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Western Clarion Jul 27, 1912

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i**U3-lSli_d iN i.ic ..UaJ-i-iiri 0.: T.ii: WdHKiNQ ClASi ALJNE
Subscription Price |l  mm
Without Loss of Life Calgary's Valiant Police Force
Puts Member of Alberta Legislature Behind
the Bars for Street Speaking.
Local Calgary, S. P. of C, held a
largely attended street meeting on
Monday night for -propaganda purposes and thereby hangs a tale.
Charles M. O'Brien, Socialist organizer. Member of Provincial Parliament ot Alberta, and, as proved by
law, a respectable citizen, was the
speaker of the evening. Charlie
mounted a chair at the corner of
Eighth Avenue and Third Street
East, ana was propounding the working class gospel with his customary
vigor when the "blue coated hirelings
of capital" took note of the nature
of the meeting, and, as usual, ordered
the "miscreants" On.
They did not move, and when the
"coats," with the men inside, returned
to the corner ten minutes later
Charlie was deep in "fourthly" or
"fifthly," and to the surprise of all
who attended the meeting, he was
promptly placed In the "cooler."
There, Wallace McClusky, with a
few of his comrades, gathered for
the purpose of procuring bail for the
■"heinous" offender. The said Wallace
opened the door of the police offlce
and walked in.
Another heinous offence.
..  He was Jugged.
Meantime two thousand animals in
human form congregated before the
police offlce and amazedly discussed
the arrest. They were moved on by
the police driving the automobile
patrol waggon through the crowd.
Comrades O'Brien and McClusky
were rather roughly handled by- the
police when being taken to the cellB.
Charlie did not like to leave his
■"valuables" in the offlce without
receipt for them, and it took two
officers to persuade him that he could
not have a receipt, as it was not
customary, and after Jarring the offlce furniture, involuntarily, for a
little, he finally went to the cells
followed Immediately by McClusky.
Col. Saunders, the Magistrate, could
not be found, and lt was nearly midnight before bail was arranged In
the amount of $20.00 each. In fact
the clock struck twelve Just as the
pair stepped outside into the midnight
At two o'clock on Wednesday after-
Mr. Baton—"Would you do that to
Mr. Eaton scored the witness and
there was some laughter, at which the
magistrate remarked that any more of
that and he would cause the court
to be cleared.
Sgt. McLeod was then called.
He stated that be had been on
Eighth Avenue and saw the crowd
and warned O'Brien to go to a vacant
lot as he was obstructing the street.
He said: "I went to the offlce and
reported to the inspector, who told
me to arrest the men if they did not
move on.   I then sent Mcintosh out."
Col. Saunders—"Was anyone prevented from going up the street?"
Sgt. McLeod—"No! but no traffic
could paBS."
McLeod was a very unwilling witness, and every word he said under
cross-examination had to be dragged
out by the roots. He did not know
bow McClusky was arrested, but he
knew he had forced the door in. He
swore McClusky was tbe man, but
admitted it was done from the outside
and, he said, "he could not see
through a wooden door." He could
not say if McClusky waB behaving
himself or not, and did not see him
create any disorder. He understood
McClusky had come in to rescue
O'Brien, but he did not think he
would do so over six or seven constables right in the office." Hesitatingly he admitted that the meeting
was orderly, and he had to force him
self to say he thought McClusky was
behaving himself all right. He did
not know O'Brien had asked for a
receipt for his money. He said he
did not know whether O'Brien had
been peacable or not before his belongings bad been taken from him,
and he was so unwilling to answer
that he queered any case he might
bave had.
Detective Simmons saw the crowd,
and in the main told the same story
as the two cops, so far as he had
been  present.
A Star Witness.
The Star Witness was to come. He
appeared in the person of one Wil-
noon the two, defended by Frank E.!„a_ G1]by wmiam had confl(-ence
Eaton, were tried, O'Brien being ,n h,B 0WQ abmty tQ jall the who]e
charged with vagrancy and McClusky crowd| amJ came ,nt<) the box w,th
with disorderly conduct. Both men
■were tried together.
Constable Mcintosh was the flrst
witness. He swore he had arrested
the men. O'Brien was taken because he was the cause of a blockade on the street, where several hundred people had assembled, and no
one could go up or down. "I did
not say what I arrested them for,
but said speaking was not allowed on
the street. I arrested McClusky because he forced the door open and
nearly knocked me down. This was
in the police offlce. The public have
free access to the offlce, but I had
told McClusky to keep out."
Mr. Eaton—"Do you know that Mr.
C'Brlen Is a member of parliament?"
Mr. Eaton—"Did you see anyone
prevented from going down the
Mr. Eaton—"Was McClusky disorderly?"
Mcintosh—"No! but he was told to
stay out. He didn't, but forced the
door open and I grabbed him and
threw him into the offlce."
Mr. Eaton—You handled him roughly. Can you tell the court what disorderly conduct this man committed?"
Mcintosh—"He forced the door in."
Mr. Eaton—"Was it foreing a door
ln for a man to turn the latch and
walk ln to ball his friend out?"
If you get this paper sent
you, it is paid for.
All we wish you to do is to
study it, and if you flnd anything in it that you object
to, write to the office of publication and let us know to
what you disagree.
This paper is published in
the interests of the working
class, therefore if you are a
wage worker it is to your
interest to study it.
some swagger.
Col.  S.—"What do  you  work at?"
Gilby—''They—er—um—ah—call me
—ah—um—a navvy."
Col. S.—"How long were you
around the crowd on Eighth Avenue?"
Gilby—"Um—ah—er—about 10 minutes."
Col. S.—"Did you see my officers?"
G.—"I see—ah—one orfloer."
Col. S.—"Did you see anyone prevented from going down the street?"
G.—"Why—er—ah—there were such
a crowd there, sir, I—ah—couldn't
say, sir."
Col. 3.—"Why were you there?"
G.—"I stopped because others did."
Mr. E.—"Like a sheep." "
G.—"Yes, sir."
Mr. E.—"Did you hear what they
were talking about?"
G.—"Well—ah—I—er—could'nt tell
what it was. Um—there were such
a crowd."
Mr. E.—"Would you have known
what they were talking about if you
had heard?"
G.—"Likely not."
Mr. E.—"That will be all. You may
step down."
Mr. E. declined to call any witnesses. He "submitted there was no
evidence in the case to convict, as it
was necessary to show some actual
Impeding of traffic, and that had not
been done. He quoted the case of
King versus Kneeland, ln Quebec,
where the same case had been tried
and the court held the necessity of
showing actual impediment to traffic. He quoted the Susner case when
the traffic had actually been Impeded,
and on appeal the higher court had
decided that the speaker was a respectable citizen, and was not creating any disturbance. He mentioned
the fact that the Salvation Army held
meetings on the streets without the
police interfering, and declared that
he would "rather hear a good Socialist
speaker than listen to the dismal
walls of that institution with their
horrible drones and agonized prayers."
He further said that no evidence
could  be  shown that  O'Brien could
The Working Class of today Ib slowly but surely waking up and beginning to think. It realizes that there is
something wrong with the present
system of society but how to change
it is a problem that a large number ot
that class does not understand. It is
therefore up to us Socialists—readers
of the Clarion especially—to educate
them in working class economics and
the Class Struggle, either by getting
them to subscribe to the Clarion or by
private conversation or any other adequate method.
I remember when flrst I became a
so-called revolutionary Socialist, by
reading Cotton's Weekly, I thought it
was the real thing. But one day I
met a comrade of the S. P. of C. and
he was telling me about SCIENTIFIC
SOCIALISM and on reaching a certain point in the argument he crashed
through my religion and tore it to
shreds, taking away from me all hopes
of a harp in the world to come. He
left me, a tangled and disheveled mass
of humanity, but when I recovered
from the shock I saw how I had been
misled by reading trashy literature—
so-called Socialism—and then became
a subscriber to the Clarion and got
the straight dope with no flies on it
and am no longer waiting for divine
help but dig in and do my share of
the work by trying to get the attention
of others and showing them that it is
necessary to buy one's own literature
and do a think for themselves and
when they have done a good think to
get out and spread the good work.
I flnd the religious question is a
brake that keeps them back, a brake
put on when we are going up hill, but by
persistent effort in that one direction
they sooner or later come to see that
as far as Socialism is concerned that
the organized church is only a means
of keeping the workers down. By scientifically approaching the religious
aspect of the question they flnd that,
as they advance in the science of Socialism, they are able to shed their
religion (which they thought they had
but had not) like a snake sheds its
Now I advocate tbat you get at least
one subscriber to the Western Clarion
each year. Explain and talk SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM to your friends
and enemies; get them into the Local
and point out the difference between
psuedo-Socilaism and the real thing,
and then If they cannot see through it
they are indeed hopeless and their
place is outside the Party, where there
is "weeping and walling and gnashing
of teeth." But those that REALLY
want to know the truth WILL know
regardless of what they have believed
or thought of religion and that sort
cannot be kept from advancing in
knowledge in spite of psuedo-Social-
The Bishop of Medicine Hat.
The members of Local Montreal S,
P. of C. are preparing to make things
go some ln that saintly city this fall.
be heard a block away, whereas the
Army could be heard for a mile. On
the precedent of the order by Judge
Mitchell in 1908 he asked for a dismissal. Col. S. dismissed both cases.
He said to 0"Brlen that he "did not
want to see the law defied here," and
with the trait of a true English
"gentleman" he reminded Charlie that
the "law must be obeyed."
He thought McClusky was "excited," and while he should not have
opened the door wben told not to, he
declared McClusky "not guilty," and
dismissed the case.
Perhaps some inquisitive mind
might inquire why McClusky should
be told not to open the door of a
public place, where, it is admitted, the
people have the right of free access,
and some might even have the gall
to suggest that something was going
on inside which it was not desired
that outsiders should know. Maybe
the keepers of the Bastlle did not
wish to have McClusky witness their
courteous and zealous attentions towards O'Brien.
On the night following the trial the
comrades held a meeting in the same
place, and were not disturbed until
Charlie was closing, when a constable put in his appearance, and informed the respectable citizen that
he would be arrested if he did not
desist. As Charlie had been about to
close it was not considered worth
while to carry on the meeting longer,
so a collection was taken and the
meeting dispersed.
O'Brien will speak In the Monarch
Theatre on Sunday, the 21st, and
Budden will also be present.
