject of Socialism, is supposed
^tt go up in the air. He has labored
^Ctr^ to secure an independence and
b&f. improved his farm in the sweat
*& fain face. He will not tolerate even
*io» idea of Its confiscation. Not he.
'**4»e ivily Socialist hastens to reassure
•Mam. Says he in effect: "My worthy
Agricola, not for worlds would we
ttewam of confiscating your lands.
<Mkn It is the bold bad trust we are
>*?!.»r, and the railroads and elevators
iMt»6 the other monopolies that sweat
}uqu ns a producer and rob you again
Ut* :a consumer. Under Socialism you
Stluall be allowed to retain your farm,
-3*l»3 plow and sow and reap and mow
*Ja jvonr heart's content, while we will
w$i»-i> you the equivalent in labor time
VtirSrcks for the full product of your
tat*1, and will sell you farm Implements,
^•ims. at a great sacrifice. We won't
ViSiallscate a thing around your ranch
*»xeept the mortgage."
This is supposed to be most effective
tfct- "bringing the farmer Into our
teumJts," where we can subsequently
^tewak it to him gently. But it doesn't
!**>m to work, for, when it comes to
Igwddling1 taffy that will stick, the old-
4tlv& politician still has us skinned a
-Jxtile or two.
Our propagandist might do more
>r*Te he to be less wily and a little
'zmcmi honest, and address his victim
•Actswise: "Confiscate your farm. Oh,
'SMriJ! You make me laugh. Why, you
OMirtton-head, can't you see the capi-
'JaiBst has already confiscated every-
*ttwkig around your old spud-patch ex-
^*!pt the hard work, and I'll bet you
'haii to put that In your wife's
•♦»«kk!? you unrepentant old sln-
■*»*>:. trying to run a bluff on us
**lvtnfL your property. Why, you
^Jaficcn't got a stick or u stone or a
*>tarie of grass around I lie place that
ijm't mortgaged to a loan-shark, an
5*njilement company'or a groceryman.
*t Sou're so blasted independent, why
'^jbv fclazes don't you take a trip to
vtt*rjir/ Carlo along with Massey &
JSkwvls, or Lord Strathcona?" Nine
^SJkk-s out of ten he would laud on the
Vtewier right where his skull was thin-
QNr&t nnd would jar him into reconsider-
»*»sr. the Independence of his position.
"Ttte fact of the matter is we don't
%b«.b- Tiow the farms will be run under
•SShviualism, and we don't care a con-
tStowntal. It will probably be up to the
tenners then to figure that out. It
^re/taJnly isn't up to us now. Any-
•kwat, any farmer that Is a capitalist
■'-ta»i wants to slay a capitalist bad bet-
fXF get in and fight I ho Socialist
^Wrement right away quick. Not that
'i&Ai will do him any good, but it may
imiu-re his feelings. The capitalist
%MHnBf is going to lose his capital
Writer Socialism, for, When he can no
OfajBi uae bis capital lo exploit labor,
i|B DO longer has any capital. When
?5<»i free the slave you confiscate the
Itre vast majority of farmers, how-
•JNWt, lire anything but capitalists.
".VW tetters are on their limbs. That
'ftw-j are neatly engraved with the
i\« .-u-nr's name is no reason for re-
ijpuiling them as elegant jewelry, own-
*al 'oy said wearer. When a farmer
■ica^s 'my farm," it is exactly the same
•-M. i.l a Saxon serf had said "my brass
'■■tMl*r,"    or    a    gaily-slave  "my leg-
Political Action and Parliamentarism, being as wide as the Poles asunder, are, in accordance with the prevalent loose methods of thought, often
identified with one another, both by
the oponents of political action and,
not infrequently, by its professed advocates; generally through Ignorance
but, not seldom, willfully through
lack of better arguments against lt.
Parliamentarism is an affair of compromises and concessions, of dickering and side-stepping, of the greatest
possible motion with the least possible movement. For the Parllamen-
tarist the pinnacle of success is
achieved when he has got into Par-
lament. Thenceforth his efforts are
concentrated on retaining that high
eminence. Consequently he must, guide
his feet with extreme circumspection;
he must strike, as near as he may, an
even balance between winning the
good will of the greatest number and
giving offence to the least. The same
tactics by which he won his success.
He must be all things to all men even
if that means being nothing to any.
That such a policy, or negation of
policy, should have anything to recommend it to the workers Is almost unbelievable. That It should have found
favor with them so frequently Is a
tribute to their faithful practice in
the gentle art of being gulled. For It
is evident that their self constituted
savior, If he knows anything, must
be advocating principles In which he
can have no belief, and must therefore be a rogue; or, if he knows no
better, must believe In principles In
which there is no virtue, and must
therefore be of an imbecile simplicity
equalled only by their own.
Political action, on the other hand,
does not even predicate the necessity
of a Parliament. It may be taken by
or against an autocrat, as ln some
countries was waged the political
struggle between bourgeois and monarch. Political action Is purely a matter of force, either actual or potential.
Parliament is merly Incidental. The
club's the thing; Parliament 'i now
tbe most efficient and up-to-date
method of wielding the club.
The ruling class to-day uses Parliament to keep the workers In subjection, but lt can only so use It because
behind it lies force, ever ready to
club into submission the unruly. A
potential force, but none the less real
because not always In evidence. Without that force, the most complete control of Parliament would be useless
to either class. The weapon Is no
greater than the arm that wields It.
The workers might elect to Parliament a majority of their own class,
but, unless they went Into those halls
of legislation armed wllh the mandate of their class, committed to a
course ln whicli their constituents
would back them, their victory would
be barren and their efforts vain.
Hence the vital necessity of making
clear as day to the workers their enslaved position ln society, nnd Ihe one
and only remedy. The propaganda
must come before everything. The
winning of an election is of less Importance Ihan the fighting of It. The
election of a representative is of value
for the results he can uclileve, nol In
the House, but In I lie field. The quality of the propaganda is of more Importance 'ban its quantity, its correct-
ness than it attractiveness. The solidarity of our Parly counts for more
Ihan Its size, Its uniformity than Ils
breadth, Its unanimity of purpose
than its freedom from restraint.
If we build not our foundations upon
the solid mck, what awaits us but
disaster? We may build quicker but
how soon may we have to rebuild?
Of ihe two (Classes) learnedly are
Like  foolish  Prophets  forth:   their
words to scorn
Are scattered and I heir mouths are
stopped  with  dust."
There has found its way to our
sanctum, a pamphlet entitled "Socialism and tne Class War", whose author
completely demolishes the doctrine of
class struggle. Of course that has
been done times without number, each
time evidently not quite to everyone's
satisfaction, for some one has always
seemed to find it necessary to do it
again. But this gentleman's method is
unique. Others have demonstrated,
more or less satisfactorily that "there
are no classes in America." He scorns
this beaten track and valorously hews
a trail for himself by maintaining
that there are not two but Innumerable
classes with interests so divergent
that it ls altogether Utopian to attempt
to line them up in two opposing armies.
For instance, a locomotive engineer Is
not in the same class as a section hand
as he gets big wages and Is therefore
not concerned about helping the sec
tion hand get anything. Furthermore
railway employees nave petitioned
against a reduction of freight rates
lest their wages should be lowered,
which shows that the identity of their
interest with their employers', and the
antagonism of their interests to those
of farmers and workers generally who
are supposed to benefit by reduced
freight rates. And so on he goes,
citing the variety of jangling interests
under capitalism. In fact, with his arguments, it could easily be shown that
one individual might belong to several
classes at once, From all which he argues there is no hope of unity along
any class lines.
After this gentle exercise our author
proceeds to dispose of the necessity of
a Socialist Party in a similar manner.
