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Western Clarion Apr 22, 1911

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 NO/ \i 8.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, April 22, 1911.
sntMcHiiiioo Pries *•■ aa
»BB Till ffl.Ul
The Materialist
Conception of History
Orthodox Historians Fall Down in Explaining the Phenomena
They Note.
Of all the great branches of Human
knowledge, history is that upon which
most has been written and which has
always been moBt popular. And it
seems to be the general opinion that
the success of historians has, on the
whole, been equal to their industry
and that if on this subject much has
been studied, much also is understood.
This confidence in the value of history is very widely diffused, as we see
ln the extent to which it is read and
in the share it occupies in all plans of
Facts have been collected with respect to ancient cities, languages, customs, etc., with great minuteness,
but, when we attempt to describe the
use which has been made of this great
mass of material, we are doomed to
disappointment. In all other great
fields of inquiry the necessity of generalization Is universally admitted and
great efforts are made to rise from
particular facts in order to discover
the laws by which those facts are
governed. So far from this being the
case, a strange idea seems to prevail
among historians that their business
is merely to relate events. Many great
_minds have deplored this idea, and
"some""have enaeavbred tu ■■<.— .*j -..
but these are rare and only three or
four really original works have been
produced since the 18th century which
contain a systematic attempt to investigate the history of men according
to those exhaustive methods which
prevail in other branches of knowledge.
The Materialist conception of history developed by Karl Marx, is one
of these attempts and I shall endeavor
to explain it as fully as possible Con
or estates, depends on what and how
is produced in that Bociety, and how
the product is exchanged. Accordingly, the last causes of all social changes
and political transformations are to be
sought not in the increasing insight of
men into the laws of eternal truth and
justice or in some similar "ideas" but
in the changes of the methods of production, not in the philosophy, but
in the economics of a given epoch.
They are not to be sought in morality, because morality itself is change-
eable and ls itself the result of circumstances which lie deeper in the
structure of human society.
"Every moral theory which has existed until now was, in the last analysis, the result of the economic condition of the society In which It prevailed. The awakening insight that the
existing social arrangements are unreasonable and unjust, that reason became nonsense, and charity torture, is
only a sign of the fact that the methods of exchanging have been quietly
undergoing such changes, that the social arrangements which have been cut
to suit previous economic conditions
are now out of joint. It also betokens
that the means of remedying the dis-
navavcui o.-oiia aAVG already to a more
or less degree been evolved with the
changed relations of production."
The basis and superstructure of society may, therefore, be formally constructed on something like the following plan: The basis of the structure
is a given state of the development of
the productive forces of society; this
brings about certain relations between
the individuals composing that society
in the social process of production and
distribution, which determines the di-
grows from day to day with the growth iPass from a condition of animal exist-
sistent with brevity, but I must admit j vision of the product among them. This
that I cannot deal with it as justly as--,, its tu,.n, results in a certain form
it should be owing to my own ignorance ot soclety, certain social institutions
and also to the difficulty of obtaining whlch express these relations; the so-
the necessary information. There is clety is then permeated by a condition
also considerable difficulty In getting L- -he ,nlnds and a set of habits and
any uncommon books in this city which I customs which conform to the social
I trust will soon be remedied. |-orms 0- that BOciety; and all this cul-
The Materialist Conception of His-|minateB fn the philosophy, literature
tory is a way of contemplating things!anQ art ot the S0Ciety which will be
in their movement, of studying their the reBult 0- the abilities, the tastes
birth, growth and decline when applied
to the study of the history of mankind
by a materialist, that is to say: by one
who knows  that only material  facts
exist and develop independently, and
ideas only reflect the existence and
development of the material world. In
other words, the Materialist Conception of History maintains that the evolution of Human society as a whole
and that of all human institutions, is
not as the idealists insisted, the result
of the changes in men's ideas relative
to the society, they were living in and
its   institutions   which   changes   are
brought about by the inherent law of
development  of  the ideas;   but  that
quite to the contrary, the development
of Bociety,  including men's  ideas  of
human   society and  institutions,   are
the result of the development of the
material conditions under wbich men
live; tbat these conditions are the only
ones which have an independent existence and development; that changes
of the material conditions cause the institutions of human   society    to   be
changed to suit them; and that the
Ideas on all subjects relating to man
in society including those of right and
wrong  between man  and  man,  and
even between ideas of God and man are
changed by man in accordance with
and because of those changed material conditions of his existence.
Now, what are the material factors
which condition society, race, geography, climate, etc., are all material
factors, but these practically remain
conBtUnt' or nearly so. One factor,
however, ls constantly changing and
may, therefore, be considered as the
material factor, and that is tbe economic factor.
The adherents of the Materialist
Conception therefore assert that production is the basis of every social order; that in every historic form of society the division of the product of
human labor, produced by it, and with
and Inclinations which this condition
of the minds, the habits and customs
will produce.
The ideas which prevail in a given
society exert a powerful influence on
that society. These ideas, however,
have their source in the social usages
of that society which, in its turn
Is the result, of the economic relations
of that society. The ideas, therefore,
whether political, moral religious or
otherwise which prevail in a given so
clety and which Influence the conduct
of men in that society while they pre
vail, cease to prevail, and are gradually discarded when the economic conditions in which they had their inception undergo a change. Furthermore,
in our society, which is divided into
classes based on economic interests,
the ideas prevailing in it at any given
time will not only be the result of certain economic conditions, but will, in
the main, answer the needs, desires, or
aspirations, of some social class which
was brought to the front by these economic conditions. So that there may
be and very often is more than one
set of ideas current In a given society
at the same time; that these ideas may
be ln direct conflict with each other;
and they are held respectively by
those classes of that society whose interests they give expression to.
When a new tool makes its appearance a new political force is born into
society. This force grows with the
growth of the Importance of the new
tool in the economy of society and ln
its turn helps the new tool to unfold itself properly if it Is hampered by artificial barriers from asserting itself.
This new political force, the class
which owns and controls the new tool,
and consequently the product which
is produced by means thereof, enters
into a struggle with the then governing class, that is with the class which
owns and controls the old means of
production, and this struggle for the
of the use of the new tool.
This struggle continues until the inevitable result is reached: Economically, the new improved means of obtaining society's goods becomes preeminent; politically the class which
owns and controls those improved
means of production becomes predominant.
Then a new order of things is created ; if the new method of production is
sufficiently different a new society is
The new ideas formulate slowly, and
make converts even more so. But
when the time has come, society has
become sufficiently revolutionized economically, these ideas become a revolutionary factor in themselves and
help to destroy the old order of things.
Not only is the class whose interests
He in the economic changes which gave
birth to these ideas fired by these ideas
to such an extent that it often forgets those economic interests and is
carried by the ideas alone, but the neutral classes of society and even people whose interests lie in the opposite
direction are carried away by the ne"w
ideas and enter the lists for the new
order of things. And this for the reason that the new ideas are always the
reflection of the economic changes
which lies along the progress of society as a whole.
New ideas therefore, are always the
result of new economic conditions, produced sometimes directly and sometimes indirectly, but they always have
an important place In the struggle of
the classes for the progress of human
society, for each new class lights for
society as well as for itself.
They truly characterize the social
forces engaged in the struggle, which
is going on and which will only cease
when the workers seize and hold the
means of production.
With the taking possession of the
means of production on the part of
society, is excluded the production of
commodities and with it the dominance of the product over the producer.
The anarchy which dominates in social production will be succeeded by
conscious organization. The struggle
for individual existence will cease, only
in this way will man detach himself
in a certain sense from the animal
world In a definite fashion, and will
ence to a condition of human existence.
The entire Bum of the conditions of
life which has thus far dominated men,
will pass under the rule and examina
tion of men themselves, who will thus
for the flrst time become the real masters of nature, because they will be the
masters of their own association.
The laws of their own social activity which had been outside of them,
like foreign laws Imposed upon them
will be applied and mastered by themselves with full knowledge of their
cause. Their very association which
appeared to men as if imposed by nature, will become their own and their
free work. The foreign and objective
forces which till then dominated history will pass under the care of men.
Only from that moment, will men make
their own history with full understanding; only from that moment will
the social causes which they put in
motion, be able to arrive, in a great
part and in a proportion ever increasing, at the desired effects. It is the
leap of the human race from the reign
of necessity into that of liberty. To
accomplish this action emancipating
the world, such is the Historic Mission
of the modern proletariat.
"I would rise up in my wrath and
destroy utterly those of my, worker-
slaves who will not obey me and render up unto me all the wealth they
produce. But, alas! I am too fat; my
belly is too full; I am too slow and
heavy, and, to tell the truth, I don't
want to be 'bawthered' with the Job.
So I will set them quarreling amongst
themselves and get them divided
among themselves, and then I will
bribe some to be priests and to tell
them in a learned way that I am their a Western city was struck with a uni
friend, and when I get their hearts'que idea.   He was tired of spending
A Glance at
Things In General
Observations by a Wage-Slave of Matters Affecting His
Fellow Servitors.
The following hits the wage-worker
in respect to his vote:
Boss—"Who are you going to vote
for this time, Mike?"
Mike—"Devil a bit for either."
Boss—What! Neither Liberal or
Tory, d'ye say?"
Mike—"Neither: I've learnt something."
Boss—"And what's that?"
Mike—"Why, have ye ever seen two
dogs fighting for a bone?"
Mike.—"Ever see the bone fight?"
Mike—"Well, I'm the bone."
The casual observer might not notice the significant amount of difference
between the worker and the bone, but
it amounts to this, that while the
bone thrown to the dogs would probably be void of all meat (more especially would this aooly in the case
of a dog being owned by a worker),
whereas on the other hand we find
that the worker himself is juicy meat,
and makes good picking for the pickers, judging of course, by the rotundity of their masters' lower regions,
and their general ability to revel in
luxuries produced by the workerB,
•   *   •
To what extent our "superiors" are
forced to squander the wealth wrung
from the modern toilers can be judged
by the following
"The leader of a wealthy clique in
softened down In religion and temperance and they become not eager for a
present reward for their labors, but
are contented with a crown and a
Jew's harp after they die, then will I
be able to^agaln get them to deliver
all their wealth up to me, and then
shall I rejoice and bless the lord—Capital.