A friend in Saskatchewan has sent
me a copy of the election addresses of
the two candidates contesting his
home consituency. The principle embodied ln each enclosure is, "the Liberals are your friends, the Conservatives are your enemies," and vice versa. Let us examine this statement
made by each of the orthodox political
In Alberta we have a Liberal administration. In B. C. the Conservatives
are in power. If either party is elected the conditions likely to prevail will
naturally be equal to those prevailing
under the Liberal administration of
Alberta, or the Conservative administration in B. C. At best, then, the
workers in Saskatchewan cannot expect to live, move and have their being, whatever happens, under better
conditions than those prevailing in the
other provinces. No need to analyze
the conditions prevailing in these
provinces, enough to say that the worker only gets enough to provide him with
sufficient energy to do his master's
Did you ever hear of a Liberal rate
of wages paid by Liberal employers, as
against a Conservative rate of wages?
Does the Conservative employer demonstrate his sympathy for the working class in his workmen's pay
cheque? When you came out on strike
a short time ago, did the Liberal employers say to you, "At the last elections we told you that we were your
friends. We will now prove it by giving you the raise in wages for which
you ask"? Have you any recollection
of an industrial dispute, where the
employers divided into two camps, one
party granting the strikers terms and
aiding tbem to fight the employers of
the other party? Is a Liberal landlord
less exacting and more careful of his
tenants' health than the Conservative
If-employers, as politicians, quarrel
among themselves, it's over the spoils,
not over the working class. Liberal
and Conservative employers sit -side
by side and work ln harmony on
boards of trade and in employers' federations, employ the best of legal and
organizing skill,.to protect themselves
against any possible encroachment by
the workers upon their profits. Regardless of politics they contribute
their money to a common fund maintained to protect their mutual interests. They learned long ago that if
they do not hang together they are
liable to "hang separately." But even
their unity would be valueless if the
workers followed their example. Why
are capitalists powerful? Not so much
because they own the factories, railroads and machines of production, but
because they make full use of the political power which the workers give
them. Through their political power,
they control the law-making machinery and make laws to protect themselves; the legal machinery to operate
those laws, and finally the police and
military to fall back upon, when law
and legality fail to hold the mob ln
Capitalists have mutual interests.
Then it follows that they retain their
hold upon the political machinery to
protect themselves mutually. Against
whom? There is only one other class,
the working class.
And what action does the working
class take? Votes the capitalists to
power, builds Jails, navies, and barracks, feeds tbe Jailers, soldiers and
sailors, and—oh, hell, let it go at that.
Why pile on the agony?
How the Higher Development of Capital Compels the
Workers to Move Forward Along Similar Lines
of Organization or Become Helpless.
In order to understand the purpose
A popular feature of the Clarion
used to be the brief accounts of local
activities sent ln by secretaries or
members. These have been noticeable
by their scarcity of late months, and
it is desirable that they should be continued. It is encouraging to other
Locals', keeps interest alive in the Local
from which tbe news comes, and is of
appreciable assistance to the editor,
who is thereby enabled to devote more
care and attention to the reading of
proofs and answering of party correspondence. To keep the mailing list
corrected up-to-date Is a Job for one
man by itself, requiring considerable
care and time, especially now that the
subs are coming in so fast, but Com.
Watts is doing it all. Help him out
by providing him with good copy, and
don't get sore If he prints something
better than you sent him.
Local Portland S. P. of A. has
doubled its bundle to 200 Clarions
a week.
If No. 679 is on tbe address label of
your paper your sub. expires next
i Issue.
of any social movement or institution
we have to regard it from the standpoint of the (economic forces that
brought it into existence. As the
Law of Value ia the key to the understanding of commodity prices, so
Economic Determinism or tbe Materialist Interpretation of History, is the
key to the development and completion of social institutions and an attempt will be made herein to study
the development of labor unions in
their different forms, in the light of
the economic changes that called them
Into being. When we come to look at
labor organizations and place them in
their proper relation in regard to the
machinery of production, we shall find
that they change their form according
as the form of production changes,
and that, far from leading a change,
they follow at a sluggard's pace.
At a period of human history, some
few centuries ago, the form of production was that which ls known as
individual; that is to say, the general
feature was for the Individual or family group to produce by their own
labor the things they required. This
does not imply that there was no exchange, but it must be remembered
that the exchange would be only in
the surplus products which might
happen along, and was Incidental to
Owing to various causes, which it ls
outisde the scope of this article to
enter into, this form of production
gradually gave place to a form of production by small social groups. These
at flrBt probably took, the form of
single individuals gathering together
into workshops a group of laborers
and dividing the labor Into certain
specified parts and afterwards there
came into being what ls called the
"Joint stock company." This form I
call the small group proper, because
here we see, for the flrst time in the
history of production for profit, the
owning class on the one hand and
the working class on the other.
Hitherto there had been the opportunity for the apprentice to develop
into a master and on this account
there is no form of organized labor in
existence. However, as soon as the
small group proper comes along, this
chance gradually disappears but only
after a long and bitter experience does
the non-owning class discover that it
is condemned to a life of working for
a wage.
The small group, bubbling over with
all the exuberance of its youthful career and kicking up its heels, as usual
kicking the workers in the neck,
forced the living of the workers to a
low ebb. Not understanding the law
of value nor the limitations of physical life, it made the laborers work
long hours and for small pay. As a
consequence it took more energy
from the workers than they could
build up In the short time they had
for resting, thus sadly depleting the
stock of laborers. When this stock
had. been sufficiently diminished and
the laborers ground down to the point
of resistance, they were enabled to
take advantage of the state of the
labor market and force into being cer
tain reforms. It is at this period that
we flnd the laborers agitating for the
right to gather themselves Into unions,
and two points here require our careful attention. The flrst Is that it was
only after the small group proper was
in full swing and had made Its power
and shortcomings felt that the laborers commenced to combine; in other
words, the change in the method of
producing forced a change In the social institutions of the workers.
The second point we must nolo is
that recourse had to be made to the
powers of Government before tbe
workers could adapt themselves to
their new environment. In those days
laws were ln vogue declaring it a
penal offence for tho workers to combine at all and these laws had to be
At this period, the two characteristics of the labor movement that most
interest us are, firstly their formation
and secondly their alms.
Their formation is of thc craft union
type and bears a close resemblance to
the form of organization of the dominant class. In those days of free
competition small manufacturers
(Joint stock companies) sprang up but
without any interest to bind them to
gether. The labor organizations, following as they must do ln the track
of economic development, formed
their unions in the same pattern. The
unions of the different localities had
no relation to one another, but were ■
separate entities like the joint stock
companies. In fact, there were rival
unions in some districts Just aa then
were rival manufacturers.
In regard to the aims of these organizations, they were limited to tbat
of raising wages and shortening hours
and bettering conditions. That they
succeeded for a time in maintaining
the price of their labor power at the
level of Its value is manifest but it ls
sometimes overlooked tbat they were
aided by the economic condltons themselves. It was ponted out above that
the small group proper bad abused
ts power and reduced tbe avalable
stock of laborers. When the dominant class, ln a hazy manner, realized
the situation they not only gave way
to the pressure exerted by the laborers but further assisted them by educational institutions and tbelr own
political power. In fact, they grasped
to some degree the truth that organized labor could do better work and
produce more profit than unorganized.
From the point of view of the results attained, it will readily be seen
tbat the isolated trades unions, not
only did not but could not do more
than maintain the price of labor
power at its value. It will shortly be
shown bow this form of organization
was replaced by another form, and the
fact of this happening proves that
they could no longer perform their
As time went on and the markets
became flooded with commodities, the
numerous manufacturing concerns
that bad grown up were unable to
sell their goods and some of them
were forced out of business. Some of
those remaining, not being strong
enough to break their competitors, began to combine and also new ones of
the later type sprang into being. In
other words, the federation of capitalist production was taking place and
this mode of production I term the
"corporation" form in order to distinguish it from another and later
form, which is generally known as tbe
Developing as it did from the small
group form of production, the Corporation in its turn had an influence upon
the form of labor organization. Being of greater magnitude it was better
fitted to take advantage of the state of
the market and being also more concentrated it was enabled to deal the
more easily with the small organizations, setting one against another aud
breaking the power of one here and
another there.
As in the case of the small group
labor organization coming into being
after the development of small group
production, so we flnd the Federation
of the trades unions following upon
tho development of the Corporation.
As the unions found out that they
could not maintain tbe price of their
commodity at its value, as they experienced the bitterness of defeat in
strike after strike, so they gradually
learned the lesson of combination and
slowly sank their differences and
united. It ls, however, essential to
bear in mind that the new form of
organization was still upon the old
lines of craft unionism. As yet there
had not developed thc collossal trust,
owning and controlling the industries
subsidiary to their main business, and
therefore the need of consolidated
action of all the workers in these industries did not develop.
(Continued next issue)
What about that organizing fund for
Alberta? The organizers are still in
the field; will you help keep them
there? Send all monies to Burt E. Anderson, Box 647, Calgary, Alta.
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre PAGE TWO
SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1912.
Published every Saturday by the Socialist Party of Canada at the office of
the Western Clarion, Labor T'-mple,
Dunsmulr St., Vancouver, B./C.
the call for matter for this issue, by, these changes, do we of Vthe revolu-! vote   would  appear  to   indicate  that
•1.00  Fer  Year,   50   cent*   lor   Six   Montha,
25 oenta for Tbree Montha.
Strictly In Advance.
Bundle* of 5 or more coplaa for a period
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If you receive  thla paper, it  la paid  for.
In making- remittance by cheque, ex
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aaunlcationa and make all money ordera
parable to
Labor Temple, Dunsmulr St., Vancouver,
B. C.
thla  number  la  on  It,    your aub-
aerlptlon   expiree   the  next  laaue.
C«q—Watch  the label on  your paper.
SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1912.
This issue of the Western Clarion is
given over chiefly to the Alberta comrades. Nearly everything in its columns has been written by members of
the S. P. of C. in that Province and
we have enough matter left over to
fully   supply   our   wants   for   next
week's issue.
