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Western Clarion Sep 18, 1909

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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, September 18, 1909.
subscription Price  mi ma
mnu        sbl.UU
"Junius Brutus" complained recently
In the Voice of the attitude which
magazine writers adopt toward Social
ism. Hdw their capitalist characters
easily dispose of the argumeuts ad
vanced by fictitious Socialists. An
aggravated case of this kind may be
found in the Cosmopolitan.
George Randolph Chester is writing
a series of six short stories for this
magazine dealing with high finance,
four of which have already appeared,
Chester is a powerful writer, and as
a character drawer has, ln my humble
Judgment, few living equals. The
title of these stories is "The Cash Intrigue." The principal character is
an old multi-millionaire by the name
of Breed; very evidently a gilded John
D. Rockefeller; very old, and very religious, he supposes himself to be the
chosen Instrument of God, by whom
the wrongdoer shall be chastened, and
from whom the worthy shall receive
their reward. Wllh the aid of a most
bright young man named Kelvin, he
is enabled to destroy the Stock Ex-
change and gain absolute control of
the railroads; this enables him to dominate the entire industrial field. Besides properly of all kinds' he has almost two billions of hard cash stored
away on his private estate at Forrest
Lake. In this retreat Breed lives and
directs all his campaign by wireless
Now enters the Socialist. Blagg, the
wireless operator, Is a tall, gaunt,
curious cuss, who ls typical of all Socialists in the early stages of the disease. He is at it eternally, and ls
no respecter of persons, even trying
his hand on Kelvin, who, of course, silences him with the usual silly, "If
we did not own the machinery who
would employ you." Blagg says no
more. Perfectly natural he should not.
Aside from the hypothetical projecture
into the unknown, Blogg knows If
Kelvin fires him, or has him fired, that
he would hunt long and wearily for
another master. Economic pressure
is a forceful factor in driving home
faulty logic. And furthermore, Bligg
realizes thai, being right in the centre
of capitalism's citadel, he occupies a
strategical position of no mean value.
I am doubtful if Chester saw the
rei| strength of this situation. Now,
after reading his last Instalment,
though when 1 read It first I thought,
"Well, here is a fellow who knows
something about us."
Blogg bites, his lip and goes on agitating among the others, even trying old Breed's daughter, with whom,
by the way, he Is desperately In love.
His efforts are purely sentimental,
mawkishly so, but lean Chester see It)
characteristic of his environment. He
is entirely ignorant of economics nor
has he the remotest Idea of Marxian
As an ordinary rank and file agitator
he is a success and a credit to his
creator; in the role where Chester
finally places him he ls a joke, a
gratuitous insult to the proletarian
movement and decidedly discreditable
to the author of his being.
In order that Breed should Inaugurate his reforms it is necesary that he
have control of the legislature. He
sets about In a fearful and wonderful
way to capture the Republican convention and has Kelvin and Rollins,
who is a railroad genius, a sort of magnified, whitewashed Harrlman, nominated for president and vice-president.
Then the election comes off.
When awaiting the returns a wholly unexpected situation comes up.
Tbe Socialist candidate forges ahead
so far, that Breed & Co. for a-time are
agitated with fears of failure. Blagg
ls credited with this. He is made to
boast of it before the others, rfow-
ever, the tide turns and capitalism
wins for the present. Evidently from
the trend of events Chester intends
bringing out Blagg winner.
There the story ends to .late, and
here Chester and I part company. He
may be excellent in portraying those
phases of life with which he Is familiar, but he Ib a miserable failure when
he attempts to   handle   the   working
class revolutionary movement. He
makes this Blagg, a shallow, sentimentalist, imprudent and morbid, the
be all and end all of the Socialist
Party. To him all Information comes,
from him all orders go. Why, I know
of a Socialist Local with two men, a
woman and two dead men to complete
the five necesary to jbtaln a charter.
and this Blagg could not be elected
recording secretary of it. All that he
possesses to recommend him is a patient endeavor to obtain the combination of the safety lock of the vault in
which Breed's billions are stored.
He tells Breed's daughter that he
will do this and he will do that, but
by the gods I should be sorry for
such a creature did he poke his nose
into some of the Canadian Socialist
Party local and say what he says by
way of propaganda in the "Cash Intrigue. A wireless ttfegrapher out of
touch with the great propertyless
masses,  running  their fight.
The gods forbid!
The mighty labor movement Is not
apparent to Chester. The deliberations of its greatest bodies have never
been brought to his notice; almost all
its national conventions have a third
of there delegates Socialist, any one of
whom would tolerate Blagg as a decent enough Individual so long as he
kept his place, but who would mighty
soon show where his place was did
lie attempt to run his way.
Chester had better study the labor
movement a little more carefully, or
perhaps I would be better to merely
advise him to study it some (for obviously he knows little of it) before
writing about it. He had better look
around and see the giants who are
springing up everywhere. He had better visit some of the conventions
whore sit members of the federal congress, and see the big guns out-classed
in logic and eloquence, and overthrown
in debate by men who still have their
noses at the industrial grindstone.
The social revolution does not depend upon any one man, nor is it, nor
can it be in any one man's hands,
particularly those of a lovesick swain
who does not know the A. B. C. of the
working class mission, and who has
never read his primer.
The social revolution is in the hands
of a class whose name is legion,
whose power is ever growing, and
whose success Is assured by the very
fact that a force now holds them In
subjection. That force will one day
be wrenched from the bands of its
present owners and utilized by the
awakened proletariat.
Blaggs cannot lead these proletarians, nor can Breeds stay them
when they have become fully class-
conscious, and aware of there historic
mission. The slaves of Egypt, Greece
and Rome, the serfs of Germany, England and France conquered but did not
retain their freedom becauee they
knew not what they wanted.
We, the wage-slaves of capitalism,
know what we want, we know how to
get lt, and in the getting of lt such
men as Blagg will be supernumaries.
J. H.
he leaves he has absolutely no say as
to what becomes of the product of his
Now the Socialist movement is the
struggle of the workers to have the
right to dictate as to what shall be.
come of the product of their combined
efforts. Not necessarily to sit down
and squabble over lt, but simply to do
in industry what they already do
in politics, and if in one why not the
Though it may be true that conditions will be such that the change will
not be notlcable, at the same time
there will come a definite time when
for the flrst time the workers will
have that right. That is the reason
that the worker on becoming conscious
of his position in society, responds so
readily to the propaganda of the revolutionist. From the minute he becomes convinced of the methods by
which the Capitalist class obtain possession of the product of his own and
his fellow workers' labor, his whole
efforts are directed to wresting that
control from them. His whole attention is confined to bringing about that
moment, when, for the flrst time he
can look his fellow workers In the face
and say "Now I'm a man." When for
the first time he can look "That girl"
In the face and say "Now I am free,
and no man can deny me the right to
make my living, I am able and willing
to make a living for two, are you
willing to be my partner and chum
for the rest of my life."
That ls the Goal of the Revolutionist.
A goal, the sight of which inspires
every worker who has an ounce of
the Love of Liberty in Ills carcase, and
a Goal which the rapid decay of Capitalism is proving more and more every
day, we must reach or perish.
ONE   WHO   IS   AWAKE.        '
Local Vancouver has secured the
r -omlse of a date in October from Com.
Haywood. Locals along the line from
Revelstoke, and those on the Coast
wishing dates should correspond with
F.  Perry, Box 836, Vancouver,  B, C.
The workers of Catalonia asd of the
industrial city of Barcelona have risen
in revolt against their oppressors—and
have been crushed. A shady mining
concern with international capitalist
interests Involved had been establish-
in the territory of the Riff tribes of
Morrocco, close by the town of Melilla,
which Is occupied by the Spaniards.
The natives, suspecting that this foreboded them no good, took steps to turn
ouc the invaders, the representatives
of the modern enslavers, the International capitalists. As a consequence
the Spanish workers were called upon
to turn out and, at the risk of life and
limb, protect their masters' property—
were ordered to go to Africa and massacre a foreign people with whom they
had no quarrel. Now Barcelona, at
least, has, like Paris, the revolutionary
tradition, and there has been plenty of
anti-militarist, direct-action, aye, Anarchist propaganda, there. Doubtless
also many of its toilers argued that,
since lives must be risked, 'twere better to risk them fighting the real
enemy at home, the monopolisers of
the means of life, rather than in fighting the brown-faced Moors against
whom they had no enmity. And so
after speeches and strikes came barricades. However, modern artillery and
magazine rifles, handled as these were
by often unwilling soldiers, made short
work of all these and there is now a
further collapse of 'direct action" to
record. Hitherto the Spanish workers,
very generally, disdained Parliamentary action. Perhaps events will show
them the need for using the means to
hand, namely, the political machinery,
however backward that machinery and
however difficult the obstacles may be.