Parm's Paragraphs
None more than the Socialist realizes that the workers must have the
power to do what they intend to do
before it can be done. Xo place is
this more the case than with the Socialist movement itself. For many
years back to be known as a Socialist
was to be ostracized by even wage-
workers. But as the agitation
spread, the organization grew, and the
Socialists are slowly but surely be
coining a factor in the industrial and
political world, and it is no longer a
for years past. The capitalists themselves have provided us with the finest assortment of precedents one
could wish for. This is no time for
"making up," no time for sobbers and
eleventh-hour repentants. British Columbia belongs to Socialists, and the
Socialists must never waver or let up
money. There was nothing new on
which to spend it. He gave a "poverty social." The fifty guests came to
his palatial home in rags and tatters.
Scraps of food were served on wooden
plates. The diners sat about on soapboxes and buckets and coal-hods. Newspapers, dustcloths, and old skirts were
used as napkins, and beer was served
In rusty tin cans instead of the conventional champagne. They played at
being poor for one night, and not one
of them but joined in ecstatic praise of
their host and his unusual ability to
provide a sensation."
The above is something new, wherein the roasters' are found living like
slaves for one night. But then you
see, it was only to pass the time away
and provide an imaginary sensation.
One can imagine the effect it would
have were those slaves to wake up and
make the sensation a real one.
We venture to suggest that the
'Many people" who do not like Socialism, are those whose economic interests are opposed to it, of which bunch
the writer of tbe above is a typical
representative. But It so happens
there is another section of society
whose economic interests will demaiut
that they take a liking to Socialism,
to these we make our appeal, and when
sufficient realize their own class position I see no need fer us to lose any
sleep over the fact that some'of the
"phases of that thing called Socialism**
cannot be admired by our masters or
their apologists.
• *   <
"Many people do not like Socialism,
and in some of its phases Socialism is
not a thing to be admired. On the
other hand, its recent growth would
seem to indicate a certain feeling of
dissatisfaction on the part of a large
section of the people with the existing
order of things."—Brantford' Expositor, April 11th, 1911.
...       i* •'•
You Socialists would break up our
homes! To which charge we plead
guilty, for the Bake of our own comfort and cleanliness it would behoove
us to rid ourselves of those two by four
shacks, coupled with Insects therein
contained, and which tbe worker calls
"his home."
The capitalist class will not do the
only thing that will benefit the working class, viz., get off the workers'
backs, until they are dumped off by
the workers themselves,
* *   «
The difference between the Socialist
party of Canada, and all other organizations, political or otherwise, is the
fact that we waste no time on so-called
reforms, but are out for the complete
overthrow of the present system.
A. W. B   .
wage-workers   in   Vancouver   he   was
for a minute until the debt is collect- j!*issed off the I'Iatfo™. «■■<• he- would
ed.    The Socialists, being the wage- lbe again-   Ralph Smith has I,rove<1 to
workers of the province, produce every .,
atom of wealth and value there ls in ••»!'0s''<1 '» '"'»
the province, and to them that wealth
stigma to be   associated    with    that rightfully belongs.    As a   means   to
movement. In fact It is becoming S3
"respectable" that a point of danger
ls nearing. Wily politicians and cunning representatives of corporate in
terests are now beginning to trim; to
got anxious as to what the Socialists
are doing, and what the chances are
of corrupting and directing its forces
for other than its part in the historical mission of the working class. In
a word the Socialists must now be
reckoned with. This stage of development may have its dangers, but It
ls surely a significant sign of the
tlmeB. And it will be well for Social-
its to bear in mind the days when
they were snubbed and Ignored, misrepresented and hated. Remember that
our new-found "friends" are none tho
lesB enemies, but only forced to sit up
and take notice. At such times as
these one frequently hears of the willingness of scheming politicians to fix-
up some hocus-pocus compromise milk-
and-water ticket with which to beguile the workers once more in order
that old capitalism may reign supreme.
Let there be no political trading; no
compromise.     Now    that    we    have
that end Socialists must write the laws
of the province. To do that the workers must elect the law-makers and
know exactly what they elected them
to do. This is no time for trlflers;
political traders or old maids of either
sex. What is needed most ls men;
men who never forget; men true to
their class Interests; men who understand the mission ot the international
working class, and, fearing or favoring none, press on to industrial freedom.
Put not your faith in trimming politicians and discredited lawyer representatives of property interests. As
Pope would have put it if here now:
"Act your part; there all the victory
Si      •      •
What Ralph Smith may have to say
on the subject of reciprocity or any
Just by way of confirmation and
justification for organized labor's attitude towards the militia movement it
might be mentioned that during the
little rumpus stirred up by a few contractors at Prince Rupert who are un
willing to pay living wages the cap!
tallst press reports that "the militia
other matter is of very little Interest Icompany Is also under arms ready to
to wage-workers In British Columbia, assist." Assist whom? Why, the
But when he starts out parading under class that hires them to kill and brow-
be a traitor to every trust the workers
At the last general
election this was amply demonstrated
by the vote of the miners, who went
two to one against his treachery. But
with the aid of a few misguided farmers and the members of the navy at
Esquimau the Liberal machine managed to pull him through. If Ralph
Smith were to pose as "speaking for
working men" in Vancouver, ten
chances to one he would be mobbed.
Certain it ls he will never again be
re-elected on any political ticket In
British Columbia. He couldn't be
elected as doorkeeper in any union in
Western Canada.
New York, April 18.—Having sold a
quart of his blood for $25 to be used
in a transfusion operation at the Mo-
rlah hospital, George J. Allen, of
Brooklyn, was ready to-day when the
rent collector called.
The Aliens huve been in poor circumstances for some time, and had
until yesterday dreaded the time for
the rent to come round. Hut yesterday Allen saw a want ad. calling for
volunteers to give up their blood to
save a woman's life.
"Well, kid, that's a bet." be said to
his young wife. He applied, was selected from 100 applicants, and today was back in the little flat with
the cash in his clothes.—News item.
"If only youse SodallBts wasn' agin'
religion," says Pat, "youse wad have
more Socialists." I told him that when
working people only get 17Vi cents In
each dollar-value they produce, they
can't afford to buy hot air, but are
forced to gel material goods of full
value for their money In order to prolong their life from day to day.
P. R.
the guise of being a working class
representative, In the east where unknown, It is time to register a protest.   At Montreal, on March 25th, the
fought the enemy to a frazzle; wiped lpolitical Orchard of British Columbia
the worBt species off the map, there'assured his audience that he was a
must be no quarter.    Let us remem- "leader   of   workingmen   and    could
ber what we started out to do and do
It with a vengeance. Let there be as
much consideration for the corporations from this date as there has been
It, the social arrangement Into classes control of the organization of society | consideration   for   the   wage-workers
speak for them." Ralph Smith would
not dare to make that statement on
any public platform li British Columbia. In fact, the last time he attempted to address a mass meeting of
beat men who dare to rebel against
property rule and robbery. A wage-
worker who joins the militia at this
stage of the game Is a traitor to human life and a defender of tho mean
est ruling class that ever graced this
planet. And yet there are men who
have gall enough to think they can be
a union man and a militia man at one
and the same time! "Pity them; they
know not" etc.
R. P. P.    I
Comrade O'Brien has been sent out
to tour the effete East. As usual, the
West will, we presume, pay the
freight. Anyway, the more funds, the
more tour bo send your contributions
to D. 0. McKenzie, Box 1G8S, Vancouver, B. C.
Every local should appoint one or
more of its members to act as commissioners for taking affidavits from
persons desiring to get on the voters'
list LocalB in British Columbia can
secure commissions for appointees by
Bending names to Comrade Pnrker
Williams, Ladysmith, B. C. The time
to act Is now,
L_ Two
8ATURDAY, APRIL 22nd, 1911.
IHE ras CM
"PmMlshed every Saturday hy the
•oeiallst Party of Canada, at the Offlce
at the Western Clarion, Klack Block
Basement, 165 Hasting;-, Street, Vancouver,  B.  C.
Per Tear, SO cents for Six Mouths.
85 oenta for Tbree Months.
Strictly in Advance.
Bundles   of   &   or   more   copies,   for
Mriod of not less thun three months, at desire for   Holy   Writ   and    Sunday
vha rate of one cent per copy per issue
tile, for you have hats and hair restorer to sell.
Send him your message of Peace on
Earth, Goodwill to Men, from which ho
will learn that the gods of his fancy
are but the evil spirits of original sin,
that the real God, the All-loving Fatli
er beyond the clouds, has consigned
all his deceased relatives to the scorching torments of hell, and "the only
way he can keep from following them
is by obeying the commands of the
Lord's chosen people, who come bringing bibles and handmedowns. Teach
him  to read, thus creating in him a
Advertising rates on application.
It you  receive  this paper,  it le  paM
la making remittance by cheque, exes-suite must bo added. Address all
eMnmuntcatlons and make all money
ardors  payable  to
Wax 1S8S Vanoouver, B. O.
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it
your subscription expires the
next issue.
8ATURDAY, APRIL 22nd, 1911.
Somebody recently made the dlscov
ery that workers in the mills of the
United States Steel Corporation were
old men at forty years. Through the
medium of a magazine article, the executive board of that organization became acquainted with the fact. Where-
npon this agust body solemnly instructed its chairman. Judge E. H. Gary, to
-appoint a committee to investigate.
If any proof were necessary that
"Owners of modern industry have been
* entirely separated from its operation,
it would be supplied by this Incident.
Here we bave the principal owners of
the     largest     industrial     concern
commission on a particular errand in
order to discover what the inside of
■ their establishments is like.