Comrade C. M. O'Brien makes mention of the fact that Alberta carries on
the best organized and most effective
propaganda in the Dominion. We desire to add to this by saying that Alberta Is at present the only Province
In the Dominion In which the Socialist
movement manifests any vigor and
vitality. It is little use to try to blind
ourselves to the fact for it stares us
all too plainly in the face. Outside
of Alberta there Is no attempt being
made to carry on anything like a
systematic and - effective propaganda,
to say nothing of organization. From
B. C. to the Atlantic Coast (skipping
Alberta) about the sole evidence of
activity ls found in a Sunday night
meeting here and there, the chief
purpose of which is to afford an opportunity to aspiring oratorical genius
to display its verbosity to its admiring followers. This sort of propaganda is of little or no consequence in
the larger centres of population for
tbe reason that an insignificant percentage of the people can be reached
by such means. The vast majority
never attend public meetings outside
of campaign times. They don't even
go to church on Sunday night, and If
tbey are so oblivious to the necessity
of saving that valuable asset, the soul,
how can they reasonably be expected
to sit up o' nights to save their worthless bodies?
We do not wish to infer that public
the Alberta comrades. If there ls
enough horse-sense in our ranks to
provide suitable matter for distribution there ought to be sufficient mule~-
Btrength available to distribute It. At
least it would look that way "to a jtoan
up a tree."
All hail to the comrades of Alberta,
and everywhere else that they show
similar spirit. There is much to do.
The burden is heavy if left to
a few. "Many hands make light work."
The walls of capitalism will not crumble at the assault of garrulous philosophers, long on noise but short on
action. It will require something
more effective than windy phrase and
verbose declamation to breach the
battlements of class rule and open the
way for Labor to enter into possession
of its own. The Alberta comrades evidently understand this and are determined to push boldly forward and
storm the works. Shall we of the
other Provinces degenerate into a
melancholy remnant of philosophizing,
quibbling, puling and useless camp
followers, a nuisance to the movement and a stench in the nostrils of
the revolutionary comrades everywhere? It looks like it.
Go ahead, Comrades of Alberta, you
are doing fine. Strength to your elbows. You are all right. At any rate
you are not revolutionary punk, like
the rest of us.
In the third column on page 3 of last
week's Clarion, appeared an article
contributed by Moses Baritz, entitled,
"Karl Marx, Appreciated at Last." The
fourth paragraph in said article reads
as follows:
The article continues that Marx
"found a world of organized, in its
practice and theory around capital. He
declared tbat the world will remain
Impossibly arbitrary until Its theory
and its practice center around labor.
This was in substance by no means
tionary movement get bur inspiration, there are.- One cent per day from 500
our perfect assurance that.lt is at last Socialists" would pay an able man to
the turn of the working class, tbat devote his entire services to the bui|d-
wlth the conclusion of the present ing up of an organization that would
phase of the class struggle all human- be powerful on the industrial or poli-
ity wift be free . •' l tlcal field and would give him greater
And now to briefly mention a few confidence and interest in his work,
connected up FACTS: ! Why should the exponents and bene-i
But for the discovery of the use of ficiaries of unionism expect an edu-
flre, metals would not have been dls- cated man to do the most thankless
covered, steam power would not have of all jobs at scab wages The only
been used—capitalism would have reason I can think of is that we are
been impossible. | governed  by  precedent  in  this case.
But for the discovery of the wooden We have seen in the past, enthusiasts
digging stick, the motor plough would in the cause of downtrodden humanity
not have been in existence. j giving their Bervices freely and glory-
But for the discovery of the wooden ing in the fact that they had sacri-
and stone-headed club, the steam ham- flced something, and now we expect it.
mer would not have been known. It would be a terrible thing if a man
The same principle prevails with all  was paid sufficient to enable him to
the things we see and know of today.  I stay at an hotel instead of hanging up
Even  in  musical  instruments  this In all sorts of socialist homes.   If he
principle  can   be  shown.     Take  the was able to pay the four cents a mile
Socialist   Party  Directory
Socialist Party of Canada, meets) second and fourth Monday. Secretary,
.Wm. Watts, Labor Temple, Dunsmulr
■ ■St.. Vancouver, B.C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada, meets second and fourth
Mondays in 'month at Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Wm. Watts, Secretary.
8. P. of W3.—Business meeting eVeffy
first Suoday of -the month and propaganda meeting every third Sunday.
Free word for every body, at 512 "Cordova Street lEasfc 2 p. m. Secretary,
Ad Kreokis. '     „
Socialist Party of Canada, meets *ev-
ery alternate Tuesday, at 429 Eighth
Ave. East. Burt E. Anderson, Secre-
tary,  Box 647, Calgary.	
LOCAL   VAHCOUTEK,   B.    C.,    HO.    45,
Finnish.      Meets    every    second    and
Fourth Thursdays  In the month at
213  Hastings  St.  East.    Olva  Lind,
piano beside me.
demanded by the C. P. R., instead of
It is a comparatively modern instru- counting ties and bucking a west wind,
ment. It was not so long ago that it'and if on top of all that he was the
did not exist. Before the piano we possessor of ? i00 clear at the end of
had the harpsichord; before that, an- three months, the movement would be
other stringed instrument, and so on ruined.
back to the primitive hunter to whom | Thia ls a democratic movement (no
the twang of his bow-string sounded aristocracy for us) and if an organizer
pleasant. I doesn't admire the various odors which
These things have become so plain pervade the circumambient air of aur
to me that I wish I could make them various homes, if he shows the slight-
as plain to you, because of their significance and because it would give
you the perfect assurance that I have,
that, owing to changing development
of the material things we use, this society is changing and must, and, I
believe, shortly, take on a new form,
under which classes will have passed
away, under which we will all be
owners of the means of production
and en^oyejrs of ,the /product from
those means.
Going back to primitive times, at
last the time arrived when the tools
of production had been developed to
a stage where man could produce
somewhat more than enough to keep
himself alive.
Gradually,   tbe  stronger   or   more
a novel utterance.   Adam Smith had
said It, but he was appalled by hisieunnlng'   now, *****   out   ways   b,y
own irreverance and promptly retracted It. Marx said it with the
force, the detail and the corroborating
evidence of a revelation. He is a still
voice in the wilderness, but for one
I have no more doubt that he was
essentially wrong, than I have that
Galileo will hold his place to the end
of time as one of the world's great
»   »   •
, Beginning with the fifth line from
end of paragraph it should read as
I have no more doubt that he was
essentially right, and that conventionality was essentially wrong, than I
have that Galileo wlll hold his place
to the end of time as one of the
world's great discoverers.
We are of the opinion that linotype
meetings are at all times valueless. In operators are guided ln their actions
tbe smaller towns they often afford a: chiefly by instinct. The genius that
means of catching tbe ear of a large! perpetrated this horror in last week's
portion of the population. This is es-1 issue, evidently ln order to avoid set-
pecially true during campaign times, I ting what to him appeared to be ex-
and in -the large cities and towns as
well as the smaller. During such times
the doings at these meetings are often
carried, either by word of mouth or
through the columns of the newspapers, to a large number of persons
outside of the actual meeting itself. In
this way much good ls no doubt accomplished, for lat such times the
average man is inclined to be interested ln political questions and consequently In a more or less receptive
frame of mind.
But the Sunday night meetings;
those mutual admiration gabfests,
with the audiences made up of the
same persons month In and month
out, except when some stay away
through weariness; with the same old
vaudeville circuit .of itinerant gab-
flends, philosophical contortionists
and verbal acrobats, can lay claim to
little that is of permanent value. They
reach but few outside the circle of the
already converted, and those whose
appetite for amusement is easily satisfied. About the only redeeming feature of the matter is that some literature is put into circulation
traneouB matter, instinctively took a
short cut across his copy. What he
eliminated "was essentially right."
What he retained "was essentially
(Fourth Instalment.)
ever, a systematic distribution of the
printed word could be undertaken
throughout the city, or dislrict, a far
greater good would, no doubt, result,
and with the expenditure of no more
energy and much less noise.
The Alberta comrades are circulating much literature and this is a good
sign. The publication of leaflets here
in Vancouver had to be dropped because they could not be disposed of by
this office. Outside of Alberta the
general disposition seemed to be
peither to distribute or pay for them.
Hence we were forced to cease publishing them. And yet we know that
no more effective and lasting propaganda can be carried on than by tbe
thorough and persistent distribution
of printed matter. That our movement has ample talent at Its disposal
to furnish suitable matter for a continuous issue of leaflets, pamphlets, I capitalism,
etc., ls amply proven by the result of I the reason
And now, I ask you. my bearers,, to
realize in a fuller sense, the significance of the discovery of tbe use of
fire long ago. But for the discovery of
fire, metals would never have been
smelted. If metal had never been
smelted, we would never have had
metal tools, metal arms, guns, machinery, railroads, steamships. If metals
had never been smelted, we would
now be in the same state of society as
our ancestors were before the smelting of metals had been discovered.
It's very simple. Come down to
earth and realize that it is in the
simple facts of life that the reason for
the advancement of mankind and the
development of society Ib to he found.
If, how- Society and its changes can not be
est displeasure or annoyance at the
pocket editions of ourselves, the flesh
of our flesh, bone of our bones, and
product of our loinB, when their juvenile voices are raised In their noctural
poeans, why—"he's no good. He is
stuck up." Supposing the spread gotten up ln honor of the agitator cost
25 cents, by chipping in with 500
others you would be paid up for 25
days, but then you would not be able
to show those copies of "Capital"
which you've never read and that treasured volunme of "Llooking Backi-
ward" which you consider fine Socialist dope.
There is another point for the economist to consider. Commodities exchange at their value on an average,
and on that basis tbe agitator is worth
next to nothing.   Am I right?
Of course there are other things
which divert the mind of thinkers In
the ranks of the works, such as the
possibility of the Mutz cup being lost
ln the Olympian games at Stockholm.
Whether Lloyd George ls a better Socialist than Karl Marx, or Christ than
both, and the Socialist sermon preached by Father Goodboy in St. Paul's.
All of which subjects require much discussion and frequent Irrigation.
It is certainly puzzling to understand
why a talented speaker and scholar
will hit the road, unless it is for tbe
very thing that they get out of it, getting wised up.
And then, again, is it really worth
while to go to the trouble of pointing out to a plug the squalor, the filth
and the desolation both fore and aft
ln his life, when he is contented as it
I'm not going to answer that question. I'm no idealist. But what is, is
An agitator, or as we in these parts eminently correct amI proper    „ you
know him, an organizer for the S. P.  disagree with me, what are you going
of C, is apparently held  ln  strange to do about it.
means of which they forced 'their
weaker or more foolish brethren, to
produce for those who did not work.