It Is good to note the spirit of revolt
In the Spanish workers. When they
have got over their present Anarchist.
1c tendency they will make rapid strides, like the quick-witted people they
are, to their freedom in Socialism.—H.
J. H. In the Socialist   Standard.
The Work of the S. P. G. B.
If the birth of the Socialist Party
of Great Britain five years ago did
not exactly sound the death-knell of
Labor-fakerdom, it at least laid the
foundation of the revolutionary Socialist movement in this country—a movement that, owing to its sound, invincible principles, must in spite of many
vicissitudes eventually succeed in
sweeping completely out of existence
the present reactionary labor movement, which is so magnificently serving the capitalist class as a powerful
brake upon the wheel of the Social
When ln June, 1904, a number of
determined, uncompromising Socialists left the (then) Social Democratic
Federation (now S.D.P.) and established the S.P.G.B., it was not, as interested labor misleaders even now
assert, "to spite the S.D.F. or to attain  position    and     admiration   In  a
and ran as Parliamentary candidate
for South West Ham under the auspices of the non-Socialist Labor Party,
good S.D.F.'ers shut their eyes to the
fact. Mr. Thorne has since remained
a faithful member of the Labor Party,
and to-day can boast of having as one
of his colleagues Mr. Hancock, M.P.,
the hero ot Mid-Derby, who was «r
heartily supported and congratulated
by the Liberal Party through the
Featherstone butcher Asquith and the
Radical trlckBter Lloyd-George,
Writing in the Socialist Standard in
1904 (October issue) on "The Futility
of Reform," we concluded by saying:
"We have, therefore, to recognize all
the time that it is only posible to secure any real benefit for the people
when the people themselves become
class conscious, when behind the Socialists in Parliament and on other
bodies there stands a solid phalanx of
men clear in their knowledge of So-
sphere where  there were better op- clallsm and clear ln their knowledge
There seems a disposition on the
part of some of our "Leaders of
Thought" in the Socialist movement,
to try to prove that there can be no
such thing as a radical change from
Capitalism to Socialism. That between the gradual decay of Capitalism,
the growing popularity of public ownership, the awakening of the workers
etc., the present system of production
will eventually drift into Socialism.
Such a line of reasoning can only
arise from Ignorance of the workers'
position under Capitalism. As every
Socialist (and for that matter everyone else who stops to think a minute)
knows, tho workers to-day have absolutely nothing whatever to do with
the control of Industry. Be they men
of brains or Ignoramuses, their condition ln that respect ls the same. . As
every worker knows, from the time he
enters the factory gate, till the time
If ever there was any dignity attached to labor or the laborer, Its manifestation was certainly conspicuous by
its absence, on that celebrated occas-
slon, know In Winnipeg as Labor-Day.
This parade of Labor packages, fulfilled Its alloted task, of taking tho
day set aBide by the masters, in order that they, who rule the roost
would be able to know exactly just
how far the labor unions had advanced
I am sure that the most avaricious
labor-sklnner lhat ever peeled a hide
was transported to the seventh heaven of delight, when viewing that aw-
ful mob of docile humanity. 'That
shuffling gait and humble meln," so
characteristic of men with slave blood
ln their veins, Beemed to be more pronounced than ever, and the very air
was pungent with servile execretlons.
Even the dogs Blunk along the street
as though contaminated with the
shame of the thing.
I have no animosity towards the
man who by his organization can acquire a few more oats; that, of neces
sity under the present system of Capitalist production ls incidental to the
sale of his hide on the instalment plan,
but when he advertises that sale under the hypocritical guise of "Rights
of Labor" 'Dignity of Labor" Brotherhood of Labor" its about time be got
a jolt in the neck, or in another part
of his anatomy adaptable for such a
The spirit of the parade can truthfully be said to harmonize with the
enthusiasm displayed by the crowd
who journeyed to St. John's Park for
the purpose of listening to the oratorical stunts usually Indulged ln by the
leaders of labor. I have no doubt but
what the usual hot-air of an overloaded stomach would have been forthcoming on this occasslon, but for one
fact; man proposes, but the police disposes. Two stalwart cops and a sarg-
ent by their very presence squashed
any desire that might have sprung up
In the stomachs of would-be aspirants for gastronomlcnl honors, consequently those buttinskis, commonly
called hair-brained Socialists, stepped
Into the breach.
The crowd adjourned to Dom. Govt,
property on the banks of the river, and
after Comrade Armstrong had opened
the meeting, that irrepressible Scot
by the cognomen of Cumming harangued the mob, until gently persuaded
by the police to desist. If that crowd
had been worth while it would have
taken more beef than the quantity possessed by two constables and a sarg-
ant to move the same Cummlngs.
When all glory had seemlnly faded
away Into oblivion, that ever resourceful Cassidy who Is Irish from choice,
and a fighter by nationality appeared
on the river In a boat, and while admitting thai the platform he stood upon was rather shaky, ils deflclences
were compensated for by the Platform
of the S. P. of C, which he proceeded
to throw out, somewhat after the style
of a mule kicking at a stone wall, but
let me assure Comrade Cassidy, that
the four legged mule would have met
with greater success In his endeavor
to create an Impression, not because of
the Intelligent way he would do the
job, but the material Is softer. Comrade Rigg followed with his usual
grasp of the situation and Inimitable
Btyle of Illustration. Comrade Cameron cloBed the day by Informing the
crowd that property rights were always paramount to personal needB,
and the sooner they woke up the bet.
Will they ever wake up? Degrees
of latltlude and longitude or climate
must have something to do with the
attitude of trade unionists to class-
consclouB politiacl action, because I
am certain that British Columbia and
Alberta are !>0 years ahead of Manitoba In matters that affect the working
class. They (Manitoba) have had the
education as to I heir positions ln society. Strikes have failed miserably,
picketing has been declared Illegal.
Injunctions have been issued against
Union funds and supported by the
Dominion judiciary. The police have
used their clubs, Ihe mllltlA their gat-
ling guns and still the union man
sleeps on encumbered by nothing except the cobwebs on his brain. Will
he ever wake up? "God knows," and
he won't tell.
W. H. S.
No, they took up this struggle
against tremendous odds because they
had come 'to the conclusion that all
working-class organizations then existing in this country, including the
would-be-Socialist S.D.F., clearly served the purpose of aiding the capitalist
class in their efforts to gull and chloroform the workers, thus preventing It
from understanding the need for and
means of its entire emancipation.
The S.D.F., during the early years of
its existence, although even then victimized by eager office-seekers and
charlatans, at least carried on a revolutionary propaganda, and Its branches
and members refrained from compromising with the possessing class.
But with the advent of the Independent Labor Party in the early nineties, the ambition and greed of S.D.F.
"leaders" burst  forth ln a keen com-
that the only way to secure- the Socialist Commonwealth of the future ls to-
depend only upon the efforts of themselves and those who have have the
same class-conBcious opinions. Therefore we have no palliative programme.
The only palliative we shall ever secure is the Socialist Society of the future gained by fighting uncompromisingly at all times and in every season."
And in an article in the March, 1900
issue of our organ, entitled: "Labor
at the Polls" we wound up with tho
following statement:
"Sufficient has been said to show tho
hollowness of the claim that there
has been a victory for Labor or a triumph for Socialism. If further evidence ls required one has only to take
the declarations of the successful candidates as to the why they won and
what they think should be done. Free
Trade, Trades Disputes Bill, Chinese
Labor and the like.   There is only one
bat for the sweets of offlce in Trade  phrase lhat will express the result—it
Unions, and for supremacy In the po- L,as  a  victory  for confusion."
Iltlcal field.   The "new Trade Union- A vi(jtory for Caplta|ism.
Ism," which was to be used by the S.
D.F.   "stalwarts"   for  "Socialist"   per-1
meating purposes, proved an easy and j
most effective means of adding to the j
then  already  large  number  of  labor
fakers,  a  motley   crowd  of would-be-
revolullonlst permeators, who, In  the
long run, turned out to be far greater j
misleaders of the working class than
any of the pure and simple labor men. ihas |irovf"' ,'1 "•'™«""°»s boon to the
iCapiialiKl class.
And today, looking at the results
of Ihe reform and palliative propaganda of the Labor Party, Independeut
Labor Party, and S.D.P. Inside and outside Parliament, we may emphatically
add to the above our present pronouncement, namely: The parliamentary  career  of  Ihe  Labor   Party
The Pot and the Kettle.