He points out that, while in Britain
the two old Parties are to be found
on opposite sides of the questions of
the day, this is not the case in America where the spoils are the only objective of either party, and that, on
questions at all popular, they both take
practically ■ the same stand so as to
catch the vote. Which is true enough.
He then insists that the right tack for
Socialists is to make their reforms
popular and thus force the party ln
power to enact them. This may or
may not be correct but we heartily recommend It to those who are interested in reforms; we might point out
however the sad case of those two
popular reforms Tariff Revision (downwards) and Asiatic Exclusion. We
can't quite see, however, how this line
of tactics is going to bring, us any
nearer a Social revolution.
The pamphlet in question is not
long, but the author succeeds in compressing into it a greater display of Ignorance than one could believe possible. Not only has he no idea what constitutes a class, but he does not even
know what a capitalist is. For instance
he accuses the inoffensive farmer of
being a capitalist. It ls surely adding
insult to injury, after compelling a
man to work himself and his family
sixteen hours a day, and to eat what
he can't sell or feed to the pigs, to
accuse him of being a capitalist.
We are yet of the opinion that the
doctrine that there are but two classes
in society, those who live by labor and
those who live from the proceeds of
the exploitation of labor, still calls
for further refutation from the pens
both of our enemies and of our alleged
friends. And, however much the petty
interests of various sections of each of
these two classes may clash, the fact
that it Is to the final Interest of the exploited that exploitation cease and of
the exploiters that exploitation continue, is reason sufficient to justify
the organization of a political party
for the one purpose of wresting the
powers of government from the hands
of the henchmen of the exploiters.
Dear Comrade,—
A meeting of the Calgary Local of
the 8. P, of 0, was held last night,
25th Instant, to consider the proposed
alteration of our Party Platform, and
after a very animated discussion the
following resolution was adopted,
•Thai we, the Calgary Local of the
S P, of C, do hereby oppose any lm-
mcillale change In the Party Platform, bul that the question be considered at the Dominion Convention,
which this Local favours being held
in  1910."    (Carried.)
An amendment was moved as follows :
"That we do not favour any alteration of the Platform at the present
time."    (Lost.)
Yours for Freedom,
.1. S. GIBBS, Secretary.
(Continued from page one)
Socialist Directory
gJkW Y.vzTv Local  of the  Socialist  Party of , LOCAL   poBT  MOODY,  B.   C„  NO.  41,
Canada   should   run  a  card  under  this  head
$1.00 tier month.      Secretaries please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday, D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 836, Vancouver,
B. C.
8. P. of c—Business meetings first
Sunday in each month. J. v. Hull
Secretary, Port Moody, B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets ever> alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box  836.  Vancouver,  B.  C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement ln the province.
A. J. Browning, Sec, Box  S(     Calgary, Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets first and third
Mondays of every month, Jubilee Hall,
corner of King and Alexander. The
Secretary will be pleased to furnish
any information and answer any,correspondence relative to the movement.
Secretary, II. w. James, 326 HargrKyc st
Winnipeg,  Man.
Our Cadi's most recent exploits
should do much towards re-establishing in the minds of the workers that
respect which is the undoubted and
well-merited due of the courts. First,
having been caught over-speeding his
.-ini<>. he solemnly fines himself $5.00
1 und costs, a fine which, In view of the
I fact lhat nobody's neck but his own
was Imperilled, seems absolutely extortionate. Then refreshed with this
K'cntle exercise, he sends an unforl tin-
ate wage-slnve down for sixty days
on 1 lie chain-gang for the unspeakable crime of not having more than
sixty-five cents to his name, though
be Insisted he had a promise of a job
for lhat very morning. As the victim will have no more than sixty-
thc cents when he comes out of jail
we wonder Will bo be liable lo rearrest ns an habitual offender.
"And all the Saints and Sages who
thi   i
111!.-   I
iclallst   Premier   for   France"  is
■care  lrBad  to  which  the  papers
print the facts have been treat-
is.   But there Is nothing new In
Clonienceau,    the    ex-pi-oniler
also a "Socialist" and Brlinnl, ihe
premier sat in Ills cabinet, nlong
Socialist Vlvlanl,    minister    of
and    Socialist   Mlllerantl.    I lie
utiile.  Tout va blen, "We arc all
ilsts now," or now nnd then.
the manhood to abolish this condition these curses will remain with you.
"We are organized to abolish human
slavery and we are to-day 50,000,000
strong. The strongest most powerful
and most successful temperance organization the world has ever seen ls
the Socialist Party for when our members have increased sufficiently to enable us to capture the reins of government for the purpose of abolishing
capitalist production, parsons and
preachers will no longer have to worry
themselves over the vices of the working class."
Arrests  and   Prohibition.
Mr. Hawthornthwaite went on to say
lhat prohibition had shown itself to
be an entire failure and instanced the
state of Maine where, under prohibition, the arrests for drunkenness
were 41 per thousand, while in the
United Kingdom, which was supposed
to be a heavy drinking country, the
arrests were only six per thousand.
In spite of the increase of local option municipalities Ihe drink bill of
Canada was steadily going up, he
"Drinking will steadily continue to
go on," he seaid, "in spite of all efforts of cranks. You drive it from the
saloon and directly encourage the hot
tie habit, but you do not reduce the
amount of liquor consumed and the
evil assumes a more pernicious form."
Mr. Hawthornthwaite reviewed the
:Gothenburg system and the work car
fried out In Denmark where the tern
perarice people went to the brewers
'and  distillers  and  enlisted  their aid.
"Drink is not the cause of poverty," he said In conclusion "but poverty is one of the causes of drink.
Abolish poverty and drinking must of
necessity follow ii. These agitators
say man is naturally bad, but we say
lhat if man ls bad he is bad from eco
nomic causes. 1 am absolutely satis
tied that neither local option nor prohibition, nor the Gothenburg system
is a remedy for the drink traffic. The
remedy lies in abolishing the present system of capitalist production
and the exploitation of the working
class. If you temperance people are
really sincere, Investigate these causes
and line up with the social workers of
the world and help us lo abolish this
and other evils with which the world
is inflicted to-day."
Dr. Spencer's View.
Advocates of local option were in
vited to ask questions or give views,
and a Mr. Hopgood took Hie platform
and said lhat Socialism was a secondhand Christianity. He said thai no re
101111 eouid be carried out in the direction the Socialists advocated until temperance was adopted, for the
brain had to be clear to grapple with
large problems like that.
Dr. Spencer, secretary of the Local
Option League of British Columbia,
said that self-government was the
principle of local option. They asked
that the people had the say. They
wanted a plebiscite so that the people
could say If they wanted this reform
or not.
Professor Odium was Invited to
speak, but suid he hoped to have the
opportunity of speaking furly on the
question  at an  early date.
Mr. Hawthornthwaite closed the
meeting with some more figures. In
11103, he said, 49.81 per cent, of the
working class were unemployed.
"Had drink anything to do with
II?" lie asked. "No, for we find lhat
out of thai number 56 per cent, were
Unemployed because of factories shutting down, 25 per cent, were unem
ployed through sickness, (', per cent
were unemployed because they were
taking holidays, and one-quarter of
one per cent, were unemployed
through  drink."—Vancouver Province.
Committee. Meets in Finnish Hall, 214
Adelaide St., Toronto, on 2nd and 4th
Wednesday. Organizer., \V. Gribble
134 Hogarth Ave.. Toronto;
P. C. Young, Secretary, ,uo Pape Ave.;
G. Colombo, Italian Org.. "4 Chestnut St.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Kdgett's store, 151 Hastings St. West.