Using the force of armed guards,
and the fraud of priestcraft, they subjected them, and kept them in various
forms of slavery right to this day.
Slavery ls, in its essence, the subjection of one class to another, the
forcing by any means, of one section
of the human 'race to labor for the
maintenance of another section. I
assert that that state of things prevails
today and challenge denial.
And now, passing over further consideration of primitive society and of
the very ancient slave civilizations, I
will take up a little time in speaking
of the last of the great slave empires
of antiquity, that of Rome.
(To be continued.)
Those to whom the foregoing remarks do not apply may just as well
keep their shirts on. And the result
in any case will be five sheets of paper
estimation by the comrades.
Do we really want revolution?    I
don't think so.    I firmly believe that
the majority of comrades are In this
movement just because it is new (to
them), and add, and when it looks as
though they might be called upon to
play the game in dead earnest, tbey
will remember a lot of things which      _ ,    _   ,, ,    ,    .
Z.   1, j    '      Comrade S. Gage sends in two dol-
will answer as ob ection and convince _ ^ contrIbution
them that it wont work towards the organizing fund.  We hate
Just think what a bunch of objec
SASKATCHEWAN PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE, 8. P. of C, Invites all comrades residing in Saskatchewan to
communicate with them on organization matters Address D. McMillan,
222 Stadacona Street West, Moose Jaw,
Committee: Notice—This card ia Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
Secretary, J. D. Houston, 493 Furby
St..  Winnipeg.	
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays In the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Olace Bay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Sox
Ml, Olace Bay, N. S.
■LOCAI, VANCOUVER, HO. 69, 8. P. of O.
Headquarters, Room 206 Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr Street. Business meeting
every Friday In the month at 8 pm
Reading room open every dav. Socialist and Labor papers or all" countries
on file.    Secretary, S. Lefeaux.
LOCAL   OREENWOOD,   B.   C,    HO.    t,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Oreenwood.
Visiting Comrades invited to call. C.
Primerlle, Secretary.
LOCAL    FEBNIE,   8.   P.   Of   C,    HOLD
holds educational meetings in the
Miners Union Hall every Sunday at
7:30. Business meeting flrBt Monday
in each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic
class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
H. Wilmer, secretary, Box 380.
meeta in Miners' Mall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Organizer.
Will Jones, Secretary, Box 126.
Finnish branch meets In Finlanders'
Hall Sundays at 7:30 p.m. A. Sebblo,
Secretary, Box 54, Roasland, B.C.
ot C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation la
extended td all wage slaves within
reach of ua to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the flrsi'
•nd third Sundaya of each month al
10:30 a.m. in the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. 8. Julian,
LOCAL  HHLBOH,   8.   T.  Ot  O.
every Friday evening at 1'p.in, ln
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
Meets every Tuesday at 8 p. m., In
L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St. W. H. Oil-
mour, Secretary
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,   B.   C.,    HO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary,
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Unlor Hall
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandon, B. C.
Headquarters and reading room 6iii
Yates St. Business meeting every
Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Sunday, 8 p.m.. corner of
Yates and Langley.
No. tl, meets every Friday night al
> p.m. in Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen.
LOCAL  OTJ1—UBBLAH9 HO. 70 8. P. of C.
Business meeting every Sunday, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice each
Thursday, 10:30 a.m. (for afternoon
shift), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sunday 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Socialist Hall, opposite
post offlce. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretary, ]
Joseph Naylor.
Business meeting every Tuesday evening ot Headquarters, 213 Hastings St
East. H. Halilm, Secretary.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     AXTA.,     NO.     a.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on tha flrat
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at I.
Organlier, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box li,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
Information any day at Miners' Hall
Secretary, Wm. Graham, Box 63, Coleman, Alta.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetlnge
every Wednesday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, J. A. S. Smith, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.  Stephenson.
of Cv—Business meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters.  429  Eighth   Ave.   East,  between  Third  and Fourth streets.
A, S. Julian, Secretary . •
every Sunday, Trades Hall, 8 p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, I
p.m., Trades Hall. B. Simmons, secretary, 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1041.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Zlossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at t
p.m.; economic class, Friday at S p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieu, 144 Third St.,
Brandon, Man.
S. P. of C. Meeta first and third Sundays in the month, at 4 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. P«*>
cock, Box 1983.
OP O.—Propaganda meetings ever*
Sunday, 7:30 p. m., in tne Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, I n.m.
D. McMillan, Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask.; A. Stewart, Organlaer,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves welcome.
8. P. OP O.
Headquarters 128 U Mala
Street, Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every
Sunday morning, at 11; economic claaa
Wednesdays, at 8 p. m. Secretary's
address, 270 Young Street. Propaganda meeting every Sunday evenlns
In Dreamland Theatre, Matn Street, at
8 o'clock.    Discussion Invited.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   NO   8,   8.   P.   OP   O.
Open air meetings during summer
months, corner McKenzie Avenue an£.
Rldeau Street. Business meetings,
first Sunday in month in the Labor
Hall, 219 Bank Street, at 8:00 p.m.
Secretary, Sam Sturgess Horwlth, 18
Ivy Avenue N.E., Ottawa.    Phone 277.
TXME—Headquarters ln Rukasln
Block, Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda
meeting at headquarters every Thursday at 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary.
Box 158; Harold O. Ross, organizer.
Box 505.
Scotia.—Business    and
7,    Of
propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 In the S. O. B. T. Hall back
of Town Hall. Wll1 lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344.
explained by the action of individual
"great" men, who arose from time to
time, for they were but the product
of their times. Society can only be
explained by the connecting up of
the simple facts of life, the slow and
painful accumulation of knowledge,
the adding to and connecting up of
individual experience to individual experience, the legacy of knowledge
from one generation to another.
In this way, and in this way alone,
can be explained, the transitions from
early commercial life in its various
forms to class civilization as known
under the ancient slave empires, in
this way alone can be explained the
disappearance of chattel slavery and
the appearance of feudal slavery, In
this way alone can be explained the
disappearance of feudalism and the
appearance of the present system of
Only by understanding
for,    and forces behind,
tlons could be urged in this riding
against Socialism—to wit.—"O'Brien
has been in parliament nearly four
years and the road through the Frank
slide has not been paved yet," or "last
summer was wet and the one before
waB dry," or, "I have not been able to
take my annual trip to the Mediterranean since O'Brien was elected," etc.
Foolishness, you say. Sure thing. But
It is no more foolish than the actions
of some of the comrades in their handling of agitators.
An agitator or organizer, if he is
worthy of the name, has spent considerable time educating himself for
the job. He has command of knowledge which ls not taught in the educational institutions of capitalism, and
the fluency of expression which enables him to tell others what he knowB
from the public platform. And why
does he do it? Having the knowledge
which, if possessed by the majority of
the working class, and acted upon,
would emancipate them from their
present slavery, he is apparently expected to derive his sustenance like
Elijah, from the ravens or magpies.
It is no sign that a man is a good
organizer ,lf he asks no recompense
for his services, gets his meals from
the hotel swill barrels by using a
rubber tube and sleeps ln livery stables and box cars; if he wears whiskers
to save barber's bills and his pants
are in such a condition that he just
simply has to face the audience. A
man who possesses the ability and
gives his services under Buch conditions Ib a damned fanatic.
Many Socialists appear to want the
co-operative   commonwealth    as    the
average Christian expects heaven, by
vicarious effort.   Are there 500 Soclal-
'iBts  from  Fernie to Lethbridge    The
to keep reminding the Locals of the
necessity of this fund, but we have got
to put men In the field sooner or later,
so why not now?
Don't let your sub. expire before renewing, if you can spare the money,
renew now, one dollar a year, fifty
cents six months, and twenty-five
cents for three months.
Removed from 58 Hornby St. to
TION of the S. P. of C, ts organized
for the purpose of educating the
Ukralnean workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. Th»
Ukranian Federation publish their owa
weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" (New
Society), at 443 Klnistlno Ave., Edmonton, Alta, English comrades desiring Information re the Federation,
write to J.  Senuk, Fin.  Secretary.
In all Countries.    Ask for our Inventor's Adviser.    Marlon ft Marlon, |
364 University Street, corner St. Catherine Street, Montreal, and Washington, D. 0., TJ. S. A.
A Good Place to Eat at
137 Cordova Street Weet
The beat of Everything
properly cooked
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of tha revolutionary working; class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is baaed upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; tha worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working elass lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at tha
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
** The irrepressible conflict of interests between tha capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession of th*
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secura it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under tha banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with th* object of conquering th*
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing th* economic
program of th* working elass, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in th* means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into th* colleetiv* property of th* working class.
2. The democratic organisation and management et industry by
th* workers.
3. Th* aateblishtnent, m speedily as possible, of production for
us* instead of production for profit.
Th* Socialist Party when in office shall always and •vsrywher*
until th* present system ii abolished, make th* answar to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance th* interests
of tn* working class and aid th* workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, th* Socialist Party is for it; if It will not, th*
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to tt
In accordance with this principle tha Socislist Party pledges itself
to conduct all th public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Due Stamps, each 10c
Platforms, English, per 100 26c'
Platforms, Foreign, per 100 60c
Due Cards, per 100 ?1.00
Constitutions, each  Be
Receipt Books, each 10c
Warrant Books, each 26c
5 Yearlies - - - $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies - - 4.00
20 Quarterlies -  -   4.00 SATURDAY,  JULY  ~.  1912.
■ ii  ■■    ■ I llWl si J    IS    ) ..iQ]   *li_ i     '     »    in      11*1 M ■ i.  m  ■     »■■   mil      i      ,      i ■   ii   ,   ■■   s   i | ■('■___»
Western Clarion.
Comrade Editor—I note in the last
Issue you said you had about 6000 subscribers. I would like to ask, say, two
hundred readers to pledge themselves
fifty cents monthly for one year; this
money to be applied solely to the upkeep of our paper. Two hundred halfs
would be one hundred dollars a month.
There are lots of comrades like myself who cannot speak from a soap box,
who are back numbers when hustling
subs. They would like to help, but
are afraid of getting too much in the
limelight. This idea would enable
them to help the cause along, without
getting too prominent In the movement. I am a government slave, and,
of course, must use a little discretion.
I am not cowardly, but I hate like hell
to start looking for another master.