Unintentionally in connection with
the miserable conditions encountered
by the makers of steel thus disclosed,
Mr. Gary made the following pertinent
"We believe we have at the present
time a better organization through our
companies than we have ever had be
tore. We are very well satisfied with
the amount of business we have done
and the profits we have realized during the last fifteen months."
Only ages of abject slavery and the
modern curse of work could produce
men so utterly blinded to their own interests as to allow their lives to be
ground out for the mere sake of producing "satisfaction" for a gang of
Worthless parasites like Gary and his
A modern steel mill is a veritable
wonderland of human achievement and
a triumph of working class ingenuity
and effort. With such an instrument,
along with corresponding results in
other branches of production, the
whole of society should be forever removed from want and miserable toil.
But no, we would rather have "property rights" whereby these marvels
of production are converted into torture chambers for the workers who
build and operate them. When will
Labor snap the tlimsey legal tie that
binds it in slavery to such as Gary,
and come finally into its own?
"Palms and mahogany and other
trees that to my ignorant eyes are
nameless grow dev.se and close down
to the water's edge, and where there
is not much bush the grass is thick
and tall, shutting out all else but
the sky overhead. Surely where the
soil is so prolific something profitable
might be found to take its place, but
the native, say those who know, like
most natives of tropical climates where
the necessities of life are at his door
and to be had for the taking, is lazy
and will not work.
"But," says the French trader, "we
are making him want. Every day he
aees a little' more that he wants and
be will work a little more to get lt."
"He is right, I think. Why should
tbe native work for just the pleasure
of the white man? Hut he has found
in the last ten years that he wants
sugar and wheaten flour and he works
to get them, and as his desires increase
he will surely work to procure tbat
which to him seems either necessary
or a delight."—Mary Gaunt, on the
Ground-nut Colony, on the Gambia.
Unfortunate native! Happy for ages
in Us freedom and his laziness, rich
because of abundant satisfaction for
his meagre desires, to at last, all unprepared by evolution, receive civilization's bitter potion at the hands of a
peddling trader.
"Make him want, and he will work."
Yes, turn him from a care-free, joyfully languorous product of Nature into at once a market and a slave. Dazzle hlm with your patent leathers so
that he will work to buy not only the
products of your boot factories, but
your corn plaster as well. Attract his
simple, childish mind with your fancy
School papers.
He has no bad habits, except laziness and good health. This Ib not
good business, for you can not live by
his indolence, nor get rid of your varl
ous drugs in his sturdy constitution.
Therefore keep on; create evil ways
for him by making laws for him to
break. This will make good jobs for,
and enable you to get rid of your otherwise useleBB offspring who would make
good judges, policemen, etc. Above all
impose upon him your moral code, and
earn forever the plaudits of the medical profession and vendors of patent
medicines, by filling him with disease.
But, having civilized him, one of your
chief difficulties will arise—one that
gives you considerable trouble at home.
That is, you must teach him to practise abstinence, even while endeavoring to multiply his desires. He must
learn that anything which gives him
pleasure and which he can get without working for, is evil and to be
avoided. Otherwise, he might think
longingly of bis savage state, grow
weary of supplying you with the result of his prolific tropical toil; come
to gaze askance at your cotton trousers, your necktleB and your soap, and
generally disarrange the market prices of your stocks.
Impress, then, your victim with the
Greatness ot your God and the Might
of your King. Thus you will convert
him to the joys of your advanced social condition, and he will work—work
to produce peanuts and other things
for you. These latter you will sell
to us, for we are tamed and can easily
be convinced tbat it is to our great
advantage to practice thrift ln other
things, and buy them.
Dear Friend:—
You no doubt have heard of the Poll
tical Equality League having been organized in Vancouver whose object
and aim is the securing of the power
of the ballot for women whereby many
disabilities and inequalities which now
obtain may be abolished, we are anx
ious to enlist your sympathy and financial assistance in this noble cause—
the welfare of women in particular—
and humanity in general. Trusting to
receive your sympathy and interest,
Believe me,
Yours  respectfully,
Super.  Headquarters.
•   •    •
No ma'am. Not with the poor
Scotchman anyhow. Not that we are
violently opposed to your having a
vote, even though we know you
would use it against us. We know
of no good reason why you should not
have a vote and it would matter nothing if we did. We simply don't care
a cuss. And, if you knew anything,
you wouldn't care a cuss, either.
Our "sympathy and financial assistance" has all been staked and preempted. There isn't any for anybody
anymore. Most certainly not for you,
for we knowryou are no friend of ours.
We freely admit that we are violently prejudiced, narrow-minded, or what
you please, but we can't help il. We
know only two kinds of people. Not
men and women, but masters and slaves. Our "financial assistance" if any
is devoted to making slaves aware of
the fact. Our sympathy we are saving
up for the masters when the slaves get
through with them, for the welfare of
slaves ln particular and anybody you
please ln general.
By the way, lira, in brackets Lashley
Hall, would It be very Impertinent of
us to inquire in our turn whether you
have any loose sympathy and financial
assistance for this "noble cause"—the
emancipation of wage slaves? Do you
know a thing about it? We have read
your dope (and found some of it positively pathetic in its ignorance, by the
way). Have you read any ot ours?
Would you? We doubt it, and we will
bet we are right ln doubting it. If
this should be bo, and you have read
none of our dope but are opposed to lt
anyhow, would you oblige us with the
loan of the words "prejudice," and
"narrowmlndedness" for a minute?
are fundamental and superior altogether to the rights of property.'"
All very fine and large. We, being
slaves, can see the "justice" of a
workmen's compensation law, and can
say, we will grant, that this is a just
law and that the court's decision is
unjust. But the owners of factories—
can they not say, and sincerely, with
the court that it is unjust to hold factory owners liable even for injuries
caused by no fault of theirs? Were
we factory owners, could we not see
clearly that this law was unjust and
the court's decision just?
Which of these opinions is right?
Both are perfectly natural. Yet they
are the exact reverse of one another.
Which is your "natural justice," and
why? Let those who believe in justice figure it out.
For our part, justice and injustice
looks alike to us. We propose that
the workers should expropriate the
owners of the means of production. It
may be just, to the workers. It may
be unjust to the owners. We do not
know. That it is illegal and unconstitutional we are aware. We may
have a moral or ethical or ' fundamental" right to do it, or we may not.
What does it matter? It we have moral, ethical and fundamental rights to
the means of life, do they buy us anything now? Not that we have noticed.
If our claims are just, does it gain
them any recognition?
Then, if justice and right get us
nothing, what will? Why, good old
might When we are strong enough
we wlll expropriate the owners of the
means of production, and we wlll leave
jurists to decide on the legality of the
proposition and moralists on its justice to their own entire satisfaction.
We will take what we want and when
we want it, and that will do for us.
"The truth is mighty and will prevail,"
provided lt is on the winning side.
The following, from the Literary Digest, ls not so bad:
"The Louisville Post ('commenting
on the New York Court of Appeals'
decision against the Workman's Compensation Law) rebukes the court for
setting up the 'fundamental law' above
the 'dictates of natural justice,' and
adds: 'The rights of property are defined, limited and declared by statute:
no more, no less.   The rights of life
Bruce Glasier, "Labor" M. ?., has
issued an I. L. P. year book wherein
he reviews the "Labor and Socialist"
movements in various countries. That
he is eminently qualified for the job
is demonstrated by many items like
the following on the Canadian Socialist Press:
"Many local Socialist weeklies and
monthlies have appeared, but few have
held their ground. The "Voice"
(Winnipeg), which strongly supports
the Labor Party policy, is the moBt influential of the Socialist weeklies."
We are sure this must bo very flattering to the eminent Conservative
ex-M. P. who owns the Voice. Anyway, the Voice quotes it.
* *    *
Patriotism Is an hallucination that
somebody else's property is your own.
Yet the patriotic are not arrested;
why? Because the malady only runs
to harmless capers and makes its victims attempt to live on visions.
* *   *
A good example of the fearful row
some people can kick up over nothing
is the S. P. C. A. A few days ago a
delegation from this epispastic outfit
went careering around trying to force
a Chinaman to secure medical attendance for a horse that was mutely beg-
geing to be allowed to die in peace.
ThiB reminded us of an occurrence
that once came to our notice. A comrade of ours was once working in a
mine. While walking along a passage
one day he ran his face violently into
the outstretched heels of a mine mule.
Fearing he had injured the animal,
he became so agitated tbat most of
his teeth fell out. However, the mule
did not suffer any evil consequences
and was not even reprimanded. But
our friend had to keep the reason tor
his disarranged masticatory apparatus
carefully hushed up, or the S. P. C. A.
would have made him apologize.
»■   «   o
'Let us organize as consumers,"
says Eugene Wood. What for? Organization of any kind is tor the purpose of opposing something. Who
would the consumers bave to protect
themsel'es from? Necessarily from
non-consumers. VVe have lt on excellent advice tbat these latter are all
dead.   Try it another way, Eugene.
* . *   *
One of the principal industries of
British Columbia is selling the same
job to many plugs.
♦ »   •
Get ln touch with the Socialist
party and arrange to celebrate on the
first of May, International Labor Day.
.   •   «
How fortunate lt ls that the captain of the Iroquois was not drowned
so that he could be arrested for manslaughter, thus shifting the spotlight
from the owners.
»   *   •
Newspapers flnd plenty of "copy"
these days ln the pulverized flesh of
explosion victims, the drowned bodies
of wage slaves, the myriad "accidents"
that daily bring disaster to the workers. No wonder the eminent financiers, those "empire-builders" who are
"developing" British Columbia, have
sense enough to keep away.
• »   •
Ten thousand alarm clocks go from
Chicago to China, This is a sure sign
that an industrial awakening is about
to take place.
• *   •
The May Day Clarion will be out
early next week. Price, 75c per 100
copies for bundles of 100 or over.
By the right of our might will we
conquer the power of state and run
things in our interest. Workers, we
have the numbers and the strength,
both mental (when properly awakened) and physical, and we can easily
"make our bed so that it will te pleasant to He down upon."