F. Perry, Secretary. Box 836.
Large Photos of Local Vancouver's Picnic at 75c, from Headquarters. H. Norman, P.O. Box 836.
—Meets every second and fourth Thursday in
the mouth nt 151 Hastings St. W. Secretary,
Matt Manilla.
LOCAL 1'KINCK KUPKKT, B C -Meets every
Sunday at 8 p. m., on the street corners and
various halls. J B. Kiug, Sec.
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. in headquarters on First Ave
Parker, Williams, Sec, Ladystuith, 8  C '
meets every second and fourth Wedmsday
"e""'8.,f 8 p.m., 55 King St, east opposite
Market Hotel. H. Kfartin, Secy. 61 Weber St
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. Frank
Phllllpa. Organizer; I. A, Austin, Secy.
meets every Sunday at 8:30 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Haliiday, Organizer
H. K. Macinuis, Secy.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. B. (near postotnee). Club
and Reading Room, McTavish Block.
817 Second St. E. Opposite Imperial Ho el
Fred S. Faulkner, Org., Box 647; J. Gib'bs
Secy., Bex 647.
P of c„ meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HalL
C.  Stubbs, Secy.
LOOAL     OOLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     ».
Meets every Sunday night In the
Miners' Hail and Opera House at 8
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J
Smith, Secy.
Headquarters nnd Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every I
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propocandat
meetings every Sunday at Grand'
ias   Mcludoe, Secy.,  Room   I,  1.119 Government St.
LOOAL NANAIMO,  NO.  3,  8.  P.  of  C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock|
Jack  Place,   Rec.   Secy..  Box  826.
LOCAL   FERNIE,   8.   P.   of   C,   HOLDS
educational meetings In the Miners'I
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernle,1
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Busi-!
ness meeting llrst Sunday In each
month, same place at 2:30 p in. J.
Lancaster,   Sec.   Box   164.
C, meets every Sunday In Miners'
Union Hall nt 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month. T. Y. McKay, Secretarp Pro
P. of C. Meets every Thursday at 8
p.m., ln Trades and Labor Hall,
Fourth St. Busness and propaganda
meetings combined. J. R. Huntbach.
Secy., 161 First St, S.; R. MacQuarrle.
Organizer, 623 Second St.
P. of C, meets every Sunday after
Union meeting In Union Hull, Hillcrest
Mines, Alta.; Alex. Whyte Literature
Agt.; Carl Johnson, Secretary.
quarters Klomlyke block, corner of Pacific
and Kiug Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. W. Cummings, Organizer.
Jas. W. Amer, Secretary, 336 Maryland
llsh    Branch. Business    meetings
first and third Wednesdays of
each month, Finnish Hall, 214 Adelaide
St. W. Speakers' class meets alternate
Mondays and Tuesdays ut 134 Hogarth
Ave. Economic classes meet every
Friday night at 314 Wellesley St.
Speakers supplied on shortest notice to
Ontario Locals. Corresponding Sec, A.
Lyon, 134 IluRiirth Ave.
LOCAL TERNON, B. C, NO. 38, 8. P. OP
C, meets every Friday night nt 7:30
ln Tlmmlns' Hall, cor. of Seventh und
Tronson Sts. Business nnd propaganda combined. Geo. W. Paterson, Secretary,  Vernon,  B.  C.
P. of C. Propaganda nnd business
meetings at 8 p. 111.. the fourth Thursday of each month in lodge room over
old post office, near opera house. Everybody welcome. B. F. Gayman.
Secretary;  W.  W.  Lefeaux,  Organizer
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p. m. A. McLcoil. Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders' Hall. Sundays ut
7:30 p. m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
766 Rossland, B. C.
LOCAL   OTTAWA  NO.   8,   8.  P.  OP   C,
month at 7:30 p.m. at Roberts-Allan
Hall, 78 Rldean St. Propaganda meetings following Sundays at 3:16 p.m.
Economic class, Monday night, 8 p.m.
Historical class, Friday night, 8 p.m.,
at 373 Wellington St. Charles Lestor,
E. S. Oldham, Cor. Secy., 1030 Bron-
son Ave.
LOCAL   COBALT,   NO.   9,   8.   P.   OP   O.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miners'
Hall. Everybody invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOCAL   MONTREAL,   QUE.,   NO.   1,   8.
P.   of   C—Meets   In   Labor   Hall.   St
Donvlnlque street,  Sundays  at 3  p.  m
Heaequarters No. 1 St. t Imrles Borroniee st  '
Otto Jiihn Secretnay juSCIiausse
Directory of Western Federation of Miners in British
Executive Board Member
Wm. Davidson, Sandon
Jno. A. McKinnon, Rossland
Thos. J. McKay, Greenwood
A. Shilland, Sandon
No.      Name
Grand Forks..
Greenwood   ...
Kimberly   ....
M. A S. U.
38 Rossland    ....
81 Sandon    	
96 Sllverton   	
62 Slocan   	
113 Texada    	
106|Triill MAM..
 C. Cairns	
Wm.  WIiihIuw James Tobln	
Patrick O'Connor \V. !•;. Hatlden	
Charles Blrce Geo.   Heatherton..
C. Bennett T.  H.   Rotherham.
Mike McAndrews.. H. T. Rainbow	
ue Armstrong A. 10. Carter	
■'red Mellette Chas.   Short	
B.   I.undln   	
Malcolm McNeill.
Paul Phillips...
R. Sllvorthorn..
,1. A. McKinnon.
1.. R. Mclnnls..
Robert Malroy,.
Blulr  Carter	
G. B. Mcintosh.
Wm. in ski tli	
|A   Burgess	
J.   Hays  	
liiiiH-s Roberts	
,!f. Phillips 	
,jW. A. Plckard...
. Geo. < nsi-y	
,|A.   Shilland	
Fred Llebscher..
D. B. O'Neal 11...
T. T. Rutherford.
V.   D.   Hardy	
W.   B.   Mclaaac.
M Grand   Forks
■'' Greenwood
Slocan City
Van Anda
Jos   tahdotte jotukin   tietaa
tyovaen puolueesta ja sosiul-
ismin edisty ksostu Canadassa,
niin tilatkaa kohta.
Box 197, Port Arthur, Out.
Se on Canadassa ainoa Suo-
men kielinen sanomalehti, jo-
ka taistelee sinunkin puolesta.
Edistat tyovaen luokkaa tila-
amalia Tyokansan.
Maksaa alnoostaan, $1.50 vuoilktrll
"VifMltuki" Maksaa, S1.25
We solkl. tbe business or1 Manufacturers,
Kngiueers and others who realize the advisability of having their Potent business transacted
by Kxoerts. Prellminaryadvlce free. Charges
moderate. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
Marlon & Marlon, New YorkLlfe Bldg,
Uoutreal :
ml Washing ton, D.C., U.S.A.
CprTrpC    Practical Boot
. rtitita ni 8hoe ial(ir
Haud-Mnde Hoots and Bhoen to order in
nil Rtylca. RepnlrltiK promptly and neatly
ly done,    stock  of atnple ready-made
Sliot-H always ou hand.
1458 WMlninitir Ave.
"The Class Struggle"
II,   E'»-'l    I'-- |i.il M ■\:\.
•10 I..:,. I) UD Plst) It.
MntWfWW III ■toli.|..;  -UMlteMIUilivl.
CHARLES U. KERR A 00., iu:i KitiEiu Street, Chicle, Ill
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock
National Theatre
Formerly the Cameraphone
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Supplies will be furnished Locals
by Executive Committees at the following prices:
Charter (with necessary   supplies to start Local)    $5.00
Membership Cards, each 01
Dues Stamps,  each 10
Platform and application blank
per 100   26
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 60
Ditto ln Ukrainian, per 100 60
Ditto ln Italian, per 100 60e
Meeting held July 10.