And when some years later the labor-misleading was extended to the political field and the Labor Representation Committee sprang into existence,
subsequently succeeded by Ihe official
Parliamentary Labor Parly, the S.D.F.
To the manner In which the "Labor"
M.P.'s sought and received the suffrage of the unhappy class-unconscious
workers we need hardly refer In this
place. Those of our readers who desire  to know all about It or  wish to
fresh  their memories are  earnestly
champions of reform and compromise  recommended to .read the March, 1906,
moved heaven and earth in the effort
lo succeed in their competition for political "prestige" against ihe "labor"
crowd, who, then, according to S.D.F.
opinion, were merely the tail-end of the
Liberal Party."
But this was only a pious opinion
on the part of the S.D.F., who for some
time joined the Labor Representation
Committee, to leave it because this
avowedly non-Socialist body would not
permit the affiliated S.D.F. to run Its
candidates as Social Democrats.
This formally leaving Ihe L.R.C. did
not, however, mean that the crafty
strlng-pullerB of the S.D.F. had given
up all Idea of co-operating (as Mr. H.
Quelch calls It) with the class unconscious labor movement. On the contrary, the knowing K.C. of the S.D.F.
encouraged and even ordered their
branches to join the local Labor Representation Committees, which by now
have everywhere swallowed tip the S.
D.F. branches.
Thus while at annual conferences
and In the pages of Justice the organization repudiates the Idea of affiliating
to the Labor Party, S.D.P. branches
and members are financially and actively supporting that party through
the local Labor Representation Committees.
Our Forecast is Vindicated.
When In 1900 Mr. Will Thorne broke
with Impunity the ruleB of the S.D.F.
Issue of this paper.
Being prepared to criticize the Labor
flirty and their would-bc-Soeliillst allies on the basis of their own pretences
we shall here take It for granted that
all the Social Reforms since 1CO0 were
Inspired and forced through Parliament by the Labor Party.      •
Let us see. First came the Trades
Disputes Bill.—Sequence, capitalists
don't bother very much whether Trade
Unions use their funds for lockouts or
strikes, as they (the capitalists) are
pretty sure to come out right side up,
while police Interference with pickets
goes on jtiHt the same.
Then followed the glorious Compensation Bill.—Result, one worker tn ten
thousand ls compensated and hundreds, nay thousands, of thani. especially those getting a little feeble and
over thirty-five yearB of age, are discharged from or refused employment
becntise the Insurance Companies will
not take the risk.
After lhat the great measure of
"fording the children" an optional law.
Resu,' v.herever adopted wages tend
more rapidly downwards, as the workers are able to offer themselves mots
cheaply lo the employer, their requirements being partly attended to "out ot
the rates."
Next came the mighty Old Ago Pon-
sion  scheme  of  5s  per week  at 70
(Continued on Page 4) TWO
Ilis Western Cian
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Watch the label on your paper. If this number Is on it,
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nest '
Local Option circulars, like circulars
In general, are full of promise, while,
unlike them, they are a more or less
reliable source of entertainment in
' their ingenuous hopefulness and cheerful ignorance.
The latest to hand emphasizes the
proposition that "the economic value
ef this movement must appeal to you.
tt is good business!" Therefore come
through with the dough, you business
\ men. The idea is that if the uncouth
proletarian can be cured of his booze-
flghtlng proclivities, he will invest his
beer money In more socks, sow-belly,
unreal-estate and other non-intoxicants. What now goes over the bar
wID Tn No-option-but-drink-Peruna
•Jays, pass over the counter to the honor and glory .of "legitimate and respectable business.
It Is a particularly happy dispensation of Providence on behalf of consumer-robbing buccanneers of low-fln-
ance that they have heard little of
Karl Marx and read very much less,
otherwise it would be farewell to the
golden dreams which anaesthetize
them to their lot much as squirrel
poison does the overdriven wage mule.
Wages Is the price of the commodity
labor-power and, like the prices of
•wmmodltles generally, it approximates more or less closely labor power's exchange value, which is determined by Ihe amount of socially necessary labor incorporated in the commodity, that, is to say, by the cost of
living of the laborer. Normally this
cost of living includes a certain quantity of liquified excitement, as the
wage-plug Insists on having it to
drown his sorrows or express his joys.
With these festal founts dried up at
the source, a liberal education in
kooze-fighting would no longer be included in the worker's curriculum, consequently his cost of living would be
happily reduced, and therefore the
cost of production of that superfluity,
labor-power, would be by that much
lessened. Its value reduced, Its price
would fall and the productive capitalist, who lives but to give us work,
would be made happy by an increased
low of surplus value, even when the
surplus already produced has reached such unmanageable proportions
that we are compelled to build Dreadnoughts lhat have nothing to dread
and indulge in war talk even if we
(tore never go to war.    ,
All roads lead to the overthrow of
capitalism, so the proletarian need not
care much even If his masters, In the
hrief remaining period of their sway,
mid "optional" compulsory temperance to the tale of vktueH with which
they have afllllcated htm. A personal
Inconvenience more or less is of little
moment. As for the "business mam"
to whom Local Option appeals on account of Its 'economic value," he will
discover to his sorrow that he has
heen permitted to add another lemon
to his large and carefully assorted collection. His proletarian "customers"
will be as Impecunious as ever.
than usual harvesting it. Next spring
he will have to get his accustomed
hump on himself at seed-time, if he
wants to keep a farm under his feet
and a mortgage over his head.
The wage-slave ls no slouch when
it conies to peculiar ideas, but the
farmer does seem to have highly original hallucinations nil his own. Not
only Is he firmly convinced of his ownership of the land he ploughs, but, In
spite ef a lifelong experience on the
farm and among farmers, which should
have taught him that crops or no crops
all he and his neighbors ever got is a
bare living at the best, he yet firmly
clings to the totally unwarranted belief that the bigger the crop the better for him. He has had bumper
crops occasionally before this. Have
they done him any good? If they
have, why his present doleful estate?
If they have not, what ground has he
for building hopes on this occasion?
Hayseeds are proverbially easy
marks, and in this case it would ap
pear that truth and proverbialism for
once are at one, else by this time the
farmer would at least have cast about
him for a reason or two. Had he
studied the matter with some care and
a pointer or two from Marx he would
have discovered that once his seeding is rightly over just so much labor
has been embodied in the crop whether the yield be large or little. Of
course, if it is large, more labor than
would be the case with a light yield
is necessary in harvesting, milling,
etc., but this extra labor, spread over
many millions ot bushels would make
no considerable fraction per bushel.
So that the exchange value tn bulk ot
a large crop is little more than that
of a small one, and the exchange value
per bushel Is, of course, less, the
price likewise.
Furthermore, and much more to the
point, it is doubtful if the price of
wheat has any more relation to the
farmer's income ttufn the price of coal
has to the miner's wages, though on
the surface It apears the very essence
of his income. The coal-digger sells
his labor-power direct to the capitalists, while the farmer laboriously coins
it into wheat, oats, corn, cabbage and
what not, and then sells it in those
forms. All that either receives ls a
living. The miner has absolutely no
vestige of ownership in the coal he has
produced, and actually the farmer's
ownership in his products ls more of a
convenient and satisfactory fiction
than anything else.
The farmer ls rather given to pluming himself on feeding the world, whatever satisfaction there may be in that.
He may be a very useful factor in production, but economically he can but
be regarded as one of a large number
of cogs, wheels and ratchets ln the
complex machinery for producing foodstuffs, not for food, but for profit.
Without the active co-operation of an
entire working class his 'bumper
crops" would be an impossibility, and,
quite likely, by the way, he would be
much better off, as, lacking "transportation facilities" he would be under the
not too painful necessity of himself
eating more of his own produce than
to-day falls to his portion.
"national honor," (fancy a modern nation having "honor") but of profit and
The Rothschild's manifestation of
detep concern in Britain's wellfare is
touching. Touching is in fact the
very adjective. From the "Courier's"
remarks we might be led to Infer that
our noble lord of the money bags was
Inspired by patriotism, were lt not
that tbe celebrated family belongs to
a race without a country and has
branches which are equally "great national assets" to the continental nations.
Running as they do, a great international pawnshop, it is only natural
that they should display considerable
Interest in the welfare of their clients,
otherwise their pledges might deteriorate in value and the Interest not be
forthcoming. As we. have said, their
tender solicitude is touching. Through
the medium of interest on Government
consols the touch runs well into the
millions annually. Hence their praiseworthy desire that governments should
be sufficiently stable to be solvent;
which means they should be In a
position to hold Labor's nose to the
grindstone of Capital, that there may
be ground out in plenty the surplus
value from which taxes are paid.