STOPURKICKEN at hard times, or
else vote to change the bard times into easy times.    Socialism is the only
vote that will turn the trick.
Mr.  Worker,  flnd   yourself  a  spot
where  you  can  have  a  little  house,
cabin or hut or dug-out that you can
call HOME and get on the voters' list
and keep on it, and when it comes
round to voting time be sure to be
home in time to register your vote for
A good trusty rifle helps to make a
ballot mean what it ls registered for;
that ls, if the other party acts In such
a way as tf make It necessary.
A man who has been working in
Mexico says that the Mexicans who
were driven to work by the police were
each paid one Mexican dollar every
night and were often waiting at the
store till midnight to turn that dollar
into enough food, etc., to barely last
them till the next night. Their wives
would scramble for the chance to do a
little waBhing or other work for a
white laborer. What difference is
there between wage slavery and any
other kind?
A four-legged mule receives wages
for its labor power, the same as a two-
legged mule; namely, its fodder and
It is not wrong for the capitalist
class to rob the working class, that is,
so long as the working class is content to be robbed. When, the working class registers its protest in the
proper way the robbing will cease.
It is not wrong for the tiger to kill
and eat the lion if he have the power
to do so. Might is right You work-
ess, by registering your vote in the
interests of the capitalists, put might
into their hands and they use it
against you. You are a dead easy
bunch. They only have to promise
you a job, and they get your goat; or
threaten to Are you if you vote for
your own class interest; and you wilt!
Where is your might? Where is your
manliness? How are your wife and
family being dragged down, through
your blasted ignorance?
Don't pass your Clarion onto a man
who works 16 hours a day and sleeps
the rest. He has no brains in his
head and could not understand it, and
anyhow he would be too tired to read
it. Hand lt to some intelligent person,
male or female. Intelligence, and long
hours of toil, seldom go arm in arm,
Hard times never leave us, but just
now they are preparing to remind us
that they are ever with us.   Take the
warning and be prepared for the siege.
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party of
Canada should run u card under thi*
head. ■ $1.00 inn- month. Secretaries
please note,
Sochii! t Party ol Canada, Meet*
every u ternate Monday. D. Q. McKenzie. Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver, B. c.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Cnnada. Meets every alternate
Mondaw D. G. McKenzie. Secretary,
Box 16S8, Vancouver, B. c.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada.
Meets everv alternate Mondav in I.Rlior
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. secretary will be piea t- . tu
answer any communications regarding
the movement In the province. F.
lianliy.   Secretary.   Box   647,   Calgary,
headquartero and public reading room!
Show Building, Hamilton Street. Businessmeetings f\cry Saturday night at
8 P.m, .Nell McLean, Secretary; John
Mclnnls Organizer. Comrades contemplating ccnilns to Fort George are
payne tly requested to write for reliable information.
LOCAL  VANCOUVER,  B.  C,  HO.  1,  8.
P. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters 2237
•""'ii oii-eet.    1.. Perry, Secretary, Box
LOCAL  VANCOUVER,   B.   C,   HO.   46,
Finnish. Meets every second ami
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
Main Street.    Secretary, Wm. Myntti
Dear Comrade,—I went to hear Hector Maedonald of Toronto speak in the
Forum Building on Saturday, April
1st. His talk was on the Fabian- Society, of which, I believe, he is a member. I was never more surprised in
all my life, and it takes a bit to surprise me now. Our "champion" of
economics denied all the conclusions
that the Marxian doctrine implies. The
questions that were asked were answered in a way that gave little satisfaction to anyone present. Some gems
from tbe speaker in the course of the
evening were these:
"The Fabian Society is not a Socialist society or party, but when you
join the Fabians you sign a paper
which says: 'The Fabian Society consists of Socialists.' This awkward
point was gotten over by the speaker
saying that Socialists among themselves don't know what Socialism
means; therefore, as the Fabians are
in favor of anything progressive (?),
they can call themselves Socialists.
The Fabians were lighting King
Capital. It was a middle class movement, and lt had accomplished splendid work. When asked what it had
accomplished, the speaker could find
no words to reply.
The Fabians were not a political
party, but each member could vote
for the next best candidate, if the one
they wanted was not running. The
Fabians were feared more than any
Socialist Party, and their policy was
to permeate society with Socialism
without causing friction; in fact, to
teach Socialism without talking about
The different tactics of Socialists (?)
were due to their different viewpoints.
The Lloyd George Budget originated
in the Fabian Society. ThlB was held
up as a sample of the work accomplished.
That only in the principles of the
Fabians was sex-citizenship spoken of,
which shows that the speaker has yet
some very elementary knowledge to
What do you know about that for a
defender of Marx. However Mr. Mac-
Donald can reconcile his position with
Marxian economics is more, I Imagine,
than any member of the S. P. of C. can
Yours ln revolt,
Committee: Notice—This card Is inserted for tlie purpose of getting
■•VOL"' Interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If vou are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
voiTctarv. W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
3111 Good  Street, Winnipeg.
•t*°9"1 YP8B0W'  -*■<■•••  *0.  38. B.T.
ol C.    Meets every Tuesday, 8:00 p.m.
Si!*"",?- J5f. u  °-   L-  Ha".  Tronson  St.
u. H. Gllmore, Secretary.
PL?' Reading room and headquarters,
1310 Government St., Boom 2, over
canister's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, S p.m. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at Ci-ys-
tal Theatre,    T.  Gray, Secretary.
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every first and third
Saturday In the month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters, Main street, North Battleford, Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. A. Gildemees-
ter, Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
und leading room. Labor Hall. Geo.
Kosslter, Secretary, Box 017; A, Maedonald, Organizer, Box 047.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace j-ay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     HO.     9.
Miners' Hall and Opera Home. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. en the first
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendenning, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. w. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. w. of A.
LOCAL   PERNIE,   8.   P.   of   C,   HOLDS
educational meetings in tile Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting first Sunday in each
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary,  Box 101.
P. of c. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.  Stephenson.
LOCAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   C,    HO.    9,
S. P. ol C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall. Greenwood.
Visiting comrades Invited to call. C
G. .Johnson, Secretary.
S. P. of C.    Meets first and third Sundays ln  the month,    at    4    p.m.,    In
•   Miners'   Hall.     Secretary,   Chas.   Peacock, ljox 1983.
LOCAL  LADYSMITH  HO.   10,   S.  P.   of
C Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., in headquarters on First Ave.
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith.
B.  C. )
LOOAL  MICHEL,  B.  C,  HO.   16,   8.   P.
of C, tioids propaganda meetings
every Sunday altei-noon at 2:30 p.m. in
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the first
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. In the same hall. Party
organisers take notice. A. S. Julian,
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. in Trades
Hall, Scartli street. Business meetings second and fourth Fridays at 8
p.m.. Trades Hall. Secretary, B. Simmons, Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Rossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class. Sundays at 3
p.m.; speakers' class, Wednesday- at
8 p.m.; algebra class, Friday at 8
p.m.; debating class, flrst and third
Mondays at 8 p.m. D. France, Organizer, 1126 Victoria Ave,
LOCAL KARA, B. C, HO. 34, 8. P. of C,
meets first Sunday in every month in
Socialist Hull, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman,  Recording Secretary.
second Sundav, 7:30 p.m., in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts,
LOOAL  NANAIMO,  HO.  8,  S. P.  of   C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters' Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting- commences ut S:00 o'clock.
A. Jordan, Secretary, Box 410.
LOCAL  NELSON,  8.  P.  ot  C, MEETS
every Friduv evening at 8 p.m., In
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretury. 	
of C. Headquarters, 628 1/2 Main St.,
Room , 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate
Monday evening at S p.m.; propaganda
meeting every Wednesday at 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh Lald-
low, Hoom 2. 628 1/2 Main St. Setre-
tai-y, J. W,_Hjnjmis,. -
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday in
lia'l In Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Goi-ham, Secretary,	
LOOAL   REVELSTOKE,   B.   C,    HO.    7,
S. P. of C.    Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month.    B. F. Gayman, Secre-
Izer;  B.  F.  Gayman,  Secretary,
meets In Miners' Hall every Sundav at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell. Secretary, P.O.
Box 671. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Flnlandevs' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
v'. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Coninuinications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice Street
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every second and fourth Wednesdays;
propaganda meetings every Sunday at
3 and 8 p.m. By arrangement with
Toronte university, popular scientific
lectures every Monday nt 8 p.m. during the winter. Address nil communications to Secretary, No. 10 and 12
Alice St.	
LOCAL  BRANTFORD,  NO.  16, S. P. of
C, Meets at headquarters, 13 George
St., every Thursday and Sunday nights.
Business and speakers' class on Thursdays; economic class on Sundays.
Wage workers Invited. S. Kemp. Secretary, II George St. W. Davenport,
Organizer, 31 Charlotte St.
LOOAL  OTTAWA,  HO.  8,   8.  P.   OP  O.
Business meeting first Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sunday-- at 8 p.m. In Robert-
Alhin Hall, 78 Rtdeuu St. John Lyons,
Secretary,   14 Chamberlfn Ave.
LOCAL  GLACE  BAY,  NO.  1,  OF  H.  8.
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at S p.m. In Macdon-
ald's Hall, Union Street, All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay: Wm. Sutherland,
organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
834 Pender St.       Vancouver
To Canadian Socialists
On account of increased postal
rates we are obliged to make tha
subscription price of the International Socialist Review in Canada
11.20 a year instead of $1.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one issue.
For $3.00 we will mall the Review   one   year  and   the  Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 West Kinzie St., Chicago.
We solid-, tne business of Manufacturers,
Engineer., and others who realize the advisability of hairing their Patent business transacted
byRxpetts. Preliminary advice free. Charges
modetatt*. Our InvNtor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion & Marlon. New York Life Bldg,
Montreal I 'md Wanhin-rton, r»..C, U.S-A.
A good
place to eat
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mfslcahey- Prop.