Present Hyatt,  McDonald, Fradkin,
Howell and the secretary.
Correspondence    dealt   with   from
Bellevue Hillcrest and Shelburne.
Application for charter from Shelburne Local approved.
Shelburne    $ 5.50
Bellevue        5.00
Total   ,.*....$10.50
Postage   $2.00
Box 647,
Regular meeting July 14,1909.
Present, Stroud, Green, Zalklnd and
Secretary Young.
Comrade  Stroud  elected  chairman.
Minutes of last regular and special
meetings read and approved.
Communications from Dominion Secretary F. F. Brignall, of Woodstock,
Lome Wilkie, of Windsor and Locals
Port Arthur Finnish, Lettish and
English, Berlin, Gait, Guelph, Cobalt,
Brantford, Brockvllle and Ottawa were
dealt with.    .
On motion 'Secretary was instructed
to communicate with Brantford, Berlin, Hamilton and Welland, to ascertain If they could use Italian Organizer Colombo, he was also Instructed
to have Com. G. Colombo, 224 Chestnut street, Toronito, placed in the
Executive ad. space as Italian organizer
Organizer Green's report on his trip
to Berlin and Wood-.tock also to
Guelph was re celt ed.
The following bills were allowed:
Dominion Executive due stamps.$24.50
Dominion    Executive,   Constitutions        3.00
Com. Cameron of Hamilton     1.25
Postage Stamps      1.00
Eng.    Br.   Lit.    Committee,   of
Toronto      1.89
Western Clarion Ad. space     3.00
Total   $34.64
Berlin assessment and platforms
 $ 4.25
Port    Arthur     (Finnish),    due
stamps   30.00
Comrade Green, Button and literature       1.87
Gait assessment stamps and due   .
cards       7.00
Ottawa due  stamps  and  literature       7.60
Toronto (Finnish), due stamps. 10.00
Sault Ste. Marie, due stamps...    5.00
West Toronto,  due stamps,  assessment      4.00
Brockville, due stamps     2.00
J.  E.  Farrell,   member-at-large,
dues and assessment      2.00
Total   $73.62
940 Pape Avenue.
Dear Comrade,—Re Port Arthur
Fnnish Local's proposition to revise
the platform of the Socialist Party of
Canada, I am directed to forward you
the following resolution passed without a dissentient voice at our business
meeting held last-night:
"Resolved, that Ladysmlth Local No.
10 of the Socialist Party of Canada ls
entirely satisfied with the platform of
the party as lt is at present. Wu view
with fear and distrust, any attempt to
make the platform palatable to the
To Hon. Premier Rutherford,
Edmonton, Alta.
I thank you for pass over 0, N. R.
ln  Alberta.
C.  M.  O'BRIEN.
Editor Clarion.
Propaganda work is in full swing
In this muskeg metropolis of the
North; a Local has been formed with
a membership of over twenty to begin hostilities with. One night a few
week's labor will probably bring the
membership up to a hundred. You
will receive the canned goods about
the same time you receive this communication, and the understanding you
will arrive at will be that we want a
charter and we want It bad.
This Is a land of wet days and crummy nights, the last resort of gunnysack
contractors, boa-hunks, mulligan cooks
and dead-broke blanket stiffs, the
Calvary of exploitation ln this great
wet slice of the big Dominion that is
boosted by boosters, knocked by
knockers and plundered day and night
by tin-horn politicians and pot-bellied
capitalistic grafters. The wage-slave
has reached the supreme hour of his
existence when he must either think
or starve; stand up to it class conscious ln the battle or lay down to It
unconscious ln defeat. He has organized full of the conflict and enrolled
himself under the banner of the I. W.
Full of the theory exploded by this
labor organization, he has got filled
up more so by the practices of the
bosses, who never had to lose a night's
sleep bursting I. W, W. theories with
capitalistic facts. When the big Canadian or the British subject in general don't like the conditions, It is Immaterial whether he stops under protest, raises a stew politically or Industrially. There is always a subject of
some other wage-slave ridden country
ready to fill the bill. The result being
a great amount of King Edward's subjects, your humble amongst them, are
fit subjects for hand-outs on the different routs leading to some other part
of the Dominion beyond the seas.
And It will always be consolation for
us to know conditions are all the
same; wherever we go we will be no
Hurrah for the I W. W.l Industrial
Unionism is a great proposition! I
cannot understand how the Individual
whose brain conceived such a great
scheme lived through the night of
tribulation and saw the light of the
next morning without ending his
worldly troubles in an attack of
brainstorm. Unionism is great in one
sense; it brings the workers together
and makes them think. Socialism will
show them how to act and still keep
them thinking. I am beginning to
think myself, and if I do I am liable
to start out on the warpath with a
club and try to knock some sense into
some heads with wood that I can't do
with facts; or worse still, I might
break Into poetry. So before I get too
hostile I will quit for the time being.
With best wishes for the movement,
and the brotherhood in general. I remain yours in hope,
In accepting the nomination as
standard bearer of the S. P. of C. for
the riding of Okanagan tn the coming
Provincial election, I can assure you,
comrades, I consider lt an honor conferred upon me, not pnly in being
thought worthy your choice, but by
the fact of being placed ln the front
rank to do battle In that worthy cause
for humanity and the world-wide
struggle for justice and freedom by my
class, feeling as I do class-conscious,
knowing as I do that the poverty,
degradation and misery of my class
is caused by the exploitation of Ihe
workers, whether ranch worker or
wage-earner, In paying tribute to that
demon system called Capitalism, with
all Its attending evils In the legal right
of capitalist property.
The measure of success or defeat
depend on the enthusiasm Infused Into
the campaign by the comrades of
Okanagan on purely revolutionary
lines. .The S. P. of C. ls concerned
only In the overthrow of the legal right
of capitalist property, the emancipation of the workers from capitalist
exploitation, the economic or material
welfare of the only useful class, the
workers. All those that have other axes
to grind must take them elsewhere.
We exact no toll for considerations,
Comrades, we have nothing to lose but
our chains, but it world to gain. Will
we do it?       t
Enderby, B. ('., July 26, 1909.
While Immediate Demands are in
the air, where they usually are, by
the way, It might be permissible to call
attention to the Immediate and continuous demand for a political home
for reformers. Such an institution
would fill a long felt want, would he
an Inestimable boon to both the practical politician and the "impractical"
While in Manitoba I addressed 23
meetings. Brandon has a small bunch
of Comrades making excellent headway ln the study of economics, and
I they are proud to belong to what our
opportunist friends call the only Socialist Party in the World that does not
advocate palliatives. Winnipeg has a
large and progressive movement. They
of the many tongues, who savey the
English, are well supplied with good
speakers In their local, each trying to
outdo the other in making the cold
economic facts Interesting without appealing to sentiment or .popular prejudice. The Jewish Comrades Inform
ed me that a good speaker in their
language had just arrived from Chicago to reside in the 'peg. I suppose if is with our Jewish Comrades
as lt Is with us, new material gives
renewed activity. I hope our Comrades will give him a rigid examination re his health economically, and
should they find him suffering the opportunist itch, a..disease so prevalent
among our Comrades to the South,
and particularly those from the windy
city, I hope they will not trust to
Christian Science or any other faith
cure, but that they will unmercifully
administer to him that kill or cure
medicine, the quicksilver of the proletarian revolution, cold economic facts,
not only for his own good, but to prevent the possibility of the disease
spreading.  •
I visited our comrades, Mr. and Mrs.