Hence also their patriotic advocacy
of preparations for war on as large a
scale as is compatible with solvency,
as these preparations involve wholesale borowing from them, and also
their objection to wars between nations in which they are avuncularly interested, as such a war must of necessity impair the interest paying
ability of one or the other.
Hence also the official visits, parad-
ings and embracing.! of their puppets
the Kings, Emperors, and Presidents,
in order to rehabilitate the credit of
one or another of "their" countries.
To refer to the Roths'childs as a
"national asset" seems rather like another case of the tail presuming upon
its relationship to the dog.
ft may seem somewhat absurd to
sear some portly individual, whose
most strenuous endeavor In an agricultural way has been to occasionally
srdcr the Chinee "help" to water the
fawn, talking glibly of "our crops," but
St is' by no means as absurd as it
moms. The really absurd side of the
affair is that the farmer is firmly convinced that the enps are his, despite
Hht fact that the contrary has been
slemotisrated annually, if not hourly.
Actually the farmer has merely the
proud privilege of raising the crops,
and with that he should be well enough
content, which, by the same token he
apparently is.
This year he has raised one of the
greatest crops on record, but there is
mo danger lhat he will thereupon rest
on his laurels. About all tho difference
St will make to him will be that he
will have to work jusl a little harder
"Lord Rothschild was prevented by
llness to-day from attending a charity
meeting at the Mansion House, and
Lord Brassey Improved the occasion
by describing the house of Rothschild
as 'a great national asset, and in time
of trouble a strong rock In a rough
sea.' This tribute is in striking contrast to Mr. Lloyd George's recent
tirade against Lord Rothschild. Ample
endorsement of Lord Brassey's happily
phrased testimonial is to be found
in the pages of history. At Fashoda
time, a French messenger was already
on his way with papers which
broke off diplomatic negotiations
with this country, when he was
recalled by a declaration of the Rothschilds that, on the day war was declared between England and France,
the equivalent of £350,000.000 would
be withdrawn from France. The great
firm's Influence was also effectively
wielded to stop the persecutions of the
Jews In Russia, and to bring about the
Franco-Russian alliance. Harking further back, the British Government obtained through the London Rothschilds
In 1819 the enormous sum of £12,000,
000 to repay foreign war loans. Altogether, it is computed that the Rothschilds have Issued British Government loans alone to the tune of
The International Influence of the
Rothschilds ln the early part of the
nineteenth century was such that It
became a saying hat po war could
be undertaken without their assistance. This was due to the fact that
they controlled the world's money
markets so thoroughly that they
could effectively wlthold or supply the
ncessary funds. Mr. Lloyd George,
of course, was well aware of these
tilings when he made his remarkable attack on Lord Rothschild the
other day."—Liverpool Courier.
Every once in a while some of Capitalism's henchmen bave to give the
game away. We have always insisted
that war was only a branch of business and was purely a question, not of
While up to the present I have not
found occasion to register any protest
at the editorial conduct of the Clarion, I now feel it necessary to make a
kick. A couple of issues ago some ad-
"A Revised Revisionist," which I con-
"A Revised Revisionist," which I consider unsound in one particular.
The advice was given to go ahead
and get a 30.30. Now 30.30, is a good
calibre, alright, I have used it as well
as a few others and can testify to Its
being powerful and accurate, but, notwithstanding, it is not the most powerful, and in case of serious business, I
am afraid we should find ourselves severely handicapped at long distances.
But, I have yet to point out the most
serious objection to the adoption of
this calibre, which is, that it does'nt
take government ammunition. I rise
to move an amendment, that .303 be
substituted for 30.30. In addition, I
would suggest to those taking the
advice that they make sure the little
toy ls chambered to take the stuff
which is served out in the little packets with the broad arrow on them.
Some 303.'s are not, so be careful and
"accept no substitute."
A short time ago I was travelling
from Glace Bay to Sydney by trolley,
when a number of men who had evidently been to the ranges got on the
car. One of them, a young fellow,
seating himself next to me, we soon
entered Into conversation. He was
carrying a rifle that was new to me,
and suspecting it to be the Ross, I
asked him the question and he replied
that it was and handed it over for my
inspection. As far as one can judge
by merely handling it, my opinion of
the Ross is favorable. It is, I should
judge,' considerably lighter than the.|
previous service arm, is well balanced
and the sights with which it is provided are a great advance on the earlier ones. I mean to take an early op.
portunity to test It at the butts and
will let comrades know of the results.
Well, having got well into conversation with our young shootlst, and finding he was a novice, giving him some
tips in marksmanship, so warming his
heart up, I at last introduced myself
as a Socialist agitator. "Ah! you're
spreading revolutionary principles"
he responded. Now, I thought, this
was hopeful to And he understood already that Socialism was revolutionary
and was oft to a fine start, giving him
a good lesson on the class struggle,
laying particular stress on the fact that
all armed bodies were kept up by the
governments for the primary purpose i
of keeping the working class down.
"And you think lt will-end ln Revolution" he said. I replied "The Revolution ls on right now, how it will end
I don't know, but I am ready for it
anyway, Including that," giving the
plaything he held a bang, (though lor,
all I know I may crawl under the bed, j
the proof of the pudding is in the eating,) "and I want you to remember
what I have told you and if ever that
time comes, use that thing on the side
of the class of which you are evidently
a member and not against it." He
nodded his head, and I think he saw
the point.
Comrades, I am perfectly serious. I
know there are a large number of Socialists who have the idea that all we
have, to do it to go ahead and get a
majority of pencil markers and then
the capitalists will hand over the powers of government on a silver salver.
But. don't think those votes will count
for anything unless there is the force
behind to back them up, and that force
Is not, will not, and cannot be supplied
by a number of more or less empty
stomachs, combined in a so-called
"economic organization of the working class." What would be the use of
even a general strike, what would be
the use of what our I. W. W. friends
call a "general lockout of tha capitalist class," carried out by a mass of unarmed men, when the government
would have at their disposal a large
army of well armed, well-fed men to
keep the workerB in subjection?
Don't take my word when I say the
capitalists will take no notice of your
voles as such. Many of them, among
whom I may mention Goldwin Smith,
have already stated plainly, that If necessary they will keep the workers
down by force of arms, no matter how
they vote. Go ahead and get one of
those things, even If you have to go
without that new suit; take every opportunity of spreading'the propaganda
among those members of the working
class who are temporarily getting their
living by bearing arms for their masters. They are not all hopeless—I saw
a glimmering of the light myself when
I was one of them. Some of our hardest fighters were once ln the army or
navy, or, perhaps have been in both,
as Leheney was. English has served,
so has Hyatt and I know a number
who have who are not as well known
as they.
Comrades, make no mistake, unless
you are ready to force acceptance of
your verdict at the polls, that verdict
will be thrown out of court.
"Keep one eye on the Parliament
buildings, but keep tbe other on the
A pious wave ls evidently passing
over America, judging by the wail arising from the clergy of the fashionable
churches with reference to "race
gambling," as if that particular game
resulted any more disastrously for the
participants than numerous other
forms met with in a day's travels.
The preachers, however, seem to see
a vast difference, although not taking
us into their confidence very fully. Not
claiming any special knowledge of
gambling games or swindling methods,
but having a working knowledge of
the ruses adopted by the church bazaars to separate the suckers who attend church bazaars from their money,
we are clearly of the opinion that if
the church schemes were stripped of
their religious cloaks and placed side
by side with those of the "worldly"
grafters, there would be but a small
chance for criticism on the part of the
peddlers of theological dope."
- People who play the ponies, know,
or should after a few plays, that the
odds ln favor of the "bookies" are al-
| ways large and that the operation of
the game itself entails a large expenditure, disregarding the question
of profit entirely. From what we
have seen of the proceedings of the
alleged race track, gambling is carried on openly and no attempt is made
to present the attraction other than in
its true light. It is not a game for
members of he working class, but
should any member of that class hold
high opinions of his ability to win,
a practical demonstration can be secured by a minimum payment of J 1.00.
On the other hand, examine minutely the money making attractions offered by the church organizations under
the cloak of religion. Rank swindles
are often seen and if operated in a
less sanctified atmosphere would result in the operatives losing their liberty. Even the roulette wheel has
been brought into use to furnish at:
traction for an ever critical public,
and at times some energetic church
committee arranges for dances ln
which the comely members of the congregation show portions of their
nether limbs at so much a look.
No the clergy has no ground to
stand on when they criticize others
for the class of amusement offered.
And in the present instance a devotion
to their Master's (?) interests is responsible for the effusions of recent
date. A few wage slaves have been
tempted to use their employers funds
and the sacredness of the master's
funds calls for maledictions on the
head of anyone who attempts to interfere and separate them from it, consequently the roast handed out by
the preachers.