6*4 *__
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    25c
Life of Jesus, Renan  25c
Age of Reason, Paine 25c-
Merrie England   20c
God and My Neighbor,
Blatchford  25c
Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c
Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c
Evolution of the Idea of God,
Grant Allen  ,  25c
Postage prepaid on books.
The People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
W*w Westminster lul autrlot, District
of New Westminster.
Take notice that William Mcintosh, bf
Vancouver, occupation real estate agent.
Intends to apply tor permission to purchase the following described lands:
Commencing at a post planted about 471
feet ln a westerly direction from the
southeast corner of Block 18, District
Lot 196, City of Vancouver; thence
northerly 120 feet; thence easterly 128
feet to old high water mask; thence
south 120 feet along old high water
mark; thence west to point of commencement
Dated Feb. 24th, 1911 (630)
9®®®®®®?**®®®®®***®®®®®®®®®®®®®** SATURDAY, APRIL 22nd, 1911.
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box' 1688, Vancouver, B. C.
['Meeting held, April 17th, 1911.
[Present Comrades   ilengel    (chair-
Ian), Morgan, Peterson,  Stoltz, and
le secretary.
[•Minutes of previous meeting approv-
■Charters granted Locals   Olds   and
intent, Alta. and Enderby, B. C	
Jt'orrespondence dealt with from
laritime, Manitoba, Alberta and Sas-
\tchewan Executives; Locals Bran-
In, Man., and Dewberry, Alta. Or-
Intzers O'Brien and Lestor.
■Warrants authorized for Literature,
|90, Maritime Executive $25.00.
Saskatchewan Executive  $ 5.00
Lr'time Executive     5.00
fbllshing Fund: Local Brandon 10.00
lerature:   Locals North Battle-
(ford, ?2.00;  South Wellington,
K1.00; Dewberry, $1.00, Brand-
lm, $2.00; A. G. McCallum 25c   6.25
Total ?26.25
I\Ieeting held April 17th, 1911.
Tuiuuies of the previous meeting -ap-
Correspondence dealt with from Lolls Enderby, Victoria, Nanaimo,
feenwood, Malakwa and South Well-
gton and Organizers Desmond and
fc>us ton.
Varrants authorized for organizer
louston, $40.00;  Organizer Desmond,
local Malakwa   $ 2-0°
focal Nanaimo, Finnish  10.00
ocai Vancouver, LittiBh     3.00
local South Wellington     5.00
|ocal Enderby (charter)     8.00
Total    *2S00
J Meeting held April 8th, 1911. Min-
Ites of previous meeting approved.
-Correspondence dealt with from Or-
lamzer Lestor, W. W. Jones, a. o«.m-
ida, D. G. Mumby, Maple Coulee and
[.oral Reglna.
1 .Receipts: W. W. Joness, member-
it-large, year's dues, $3.00; Local Re-
tfna, $5.00; collection, $1.76; total,
| Warrants   authorized    for   Clarion
ard, $1.00;   due stamps, $5.00;   sun-
fries, $1.35; postage, 50c.
Meeting held at the headquarters
(iiommercial Street, April 9th. All the
[nembers   present.    Comrade   Brodie
lected chairman.     Minutes   of   pre-
ious meeting read and approved as
Correspondence dealt with fron, Lo-
al St. John.; Local Vancouver No. 1.;
rganizer Fillmore, F. Hyatt, St. John,
ules Lavenne, Local Sydney Mines,
md Appeal  to Reason Lecture Bur-
Organizer Sutherland  reported  the
ork done during the fortnight.
On motion the secretary was instructed to write Jules Lavenne,
Springhill, to get information re the
-rganization in Cumberland CountJ
ilso for a copy of the circular sent
jut by Comrade Lavenne, appealing
'or funds for the election campaign.
in motion the secretary waB instruct-
Ijid to keep in touch with Organizer
lllmore re Comrade O'Brlen'B tour.
Local Glace Bay, 90 uue stamps $9.00
■Local St. John 20 due stamps.... 2.00
,Keath McLean, Glace Bay Org.   2.00
>iAlex  McGilvray  1.00
.William McKinnon    5.00
Dave Romans      50
Will Nicolson    1.00
Alfred Nash  2.00
Dan Cochrane   1.00
"Local Sydney Mines Organization 2.50
Total    $26.00
Dom. Ex. 100 Due Stamps. $5.00
150 Feb. Reviews  9.00
Organizer Sutherland     23.00
Total    $37.50
Editor "Western Clarion,"
Vancouver, B. C.
Comrade Editor:
On Monday, April 10th, we had a
visit from Comrade C. O'Brien. Ours
is a country Local, composed of farmers, situated 6 miles from the station
of Grandvlew. Comrade O'Brien's letter reached me on Saturday, April 8th,
time was, therefore, very short to advertise the meeting. Besides, the state
of the roads was fearful. However, our
Local took the matter in hand, rented
the hall in town and invited every
body in sight. Besides our members,
which were out in full force, about
seventy people, shop-keepers, doctors,
working men and farmers, gathered
in the hall to listen to Com. O'Brien's
able discourse on the general principles of Socialism. This was the first
meeting of its kind ever held in Grand-
view and seemed to arouse great interest. Our Local some time ago instituted a systematic literature campaign and has achieved very good results so far.
What ia wanted, is a good live Socialist in every locality, and a little
more effort bestowed on organization.
I have met good Socialists, who seemed to lack the proper understanding
for close organization. The secret of
success lies In proper Industrial and
political organization. "Workers of
the world, unite."
Your for the revolution,
D. G. McKenzie:—
Comrade,—My trip to Lethbridge before coming here was productive of
collection and Bales of $3.80. Held two
meetings, the first only a small one.
Am billed for four meetings here, that
ie, at Bellevue, Blairmore, Hillcrest
and Frank, during the next four days.
After Coleman date not fixed will go
on to Fernie.
Since last report I have addressed
a good crowd of "hands" looking for a
job at Silverton. Went from there to
Nelson and spoke In the Miners' Hall
on Friday night and on the street Saturday and Sunday. About 40 in ball,
and street crowds pretty good. Came
from Nelson to Fernle, stopping at
Creston and Moyie on the way. Had
a decent little meeting in Moyie, considering that the camp is practically
at a standstill. Arrived ln Fernle tonight and intend workiug the Crow
as thoroughly as possible. It is a little
cold for the open air just yet.
an ever-Increasing reserve army of unemployed. Starvation in the midst of
plenty; and is not self-preservation the
first law of nature? What shall we do
with a system that strikes right at this
first law of nature? Will the workers
submit to starvation; wlll they perish;
will they struggle, or will they die?
They are rotting in thousands. The
stink and abomination of civilization
ascends to heaven; even tbe winged
paupers of the skies are overcome with
the effluvia.
O'Brien is a genial comrade and all
the boys were glad to see him and talk
with him. He does not put on parliamentary airs; he does not yose as an
oracle. He is particularly free from
egotism; he bubbles over with good
nature. He would not lay claim to the
charm of Laurier; and yet he is a
sagacious old dog for all that. He will
not walk behind Caesar's chariot at
the coronation. Yes, my revolutionary
friend, Caesar is a product of the
time; so is the Socialist. The O'Brien
does not make passionate appeals to
the deity; in fact, he ls what you call
an old one.
There may be no boundaries except
on maps, and yet our comrade has that
wit and humor known throughout the
civilized world as Irish. Charlie is
neither base nor common, but he is
certainly popular. All Socialists go
through a process ot evolution. Charlie has passed the desperate villain
stage of development long ago. He
has assimilated the Socialist philosophy. He ls a ripened and matured
revolutionist, a sturdy rebel. He has
the balance and sanity peculiar to a
sound mind in a sound body. As one
of the comrades said: "It would be
impossible to quarrel with Charlie."
Dear Comrades.—I am pleased to
report a visit from Comrade Lestor
in this locality. He hns addressed
seven meetings, which were well attended and intense interest taken by
the farm slaves. We are having a
return visit for the first week of July
This is the first effort of Lestor's
under the auspices of this newly organized province as organizer, and I
must say he is a speaker of rare
ability, of pleasing personality, and ir
given the proper support will prove
of incalculable benefit to the movement in this province.
Liberal collections were received
and several subs, for the Clarion
taken. -As a result of Lestor's visit
new life has been put into the local
here. We are planning permanent
headquarters and starting an economic class. Other locals are implored to get into the game that the
scales may be struck from the eyes
of the wage slaves, and Saskatchewan
be represented in the next P. P. by a
proletarian.   Yours in revolt,
Comrade O'Brien was at Brandon,
April 11th and 12th, and gave two
Interesting addresses on the principles of scientific Socialism. All who
heard him were well pleased and when
he had finished speaking they Bhowed
their appreciation of what he had said
by applause, which was loud and continued. The O'Brien is broad enough
to be friends with everybody and
everything except the capitalist system of production for profit, and that
is probably one reason why the workers like him.
He has to fight single handed against
the flunkeys of the capitalist class in
the Alberta legislature. There his opponents sit like owls in the desert; and
with all the gravity of pelicans they
prate of free competition, personal
liberty, of the equality before the law,
ot all commodity owners, and all the
rest ot the capitalist blessings. There
they are, the representatives of two
groups of dividend mongers. When
the workers ot Canada have formed
one big union on the basis of Socialism, these politicians and their class
interests will be consigned to limbo.
No longer will be heard their judicial
The material productive forces have
come into collision with the old antiquated property relations. Machines
replacing laborer;, women taking the
place of men, children competing with
men and women. Mr. Dam, Mrs. Dam
and the whole Dam family competing
with each other for JobB, consequently
From perusal of Clarion columns, I
am led to believe that on these Western prairies there is a set ot people
known as farmers who are skinned
and fleeced as are the wage plugs of
the cities. Now, being a wage plug
myself and up against it about 99 1-2
per cent, of the time, I have been
forced to study my position In society.
After a close study I flnd that I can
never be In any other position as long
as I am a wage plug.