Stechlshin, they are the editors managers and whole staff of "Robutchyj
Narod" (the working people) the only
Ukrainian Socialist paper in North
America, published by the Ukrainian
Socialist Publishing Association, 135
Stephens street, Winnipeg. A truly
proletarian part of the city. Their
mansion Is a rough board shack, and
from the outside a sad looking dump.
It is not only their place of residence,
It is also their place of business, print
shop, editors and managers offices, all
in one. Yet inside it is surprisingly
neat, clean, tidy, and cheerful looking.
I am told that "Robutchyj Narod,"
like the Western Clarion is endeavoring to impart economic truths to Its
readers. I trust the Ukrainian slaves
will give those Comrades the assistance and encouragement that they are
deserving of.
At Dauphin, is Comrade Toseland,
a member at large, and subscriber to
the Clarion, with a few others, all
young In the movement. I have the
honor of being the first Socialist to
speak publicly In the hearing of these
Comrades. They are doing a good
work prlncipaly with literature, we
had a successful street meeting in
spite of the efforts of cheap political
pimps. The fire bell rang as though
the town was During up. I told the
workers not to heed it, that It was
apt to be a false alarm. That I was-
used to such cheap tricks. Then like
Comrade Klngsley, I said you are not
lnteresled even if there is a fire, you
have no worldly goods to loose, your
mansions are in the skies. The trick
worked against the tricksters, only
about half a dozen left the audience,
ut ihe alarm brought many people into
the streets who did not know of the
meeting, and they soon joined us.
Then several dog fights were started
close by, and finally came, that slave
to the political pimps, the police. The
large audience of working people felt
their position very keenly, also ii
gave me an opportunity to make more
clear to them what abject slaves we
are, and when I informed the police
that their was but one way to stop me
and that was to take me to Jail, the
audience cheered lo the echo. The
next Comrade that speaks In that district will get a hearty welcome.
Manitoba like all other provinces,
veeds more organizers, we had good
street meetings in Selkirk and Portage
Lb Prairie.
The Lemieux Act is working nicely,
lhank you. The Commissioners have,
strange to say, discovered exaclly what
the mliieowners have been proclaiming
right along; that. Internalional Labor
Unions are bad and that evil resulis
are bound to ensue when unions have
their headquarters in the Slates. Now
they might look up ihe coal mines
shareholders' list and see if there are
any  bad  American  Capitalists on  It.
A youth is largely like a new-born
calf. It Is nil eyes, bul no mind, And
while the call' will in due time gel n
mind of ils own, mosi men never ilo
so! To the "new-born" the world Is
always young; deceits and humbug are
unknown and seem unnatural io them,
and their parents and teachers invariably teach them a false optimism con;
cerning the presenl life, while Ihey
likewise teach n false and gruesome
pessimism concerning » future one
Then, when we bear In mind Hint
men are largely "dream animals," so
ls there no Wonder Hon so few of then)
have a mind ot their own, etc.
"Leeds" wanted to know the other
week the opinions of comrades re the
best means of vote making for Socialism. Well, I don't know much
about vote making or even voting,
never having had a vote yet; but I
reckon to know a whole lot about making   Socalists.    Find  a  worker  who
will read, tell him that he is being
robbed. Tell him how he is being
robbed, not as a buyer of clothes and
shoes and sewing machines and bicycles, but as a producer of these
He has never heard this kind of
thing before bo, naturally, he rubs
his eyes In bewilderment and thinks
that you are crazy. Now, here's my
point: Don't waste time "chewing the
rag" with him. Take his sub for the
Clarion, and If, as I have already said,
he is a fellow who will read and understand, I'll guarantee that within a
year he will be putting forth Socialist
arguments and taking subs., too.
While we are sizing this matter up,
we must ever bear ln mind the fact
that the workers are educated up to
just the point where the capitalist
wants them. If you were breaking a
team of colts or oxen Into he harness
or yoke, what would you teach them
to do? Why, you would teach them to
"git up," and "whoa," and "gee," and
"haw." wouldn't you? You would
teach them to work hard and steady.
And right there their education would
stop. Why should you teach them
any more? Have you not gotten all
that you set out to accomplish In regard to their education?
Just the same with the working
class. They know how to start work
when the factory whistle blows and
how to quit work when it sounds again.
They know how to "dig ln" and produce
values between the two sounds of the
factory whistle; value which they,
alas do not yet know how to enjoy.
During the little time the wage
slaves have which they can call their
own, they very seldom speak or think
other than just as we imagine two
horses speaking to each other after
a day at the plow. Talking about
their masters, their jobs. About the
masters and jobs they have had and
the masters and jobs they expect to
have! Talking about "good" jobs and
"bad" jobs. And why in thunder
shouldn't they talk just so? They
don't know any better, they haven't
been taught anything else. It's none
of their master's duty to show them
where they are robbed and how. It's
your duty and mine!
That's where the Socialist press
comes in I am satisfied that the fact
of a paper coming to a man every
week containing ideas from all over
the world, as to his material interests,
ideas which he cannot combat, is of
more value than all the "hot air" that
was ever belched out of human lungs.
In a discussion with a person it Is
apt to take on the appearance of a
personal matter between yourself and
the party to whom you are talking,
but not so with the paper. In the papers appear the views of a multitude
of whom he has never heard or read,
and all telling the same story and in
the same old way: "Robbery of the
Now, Leeds, that's how lt strikes me.
If anyone has experience to the contrary, well, I would like to hear from
them, that's all.
Just a word ln conclusion. Three
years ago a Socialist agitator struck
this burg, no less than C. M. O'Brien,
he of the M.P.P. behind his name, who
ls preparing to deliver muckle wallops to the capitalist system, In the
place wheiB they count the most, I.e.,
the "gab fort" at Edmonton. Well,
this O'Brien spoke to an audience of
about five here, who were in,mortal
dread lest anyone saw them come Into
the hall. O'Brien told us all about the
robbery, and he «lno took two subs
for the Clurlon. It beats all how
those two subs, have grown, and they
are going to grow some more yet.
Just watch the column which "Leeds"
presides over and see for yourselves.
The other day we got a circular
from the Dominion Executive Committee of the Party. What a credit to
the Party It was to be sure! Our
Party paper asking for funds to proceed on its way to enlighten the
working class. Surely every Party
member, if not every reader of the
Clarion, should see to it that our circulation is doubled and trebled In
short order it could be done, too,
with very Utile efjort. Remember
It's up to us as Socialists to spread the
gospel of discontent through our own
press. We cannot expect the enemy
lo do 11 for us.
So now, comrades, lei us see a few-
new names In Ihe sub. hustlers column. We know the Clurlon Is $1.00
a year, but  It's all meat,
W. D.
II is n grenl tribute to the intelligent manner In which employers size
up things, that the Government's appointee to n Lemieux commission al-
ways finds thai tln-y are right and Ihe
employees wrong.
In certain circles one becomes so
accustomed to hearing Carlyle cited as
an Infallible authority, especially on
matters social and economic, that it
requires some temerity to attack his
teachings. In those discussion clases
and mutual improvement societies
connected with the Sunday Schools In
our towns and cities, the very name
of Thomas Carlyle seems to effectually
smother one's opponent ln controversy. And it is amazing that in many
"Socialist" cluhrooms photographs of
Carlyle and Ruskin adorn the walls as
If these "literary gents" were not
merely democrats, but even revolutionary Socialists.
What, then, is the gospel according
to Carlyle? It Is that history with Its
dynastic and class struggles, progress
-mental and moral, great nations,
Important discoveries; all Is the work
of a few individual clever men. I
quote from "Hero Worship." "Universal History, the history of what has
been accomplished in this world, is at
the bottom the history of the Great
Men who have worked here. They
were the leaders of men, these great
ones; the modellers, patterns, and ln a
wide sense creators of whatsoever the
general mass of men contrived to do
or to attain; all things that we see
standing accomplished ln the world
are properly the outer material result,
the practical realization and embodiment, of Thoughts that dwelt in ^the
Great Men sent Into the world; the
soul of the whole world's history, it
may justly be considered, were the history of these."