The Duke of Connaught came here
the other night, and, honest, 'twould
have made an owl laugh to see the
wage slaves yelling like blazes as ho
passed. He gave us sohie guff about
the wonderful progress "we" had
made, considering the shortage of labor, etc. I wish to Christ he had to
start looking for work; he would
whistle a different tune. It would be
the shortage of masters, had he
to look for one. 1 think the movement is being held back a lot by the
real estate boom at present. I know
in Winnipeg every slave who can borrow a dollar on his overalls has it
soaked in lots. I honestly believe
when this craze blows up (as it must)
our movement will grow faster. 1
see by this evening's paper that Rev.
R. J. Campbell and Canon Hensley (?)
say that hell is a myth. They had better be careful, or, like Othello, they
will find "their occupation gone."	
A bunch of working-class plugs made
asses of themselves today by celebrating an event which   occurred   three
hundred years ago.   B dy fools!   I
presume you are bored, se wlll close
at once.
Yours for the revolution, •-
S. B.
Winnipeg, July 12, 1912.
The sub. list ls still going up at a
pretty good pace, thanks to the efforts
of quite a bunch of comrades who seem
determined to do everything in their
power to have the red flag flying in
this and every country in aB short a
time as possible. When we look around
us and see the toiling masses, hag-
gered and worn out with the work of
centuries, it simply makes our blood
boil. When we know of the wealth
that is being created by the working
class and is only enjoyed by our masters, the capitalist class, we feel like
doing something desperate, but it is no
use getting desperate, no use stirring
up strife. Only by the intelligent education of the working class will we be
able to bring about a successful revolution.   The Western Clarion is one of .school played more tricks,
The locals of the Socialist Party of
Canada in the Rocky Mountain District in the Province, of \Alberta held
a convention to nominate a candidate
for the Provincial elections of March
20th, 1909. I received a message stating that I was the candidate. The
Conservatives were weak, but the
Liberals played a Bhrewd game. They
selected as their candidate a man who
for years had been secretary of the
Executive Board of all the'unions ln
the district. He was one of the best
known and most popular men, but although he had all the support of the
Provincial and National Governments,
yet he did not appear as a Liberal or
Government candidate. He was a
"Labor candidate," but, if elected,
"might be made Minister of Mines."
Had our propaganda been of that kind
which is now brazenly peddled about
in the name of Socialism, and which
caused Marx to say, "never has any
etc., there
break the rule of capital, but not to
retard its progress. If we interfere at
all it will be to help speed Its development. We Socialists treat history
from the evolutionary conception. We
teach that all the ages of chattle slavery were necessary to pave the way
for feudal society and the centuries of
feudal serfdom were necessary to
break the ground for capitalism. But
in a few generations of wage slavery,
capitalism has not only made possible
but has brought us to the very threshold of a new social system. And, Mr.
Speaker, I am most proud to be the
Almost exactly a year ago Local
Red Deer, No. 11, was re-organized.
Under the name of Looal -Waskasoo,
it had been dormant for a long period, owing to the early emigration
of the more active of Its founders.
At the time of its re-organization, we
mustered,  I  uelleve,  eight members.
Since then, lt has steadily increased, until at the present time
we have a total membership of 31—
all in good standing—with the pros-
first representative of the new social Pects of four or flve more shortly,
system in this legislative assembly of!    We  have i"^  leased  a  hall,  cap-
the Province of Alberta." j able ot seating about 125 people, and
I took advantage of the close fight, are  expecting    to  hold    propaganda
and  at an  opportune  moment intro- meetings there once a week. An ec-
Signing himself, "A Lonely Red in a
Saintly City," Com. A. H. Grewar, organizer of the above Local, sends in
an interesting account of the doings
of the six months' old organization ln
that city. Owing to the overflowing
supply of Alberta matter that appears
in this issue  (the Alberta comrades
sent about a car load of manuscript)
only a summary can be given now.
The Local has a literature squad out
every   Sunday   morning    distributing
leaflets, a propaganda meeting every
Sunday evening, headquarters on the
, main street over which the red flag is
, always flying, and their activity generally has been such as to attract the
attention of the sky-pilots and the city
council.   The latter body debated the
1 question as to whether    the    Local
should have the use of the park for
propaganda purposes for some considerable time before deciding in the af-
I Urinative.   The possibility of them being converted by the Y. M. C. A., who
ialso  hold  meetings  there,  was  the
(clinching argument.  All the members
l of the Local are from the old country,
| and none of them are looking for the
"walking delegate of the carpenters'
[union of Palestine," as Grewar puts
You are doing all right, comrades.
[ Keep it up.
the best mediums of getting the workers enlightened, and it should be easy
enough to get it into the hands of the
class that it is intended for when we
are offering It at the low rate of ten
cents for three months. Let every
reader, new and old, do his or her utmost to get it into the hands of their
fellow slaves from now on. Let us
force the Issue of Socialism versus
Comrade Kinnear of ■ Toronto tops
the list again this week, and with the
help of a few other hustlers we are
able to show the following big list:
J. Kinnear, Toronto, Ont  80
Local, Glace Bay, N. S  33
A Saskatchewan Comrade  30
Local, Toronto, Ont  18
R. C. McCutchan, Winnipeg, Man... 13
R. G. Landry, Winnipeg, Man  11
J. Mitchell, Calgary, Alta ' 11
Roscoe A. Fillmore, Albert, N. B... 10
Jas. R. Lawson, Calgary, Alta..-  10
M. J. Andruse, Big Valley, Alta   10
G. Westlln, Strathcona, Alta  10
Alex. Beaton, Glenbrea, Sask  10
A. H. Grewar, St., Catherines, Ont.. 10
A. McGillivray, Dominion, N. S   10
Sam Bowman, Winnipeg, Man     7
J. Grindler, Amhurst, N. S     6
H. E. Noakes, Victoria, B. C     5
Geo. Grazier, Moose Jaw, Sask     5
W. B. Bird, Regina, Sask     5
Geo. Rossiter, Toronto, Ont     5
J. H. Turner, Calgary, Alta     5
W. H. Steen, Vancouver     4
J. Churgin, Calgary, Alta     4
A. Stewart, Moose Jaw, Sask     3
W. E. Cocks, Regina, Sask     3
Thos. Foulston, Eyebrow, Sask     3
S. Gage, Winnipeg, Man     3
S. Tollman, Enderby, B. C     2
Jos. Naylor, Cumberland, B. C     2
I. A. Austin, Nelson, B. C     2
W: Alexander, Barons, Alta     2
M. Mathews, Toronto; M. Light-
stone, Montreal; G. O. Vennesland,
Granum; J. C. Turner, Victoria; R. M.
Alexander, City; F. J. Parkes, Revelstoke; C. Steen, Janes, B. C; Alf.
Johnson, Silver Creek; W. Firkins,
Mount Lehmann; A. F. McCarthy,
Bear Creek, B. O.J  J. M. Brown, Bo-
would have been no excuse, for our
existence. The ballots were counted
three different tlmeB with the hope of
counting us out, but I was declared
elected by a small majority.
Some members of the Government
had secured ownership of natural resources in and around Edmonton and
north of there, to the extent that they
were desirous of having a railroad
built into the great North. They made
a proposition to each of the three railway corporations of this country, but
duced a resolution to amend the agreement so that the employes who would
build the road should get a wage of
not less than $2.50 for a nine hour
day, also certain regulations for board
and medical attendance. It carried
unanimously. Reformers have greatly
exaggerated the graft question. Just
as the capitalist class hires slaves to
do all the work, dirty and otherwise,
around the avenues of wealth production, so It hires wage slaves to do
most of Its political work, dirty and
otherwise. If there is graft, some
capitalists muat lose, and usually other
capitalists get it. At the time of the
mining boom in British Columbia, a
certain capitalist from the U. S'. A.
employed an army of slaves seeking
for ore and preparing to smelt lt.   He
„        ■     ,        . ... expected to have to pay several thou-
it received scant consideration as they „„„,, rf„„„„ „„,      t    ' '       "
u„j _-,    .    u .v. ,.. j    ,. ....    . sand dollars apiece to the members of
had about all they eould do building ...   , , , ., .,   *
■"„»„„.,••.,    ».i   .   a a   >.       C the legislative assembly to secure cer-
transcontlnental   roads   and   branch ,„.    ,    *:   ..,    ..   . . ;   . ™;
nn_ i„-„ ■>.., ™       *-..-., , , a tam legal r|ehts that he required, but
lines into the more thickly populated ,,„  „„„„  ,.   _ . '
parts. The agents of Morgan, who ** *„■ „!!," Champagnef 8up-Ler
represents large capital which is al-'"^ Sot f ^'^ *-e asked for. He
,„„„.-„,„.„■; x        .   ."   afterwards said, "they were the cheap-
ways forcing its owners to seek new i „t . „_ .  . , „   ,     »«»">■*■
fl„u„  . _ i       »_    . i   ■      , Iest bunch he ever met."   I venture to
fields for investment, soon took ad- „„„ „  ~ ,
„„.,( „„ - m.1 u tl n.u t,c . say B- c- never Produced a bunch as
vantage of this situation. The Alberta I  ,,,„„    _   ..„   ...    ,     _
.  „     , „. . _ „ cheap    as  the  Alberta  Government,
and Great Waterways Railway company was organized and the Government guaranteed the bonds for twenty
thousand dollars per mile, to Fort
McMurry, a distance of about three
hundred and twenty miles. Morgan
loaned the Government seven million
four hundred thousand dollars at seven per cent interest. Though the
other railway companies continued to
bitterly fight each other in the mad
rush for control of the last great
West, when they discovered that Morgan and American capital had. secured
such a hold of the great North country, they united through their general
executive, the Dominion Government,
which is superior to Provincial governments, and though in this case
both of the same political brand (Liberal), they forced the Alberta Government to resign. Then they had their
Lieutenant-Governor appoint another,
most of them not even members of the
Legislative Assembly. They confiscated the A. & G. W. Railway deal.
All very high-handed, but what's the
good of having power unless you use
It? However, there was still another
great power, the Government of the
U. S. A. Morgan had to be considered
or I suppose there would have been
international complications.   Formerly
Morgan and hi* ,■ gents are too shrewd
to buy what they can get for nothing.
I don't think there was any graft.
The result of a Royal Commission revealed a miserable less than five thousand dollar graft and that not In connection with the A. & G. W. Railway.