A wage plug- is one who does not
own the tools of production and is,
therefore, forced to work for wages,
being his cost of substinence according to the standard of living prevail-
| ing among wage plugs in the community in which he lives. But about
the farmer. If robbed, where does the
robbery take place? You must show
I The Free Trader says by high
duties. The Single Taxer, by taxing
industry, as though taxes could be
dug up from a hole ln the ground, or
pulled out of the clouds, or, as a great
many Socialists say, by having imaginary ownership instead of real
ownership of the farms. When a Socialist states that a class is robbed, to
be logical he must show where it
takes place. He must also carefully
classify his class. When we speak of
a manufacturer we mean one who
owns a factory. When we speak of a
rarmer in the West, it is of one who
owns a farm, not one who is working
on shares, or who has a big mortgage
against the farm. In that case he does
not own his means of production and
can logically be treated as a farm
A farmer producing a commodity
(wheat, for example) buys on the
market commodities in the form or
machinery, tools, etc., at their value,
hires wage plugs at their cost of production and sells his commodity,
wheat, on the market at its value.
Where is he robbed? But somebody
says that the railroads, elevators,
flour miliB, etc., do some of lt. In that
case, they would have to buy his
wheat below its value, or sell transportation above Its value. But on Investigation we find there is too much
capital seeking investment to allow
that. The millers, elevators and railroads are doing just as the implement
makers, sell their commodities at
value. Not that they have any notions of British fair play or American
square deals attached to their business, but are ruled by the same economic laws as Is wage labor.
Now, Mr. Editor, I am willing to admit that the majority of those who
call themselves farmers are up against
it—that they are either non-owners of
farms through a mortgage or debts,
otherwise. Or it is a case ot try to
grow wheat with methods that are
absolutely insane. In either case, the
farmer is not robbed that I can Bee.
In conclusion, to be a farmer he
must own a farm, to own a farm is to
own the product, to own the product is
to market lt where he can get the
most for it, and with the world for a
market, where is he robbed? Yours in
Don't Sweat I
at your Doll Saw
take it to Elliott,
the specialist
Dear Charlie: —
Glad to hear from you, your letter, however, was somewhat delayed
as I have been knocking around and
my people did not know where to
forward my mail. I arrived home
last night; having spent ten days in
South Wales, where there are at present about 20,000 miners on strike
(have been out since November), and
further, have about 400 police and 300
soldiers to keep them in subjection,
with strong reserve forces always
available which can be rushed to the
spot under one hour. No need for me
to enlarge, its the same old story
which can be read in every strike. Industrial Unionism? Phaugh, it fairly
gives me the sick to hear people talk
about the power of trade-unionism, or
commodity organizations of any description. How clearly he who runs
may read the message staring every
worker in the face, "Workers of the
World Unite politically, you have nothing to lose but your chains, you have
a world to gain." Yet plain*" as the
message is, they fall to see lt.
The Miners Federation here bave
asked (?) the government to take over
the mines from the owners (The Cambrian Combine). With what result?
Why the government, seeing that the
combine are holding their own, refuse
to interfere. Refuse to Interfere, and
yet Winston Churchill, the Home Secretary, upon receipt of a telegram
from the combine immediately drafted 300 soldiers and 400 metropolitan
police by special train to the spot,
because the slaves were getting desperate. Is it not farcical, this refusal
to interfere? I have been on the spot,
I have been in the power house where
every window was smashed, I have
talked-to the police and I know that
what I write is right. Negotiations
for settlement have just been broken
off and the cloud of riot is looming
dark against the horizon. What the
outcome wlll be the wise-acres profess not to know, and shake their
heads saying with Taft, "God knows."
Well I guess he must have told the
Socialists that too, because we know
there can be but one result. The
slaves will receive a slave's treatment,
they will be whipped Into subjection,
for the masters own the power sf government. The army and police are at
their service.   Nuff Bed.
I am glad to hear that you are having good meetings amongst the farmers. Yes, Comrade, it Ib encouraging.
Glad to hear Budden has struck the
trail, may success attend his efforts.
Glad to hear you have shaken off the
la grippe. Say Charlie, I think the
country districts over here a much better field than the towns for our propaganda. I had some A.l. times in a
little village pub, nice little company
about a dozen; and I pumped the dope
or tried to, in a conversational way.
Interested? Well, they simply swallowed it, if only there were about two
or three class conscious workers there
I feel convinced that things would
hum, they recognize, when they are
told, the opposite interests of master
and slave, but they, of course, are totally ignorant, they want someone
there to keep the ball rolling.
Say, Charlie, I'll be glad to get back
again. I am pining almost to be in
the company of Socialists again. I feel
so weak all on my own, yet, perhaps,
I ought not to do so. Write often, old
man, I look forward to your letters,
short though they usually are, yet
they always have a word of encouragement. Now I will quit, wishing you
the best of health and success.
From your Comrade in revolt,
Arrangements for comrade O'Brien's tour in the Maritime have been
left by the Maritime Executive committee in the hands of Comrade Ros
coe A. Fillmore, Amherst, N. S. Locals wishing dates should communicate with him at once.
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Socialist Patty of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of tha
revolutionary working clasB.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers tt should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of tbe
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; tha worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession ot the reins ef
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights ln the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure et
misery and degradation.
The Interest of the working class lies tn the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of .the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker ls rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession ot the
reins of government—the capitalist to bold, the worker to secure It by
political action.   This Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party ot Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose ot setting up and enforcing the economic
programme ot the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead ot production for profit. •
The Socialist Party when In office shall always and everywhere
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule ot conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it wlll, the Socialist Party ts for it; if lt will not, the
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to It \
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself)
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln Its hands ln such a manner,?
as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
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SATURDAY, APRIL 22nd, 1911.
By  Herbert A.  White.
BERLIN, April 18.—A Russian journalist, Carl Mizit, who was arrested
in 1906 on a charge of sympathizing
with the reform movement in Russia
and was thrown into prison at Riga
without a trial, relates the following
Story of the tortures which were inflicted upon him during his period of
"I was arrested in March, 1906, not
because I had perpetrated any definite
deed, but because the police had conceived the idea that I was secretly in
sympathy with the reform movement
and that I was aiding the cause of political progress In Russia.
"First of all, I was brought to the
police headquarters at Riga, where I
Was subjected to a rigid search. During
my examination I refused to make any
statement except that I protested
against my arrest and demanded to be
tried in public. Deputy Public Prosecutor Busio and Colonel von Anronlus
then came together to my cell and asked me if I was willing to confess to
my crime.   I refused.
"Busio, leaving my cell, turned to
Chief of the Detectives Platnitzki with
the words, 'now you ask him in your
own way,' while he shouted to me Tomorrow you will tell a different tale.'
As he uttered these words, he smiled
-with a demoniacal expression.
"I soon found out what the words
of the deputy public prosecutor meant.
At 11 o'clock that evening a whole
troop of soldiers rushed Into my cell,
with Detective Dovas at their head,
and began to beat me mercilessly, belaboring me with their fists, kicking
me with their heavy boots and dealing me blows with the butt end of
their rifles. Blood flowed from deep
wounds on my legs, hands and my
whole body. I was then seized and
dragged to the top "of the building
where the inquisition chamber was situated at that time.
"With a blow dealt with the butt
end of his rifle, one of the soldiers
pitched me into the room in which a
table covered with a red cloth stood
in the middle. On this table, an imperial eagle was placed by way of
decoration and around it were sitting the inquisition tribunal, consisting of Chief of Detectives Platnitzki,
Chief Warder Sobetzki, Deputy Chief
Warder Michejeff, Detective Dovas,
the civil official, Alexandroff, and an
officer whose name I have forgotten.
In front of the table was a raised platform surrounded by a high railing. On
each side of this platform stood two
executioners with whips constructed
of thick ropes filled with lead at their
"Sobetzki turned to me and said
"Young man, here are four walls, God
and myself. What I want to do, I can
do. If I choose to do so, I shall beat
you till you are dead, or I shall make
a cripple of you. Nothing can happen to me for doing this, so that I advise you to confess.'
"Davos thereupon mentioned a number of murders and declared that I had
committed them, whereupon at a sign
from him, the two executioners bounded upon me. Now began an unequal
but desperate struggle. All the members of the tribunal rose from their
seats and participated in the torture.
Sobetzki sprang upon me, placed his
knee upon my throat and began to I
throttle me. Michejeff kicked me on
the head. Davos held my legs, another held my hands, and the remainder beat me.
"The pain of the blows was excruciating, and owing to the pain and loss
of blood, I became unconscious. I subsequently recovered to find myself |
drenched in cold water and surrounded with a pool of my own blood. Immediately after my recovery, my
hands were bound behind me and
placed in an iron instrument, described with a kind of grim humor as
the bracelets.
"Alexandroff then beat me on the
back of the head, on the neck and on
the back with a rubber knout filled
with lead at the end. It seemed to
me that my head was splitting, that
my eyes were starting out of their
sockets, and I foamed at the lips. In
my ears I heard indescribable noises,
before my eyes I saw fiery circles. I
became dizzy and again lost consciousness.
"One more I was brought round by
buckets of cold water, and again a demand was formulated that I should
make a frank confession of my sins.
Again I refused, saying that I would
rather die than admit the perpetration
of a crime of which I knew nothing
"This whole pack of blood-thirsty
hounds then fell upon me again with
brutal and bestial rage and began to
repeat the process of torture. One
of them pulled out my hair with a pair
of pincers. Another burned by flesh
with the glowing end of his cigar,
others used their cigarettes for the
same purpose. 11 y face was swollen
and I could only see out of one eye.
At that moment. I had one burning
desire, and that was to die before I
suffered any more. IMy martyrdom
seemed to be endless. I felt that my
strength was ebbing. Finally, I began
to shriek, much to the pleasure of my
torturers.   They continued their work
of cruelty until the break of day disturbed them and caused them to bring
operations to a temporary termination. Then they made a report, and
conveyed me back to my cell.