But there is nothing scientific in attributing history to the work of a few
great men. History, according to Carlyle, is but the biography of the great
men who have lived in the world. The
real problem is: why have certain
races qualities, virtues, vices, talents
and institutions Which other races
lack? And history is of utility only
when it ceases to be graphically descriptive or effusively personal, and attempts to explain the working of those
deeper seated economic and physical
forces which mould human society.
Great men and even mighty empires
are of little import when compared
with the working of these powerful
economic and physical forces.
Buckle, in his "History of Civilization" has dealt with physical factors.
He lucidly proves the great influence
of climate, soil, and the general as
pect of nature, showing how the huge
empires of India, Assyria, Egypt and
Peru were created In luxuriantly fertile regions on the banks of large,
navigable rivers. The difference between the Laplander and the Hindoo,
the Spaniard and the Anglo-Saxon,
can to a certain extent be explained by
their physical environments. The industrial habits, the religious conceptions, and the mental life of different
races of humans can only be accounted for by admitting the potency of
varying environments.
Lewis Morgan, In his work on Ancient Society, has shown the importance of the economic factor. Man is
the only creature that can manufacture toolB and thus create new environments entirely undreamt of by the tool
discoverers. We sometimes say that
economic amelioration ls the direct
cause of moral improvement. Take
these four factors: the discovery of
cereals (wheat, maize, etc.), the domestication of animals, the use of
stone and brick in architecture, the
discovery of the manifold uses to
which iron can be put—take these few
discoveries, and It is not too much to
say, that onoe existing, the battle for
civilization, for power over nature,
waB won. Says Morgan: "The discovery of the process of smelting Iron ore
was the discovery of discoveries in
human experience, without a parallel,
besides which all other Inventions and
discoveries are Inslgslficant." And If
one ponders over the place which Iron
occupies In our every-dny life we can
see that Morgan hardly over-staled the
It Is probable that humans ceased
to eat captives taken In battle not
from any moral betterment, but from
the fact lhat lt was more lucrative to
make them labor for their captors,
slavery thus succeeded cannibalism.
This new Institution, slavery, radically
altered ancient society; it created an
aristocratic class living off Ihe labor
of the slave, a class wllh leisure, and
by means of that leisure art, science
and literature were cultlval' 1. Hut
I cannot labor this point. Suffice il
here to say thai as new methods of
production were born, ns slavery became feudalism and feudalism became
capitalism, Important social nnil iiuirn^
changes  also  look  place.
A favorite subject hi debating sbcl-
etles Is: what would be the present
condition of England II Napoleon had
won Ihe buttle or Waterloo, or Europe
If William the Normnu bad lost the
bnttle of Hastings, or of European Civilization If the Greeks bail been beaten
in Salnmes? These questions; carry
us Into the heari of the question of
genius nnd Its effect upon social and
economic conditions. carlyle, of
course, would answer: without the ex-
Jfere and Tfow
(Continued on Pago 4)
If you receive a copy ot this paper free, 4V if you are not a regular
subscriber, let this be an Invitation for
you to become one. Whether you are
aware ot the fact or not, you need this
paper, and the paper needs your support and it should have lt, because lt
stands for your best Interests as well
as that of the whole working class.
Subscribe now and endeavor to get
your friends and fellow-workers to do
• •   •
Wilson C. Glaspell, of Gait, Ont., 1b
a comrade who distributes a bundle
of Clarions each week. He comes
along this week with two yearlles.
• •   •
Have you ever sent ln a new reader
for the Clarion? If not, get a rustling
stunt on this week. You bring the
dawn of a better civilization nearer
every time you get another worker Interested.
• *   •
Local Montreal comes up with a $5
to the Clarion maintenance fund per
Comrade Otto Jahn, secretary.
• •   •
Also Phoenix helps  out the  same
fund with a five spot.
• • •
Comrade W. Davenport, for Local
Brantford, sends in four renewals and
one new yearly and orders a bundle of
200 copies for distribution.
• •   •
And $5.00 from Local Edmonton towards the Clarion maintenance fund
arrive per Comrade J. R. Huntback,
Organizer    Comrade
lands with a pair.
J.  Harrington
Four yearlles and a three-month
sub. is the way Comrade H. Norman,
Vancouver, repeats his last week's
• •   •
If your name is not on the voter's
list next polling day, don't tell anyone.
• •   •
Comrade  Wm.  Voss,  of  Winnipeg,
helps out a little on his own account
by renewing his sub. for another year
and donating a dollar to be applied towards the Clarion maintenance fund.
• *   •
Reports from the East indicate that
Comrade O'Brien is a winner. He Is a
shining contrast In comparison with
the usual kind of politician elected by
the "horny-handed  sons  of toil."
• •   •
Locals Berlin and Toronto add their
quota of $5.00 each to help keep the
good old reliable Clarion a coming.
« • •
To spread the gospel ot Intelligent
revolt against unbearable conditions
is as much the privilege ot one Socialist as another, so won't all readers
who have not hitherto sent in a new
sub,, do so at the next opportunity.
• •   •
The following  comrades  helped- to
grease the wheels of the Clarion press
thiB week with a sub.:
• *   •
B.  S.  Matthews,  Winnipeg,  Man.;
J. Hough, Nanalmo, B. C.j A. Stewart,
Moose Jaw, Sask.; F. Hyatt, Calgary,
Alta.; Jas. Ibbotson, Brechin, B. C; C.
M. O'Brien, M.P.P., Milestone, Sask.;
Sam Browning, Winnipeg, Man.; R. M.
Beal, Lindsay, Ont.; Charles Brooke,
Lethbrldge, Alta.; Andrew Arickson,
Golden, 11. C; H. R. Maclnnls, Phoenix, B. C; J. E. Mlchelson, Banff,
Alta.; Wm. H. Reveley, New Toronto,
Ont., and "Leeds."
• •    •
Before very long Socialists In B. C.
will be up against another provincial
campaign. If you do not want your
local to be stuck for the deposit line,
make your donation now. Don't tor-
• • •
According to reports the Mine Owners of Glace Bay are trying, with the
assistance of the P. W. A., to put Ihe
U. M. W. out of business. If they succeed in this, their next slop will be to
put the P. W. A.'s pipe out. The
workers of Nova Scotia are being
taught a useful lesson, it is to be hoped
Ihnt the next election in that province
will show lhat they have profltPil
• • •
The term capital applies lo thepur-
posr for which the means of production arc used. When the machine Is
uscil for the purpose of robbing labor,
then, and then only is it capital.—B.
T. Klngsley
"Beware of the
omo   with   gifts.'
and his "olive
Creeks  when   tlioy
Delegate  Hnnsou
branch" is a ease in
The Georgia legislature In IS35 stated that there was no difference between owning a man's body as chattel,
ami owning  bis Job.
*    •    •
Is your name on the voters' list. /
To. be a member of a club and to
have some central place where one
can spend the leisure moments in
company with others, is one of the
commendable characteristics of the
people of this metropolis. With this
desire for social intercourse running
strongly within the average Londoner
it is no wonder that this wish for association and fellowship will be
found in even greater degree in the
Socialist movement; for does not the
feeling and spirit of Comradeship de-
velope and expand the desire to mingle with others of similar ideas? For
that reason every branch or local in
the movement tries to maintain a sort
of a headquarters or club room ln
which the members may meet, and in
the company of others discuss the topics of the day.