The grafter was a moral howler who
resigned from the Government and
joined the insurgents because his
former associates were grafters.
nanza, Y. T.; G. Boagrie, Calgary; W. tne Canadian Northern was very much
We have just had printed a number
I of platforms of the S. P. of C. ln Ital-
lian. Any Locals that can make use
I of them can secure them at the rate of
1100 for 60 cents.
I have this day, July 17th, mailed
fto Local Cumberland Vols, one and
| two of Ward's "Ancient Lowly." I
[ congratulate the Local, not so much
[for winning as for deserving to win
Until further notice, we
will  accept 3  Month's
Subs, in lots of 5 or more,
at the rate of
10c Each
<J Bush them in and  tIiun help
extend   the   circulation of tho
Western Clarion
G.  McClusky, Calgary;  Geo. O'Mally,
Big River, Sask.; G. M., Brandon.
Local, St. Johns, N. B„ 25;  Local
Fernie,   10;   Local,   Silver  Creek,  5,
Portland Local, S. P. of A., 200.
Sub. Cards.
Jos. Naylor, Cumberland, 7 yearlies;
Jas. R. Larson, Calgary, 10-3 month;
W. Green, Toronto, 10 yearlies, 10-6
month, 10-3 month; M. Lightstone,
Montreal, Que., 15-3 month.
Winnipeg gets the flrst place this
week; Toronto is trying hard for second; St. Catherines jumps ahead; Enderby and Amhurst succeed in getting
on the list:
Winnipeg, Man     1
Vancouver, B. C     2
Toronto, Ontario   8
Calgary. Alberta    4
Victoria,  B.  C       6
Edmonton, Alta	
Cumberland, B. C     1
Moose Jaw, Sask	
Reglna, Sask    9
Fernie, B. C  10
New Westminster, B. C 11
St. Catherines, Ont  12
Montreal, Que  13
Enderby, B. C  14
Amhurst, N. S 15
Brandon, Man  16
Nelson, B. C  17
Glace Bay, N. S  18
Ottawa, Ont  18
South Hill, Sask  20
There are more readers of the Western Clarion In Winnipeg than in any
other city, and If you fellows want to
hold that position you wtll have to
go some. Toronto seems determined
to get there, and If some scheme can
be worked whereby Vancouver can get
a cheap rate, that will be another to
contend with. The business meetings
of Local Winnipeg No. 1, S. P. of C,
are being held every Saturday at 8
p.m. ln the Trades Hall, and It's up to
you to get around there and help get
the Local in good shape for the Winter
Campaign, which, I am told, Is likely
to be an eye-opener. Now, boys, get
busy and help keep Winnipeg to the
front in the Clarion, and the Socialist
movement to the fore in Winnipeg.      J
in need of money. Now It Is buying
most .everything ln sight on the Pacific coast. It would appear that Morgan was settled with by selling him an
interest in the C. N. R. Surely all this
is evidence that political power ls
the key to economic success.
In order to force the Alberta Government to resign, something had to
be done in Alberta. They organized a
bunch of insurgents among the Government ranks, united them with the
few Conservatives and raised the
moral howl of graft. It was proclaimed
to be the most disgraceful graft
known to civilization, and moBt every
one believed It. Even members of the
Government became suspicious of
each other. Some comrades advised
me to join the insurgents aB Socialists
were opposed to graft. It was my flrst
experience ln the legislative assembly
I represented the Socialist Party of
Canada, and it was they who should
advise me; so I again carefully read
our manifesto and about the time the
atmosphere wa]s completely surcharged wijth the moral "horror* of
graft, I said in part: "At bottom
this ls a fight between the representatives of different corporations over
certain surplus values that have been
exploited from my- class under the
guise of wage labor, which, in reality
is slave labor. It ls at the same time
a fight for political power. To the extent that any bunch of capitalists controls this Government, to that extent
they can control the products of labor
in this Province. As long as the capitalist class controls the products of
labor, lt does not matter to my class
how much the thieves quarrel in dividing the plunder. It ls the historic
mission of the Socialist movement to
bring this exploitation to an end by
educating and organizing the wealth
producing class so as to capture political power that we may break the
rule of capital with its wage slavery
by transforming capitalist property
In the means of wealth production into
the collective property of all. Then
we can control the product of our own
labor and individually enjoy the great
wealth that we collectively produce.
I am not opposed to the construction Another big strike is brewing in tho
of railways.    We  are  organizing  to mlai8se^°Untry"more   mlSery for the
There is enough knowledge of the
right sort in the membership of the S.
P. of C. to fill every issue of the Clarion with the uncompromising educational matter on which the Party has
prided itself. It is the only quality of
propaganda that produces results that
count with the Canadian workmen, or
any other, for that matter, for the majority of our audiences and readers
in Canada are composed of people who
have come from lands where every
imaginable reform and palliative has
been In operation, and they need very
little argument to convince them of
the uselessness of it all, the very fact
that they have left those countries to
better their conditions being proof
enough when it is pointed out to
them. That ls why so large a proportion of the S. P. of C. is composed of
men and women not of Canadian
birth. By devoting their efforts to inducing the workers of Great Britain
to come here, the capitalist class of
Canada are playing Into our hands,
for they are supplying us with the
very best material to talk to. We
have a common language, a common
history, we understand the influences
of the national environment that has
made them think as they do, and we;
understand the ferment that is going
on In their minds at the present time.
On all these points we have the bulge
on the capitalist politicians and presB.
Let us utilize the opportunity that is
before us by filling our paper with the
truths of revolutionary Socialism, and
then Beeing that it reaches the greatest possible number of readers. Roll
in the three-months subs, and before
they expire see how many you can
get to renew for a year, for on full
paid subs alone is there any margin
of safety as far as finance is concerned.
The Clarion has been a four-page
paper long uiough. It Is time we had
six or eight pages, but we can only
get it by rolling up the subs for the
year or half-year. If every reader who
approves the policy of the paper made
it a point to get at least one yearly
subscriber a month, the eight-page
paper would soon be ln sight.
onomlc  class  is  also  In  process  of
While relying, of necessity, mostly
on members of the Local for speakers
for the weekly propaganda meetings,
we shall be very glad to obtain the
services of any other speakers, who
may happen to pass through this
neighborhood, and who are not reformists. All communications on this
or other subjects should be addressed
to the Secretary, H. C. Besant, Red
Deer, Alta.
We attribute much of our success
to the judicious distribution of the
CLARION leaflets every Sunday morning, which until recently, was carried out regularly, and to the weekly
bundle of CLARIONS. A large part
of it has also been due to the persistent personal agitation of the comrades.
Our new hall is costing us ten dollars a month. This sum, of course,
The various Socialist parties of th«r-
world-are in the main, of course, the-
direct outcome of the economic conditions   existing  ln    the    particular-
country of their birth.    Those    who»
cannot understand this fact are constantly giving us advice on the ordering  of  our  house,   and -it  ls   quite-
amusing to read the various diatribes;
of   these   wise   ones.       Others   are;
full  of fulsome  praise,  but  "oh the*:
brave music of a distant drum.'" On-
closer inspection we ln Alberta wlll
be found to posseBs as many failings
as the rest of our type, for wbich wa_
are not inclined to feel even apologetic.    Here we are on the job and S
doing our little best to spread    tha *
our class Interests.   Be it understood
revolutionary knowledge necessary to j
that this ls the only part a Socialist
organization Is called on to perform
today.    Our members  of Parliament
are but propagandists from the floor,
of the  house,  and  if our I, W.  W..
friends  expect  any   more  than  this
(as they plainly do, seeing they are
the  critics of our tactics)   it is because  they  fail  to  understand    the
nature  of  the  task  before  us.    We
ln this province are up against a state
of things altogether different to the
conditions prevailing where I. W. W.
ism was hatched.   We have the task
of   organizing   a   proletariat   spread'
over a vast territory, a proletariat of
farmers whose real economic status is.
hidden under a property mask.
Our "revolutionary" comrades (mak-
greatly exceeds our income, but we lng up in enthusiasm what they lack
hope to make up the deficit by col-. In knowledge) regard aB a type of
lections at the weekly propaganda minor capitalists those unfortunate
meetings and the sub-letting of the
Hitherto, the lack of a proper meeting place has, undoubtedly, greatly
hindered our work. Our business'meetings were held at the house of a
comrade, but we had no place whatever for propaganda meetings, and
the only propaganda we had was by
the dissemination of literature and by
personal agitation.
What a handicap this was must
be experienced before it can fie fully
realized. For instance, there is no
doubt that not one person out of
fifty, in town, even knew that there
was a Socialist organzatlon in existence, and not one out of a hundred
knew where it was to be found, if
they did know of its existence.
We hope, however, to remedy this
at once. On our hall, which is on
one of the two main streets, we are
going to leave tangible evidence of
something red. In the shape of a sign
with letters about six feet high and
four feet thick. "Publicity pays," as
our real estate boosters say.
So that; what with our new hall,
our increasing membership, and the
augmented aggressiveness that numbers give, it will certainly be strange
if Local Red Deer does not, from
this time onward, spread more and
more the "glad tidings of great joy
to which the working class must be
educated before it can win the final
victory. W. E. fcARDENBURG.
(Go thou and do likewise—Editor)
It always 'has been and always will
be, yet history tells us that at one
time man was bought and sold ln the
market; at another time man made
his living by fishing and hunting; and
today he simply sells his power to
labor, therefore his mode of getting
his living ls continually changing.
Three Socialists have been elected
in Dublin, Ireland, one of them being
Jim Larkin, editor of the Irish Worker, and one of the foremost Socialists
In Ireland.
When did you attend the Business
Meeting last? What's the matter
with going a tile more regular and
help keep things alive.
Every movement tbat has been
launched in behalf of the oppressed
has been branded as the enemy of re
Our system of profit has been
clothed ln the garb of divinity, and
he who raises his voice or uses his pen
against exploitation must incur the
censure of every Institution that is
dominated or controlled by the "influences of predatory wealth."
In the antebellum days the church
in the South defended chattel slavery
on the grounds that it was a divine
institution and though the babe was
snatched from the breast of an
African mother and placed on the auction block to be sold to the highest
bidder, though a master's whip cut
and tore the quivering flesh of the
black man In the slave pens of the
South, yet the ministers of the gospel
preaching from Southern pulpits defended the hellish traffic -in human
Thq abolitionists who thundered
their denunciation against the sale of
human flesh were branded as enemies
of the home by clerical spouters who
were but allies of tbat master class
that held the negro in the chains of
History repeats itself In this age
when abolitionists raise* their voice
against wage slavery they are stigmatized as destroyers of tbe home and
enemies of religion.