It has been alleged that Ihe amusement offered at the race track is illegal, but we suggest to the Ministerial
Asociation a conference with Police
Magistrate Williams, who should be
an authority on gambling games, ln
view of the large number of men fined
ln his court for merely "looking on."
On August 24th His Worship was
seen to draw money from one of the
bookies at the race track and he
should therefore be competent to ad-,
vise on any problems In connection
with gambling.
Socialist Directory
Every Local of the Socialist Perty ol
Canada should run a card under this head.
$1.00 per month.     Secretaries please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 836, Vancouver,
B. C.
executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. Q. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836. Vancouver, B. C.
LOCAL BOSSI.AHD, Wo. 85, 8. T. OF O..
meets tn Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:3.0 p. in. A. McL-eod, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p. m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
766 Rossland, B. C.
LOOAL   POBT  MOODY,  B.  O.,   BO.   41,
■■ T. ot O.—Business meetings flrst
Sunday ln each month. J. V. Hull,
Secretary, Port Moody, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party ot Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement In the province.
A. J. Browning, Sec, Box   647  Calgary, Alta.
Sunday at 8 p. m., on tbe street corners and
various halls. J B. King, Sec.
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Mondays of every month, Jubilee Hall,
corner of King and Alexander. The
Secretary will be pleased to furnish
any Information and answer any correspondence relative to the movement.
Secretary, H. W. James, 326 Hargrave st
Winnipeg,  Man.
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. ln headquarters on First Ave.
Parker, Williams, Sec, Ladysmith, Ii. C
meeta every second and fourth Wednesday
evening, at 8 p.m., 55 Kiug St, east opposite
Market Hotel. H. Martin, Secy, 0; Weber St.
Committee. Meets In Finnish Hall, 214
Adelaide St., Toronto, on 2nd and 4th
Wednesday. Organizer,, W. Gribble
134 Hogarth Ave., Toronto;
P. C. Young, Secretary, wo Pape Ave.;
G. Colombo, Italian Org., 224 Chestnut St.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Kdgett's Store, 151 Hastings SL West.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
—Meets every second and fourth Thursday in
the month at 151 Hastings St. W. Secretary,
Matt Manilla.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propoganda
meetings every Sunday at Grand
las Mcludoe, Secy. Room I, 1,119 Government St.
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., In
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. Frank
Phillips, Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
meets every Sunday at 8:30 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Halliday, Organizer
H. K. Maciuuia, Secy.
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at t
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Barber Block.
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room, McTavlsh Block.
S17 Second St. E. opposite Imperial Ho.el
Fred S. Faulkner, Org., Box 647; j. Gibbs
Secy., Bex 647.
P of C, meets every flrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Halt
C. Stubbs, Secy.
LOCAL  HAHAIBtO, HO. 3,  8. P. of  a,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
tn Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock!
Jack  Place,   Rec.  Secy.,  Box  826.
LOOAL   PHBHXS,   8.   P.   of  O,  HOLDS
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business meeting flrst Sunday fn each
month, same place at 2:30 p m. J.
Lancaster, Sec. Box 164.
C, meets every Sunday In Miners'
Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month. T. T. McKay, Secreturp Pro
LOCAL VEBHOH, B. 0., HO. 38, 8. P. OP
C, meets every Friday night at 7:30
ln Tlmmlns' Hall, cor. of Seventh and
Tronson Sts. Business and propaganda combined. Geo. W. Peterson, Secretary,  Vernon,  B.  C.
P. of C. Propaganda and business
meetings at 8 p. m.. the fourth Thursday of each month ln lodge room over
old post office, near opera house. Everybody welcome. B. F. Gayman,
Secretary; W. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
LOCAL     COLBKAH,     ALTA.,     HO.     t.
Meeta every Sunday night ln tbe
Miners' Hall and Opera House at g
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P._of <p.    Meets every _Thursday J»t.»
p.m.. In Trades and Labor .Hall.
Fourth St. Busnesa and propaganda
meetings combined.    J.  R.  Huntbach,
Secy., 161 First St. S.; Ft MacQuarrle,
Organizer, 623 Second St.
quartera Kloudyke block, corner o( Pacific
and King Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. W. Cummfngs, Organ-
Jas. W. Amer, Secretary, 336 Maryland
llsh   Branch. Business    meetings
first and third Wednesdays of
each month, Finnish Hall, 214 Adelaide
St. W. Speakers' class meets alternate
Mondays and Tuesdays at 134 Hogarth
Ave. Economic classes meet every
Friday night at 314 Wellesley St.
Speakers supplied on shortest notice to
Ontario Locals. Corresponding Sec, A.
Lyon, 134 Hogarth Ave.
LOCAL   COBALT,   HO.   9,   8.  P.   OP   O.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOOAL   MONTREAL,   QUE.,   HO.   1,   B.
P. of 0.—Meets ln Labor Hall, St.
Dominique street, Sundays at 3 p. m.
Heaequnrters No. i St. Charles Borromee St
Otto Jalin Sccretnay, 538 Chausse
Directory of Western Federation of Miners in British
Executive Board Member
Wm. Davidson, Sandon
Jno. A. McKinnon, Rossland
Thos. J. McKay, Greenwood
A. Shilland, Sandon
Name             Meeting
Camborne  ....
Patrick o'Conuor	
•> -,
Greenwood   ...
Geo.   Heatherton.,
T.  H.  Rotherham.
Mike Mc Andrews..
H. T. Rainbow	
Kimberly   ....
Joe Armstrong	
M. & S. U.
Malcolm  McNeill..
Janus Roberts	
Paul   Phillips	
W. A. Plckard....
R.   Sllverthorn	
Rossland   ....
L.  R.  Mclnnls	
A.   Shilland	
Robert Malroy....
Fred   Llebscher...
Blair Carter	
D.  B.  O'Nealll	
Slocan City
G. B. Mcintosh...
T. T. Rutherford..
106 Trail M & M..
Wm. Heskcth	
F.   D.   Hardy	
W.   B.   Mclsaac...
What to Read on Socialism
Br Charles H. Kerr, Editor of the International
Socialist Review. Eighty beaeUtullr printed
panes, with iiid) portraits of socialist writers.
Includes a simple, concise statement ol the principles ot socialism. Oaw cepy free en request,
10 mailed for 10c; 100 for 11.00: l,«UMor I1O.0O.
IBS Klnile Street, Chloago, III.
CprTrOC   Practical Boot
Hand-Made  Boots and   Shoe* to order Id
all styles.   Repairing promptly atufneatly
ly done.    Stock of staple ready-made
Shoei alwaya on hand.
2458 WMtalMtir Avi.
We solid., the businessof Manufacturers,
Engineers and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Experts. Preliminary advice free. Charges
moderate. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion & Marion, New York Life Bldg,
Montreal : nnd Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
"The Class Struggle" ^.^cl/aWft
^&%liisssw.;tind.Mnrt, cmc,„, m
Jos  tahdotte jotakin  tietaa
tyovaen puolueesta ja sosial-
ismin edistyksesta Canadassa,
niin tilatkaa kohta.
Box 197, Port Arthur, Oil.
Se on Canadassa ainoa Suo-
men kielinen sanomalehti, jo-
ka taistelee sinunkin puolesta.
Edistat tyovaen luokkaa tila-
amalia Tyokansan.
MaVua ainooitiin, $1.50 vuoslkerti
"Vitalmka" Makm, $1.25
I Propaganda Meeting |
Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock
National Theatre
Formerly the Cameraphone
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Meeting, September 6th, 1909.
Present, Comrades Saltzman (chairman), Amer, Stechishln, Fisher, Pen-
ner and Voss.
Elected—Comrade Amer, financial
secretary pro tem; Stechishln, recording secretary; Saltzman, treasurer.
Minutes ot previous meeting ot Provincial Executive read and approved
as read.
Correspondence dealt with from
Comrades Geo. Toseland, Dauphin,
Man., and Frank Blake, Edmonton,
Charter granted to Local Dauphin,
Man. Secretary instructed to furnish
said Local with a dozen of membership
cards, five copies of Constitution, a
bundle ot platforms, 11 stamps and $1
worth of literature procured from Local No. 1.
Saltzman, Amer and Stechishln
■were elected as a committee for selection of the literature which the Provincial Executive should supply to the
Locals In the Province of Manitoba.
Committee to report at the next meeting of the Execulve.
Resolved, that money of the Provincial Executive Committee on hand
be deposited in the bank in the name
-of the Manitoba Provincial Executive
■Committee of the S. P. of C, and that
they be drawn upon order of financial
secretary and treasurer.