It is not pleasing to note that most of
the 60 odd branches of the Social Democratic Party in London maintain
headquarters or club-rooms of their
own in order that their members may
be In touch with the Socialist movement whenever they so desire. To
meet at a business meeting once a
week and then perhaps not see any
members of the branch again for another week, Is not to the liking of the
average London Comrade for he or she
desires to be nl daily contact with the
movement whenever possible and
when not able to do so, then at least
as often as possible. The social side
to our cause gets more attention paid
to lt over here than any other place
I have yet been, and when one considers the many benefits that are derived from this feature one wonders
why it is not adopted by every local
or branch in the International Movement. What better Inducement could
a person want who being ln sympathy
with our principles ls brought to the
clubroom by some friend and there
amidst cheerful homelike surroundings
is asked why he don't join the Party?
It smashes at once the argument that
we are some sort of a mystical affair
which exists principally on paper and
whose few advocates come out on the
street corner, shout themselves hoarse
and then go home and forget all about
lt until the next spasm comes on. The
headquarters of the Socialist Movement is the living, breathing thing of
life which brings the Comrades in
close touch with on another and adds
vim and vigor to our uphill fight.
When a branch of the Social Democratic Party is started ln London, the
first desire of the comrades is to secure, as soon as possible, an empty
shop, store or room In which the headquarters of the branch may be maintained Particular atentlon is paid to
secure a good location on the main
street in the district, for a centralized
premises not only make it convenient
for all the members of the branch to
attend, but it also serves as an advertisement for outsiders to come in
and listen to what we have to say.
Side streets and dark entrances aie always avoided and a branch will get
along the best it can without a hall
if there are no suitable premises to be
found ln the district for the time being.
Once a favorably situated meeting
place is produced the comrades get
together, and with broom, mop and
brush make the place presentable and
clean. After this comes the question
of fUrniture, and while this may seem
an almost insurmountable obstacle to
a branch with a small membership, the
problem Ib really not so hard to solve,
and many of the London branches
were not financially able to completely furnish their places at once. To
meet this question some rough boards
and planks are secured and a table
and a few benches are knocked together' by the comrades and a start
has then been made towards a headquarters. After this, those who are
able donate a chair or a table or a
picture whenever they can, and lt Is
surprising in how short a time a club-
room will begin to take on an attractive, furnished appearance.
The next requisite ls a lunch counter which is generally a home-made
affair stocked with a tempting array
of tea, coffee, mineral water, cake,
bread and confectionery, and this adds
a valuable asset to the club besides
giving the place a very home-like appearance.
All the work of cleaning, painting
and repairing the club rooms of the
various branches is done by the members themselves, and the comrades
seem to vie with each other in seeing
who can do the most in making the
club room attractive.
A library and a literature case from
which the latest books, pamphlets and
papers relating to the cause can be
borrowed or purchased, is next added
to  the club rqom,    and    after    that
other various little fixings which,
while not really necessary, go a long
way to make the place home-like. In
a club room like this one can drop in
any time during the evening, and over
a cup of tea, coffee and mineral water
enjoy Ihe pleasures of true comradeship.
One evening in the week is usually
set aside for lecture purposes, to
which every comrade tries to bring
an acquaintance or friend, and it is
needless to add that anyone at all
favorable to our principles generally
becomes enthused with the surroundings and applies for membership without any effort on our part.
Usually one evening In the week
is set aside for light pleasures and
then a tea, dance or social is given
in which the younger members especially find much attraction. As few
branches are wealthy enough to afford
pianos, the music for occasions like
this is furnished by some musically
inclined comrade on the accordeon,
violin or some other stringed Instrument. Singing, too, is an Important
item which is never left out at these
gatherings, and the revolutionary
songs which are sung have a swing
and go to them that put the "foolish
songs" of the capitalist system to
shame. Sunday afternoon is set aside
for the children for the Sunday school,
and it is an Important feature of the
work of the branch, as the Sunday
schools are well attended by the
younger children of the comrades and
our sympathizers.
Probably the greatest strength of
the Socialist movement over here lays
in these Sunday schools and the Young
Socialist  League.    This league  com-
a social lever with which to establish the Socialist Republic and install
that administration that our needs require. LESTOR
(Continued from page three)
prises the young people between the
ages of 14 and 20 who, realizing thatf«°vernment when gotten, to use it as
something is wrong with our present
social system, join these leagues a^id
under the guidance of the older
branches learn ln an easy and concise
manner the fundamental principles of
Socialism. This league, as well as
the Sunday schools, Is rapidly increasing in membership, and it will be for
these youngsters to deliver the final
jolt that will put old King Capitalism
out of business.
The expenses of running a club in
conjunction with a branch must be
met with two items—economy and
profit. Everything must be made to
yield a return and at the same time
prices must be moderate. The lunch
counter will usually be found to give
the greatest returns, and with economical management there is no reason why half the expenses of rent, gas
and sundries should not come out of
the sales from the lunch counter.
Then literature must be another
source of revenue, and papers, pamphlets and books must be pushed to
the limit. Collections must be taken
at all meetings, whether indoor, or
outdoor affairs, and those sympathetic
persons who do not see the use of belonging to the movement must be gone
after and induced to Bhow their sympathy In a substantial manner. Then
the regular dues, while small, will all
aid In defraying expenses as will all
teas, dances and other social events.
For a branch or local to be successful, I consider lt of paramount importance for It to have a home or
headquarters which shall be open to
the members, friends and, sympathizers seven nights In the week from at
least 7 to 11 p.m. for the social benefit
of all concerned. ROBT. E. SCOTT,
tra, there must be a central directing
authority. The nerves and muscles
and veins and bones of which this
modern orchestra is made up are
aching and the disease manifests itself In the ugly pimples that crop up
on the surface of the skin, the capitalist governments that register or reflect the conditions of society. The
social nerves, muscles, veins and bones
do hot ache because they do not produce enough. They ache because they
are drained of tlje wealth they produce. They ache because all the advantages of their co-operative labor
flow, not to them, but to a social abscess that has shaped itself within
the body social. That social abscess
Is the capitalist class. They ache because not only are the advantages
that labor produces turned away from
them, but because these advantages
are turned against them, straining
them to the point of breeding nauseous impurities.
The mere change or the mere abolition of the gevernmental pimple can
obviously bring no improvement whatever else it may do. Those who would
be free must themselves first strike the
blow. The overthrow of the government we must aim at, must be the end
of using the governmental power to perfect the revolution that must have pre-
ceeded our conquest of the public powers. The initial revolution must be
accomplished in our minds. We must
have divorced ourselves from the
habits of thought that have been
used to our enslavement. We must as
a class come to an understanding that
we are the sole producers of all wealth.
We must as a class be able to draw
the logical conclusion that the capitalist class is a parasite on our backs.
We must raise ourselves to appreciate
our mission In the evolution of society,
the abolition of the slavery of the
race. We must, ln consequence, have
first learned what use to make of the
The weavers could not work if the
miners did not dig for coal; and the
miners could not work If the farmers
did not produce grain; and the farmers could not work if the shoemakers
did not furnish them with shoes; and
none of them could exist if the great
railroads of the country did not transport their products. To-day their Ib
absolute co-operation.
Now under such a system of production there must be a central directing authority. Ab Marx puts it a single
violinist can be his own director. He
raps himself to order, he puts his
violin to his shoulder and sets his
music to suit himself, he plays fast
or slow, loud or otherwise and stops
whenever it suits him. But if you
want an orchestra; If you want to have
that combination of tones that comes
from co-operation and an even assortment of musical instruments; If you
want the blending of the bass drum,
the cornet, the cymbal and the flute,
with the vlollncello; then you must
have an orchestra director. If you
have not got a director you can have
sound, you can have noise, but you
cannot have harmony.