The fanaticism that condemned men
to die because they held that the earth
was round Instead of flat, will be unable to raise barriers against the onward march of tbat ever-increasing
array of men and women whose
mighty tread Is now Shaking the nations of the earth. —Miners Magazine.
Now is the time to make Socialism
a live Issue in your town by taking
advantage of the cheap sub. rate.
Is the Western Clarion going to the
publishers of the nowspaper in your
Ten subs for three months, one dollar.   Got it?
"soil Blaves" who toil so painfully to>
keep body and soul together, on 160;
acres, more or less. It would seem-
that In order to be real revolutionists
we must not use our economic knowledge to maintain ourselves in this
struggle for existence, but wear the
most ragged clothing we can manage
to get hold of, and above all never try-
to snatch from tbe scramble a little
of the goods of this world. We are,,
in order to be worthy of the name of
revolutionist, even to wear a distinct
kind of hat. Go to; that is a burlesque; a comic opera revolt. Revolution does not consist in noise, but
knowledge. No master class need:
fear tbe propaganda of rowdyism. A
few soldiers, a little money, and such
revolutionists are guided Into the
waters of reaction. EDUCATION they
cannot fight. Before its advance they
stand palsied and hopeless.
Here Is the real present weapon of
our class. It has been the object always in the eye of those who have
stood at the helm of affairs since the
S. P. of C. was born and it will be •
their aim so long as they have the ••
power to make It so. The Socialist,
movement in Alberta has been due in
a large measure to the efforts of the
S. P. The party organizers have gone
all over the country teaching the
Marxian Theory of Value, and the Materialist Conception of History. A few
years ago and Comrade Sprlngford
was organizing tbe first local in tbe
Province; now we have some 35 active locals and an extensive propaganda. Charlie O'Brien, Love, Leheny,
Burge, Desmond, Gribble, Farmilo,
Mushkat, Knight, MasterB, Harrington, Dreaver, Fulcher, Matthews, Buff-
den, Woods and others, have at various times toured through in the Interests of the 8. P. of C.
A very large sale of books have
been carried on, books of a scientific
nature such as the opponents of edu.
cation claim to be too heavy for the
working mind to grasp. Judging by
the brisk sale of these same wc aro
inclined to think otherwise.
As is well known, O'Brien is at
present member for Rocky Mountain
riding ami Ihe prospects aro good to
land another slave In the gab house,
next election.
Things are doing at this end of the
pike and all thai Is needed Is MONEY.
"I love my propaganda, but oh you
grub stake." The Clarion hns been
largely circulated but more must bo
done in the future If this revolutionary
sheet is to be kept going. It has been
a great source of enlightenment lo
many slaves and should be in the
hands of many more.
There is at the present moment a I
disposition to split up the Party into •
many Bmall Parties, each with practically the same platform but different
In action. This fever, which fs the
result of expecting too much of an
Educational Party, has not manifested
itself in Alberta. We have here only
a few locals of the S. D. P. and Christian Socialists.
Edmonton, Calgary and some of the
country divisions have contested their
various seats in the past and aro
framing up to repeat the performances
In the future. Go to It, ye slaves, and
do not think because just around you
the movement has for tho moment
fallen into one of those slacknesses
necessary to nil growth, that thc Revolution Is on the Ice. Wo are all
Inclined to attach too much Importance to our own personal effort and to
that which Is occurring Just around
us. The Revolution moves on and
cannot be stayed. Push up, push up.
SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1912.
What is Socialism?
A Short Study of Its Aims and Claims
By W. E. Hardenburg
(Continued from last issue)
But here, again, it is the Socialists, who are carrying
*out the principles of the Prince of Peace.    By iheir vigorous anti-military propaganda, they are educating the work-
'. ing class to the objects of and the evils that arise from war
-.and militarism, with the result that humanity is rapidly awakening from an age-long trance.    "Soon every red-throated
'cannon on earth will boom no more—silenced forever.  The
'.tears of war-robbed widows and war-orphaned children and
''.the blood of the world's strong men will cease to stain the
-earth.   Never again on great battlefields will foul birds feast
■etm the shattered corpses of youth "torn from the fond embrace of loving mothers and forced to face the storms of
lead and steel"—to decide which faction of the master class
; ihall be supreme.
Other  fruits of capitalism are poverty misery,  unemployment, etc., and their products, such as slums, intemperance, the social evil, etc.   A few citations may not be out
*of place.
The following excerpts are from a speech made by
. :David Lloyd-George recently at Cardiff:
"What does poverty mean) It is not that men are deprived of luxuries; it is that they have not enough to purchase the barest necessities of life for themselves and their
'■ children. According to Mr. Rowntree, one-fourth of the
.population of this country (Great Britain) even in times of
;.prosperity, are living under conditions of poverty thus de-
. fined."
'ilf half the increased amount spent annually in prepar-
--.ation for war was devoted to the clearing out of slums,
'there is no statesman who could not do it with that sum."
"Poverty is not the fault of Providence, which provides
- abundance, nor is it because the country is poor or the land
barren. The national income is 1,800 millions of pounds,
and that means two hundred pounds a year for every family
.in the United Kingdom.   Yet one-third of this income is re-
■: ceived and spent by 250,00 people—one two-hundredths
part of the population."
"You cannot touch any evil in this country without
- finding that there are interests that have struck their roots
deep into it and are flourishing even upon its very putrescence.
. Attack it, and you have to face a very hailstorm of abuse,
. insult, calumny."
"Today we have a greater poverty in the aggregate in
I the land than ever before. There is a more severe economic
I bondage for labor. Today there is no guaranteed sustenance
' .or scurity, a system of things foreign to the barbaric darker
"The church cannot stand by with folded arms while
■ -millions are in despair. The church certainly cannot say,
"Am I my brother's keeper?' "
The following is from Sir Chas. Booth, a noted English
'-Conservative, the correctness and value of whose investiga-
I tions were vouched for by Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, late
. Liberal Premier of the United Kingdom.
"The inhabitants of the London slums may be divided
i -into two classes—the 'very poor' and the 'poor.' Of the
i first class, 47c were habitual loafers; 14% owed their pov-
* erty to drink and thriftlessnes; 27% to questions of cir-
•- cm-stances (large families, illness, etc.); and 55% to
«■ questions of employment (low wages, unemployment, etc.).
. Among the 'poor,'   13% were so because of drink and
thriftlessnes; 19% from questions of circumstances, and
•• 68% from questions of employment."
Again Sir Chas. Booth says in answer to the argument:
"Induce a man to give up drink, and he will soon better
his conditions":
"This is often done, but how many of the 1,246,615
■ persons, living two or more to a room in London, are likely
—amidst conditions which depress health and weaken will
power—to give up drink, when they are unable to find
social enjoyment except in connection with its sale?"
The following is from "The Temperance Problem" by
Rowntree and Sherwell, recognized the world over by temperance people as a standard work:
"Now, it would be foolish to suggest that intemperance
is the sole or even the preponderating cause of poverty. On
the contrary, it is unquestionable that, to a large extent, poverty is to be regarded as an industrial disease, the result of
conditions and forces over which the workers have but little
control, while it is hardly less certain that of the intemperance that is found in intimate conjunction with poverty, a
not inconsiderable portion must be assumed to be the effect,
- rather than the cause."
.   "HONOR."
What is known as the "social evil" is another of the re-
• suits of the system that gives the world to the shirkers, instead of to the workers. This evil has for a long time
been combatted by the churches and allied organizations;
(heir efforts, however, seem to have met with but little suc-
■ cess, for, year by year, this evil grows. The result is not
i surprising, when we realize that they combat it on a principle
similar to that used by a quack trying to cure consumption
J by giving the patient a few cheap cough-drops.
Let us examine into the causes of this social evil.    It
- seems scarcely possible that the unfortunate victims enter
this hideous life because of its attractiveness or from choice.
This supposition is greatly strengthened when we consider
the vast numbers of women, who are obliged' to become
peddlers of labor-power (as we have already noted) in
order to live, and the appallingly low wages they receive
in compensation for their toil. A couple of years ago, all
England was shocked at the condition of the women
chain-makers of Cradley Heath, who received two-pence
an hour for their labor-power.    Not so very long ago the
- miserable pay of the department-store girls in many American and Canadian cities was found to be the direct cause
of this evil. Recently, it has been ascertained that 60% of
•die women of New York work for wages.   And of these, po
.less than three-fourths received less than $5.00 per weekl
■ How can a girl live decently on that sum?    What else do
*:*jrou expect?
The truth of it is simply this: Theie poor women are
The direct victims of the most fiendish greed—ruined and
devoured by the same class of wealthy hypocrites who lament so loudly over their sin and wickedness. That this is
true may be judged by the fact that the report of a com-
■mission appointed by the city of Chicago to investigate this
'evil was forbidden the mails and burnt up. Incidentally,
"this also reveals how completely the master class controls
the powers of government and how unscrupulously it uses
them for the continued subjection of the workers.
Having observed some of the evils that today afflict
the working class and traced them to their source—to-wit:
die private ownership by the few of the means of life of
the many, let us now proceed to consider, how and why
Socialism must come and what will be its effect upon society.
To the student of history and economics, there can be no
doubt that Socialism is necessarily the next step onward in
the march of evolution. Just as Capitalism followed Feudalism, so must Socialism follow Capitalism. Just as John
the Baptist, was the forerunner of Christ, so is Capitalism
the herald that ushers in the dawn of a new era for humanity.
That this must be so is apparent when we view present
day events in their economic phase. Thus, we see that
nearly all modern wars arise because of quarrels between
notions in regard to markets. The capitalists of each country try to out-distance their rivals by securing mon markets.