"That was the beginning of my martyrdom in prison, but it was merely
typical of what I repeatedly suffered
during my period of incarceration, extending over two years. I am in a
position to state that many other political prisoners at Riga were treated
in the same way, without ever undergoing any public trial, and in many
cases without there being a shadow
of proof that they had committed any
offence whatever against the laws of
the land."
This is one method of proving the
correctness of prevailing ideas.
The United States is educating India
both in agriculture and in engineering,
besides buying from the Hindus a vast
amount of raw material for manufacture. This matter is treated at some
length In the Hindustan Review (Allahabad) by Col. W. H. Michael, our
Consul-General at Calcutta. The trade
relations between America and India
are becoming closer and closer, we are
told. Such relations are facilitiated by
the excellent means of transport which
British and American capital bas provided throughout the peninsula. How
the United States almost monopolizes
one branch of trade ln India is thus
"The United States last year took
from India in round figures 80 per cent,
of all raw skins, mostly goat, from
which the finest chrome and glace kid
leather is made. The number of skins
sent from India in 1909-10 to the United States in round numbers was about
15,000,000, while all other countries
took a few over 2,000,000 skins. The
distribution of hides was different. Of
the 9,000,000 of hides of neat cattle
exported from India the United States
took only a few more than 300,000, and
about 500,000 of buffalo hides."
How the railroads of England in
India find their terminus in America
is thus graphically described:
"Every strong country that contributes to the trade-growth of a country
backward ln the points mentioned Is
a benefactor to the backward country
—in fact, is a potential means of uplift which tends to greater and grander
national life. This result is better
than the mere profits in money. Just
think for a moment what a Btimulus
to Indian national growth is the building and operation of 30,000 miles of
railway within her borders. Bnt for
this mileage of steel railroad my country could not take from India more
than 15,000,000 skins annually, and
more than $50,000,000, or 150,000,000
rupees' worth of commodities, consisting of cotton, chiken, embroideries,
drugs, jute and jute products, gunny-
bags, gunnq-cloth, jute and jute butts,
skins, linseed, mica, saltpeter, raw
silk, tea, wool, and other miscellaneous items. These commodities are
made accessible by the lines of railway tributary to the port of Calcutta.
It requires a large number of freight
wagons to haul 150,000,000 rupees'
worth of products to that port for
shipment to the United States. Besides that it requires the services of
thousands of men to handle the commodities in loading and unloading
them, and yet other thousands of men,
women and children in the production
of them. In addition to this it requires 53 steamships to car y the direct exports from Calcutta to the United States, and the thousands of tons
that went to he United States by transshipment at Liverpool and London,
together with the exports direct and
indirect from Bombay, Madras, Karachi, Chlttagong and Rangoon, would
swell the aggregate enormously. By
far the larger part of exports from
India to the United States passt
through the port of Calcutta."
Of Imports from the United States
to India we read:
"The total value of imports from
the United States into India during
1909-10, according to the figures furnished by the office of the Director-
General of Commercial Intelligence,
is 36,750,000, rupees, or $12,250,000,
which is a trifle over 3 per cent, of the
total imports of merchandise from foreign countries, 24 in number, the United Kingdom excluded. Thus the merchandise supplied to India by the United States during last year amounted
to less than one-third of the value
of commodities purchased by the United States of India, and shipped
through the port of Calcutta alone."—
Literary Digest.
One of the Editorial staff of the
Denver Post, who signs F, W. W., filled a page with an article a short time
ago on the "Lower Half of Society"
and we take the following extract from
the article in order to show that the
professional Blave, realizes that It is
not popular to hold out encouragement
to the grept maBs of the people that a
time is coming when Industrial liberty
will break the shackles of wage slavery.
The party who signs F. W. W. takes
It for granted, that the same conditions
which now exist and which submerges
the "lower half"   ln   the   dregs    of
wretched poverty, will continue, and'
that the bone and brawn of the world
who now bear the burdens of want
and hunger, will continue to bear patiently the wrongs of centuries.
The extracts from the wise writer
of the Post are as follows:
"The economic conditions that exist,
I assume, cannot be materially bettered.
'There must be the rjch and the
poor. It is the condition of the employer and employee that has existed
since civilization began. Nothing can
be accomplished without the rich
man's money; nothing can be done
without the poor man's labor. The
ideal arrangement is to make the two
harmonious. That it can ever be accomplished, I very much doubt, while
human nature is constituted as it is.
"There must always be a veiled antagonism between the two. We will
be living in Utopia when the perfect
understanding between the upper half
and the lower half of society existB
and they eat out of each other's
To my mind, there is no such thing
as equality of condition among men.
There never has been, there never will
be. It ls a well-known fact that if the
capital of the world were to be equally
divided to-day it would not be a month
before the old division of capitalists
and laborers would be restored.
In human nature there are certain
strong, controlling minds which would
immediately win capital and employ
the industry of others. Those minds
perhaps would not recognize the
rights of labor, or give it its appropriate reward. They might easily be
cruel and unfair, but they are part
and parcel of the vast scheme of humanity.
"There are men in "the upper half"
so-called, who are without soul: who
have no consideration for the muscles
and the skill that they employ; who
will not recognize personal rights;
who refuse to see anything in the laborer but his dependent and servant;
who practice oppression and who bring
upon themselves rebellion and final
That is the tyranny of capital. But
there is also the tyranny of labor, and
the conflict between the two seems
never ending.
"The upper half ,with its millions,
hasn't so much the better of the lower
half with its pennies, if you will look
at matters sanely.
"No one can buy a million dollars'
worth of food. However rich one Is,
he cannot buy a million dollars' worth
of clothes, or picture shows, or car
fare, or health. He can have only so
much in this world, no more.
"Jane Adams of the Hull House, Chicago, declared that the women riding
through Lincoln park or along Michigan boulevard in their grand autos
bored and world weary, look enviously
at the stream of working women going each evening from the shops or
factories to their homes, while the
walking ones look enviously at the
riding rich. But the greater envy, the
genuine envy, is with the rich woman,
not the poor one, says Miss Addams."
F. W. W. holds that conditions as
they now exist, "cannot be materially
bettered." It is strange that a writer
who fills space on a great daily journal would make such a bold statement,
without furnishing some rational
grounds for the expression of such
sentiments. Does F. W. W. take it for
granted that the great mass of the
people who are now exploited victims
of a minority, will forever hug the
chains that for centuries have weighted the limbs of labor?
"Education and Blavery cannot exist together in one land," and F. W.
W., though pandering with his pen
to the "Upper half" so-called, will
scarcely contend but that the masses
of the people year by year are reaching a higher standard of intelligence.
To say that conditions "cannot be
materially changed," is as false and
as illogical as to declare that conditions have not changed, since man ln
the caves of the wilderness fought like
one of the brute creation. Man bas
changed and conditions have changed,
and the evolution will go on just as
rapidly as the victims of a minority
awaken to a realization of the brutal-
ism of the present system.
But F. W. W. holds that "there must
be the rich and the poor," because "it
is the conditions of the employer and
employee that has existed since civilization began."
What a profound logician must F.
W. W. be, who was able to drag from
his weighty brain, such a marvelous
conclusion that its depth and gravity
stagger the average mentality of the
ordinary man.
Chattel slavery was a condition that
existed, but leaden rain and hall destroyed the auction block and placed
on the shoulders of the black man the
mantle of American citizenship.
But F. W. W. contends that "nothing can be accomplished without tho
rich man's money! Nothing can be
done without the poor man's labor."
What a philosopher thlB F. W. W.
must be, who hides his or her real
Identity behind three Initials?
How was it possible ln the dawn of
civilization for anything to bo accomplished when the rich man and his
money had not made their appearance?
How was it possible for the world
or civilization to move, while the rich
man and his money were absent?
How did civilization get a start, and
who and what was it that did the
pushing? Was it the rich man and his
money?   F. W. W. looks like a joke.
But F. W. W. says: "The ideal arrangement is to make the two harmonious," but F. W. W. is willing to
confess to the following: "That it
can ever be accomplished, I very much
doubt, while human nature is constituted as it is." F. W. W. fails to see
that conditions have much to do with
human nature. If F. W. W. has a family and was to change his or her residence, the flrBt inquiry that F. W. W.
would make would be as to character
and standing of the people among
whom he or she was to become a resident. F. W. W. would not move his
or her family into a "red light" district, because F. W. W. realizes that
virgins are not reared in brothels.
It would be a waste of space to take
up the varlouB ideas expressed by F.
W. W. in the Post. The writer clearly
demonstrates that he or her is either
wedded to the capitalist system, or
lacks the moral courage to give expression to his or her honest convictions, on the gravest problems that
confront the human  family.
The statements about the "upper
half" and the "lower half" will not
bear investigation, but if F. W. W.
had said, there was a lower majority
and an upper minority he or she would
be closer to telling the truth.
The vast majority that are now the
victims of a limited minority are showing every symptom of rebellion, and
even numbers of this so-called "upper
half" are sounding notes of warning
to the comparatively indolent few, who
are living in splendor and magnificence on the sweat and misery of the
starving, struggling millions.
The profit system is galloping towards its doom, and the intelligence
of the class who have borne the
wretchedness of exploitation will yet
rise in their might and overthrow a
system that mints profit from human
flesh. Intelligence among the masses
will change conditions and under
changed conditions, human nature will
change and reach a grander and not
ler stature than ever In the history
of civilization.—Miners' Magazine.
A Vindication of the Socialist Position
The opponents of our method and
theory—bourgeois scientists, and Syndicalist or Anarchist doctrinaires—are
in accord in urging against Marxism
tho accusation which men like Guyot,
of vulgar political economy, levelled
of old against Socialism in general;
they say we are guilty of an attack upon the individual, of an attempt upon
Jt is not the capitalist system which
sacrifices the liberty of the many to
the greater liberty of the privileged
few; it is we who do so. It is not the
regime of capitalist property which
makes the "free" will of the immense
majority of the population obey the
hard law of labor for another; lt is
From the Frenchman De Mollnarl to
the Prussian Eugene Rlchter, from
the Englishman Herbert Spencer, to
the Italian Syndicalist Arturo Labrlola, from the extreme right of the political horizon to the extreme left of
"Socialist" opportunism, we hear vituperation against "the Socialist tyranny, ' against the "future slavery," and,
above all, against the "suppression
of individual  liberty"—of capitalists!