Warrant ordered drawn to Comrade
Matthews, $4.00.
Dauphin, charter and supplies..! 6.25
Winnipeg,      Ukrainian      Local
stamps        5.00
Winnipeg Local No. 1     5.00
Total  $16.25
Recording Secretary.
The following resolutions were passed by Local Albert of the S. P. of C,
Whereas, a proposal has recently
been submitted to the Dominion Executive Committee of the Socialist
Party of Canada asking that negotiations be set on foot with a view to
affiliation with the International Socialist Bureau; and,
Whereas, said I. S. B. has departed
from the strictly revolutionary basis,
upon which It was founded, by the admission of the British and Australian
labor parties, and other non-Socialist
bodies; and,
Whereas, the S. P. of C. has been,
and is to-day opposed to compromise,
political trading, etc.;  and,
Whereas, the Dominion Executive
Committee has refused to consider
such affiliation with the International
body;  therefore, ,
Be it resolved, that Local Albert,
No. 3, of N. B., S. P. of O.j unanimously endorses an* commends the action
of said Executive Committee; and,
Be it further resolved, that copies of
these resolutions be forwarded to the
Western Clarion and Cotton's Weekly
for publication.
Dear Comrade: —
The following resolution was passed
by the Winnipeg Local No. 1, there being only five who opposed Its passing.
Moved and seconded that the following resolution be forwarded to the
Manitoba Provincial Executive of the
S. P. of C.
That this Local wishes to urge on
the Provincial Executive of Manitoba
the absolute necessity for dealing with
Locals or Branches, or factions within
Locals or Branches that express dissatisfaction with the present platform
of the S. P. of C.
And further, that Local No. 1 expects the Provincial Executive to take
certain steps or action calculated to
preserve Intact the revolutionary principles embodied in the platform of the
Canadian Socialist Party;
And further, that Local No. 1 trusts
that the Provincial Executive will act
in regards to the matter both immediately and firmly.
Yours sincerely,
Comrade Editor: —
"Comrades In the English Branch,
prefer to occupy a more independent
position," says Comrade Wrigley.
That is as much as to say that the
English speaking comrades do not
want to do their duty ln propagating
the principles of Socialism and in making the Finns understand the Constitution of the Socialist Party of Canada and its principles, which they, as
Comrade Wrigley says, and I agree,
do not understand.
That Is the result of having Finnish,
English and Jewish Locals and
Branches and Woman's Department,
instead ot having one Local ln each
place, and the members of such Local
members of the Party.
I will make a motion ln the flrst
meeting of our Local to ask the Executive Committee to put a motion to
the Party to add a clause to the Constitution forbidding the --• issuing of
more than one charter to each city,
municipality or rural district, without
any branches, and have' the members
of such Locals cease to be Finns and
Women or whatever they have been
as far as the Party ls concerned, as
you will have then to cease to be posterior appendages to the capitalist
class, and let them be members of the
Party, or as soon as they cease to be
that, turn them loose to be tall carriers to the masters until they get corners enough in their heads.
I do not believe that the motion will
pass, because I think that the majority
of the Party members will accept the
views of Comrade Wrigley. The majority of the Finns I know to be feminine enough to insist on being something more than revolutionary Socialists.
Gibson's Landing, B. C.
W. Gribble, Socialist organizer, addressed a large crowd at tho foot of
Coburg street last evening. He argued
that labor power was a commodity
bought and sold In the market just
the same as any other thing offered
for sale and subject to the same conditions and laws, the sellars naturally
wishing to sell dear and the buyers
to buy cheap.
No more consideration would be
paid to labor.power by Its purchasers
than would be paid for other commodities by their purchasers, notwithstanding that the flrst was wrapped up in a human being and the lat.
ter wrapped up in paper, done up in
packets or bales. Every worker under
tfie present, system was just a packet
of labor power. When the demand
for labor power was great the price
would go up and when it fell the price
would go down owing to the increased
number of workers on the market
compeling for the lesser number of
jobs, and so being forced to undersell each other and more or less rapidly cutting down their standard of
living. He further argued that with
the improvement of machinery, the
developments of the trusts, thus saving labor and eliminating waste, jobs
were becoming fewer and fewer, ln
addition to this the Increasing failure
of foreign markets tended to make
permanent and intensify the present
problem of unemployment; further,
that not only were the foreign markets falling, but were themselves becoming capitalistic, compeling in the
world markets themselves and bid fair
to do so to a much greater extent In
the future, thus further intensifying
the problem.
Speaking of Japan as a typical instance of a foreign market now become a capitalist country itself, he
gave examples of how it was already
successfuly competing with the United States in some lines and predict ed
that they would do so more In the future, that If the white workers wished
to keep their jobs they would have to
come down to the standard of living
of  the  Orient.
There was one alternative which the
workers Lad in their power if they
only knew It and that was for them
to use their political power to seize the
means of production and produce for
their own use instead of for the profit of a master class. He said they
would bo forced to realize this sooner
or later and that it might be sooner
was the reason for his speaking on
the street corner. He had no beautiful
plan of a future society, all he would
say about the future was that when
the workers knew enough to possess
themselves of the means of production
they would know enough to enjoy
their own property. He was not
speaking for satisfied workers, as. If
there were such, he could do nothing
with them. He was speaking to '.hose
who had been moved to discontent by
the uncertainties and hardships of the
present system and who were prepared, if they could see a way to do
eo to help ln bringing about a better
order of things.
Gribble concluded a long address by
asking anyone to whom his arguments
had appeared reasonable not to accept them without question, but to
study for themselves, and to those
who disagreed to treat his arguments
with the same consideration and said
he had no fear of the result. He then
announced a meeting at the same spot
on Saturday night and the crowd dispersed.—St. John Sun.
By  Robert  Hunter.
Not long ago I said in this column
that  Nicholas,  the  bloody czar,  was
kept on his throne  by  money  from
western banks.
I spoke then of western hypocrites,
who, in public, raise up their hands In
holy horror of this bloody czar and in
secret lend htm money with which to
prosecute murder.
Some very Interesting and defllnlte
facts have just arrived from Europe
to prove this assertion.
We know there is an Anglo-Russian
alliance—an alliance between the politically most advanced country of Europe and the politicaly most retarded
country of Europe.
There Is a secret understanding and
assurance of mutual sympathy and
When the czar recently decided to
visit his uncle, King Edward, a violent
protest arose from every section of the
English people.
They even threatened violence to the
czar If he dared to set his foot on
English soil.
The situation was threatening, and
when the English people become aroused the English rulers give way. The
king was in a dilemma, and so he
went out to sea to meet his royal
nephew and to entertain him as best
he could on the doorstep.
To show he was a real king, Edward,
with great precaution and in absolute
secrecy, let the czar step for a few
minutes on English soil, and then
both with remarkable celerity, hiked
back to the royal yacht.
It was humiliating for Edward to entertain his nephew ln such fashion, but
it was wise.
The fact of the matter is the king
was in a bad way. He had to treat
the czar with some courtesy becuse
there was a little matter of business
to attend to and financial interests re.
quired it.
And now the news arrives that the
real object of this humiliating visit
and reception was the desire of the
English bankers to get control of "a
string of seventy or eighty of the most
important banks of Rusia."
The Russian government is bankrupt. Nik's name on a piece of paper
is no longer worth sixpence.
He has mortgaged everything the
government owns, but the people still
have considerable money stowed away
ln the Russian banks.
And now the gzar, in order to get additional funds, is turning over these
banks to British capitalists.
Until now the great German-Jewish
firm of Mendelsohn has been all-powerful in Russia, but that Is no more.
And so Edward, at the time he was
entertaining the czar, entertained also
a busy party of English statesmen and
English financiers.
A group of bankers, including Sir
Edward C'assel and Lord Revelstoke,
were there to do a little pawnbroker-
The czar arranged to hock the people's banks.
This will mean plenty of money for
ihe Russian bureaucracy.
Capitalists who would no longer lend
money to Russia independently will
now te delighted to advance money
since they will have the backing of
London financiers and the British government.
In olher words, the czar out there
on the doorstep, pulled off a pretty
good job. And the scheme, as agreed
upon, will once more open the purse
strings of France, Holland, Britain and
Ihe United Slates to the hanging czar.
—Chicago Daily  Socialist.
brought back in an exhausted condition by his body guard. After he had
fallen over a bluff two feet and a half
high and had burst bis smoking jacket
under the armpits, he was brought
back to a ham and egg breakfast and
the care of his1 valet. From the latest
reports his condition is improving and
he will soon be able to button his own
coat without receiving any assistance.