As we have already seen, the modem wage-slave receives, on the average, only about 22% of the wealth he
produces. That is to say, he can buy back with his wages
only about a quarter of what he has produced. The remaining three-fourths are left in the hands of the master class,
and are distributed as follows: The masters themselves consume and waste part of it and pay another part of it to their
various non-productive hangers-on, such as soldiers, sailors,
middlemen, salesmen, flunkeys, etc. Of what is left, the
idlers exchange as much as they can with foreign markets
and undeveloped countries for various articles of luxury and
adornment, such as $5,000 dresses, old masters, rich liquors,
flashing diamonds, etc. But, in spite of all this barbaric
splendor, this wanton waste and extravagance to be found in
all our modern Babylons, each year a considerable amount
of the wealth produced by the workers still remains, for
which no market can be found. This is kept in great warehouses, cold-storages, etc., and, as the years pass on, such a
large amount is stored up that finally the masters suspend
production until this surplus is consumed. Then occurs what
is known as a "panic," a crisis, or "hard times." Workers
starve because they have produced too much; go hungry in
the midst of plenty; walk around ragged, when the stores
and warehouses are filled with their handiwork. These
panics last until the surplus has been consumed, when the
slaves are allowed to begin the cycle all over again.
These panics, which generally occur about every decade,
become worse and worse as the machinery of production develops, and business is coming to require a longer and longer
time in which to recover from their effects. As an example
of this, we can see that the United States has not yet completely recovered from the panic of 1907. Again, in England, we see the cotton mills running only thre days a week.
Why? Because no markets can be found for more of their
products. Furthermore, every crisis sees the reduction of
large numbers of small busines men into the ranks of the
proletarians, the concentration of capital into fewer and
fewer hands and the lot of the workers become harder and
It is in order to hold these panics in check by finding new
consumers that the capitalist class of every nation is reaching
out for more and more markets. As long as sufficient markets can be obtained, no panics will ensue, for no goods will
be annually piling up in the warehouses and no workers will
be driven to rebellion by general and universal starvation.
The question of markets is thus of vital importance to the
capitalists of all civilized countries.
But when we look at the map of the world and see
that the new and undeveloped countries are fast becoming
scarcer and scarcer. They, too, are becoming civilized and
developed. They are beginning to produce their own manufactured products, and in proportion as they do this, they
cease being markets and become competitors for the remaining markets instead. Japan is a good example. Fifty
years ago she was an ideal market. Today she is no longer
a market for the majority of manufactured articles; on the
contrary, she is an active competitor with European countries for the remaining markets. In like manner, Canada,
China, India, and South America are becoming developed
and will soon become competitors also. And the competitors
for what? There are no other world to "civilize" and—
the great bubble of capitalism must break!
How this will happen is very simple. As the markets diminish and the competitors for markets increase, the
panics must become worse and more frequent, until the lot
of the workers become so intolerable that they will be
obliged to reconstitute society upon a totally different basis.
And this basis must be Socialism, for by Socialism alone can
be substituted production for use in place of production for
profit and, in this way, regulate it and control it as will best
suit the interests of the workers.
From the above, we see that the forces of evolution alone
will in due time bring about the adoption of Socialism and
the Co-operative Commonwealth. This fact, however, is no
reason for sitting down and waiting for it, enduring, meanwhile, all the sufferings and cruelties that must necessarily
ensue. We are like men in a canoe, floating down a swift-
flowing river to the rapids below. We know that, sooner
or later, we may reach the quiet water below the rapids.
Whether dead or alive we cannot tell. But the Socialists in
the canoe suggest making a portage right away and getting
there in safety, instead of drifting with the current and running the risk of getting there all bruised up, if not killed.
In a word, we hold that there is nothing to be gained
by enduring our present miseries—a few of which we have
already touched—any longer. A change must be made,
and the sooner we make it, the fewer our miseries will be.
In accordance with these views, we have, in every civ-
ized country, organized a political party for the purpose of
educating the workers to the necessity of pulling an end to
Capitalism and introducing the Social Commonwealth.
This is our goal. We want to take labor-power out of
the market as a commodity. We want to so arrange things
that anybody can have free access to the tools of production
and the full value of whatever he produces. We want to put
an end to the legalized robbery of the workers that exists
everywhere today with its hellish results—ease and luxury,
extravagance and vice, in a word, all the pleasures of life,
for a few; and dull toil, wretched slums, want and exposure
and life-long misery for the many. We waut justice, not
charity; freedom, not slavery; to be men, not cringing curs I
We believe that these ideals can be realized by abolishing capitalist property in every department of production and
distribution. We want these things to be owned and operated collectively and democratically by the workers, not
with a view (o haphazard production for profit, but with a
view to sane, regulated production for use. This will be
the Social Commonwealth.
This is our aim, nothing more, 'nothing less. We are
not to be deterred by any palliatives, by anv reforms. No
workmen's compensation act, no old age pensions, no compulsory insurance, no government ownership, will turn us
aside, will satisfy us. Like the Abolitionist of the North,
our aim is not to alleviate the conditions of the slaves—for
we realize it to be a hopeles task—but to ABOLISH
SLAVERY. Not that we oppose any sops the masters
may throw us; we even strive to obtain what amelioration
we can, but it is only incidental, and our main aim and our
only aim is the Social Commonwealth. We are revolutionists, not reformers; we want a new coat, not the old one
patched up!
ilit, ONLY WA\.
The question now arises: "How is it going to be
done?" The answer is simple. We can do nothing—except, perhaps, force a few incidental reforms—until we have
educated the workers to such a point as to give us a majority in Parliament. Then we shall have control of all
the powers of government, and, backed by the will of the
educated proletariat, we shall legally and constitutionally proceed to carry out our programme—viz., confiscate the machinery of production and distribution, and restore it to the
collective ownership of the working class.
Here our opponents cry that we are robbing the poor
capitalists. As they, however, obtained it only by robbery
of the workers, it would seem that we are merely restoring this property to its rightful and original owners. Nobody can deny that it is labor alone that produces all wealth,
and to whom else should it belong? Moreover, it is admitted that the state has a right to tax property, and the
right to tax sceems to involve the right to take, if necessary
for the public good. Thus, in England, the State frequently
takes a tenth part of a man's property in death duties and
a fourth part in increment tax. If this be right and proper,
why is it robbery to take the whole? Where does virtue
cease and vice begin?
Furthermore, it is well to bear in mind that in this
country, at least. Socialism cannot be brought about by violence or by the whim of a small minority. It must come
slowly and step by step with education, until the majority
of the people want it. And then they will have it. whether
the capitalists want it or not,
Let us now pass on to consider, briefly, the results of the
introduction of the Social Commonwealth, insofar as is
In the first place, all classes and class distinctions will
be abolished. No longer will we have rich and poor, exploiters and exploited, masters and slaves. All will be free
men, with perfect equality of opportunity so far as the use
of the machinery of production is concerned. Of course,
we cannot create men with equal brains and equal bodies, but
we can give all an equal opportunity of exercising whatever
talents they may possess. Thus, under Socialism, the tools
of production may, in one sense, be likened to a placer mine
in each man's cellar. There is his work—accessible and
unrestricted. If he wishes to produce, he is entitled to
all the products of his labor. If not, let him starve; he has
no excuse. No master locks him out, tells him he may
not work; no idler has the economic power to appropriate
four-fifths of the products of his toil, as at present.
That classes will be abolished is fully apparent. The
working class is the lowest class in the social scale and, with
its emergence into freedom and the consequent transfer of the
ownership of the machinery of production from the capitalist
class to the working class, there will no longer exist any
lower or inferior class to exploit. All being equal owners of
the tools they need, none can be masters, none slaves.
Thus, under Socialism, machinery will be a blessing, instead of a curse, as it is today, owing to class ownership,
for it will shorten the hours of all, instead of decreasing
employment and consequently, increasing misery and poverty.
This may be put more clearly. Suppose I own a pile
of wood and I hire you to split it. If, however, I invent a
machine to split it, you are thrown out of your job and are
free to die of starvation. But, suppose we both own the
wood in common. Then if I invent a machine to split it,
both of us benefit thereby, for it relieves both of us of unpleasant and unnecessary toil.
With the disapeparance of classes, wage-slavery must
also disapepar, since, as there will be no employing class,
there can be no slave class. Nobody will be able to coerce
anybody else. Labor-power will be no longer a mere commodity, for everybody will be working for himself—that
is, for the community of which he is a member, and, naturally, will receive the full value of whatever he produces. If
he receives the full value of whatever he produces, nobody
will be exploiting or robbing him, or, in other words, making
any money out of his work. Hence, rent, interest and profit
will disappear, for, as we have already seen, these items represent that portion of the unpaid labor of the workers that
goes to the capitalist class.
And when labor-power is taken out of the market,
when wage-slavery-is abolished, there can be no unemployment and no overwork. We can see this more clearly by
putting it in another way: Each year the people of Canada
require so much wealth, in order to live in comfort. All are
going to partake of this wealth; all must help to produce it.
If all are to help to produce it, there can be no unemployment, nor can there be any overwork, such as we see today
in the steel mills, where the slaves toil twelve and fourteen
hours a day and seven days a week, for each will have to
produce what he needs or starve, and none can be compelled to produce for any idlers, as no idlers will exist. Under
the present system, as anyone can see, those who do work,
work too hard. The proof of this is to be found in the
mere existence of the unemployed. Thus, at present, the
workers not only support themselves, the wealthy loafers
forming the capitalist class and their henchmen, the hoboes
and incapables, but also those members of the working class
who want work, but who cannot find it.
Prostitution and child-labor will also cease automatically with the abolition of class ownership of the tools of
production. As we have already seen, prostitution is caused
chiefly by low, miserable wages, amounting not even to the
victim's cost of keep. These wages are low because they
represent only a small part of the value of the work done.
The greater portion is kept by the idle parasites, by virtue of
their ownership of the machinery of production. As private
and class ownership of this machinery will be abolished
under Socialism, there will be no lazy class of drones to
claim and take the lion's share of what is produced. Hence,
whoever works will receive the full value of whatever he or
she does. This being the case, there will be enough for everybody willing to work and none will be forced into prostitution
in order to exist.
The same applies to child labor. It hardly seems possible that parents send their children to work because they
take pleasure in seeing them toil and slave, when they should
be at school; in seeing them grow up uncouth and ignorant,
when they should grow up fair and fresh, like young flowers.
Rather it is because the parents do not receive, in return for
their labor-power, enough to clothe and feed their children,
and the children are thus forced into the slave market or into
the brothel. The cause? Class ownership of the means of
life, the machinery of production. With the abolition of this
class ownership, and the consequent removal of the enormous
toll the owning class levy for access to this machinery, the
parents, with much less work than they do now, will have
an ample income with which to bring up their children in
comfort and plenty.	
(To oe continued.)
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