The  social   system  of  to-day  is  a
large orchestra of production.    In or-
conies all the  pictures, curtains  and der to conduct this productive orches-
istence of these mighty men the history of the world must have taken different channels, their influence was
incalculable. The Socialist, however,
will say: lt mattered little to the mass
of the people, the working class, whether Napoleon won or waB soundly
thrashed at Waterloo. National boundaries to-day might be slightly or greatly different, but lt is (frobable that
the application of steam power to
manufacture would have been the
same, and this application caused a
revolution more radical and permanent than any ever made by a mighty
warrior. Napoleon was beaten at Waterloo, and we are surrounded by social and economic inequality and Injustice. Had he won we should still be,
living in a capitalist state—and one
need not say more than this. For the
working class that great battle did not
mean a higher or a lower standard of
living, but, as was usual with all such
conflicts, it implied: which nation shall
be the paramount buccaneer? For ls
not capitalism making uniform the
lives of the working class in all countries? As Herve has so well put lt,
There Is at present no country so
superior to any other that Its working
class should get themselves killed ln
Its defence."
Let ub take, for instance, those great
improvements in machine production
which were the gift of the nineteenth
century to progress, and we shall see
the fallacies involved in Carlyle's
heroic theory. Modern spinning machinery ls said by Hobson to be a combination of about eight hundred Inventions. And necessity Is the mother
of Invention. The inventor must live
in a suitable age, he must be adapted.
In harmony with his environment.
Lord Lytton in his historical novel,
"The Last of the Barons," gives us a
living picture of an inventor who was
born, as we say, before his time. This
work is based on events which occurred In the fifteenth century. It shows
the inevitable failure of the Inventor
of a machine in such an age, before a
population of workers divorced from
the land, and before the spirit of "economic rationalism," the desire to Invest money to make money, had been
born. As Lytton puts It, "The grim
age devours ever those before, as behind, its march; and confounds in one
common doom the too guileless and
the too wise."
The position of the great man as inventor in the middle ages is thus obvious. He was accused of being a wizard,
a sorcerer, or a necromancer. The
fate that befel Roger Bacon was probable, perhaps Inevitable. We cannot
explain the great discoveries of any
epoch as due solely to a large number of those "accidental" variations
whom we term men of genius. We
must, account for the development of
machine production by the presence of
factors favorable to, and the absence
of factors unfavorable to, the application of thought to machine invention.
And Hie middle ares, v-fth their Indicate guild restrictions, their fantastic
chivilry, t'o r-'-p- v'y local tua.--. i,
ml    .ie    rgifl  .i  i     <ii     pc  ii. ats
t'to  Inr I. i)i  crt-'1 ''' ■'    <■   '•<•••>,
environment unsuitable to the use of
power machinery on a large scale.
The age thus shapes the work of the
"great" men.
If we divide history in the orthodox
manner into the Old Stone, the New
Stone, and the Bronze Ages, and give
to each period its appropriate discoveries, we shall see that not only do
we owe a debt of gratitude to "Humanity," but also that progress is universally due to the combined efforts of
millions of unknown individuals, just
as the chalk cliffs of England are formed of the residue of countless myriad
of minute organisms. Says Clodd:
"Not many noble nor mighty are called
to the enduring tasks of nature. It
is the minute agents, unresting and
wide-spread,, that have been the efficient causes of much that ia grandest
in earth structure." So in social his
tory. Mallock has recently said that
the working class is not underpaid
but wantonly overpaid, because, forsooth, the manual laborer as such is
no more efficient than he was in Ro
man times. The growth of productive
power, of course, ls due to the elite,
the mental and moral few, the real
aristocracy! But why return to Roman times? Why not to our quassi-
simian forerunners? Surely they
houseless, without tools or the knowledge of fire, were In the position the
workers deserve to be in to-day-
would be in but for the spontaneous
initiative and all-round mentality of
our monopolizers of "directive ability."
But Marx's wonderful chapter on Cooperation disolves the sophistries of
Mallock. "It ls not because he is a
leader of industry that a man Is a
capitalist; on the contrary, he is a
leader of industry because he is a cap
itallst." Truly the capitalist is not a
great man, he is not a monopolist of
ability; he simply has that peculiar
mental and moral twist which adapts
him to modern economic conditions!
The teaching of Carlyle, that we
hold certain ideas of economics and
morality because of the influence of
Individual clever men, is now predominant and taught In our schools,
We know how history is written, lt
is the deification of the Empire builder, the mighty king, the great statesman. It is worship without limit.
The old historians could not condescend to discuss social conditions and
ordinary events. Minute descriptions
of the personal habits of the great
king, his likes and dislikes, the contour of his features, the color of his
hair—this makes up our school history.
The stage is occupied with gorgeous
display, while the mainspring, the common human machinery in the background, the fret and toll of ordinary
humans which makes the servile show
possible, is ignored as too obscure
and petty to chronicle. When I read
the history of Greece I am not Impressed by the oratory or Demisthenes or
the statesmanship of Pericles. But I
note that Corinth alone contained
slaves by the thousand dozen, and I
ask: what was the economic condition of this class? What did they
know of science or art or literature?
Dickens has spoken of men and women
who all go In and out at the same
hours, to do the same work; people to
whom every day Is the same as yesterday and to-morrow, and every year
the counterpart of the last and the
next. These are the people history
should speak to us about, and not of
depraved parvenus and braggart buffoons of royal descent. Then I say
to every working man and woman:
before you read the life of Cicero or
Aristotle or Julius Caesar, before you
become immersed in trivial biography,
study well the conditions of life and
labor of your social ancestors in
Greece, in Rome, In the middle ages.
The proper study of a working man
is  working-class conditions.
To Alexander the "Great" the position he obtained meant a development
of his faculties and the possibility of
exercising his talents which otherwise
might have lain dormant. The position of a powerful king or a privileged
class might allow the cultivation of
Intellectual charm or physical beauty
by a chosen few. But Lincoln well
said that no man is good enough to
be another's master without the
other's consent. Tnere is no such
thing as a good despotism. What are
dubbed good despots are viler than
bad ones, for without making for
stable or genuine progress, they create
a flabby, servile people, devoid of initiative or activity. No permanent
progress can be cade except by Improving the common human material.
Democracy ls the only possible method of preventing a single "great" man
from becoming, by a union of talent
and opportunity and ambition, a good
or bad despot, a terrible source of oppression. But even despots can only
reign long when they correctly represent the interests of a dominant class.
Socialism is the only possible.method
of preventing a class from monopolizing the great machinery of wealth production, and perverting science and
the arts to their own ends. And Socialism would not eliminate genius.
It would merely prevent humans of genius and those super-privileged men
of talent whom we hnve often mis-
) a ken for such, using any class as a
raileli cow from whicli to extract "eco-
lomie  rent."
-J ihn V Dawson in Socialist Standard.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, tbe socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong. The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore
master; the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the
relna of government all the powers of the State will be used to
protect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever Increasing measure
ot misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of getting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working-class
at the point of production. To accomplish thla necessitates the
transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist
and the worker ls rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession
of the power of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to
■ecure it by political action. This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, aa rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into the collective property ot the
working class. 4
2. The democratic organization and management of industry
by the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
nee Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when ln office, shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to
this question its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests of the working class and aid the workers in
their class struggle against capitalism? If it will the Socialist
Party is for lt; if lt will not, the Socialist Party Is absolutely
opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges
Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands ln such
a manner as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
50c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 25c.
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neighbors,  send for a bundle of
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