Meanwhile his smoking jacket has
been shipped back on a special train
to the Old Country for repairs. It is
also understood that this modern Babe
in the Woods will shortly deliver a
horrible bombast for the benefit of the
rising generation of Canadian and British wage-slaves on that heart-burning
Bubject, "Never Take to the Bush," A
collection will be taken up for the purpose of Installing an electric car system in different parts of the Canadian
wilderness for the benefit of visiting
aristocrats to keep them from bursting their shoelaces or disarranging
their toilet. (African papers on the
Roosevelt tour please copy). During
his presence here his lordship was provided with one square meal termed a
banquet by the home-made aristocrats.
Some of the muckers, coming to the
conclusion his grace was broke, offered to stand good for a few meals.
This offer was quietly but firmly refused. The idea that the noble Earl,
who had traveled thousands of miles
across good Canadian soli should be
Invited to load up in a mulligan joint
was horrible to contemplate. The'
muckers offered to open the subject
for discussion, but this effer, too, was
This being all the Information I can
give you at present concerning the
customs of high society In the present
butterfly    existence.
Some difference of opinion having
arisen in a town whose proud motto
is "boost or bust" ln regards to a
suitable name, the title of Prince Rupert being considered by some of the
wind-jammers and jawbone artists of
this sloppy dump to be to much of
a kindergarten proposition, the writer,
In u moment of capitalistic enthusiasm
placed before their observation the
word brainstorm for a title. Of course,
it was passed up; such a name would
smack too much of strenuousness and
would have a tendency to scare away
Investors was the verdict passed upon
In the line of bullcon this town has
been living in a perfect maelstrom of
that dope, for the past few weeks. All
the leading peddlers of the big Dominion have each given a public demonstration of their abilities ln that direction. One of the swiftest and also one
of the rankest artists In the profession, his easy-going highness, Earl
Grey, has broken all his previous records. After being in the country for
a little over two hours he started In to
tell men who have been In this country for years what to do After describing the natural resources and the
unlimited possibilities, he took a stuttering fit and forgot where he got his
Information. Of course he was not
taken seriously; no stampede follow-
i.'d the opening and shutting of an outlet that should have been closed up
and Bealed years ago for his own
'r-eneflt. To give a practical demon-
: ration of what he meant, he hit for
Comrade Editor:—
I presume that Gait can claim the
credit (or discredit) ot being amongst
the flrst to set the ball rolling in more
senses than on in that delightful circle known as the charity organizations. No sooner ls the first month to
herald the cold weather upon us than
this delightful community looks
around for ways and means of raising money to maintain a local nurse
to attend to the overworked wage-
slave who Is unable to sanction the
signature of any doctor's bills. So,
fearing that unless these identical
plugs are cared for and nursed back
to health (and thus able once more to
return to their slavery), some of them
might open their eyes and begin to
kick, a charity organization has started up. A charity football match was
arranged (played again by the wage-
slaves) the proceeds therefrom to go
to the above mentioned organization.
So we see that more wage-slaves
are called upon to bring to health the
wreck of the unemployable capitalist
who prefer to live out of the sweat
and blood of the proletariat rather
than do a hard day's work themselves.
This, of course, prevents any drawing
on the capitalist bank account, and as
the worker cannot be robbed any more
at his work they are benefitting by
his play. ,
I was asked to buy a ticket but declined with thanks and was then informed that it was for a good cause.
I refute this and claim it was for a
bad effect, for ls not the slave who
falls sick from overwork, unsanitary
houses and bad food, etc.. the effect
of a cause—the capitalist system. Bul
the time Is coming when the workers
will refuse to have well-fed horses,
pigs and dogs while thousands of their
brethren are on the verge of Starvation. They will refuse to obey the
hypocritical pulpiteers' command to
be content while their children rot on
the streets. And when they do rise
up In Ihelr might let the capitalist beware for It will mean Ihe ushering In
of the glad dawn of—Socialism.
I am a Socialist, not because I am
In want, nor even because I think
that my share of this worlds' goods
Is not what It ought to be (although
I do not say that this latter consideration goes for nothing with me)
but because, amongst the many remedies that are offered for the poverty, misery and crime that everywhere abound,—yes, even in glorious
Canada—none appeals to me with the
same compeling force, as the remedy
of Socialism.
Poverty is well-nigh universal. Do
not allow yourself to be blinded to
the real mealng of poverty, because,
by familiarity, the term arouses no
specific image in your mind. Seventy
thousand children In New York go hungry to school every day. Twe million people in England are constantly
on the verge or starvation. The girls
who toil incessantly at lace-maklng,
shlrt-buttonholing and olhei horrible
tasks, at Norwich, England, and at
otlieV centres ot sweated Industry, are
able to earn, In lift ecu or sixteen
hours, the colossal sum of elevenpence-halfpenny.
It has been proved by careful experiment, that a human being can, in
England,   prevent   the   soul   quilting
employ cannot properly be regarded
as human beings, therefore they ought
to be able to do the trick on a trifle
The amount and quality of work
done by the toiler, does not, in the
majority of cases, in any way determine his remuneration. That is fixed
by the law governing the price of com
modities. When as everyone knows,
the supply ot a commodity exceeds
the demand, the price of that commod
lty falls.
In crowded centres of population,
tbe supply of the commodity labor,
power Is always enormously in excess
of the demand. Consequently in
obedience to the law, the price Is away
down—at zero. The zero point ls fixed
by the amount absolutely necessary to
sustain life in the laborer.
But why harp on truthfc universally
recognized. None doubt the existence
of the social cancer—poverty.
Tbe name of the remedies is legion.
There Is the temperance remedy, based upon the principle that poverty
and vice are caused by over-indulgence
ln intoxicating liquors. Unsound.
Premise false. Drunkenness is the effect, and not the cause of poverty.
"Tax land values," cries another,
"appropriate rent." Palliative and
superficial. Does not go to the heart
of the evil, which Is capitalist ownership of the sources of wealth, and
the tools of production. Alms no blow
at the system that has for its mudsill the ability to buy labor power
in the market at Its cost of production.
All wealth Is produced by labor upon land. The resulting commodities,
ln the final analysis, exchange in the
market at their actual value. Profit
ls derived from unpaid labor. The
idea is, to wring as much profit from
labor as possible, and this is done by
forcing the price of labor-power down
to its lowest figure.
This is only possible when the supply is far ln excess of the demand,
as, however, this condition is pretty
constant, little difficulty is experienced
In doing this.
When the suply of any use value,
such as water, is unlimited, that use
value has no price; It may be obtained for nothing. In the middle of
Lake Superior, no one is willing to
give anything for a cup of water. In
the heart of sandy wastes, where no
water is, a cup or flask of that precious fluid may command a high price.
Similarly with the commodity labor-
power. Where there ls a reserve army
unemployed, It has no value; it may
be obtained for nothing. The sum
called wages paid for the use of this
commodity is simply Ihe equivalent
of the oats you feed your horse, or the
grain you feed your hens.
Before you can get something out
of a thing, that thing must be already In there. Technically, the proposition reads: "What is evolved as
a consequent, must be evolved as an
antecedent." Thus, before eggs come
out of your lien, they must be put
Into her ln the shape of grain. Before
a man can labor, the power to labor
must be put Inside him, in the shape
of food.
This is the explanation of labor's
price. It would not be paid were it
not absolutely necessary.
The ghastllness of this Is plain,
Says Ihe great George Bernard 8haw:
"You have no value, you are worth
nothing. For proof, witness the
crowds of unemployed whom no one
Tliere Is no way lo force up the
price of Inbor-power in Ihe face of an
over-stocked market," said O'Brien to
Ihe Intelligent citizens of this great
Remember Ihe competition that
forces the prices of commodities down
to their cost of production. Reflect
also, that Ihe cost of production is
the sum of .he cost of Ihe different
commodities Incorporated In the finished product, that labor-power Is one If
these, and that whosoever would survive in business under competition
must buy all Ihe necessury Ingredients
of the particular commodity he ped-
lles, in the cheapest merket, you have
a clear knowledge ot why all tinkering with present system, with Ihe object of benefiting the working clasB, is
oi p.nuooprtjoj pus HN.ii-isn  until esjOM
There Is no hope for the working
class so long as their labor-power remains a commodity, and is bought and
sold on the market subject to the
same laws that govern Hie prices of
all commodities.