But among our opponents there
are, it seems, men of good faith who
sincerely imagine that Marxism replaces "liberty" with the "fatalism" of
immutable economic laws.
Not, in the first place, that the same
accusation of fatalism has been made
against all modern philosophers who
proclaim the subordination of so-called
moral phenomena to natural law. When
HIppoIyte Taine, the author of 'T Intelligence," wrote that vice and virtue
are as necessary products of certain
conditions "as are vitriol and sugar,"
he was stupidly accused of recommending the replacing of the consumption
of sugar by that of vitriol. The minds
of many moderns are so degraded by
the centuries of theological and metaphysical education that they take
plain statements of fact for approvals
or condemnations. They resemble the
capricious woman who broke her mirror because lt revealed the decline of
her beauty.
This accusation of fatalism ls somewhat comprehensible and even excusable, when applied to those theories
which subordinate human history to
the influence of climate or the geographical environment. The climate, within certain limits 1b practically invariable. The sky of Greece and of
France has varied little from the most
remote timeB; but how many revolutions have occurred under the same
Man  Makes  History.
Thomas Buckle haa been reproached
for his climatic fatalism; but hardly
with justice, because the celebrated
author of "The History of Civilization"
[proved that as men developed they
emancipated themselves from the influence of the geographical and climat
ic factors, and began to dominate nature,
But, I repeat, the geographical interpretation of history may well give
rise to a fatalistic tendency. The semi-
Invariable nature of the geographical
factor lends itself easily to this. One
may say the same of all historic theories which subordinate history to external nature.
Such Is not the case with the Marxian theory. Nothing is more human
or more varied than the mode of production. To produce, said Marx, in
his "Capital," man needs a plan, a
consciousness of the work to be done.
The producer does not work like the
ant, blindly, guided only by instinct.
He knows what he is doing. He thinks
his work. After Vico, Marx affirmed
that history is made by man. Revolutions tn the method of production
which generate political and social
revolutions, are due to great and small
"Inventions"—that Is to say, to the products of human talents and genius.
Therefore Marx has not excluded
man from history. He did not consider individuals as mannequins
launching new "modes of production"
like modes of another kind are "launched"—that of the harem skirt, for
That is not all. It is the "dogmatic,"
"sectarian," and "orthodox" Marxians
who have insisted, against Bernstein
and his more or less idealistic school,
on the necessity of affirming and propagating the "final aim" of Socialism.
Marxists Alone are Constant.
It Ib they, and they alone who have,
ln the great crisis ot International Socialism (which is far from being terminated) remained unshakably faithful to the Socialist ideal—without stupidly repeating the word—whilst opportunists of every order, or even of
disorder, have allowed themselves
to drift at the mercy of the political
events of the day, along with the blind
and fatal forces of the system which
knows orily the inexorable struggle of
appetiteB and interests.
But the dialectical method is the
enemy of all that is arbitrary. It does
not place history in an aeroplane at
the mercy of the winds or "His Majesty, Chance." The movement of history is nothing like the zig-zag of a
drunken man. It is governed by necessities. Humanity is not free to renounce its physical and intellectual
needs. As it is not suicidally disposed
it submits, in order to live, to the necessities of production. Production
gives rise to and determines the Bocial
system. To a given social system
there correspond definite ideas and
conceptions; religion, morality, philosophy, science.
It requires all the interested blindness, all the brutal selfishness of the
capitalist to say tp the worker: You
are free to cease work. Absolute liberty is death.
A society is not transformed by the
force of The Word, nor by strokes of
will. It Is necessary that all the forces of the past and present collaborate
therein. Already Saint Simon, the
true precurser of Marx, bad clearly
shown that the elements of a new system accumulate during centuries and
prepare themselves within the framework of ancient systems. According
to him, the capitalist class has taken
seven or eight centuries to become the
dominant force in society.
Evolution   Includes   Revolution.
Isolated men, or small minorities,
may, from time to time, indulge their
gentle fancies. They may dream of
transformations in the twinkling of an
eye. In the name of tho "right of
abortion" they may apply the forceps
of "direct action" to the body social
in order to bring the new society into
the world before Its time. But society
as a whole—an entire class—only
gives itself such alms as are in the
domain of the realisable and possible. And when the time comes lt
shrinks from no necessary means. Evo.
lution does not exclude revolution,
any more than the gradual transformation of the earth excludes cataclysms.
Births occur in blood, and are associated with cries and painfui rending.
But only monsterB come into the
world before the normal hour.
A ship Is launched. Does it deprive
its captain of liberty to give a nautical
chart, prepared with scientific accuracy, and a compass? Would he be
more free if he drifted at the will of
the waves? The dialectic method, as
used by Marx and Engels, provides
us with chart and compass to determine the movement of history. It does
not tetter us. It simply shows the
way. In helping us toward the desired goal, it emancipates us from
blind forces, from the fatality of
chance. It ls, therefore, an Influence
of freedom—not of slavery.
Primitive man ts the Blave of Nature. He ls literally terrorised by natural phenomenal He seeks by cruel
human sacrifices to obtain a mitigation of his lot. Natural science emancipates him. From being the slave
of Nature he becomes master. Modern Bociety is still at the mercy of
blind, semi-natural forces. We are, in
relation to society, what primitive man
was in relation to nature. It is necessary to conquer our liberty. We must
emancipate ourselves from the blind
social forces which bind and oppress
ub.   Society must become our thing, as
the great forces of nature have 1
como.    We must become masters
society, just as we have become, md
or less, the masters of our natural f
Science is Liberty. j
But how have we conquered natuij
By studying it; by learning its la'
and making them serve our ends. |
is the same with social laws. We sh;
only vanquish social oppression wh
we have discovered the laws of t
workings of society. Science is 1
erty. And the dialectical meth'i
which powerfully aids toward that c
covery, toward the edification of
cial science, is the tool of liberty, I
instrument of precision of our en
The dialectical method is thereto]
quite the contrary of fatalism,
making us cognisant of historical
cessitles, it makes us able to effect!
ly combat the fatalist decree of caj
talist Ignorance that there always hi|
been poor, and always will be!
No, replies the dialectical melh|
Capitalist poverty is an "historical
egory," which will disappear with
historical conditions which create i
nourish it.
The dialectical method of Social!
is the method of science and of |
(Ch. Fappoport in Le Sociallsl
Translated by F. C. W. for Soclif
A Roman Catholic told me
"Faith without work is dead."
priest had told him so. Just so
fool you with the faith part of lt,
get all the benefit out of your w<|
delivered direct from you to
masters, who finance the priests,
stop working for the benefit of yi
masters and work for your own clj
interests, and you will see at once ti
"faith" is really dead. And you
know that the Socialists are ri;
when they want nothing to do w
any kind of red herring drawn acr
their trails, whether it be religl
moral reform, temperance, labor, 1
eral or Conservative legislation,
any other time waster. Aim, Btrai-i
at capitalism, using the revolutions
Socialistic ballot backed up by yo
manhood and determination.
How often do we hear people tt|
like this: "Socialism is all right, b
it won't come in our time and so
is not worth my bothering with. Wh
I want is something now." Why doi
they get the "something now," if th
is only what they are after.   And
fOr     $0<»l«lUia»     "»ofc      oo»>ln0        In        O
time," let me say that it wiii coi
just  as  soon  as  the   working  cla
bring it.    But don't  imagine it w
come of its own self or drop like
meteor out of the clouds.    It is t
workers themselves who will make S
clallsm "come," and  they can do
just as soon as they will do it.   It w
come then and not before or after.
The exception which proves a ru!
is    sometimes   a    handy   "piece
goods" to make use of.   A while ai
one of our worthy editor's editorla
was pointing out (and it was in a get
eral way very correct) that logic wij
l none  of  ours.    We   accept  scientifl
fact only, and logic is the strong poi
I of  the  metaphysician   and  prevarb
toi—or  words  to  that  effect.    Ho
[ever, once in a way the Socialists u'
logic. For instance: "Labor produce
all wealth and to the producers
should belong." That is logic. If
look facts ln the face and know th!
the wealth produced by labor does nj
belong to labor but to capital, to I
scientific and view the thing that wa1
we would have to say: "Labor pn
duces all wealth, and to capital 1
should belong." Might is right ani
what is, Is—with an odd exception
The exception being the prod th^
abs us and makes us think deeply an
consider from all points. Wn are th
might when we wise ourselves up t
use that might, and Socialists kee
that fact in mind; although at prel
ent "vested rights," etc., etc., alia
capital, is might just because our claa
permits it through ignorance.
Cost of production seems to hardl
evor be properly understood. "Limi
sulphur spray," says a fanner, "at 45
per gallon, and I could make five hui
dred gallons for the price, and yo
call that selling at cost?" Think c
the poor railway men handling a
those gallons of water and heavy ba
rels containing the spraying solutloi
and the barrel makers; and all tb
values crowded into *he spray soli
tlon before lt is produced (or ln th
hands of the consumer), that is wha
brings up the price. If you buy th
ingredients and draw your own wate
and boil the solution yourself an
know how, you can save a lot of value
being Incorporated Into the productloi
all of which would add to the cost c
production if you don't know how, an
so buy the stuff ready made. Wate
costs a lot of labor to transport,
Ib bulky and heavy. ^^^^_
Sentimental Socialism flavored
the love of Jesus is the kind to dum
overboard, as lt can never help th
workers and the plutes are not afrai
of It. P. R.
as I
I wit
We learn to our deep and sincere r<
gret, that Mrs. S. Clubbs will not r<
receive next Tuesday, nor again thl
season. This ls another hole ln ou
meal ticket.


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