Socialism explains that It is because
they have been wrongfully divorced
from the earth and the machines of
production,  that  they  are  forced  by
Many copies of this paper are distributed free each week throughout
lt. The Socialist Party endeavors to
of bringing lt to the attention ot those
who would otherwise, perhaps, not see
It. The Socialist aPrty endeavors to
make Its programme known to all. It
has nothing to keep secret. Its propaganda Is directed towards making
every wage-earner acquainted with its
alms and objects. It does this because
it knows that If you once take the
trouble to study Its position you will
accept its principles snd become an
active participant ln this great world-
movement of labor. The Socialist
Party in Canada has many obstacles
to overcome owing to scattered population, etc. But it is making good
progress mainly by the help ot the
printed word. You can help by pushing the circulation ot Its paper among
your fellow-workers. The result will
be plainly seen when' the ballots are
* •   •
Get your name on the voters' list
* •   •
Comrade   Wilfred   Gribble   comes
along with a dozen new subs, to his
credit this week, nearly all from the
province of New Brunswick.
* •   •
Comrade  W. H. Stebblngs, Winnipeg, keeps pounding away and tbe five
subs, he sends in testify to bis success.
•   •   •
Comrade W. Armstrong, Hamilton,
subscribes   for  a weekly  bundle  of
eight for three months.
* '•   •
"I  am  greatly pleased   with  your
paper, which has tbe true revolutionary ring, which suits me," says Comrade L. Hope Cooper, as he forwards
his renewal.
• •   •
Comrade J. S. Tbornley adds a yearly to the list of Moyie, B. C, and reports that the boys are busy organizing the Local there.
• •   •
Two more  yearlles from  Port Essington, B. C, are to hand, per Comrade P. Garvle.
• •    is
"You will hear from me again,"
writes Comrade Oliver from Kaslo, B.
C, as he dumps ln four yearlles.
• • •
Comrade Welling, Vancouver, B. C,
conies along with a pair this week.
* * *
The following comrades helped towards lhat hundred new subs, by sending In one each this week: C. M.
O'Brien, M.P.P., Ekshaw, Alta,; Thos,
Budge, Nanaimo, B. C; W. E. Durrant,
Fort Francis, Ont.; J. W. Wooster,
Willows, Alta.; W. G. Ewlng, Happy-
land, Sask., and Leeds.   You're next!
• • •
The iron law of the capitalist market is hitting the farmer pretty hard
these days, or to slightly change an
old proverb, "The farmer and his
wheat are soon parted."
• s  •
"White Canada" has played out and
they are now trying to catch the sucker with Local Option.   Will he bite?
• *   •
The machine   functions   as  capital
when used for the purpose of making
a profit out of labor. Under Socialism
the means of production will not be
capital. They will then be things for
use, owned and operated by the same
* * »
The trades unions In St. John's Newfoundland celebrated Labor Day by
listening to an "Identity of Interests"
address by the governor and In singing "God save the King." The poor
slaves of "Ye ancient colony" have
a rude awakening ahead.
• •   •
Any action having for Its object the
capturing of the state Is political action. When the workingclass mean
business they will show it by voting
the Socialist ticket.
• •   •
Society to-day places women In the
same class with criminals and lunatics by not allowing them to vote.
However, when women want the vote
they will get It.
The Manufacturers' Association reports "great prosperity throughout Can-
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^—^^^^^-—, ada." Yes, we workers have been
economic neceslty into this degrading ■ worWng s0 hard aml Mvln„ s0 cheap
and miserable position. | „„ (ne  gummer thnt  Bomebodv  must
Verily I say unto thee, Arise, let thy] bc mak|ng a fortllnp    Ask the farmer
he tall timber and was lost to view!the body, on on? shilling per day.
[or over three-quarters of an hour be- The argument of the employers of
'ore he was finally rounded  up  and [sweated labor, ls. that the people they
heart eeasc to palpitate with coward
haste—banish from thine eye that look
of craven trepidation that ever I behold therein, whenever ls heard Ihe1
ponderous tread, and Is seen the bloated form ol thy capitalist master. Worship not wealth, hut principle. Join
With thy fellow slaves In rebellion
against the rule of mammon. Seize
for yourself again that guerdon of
liberty nnd manhood that you have
"loved long slnre and lost awhile."
Thus endelh the reading from the
gospel according to St. Mflrx.—A,
Percy Chew In The Voice.
about  It.
(Per  P.  Garvle,  Port  Essington.)   .
.1. Stillivnn    : $1.00
B. Beaumont   l.oo
II. Whlttnker     1.00
H. Strlethorst      1.00
V. Oak   1.00
P. Garvle      5.00
Treasurer. SsHMMHHMMM
The general strike now in progress
in Sweden since August 4, 1909, is
not to be considered as a strike in the
common sense of the word. This
strike has not been commenced in order to secure to the workers increased
wages or shorter hours, but it is the
inevitable result of the aggressive tactics adopted by the Swedish Employers' Association."
Ever since the financial and Industrial depression that set in in conjunction with the last great economic
crisis in America—a depression which
for the workers carried in its train
many difficulties besides the lack of
employment— the organized employers in Sweden (and they are better organized than in any other country)
bave made it their special business to
try to break to pieces the National organization (the Lnndsorganization) of
Swedish workers.
Their method has been to threaten
with unlimited lock-out in case their
terms were not accepted.
Thus, during the course of the year,
1908, the organized employers put the
Swedish workingmen and the whole
Swedish people before the possibility
of a complete lock-out and a general
suspension of work not less than four
times, in their attempt to bring about
a destructive and final struggle with
the organized workers.
These conflicts were, however, solved, mainly to the satisfaction of the
workers, and on the basis of previously existing conditions, through the arbitration of a commission appointed
by the government, which evidently
feared and wanted to postpone the
struggle planned by the employers.
Through these constant struggles
under threats of mass-lock-outs the resources of the workers' organizations
were deplorably decimated, and for
this reason the employers placed great
hopes and expectations in a renewal
of the attack. Profiting by the favorable circumstances, they again began
their assaults upon the National or-'
ganization of workers this year, with
the determination of dealing it a blow
after which It should no more raise its
In order to accomplish this, they used
the following method: In three different industries, and in ra.her insignificant places, wage-reductions of a
slashing character were dictatorially
ordered, reductions so large that, in
view of the continually increasing cost
of living, it would have been entirely
out of question for the workers to submit to them.
In order to enforce an aceptance of
the reduced wages in these out-of-the-
way places, the Employers' Association
on July 5 declared a lock-out against
all the workers In the three industries
concerned, anounclng at the same time
that, if their demands were not acceed-
ed to, on July 26 the lock-out would be
extended to Include 50,00 men and on
August 2 to 80,000 men.
As the workers could not possibly
recede from their defensive position,
these hard decisions were carried out,
and on August 2, 80,00 men and women
were shut out from work in such Industries as the employers could shut
down with the least injury to themselves. These workers were informed
that they could not come back to work
except after an unconditional surrender, and, furthermore, the association
empowered its officers, In case of ne-
ceslty, to extend the lock-out to include all organized workers. These
factB throw a lurid light upon the woeful lamentations of the employers over
the worklngmen's "attack on siclety."
since they themselves had planned the
same kind of "attack."
It was in the face of this situation
that tbe representative assembly of
the organized workers was convoked.
It was now plainly to be seen by the
workers that not only was the result
of more than 25 years of struggle for
a human existence endangered, but
also the very existence of their organization. They could not escape the
fact that the employers' ultimatum
was a challenge to a life-aud death
In order not to be slowly ground to
pieces between the millstones of the
successive lock-outs, the workers were
compelled to speedily resort to the last
and most powerful means of defense—
the general strike.
The general strike commenced on
August 4. Not only did the organized
workers vote almost unanimously to
cease work, but even the unorganized
workers to the number of not less than
100,000 went out on strike with their
organized fellow-workers, Still more,
a small organization of workers, class
ed among the "yellow unions," and
hitherto accused of running the errands of the employers, made common
cause with their fellows.
Leaving out of account the agricultural workers, only the employees of
the government and the municipalities,
such as railway, postal, telegraph,
telephone, lighting, street cleaning
and waterworks employees, are still
at work upon the advice of the other
organized workers, and for tactical reasons too long to explain.
All these governmental and municipal employees, who are also well organized, are assessing themselves
heavily to support the strikers, and
will, in all probability, go out on strike
at the proper time it it is found desirable.
It may consequently be said that the
Swedish working people, almost to a
man, have stood up In defence of their
organization and for all its high and
noble aspirations. Strike-breakers are
next to impossible to find within the
ranks of the actual workers. All rumors to the contrary are fabrications.
But equally strong and united stand
the employers, with determination to
crush the organization of the workers.
In its origin the general strike is
entirely void of political and revolutionary aims, and is of a purely economic character. What it may become in the course of events, if the
employers persist in their ambitious
designs, remains for the future to
As it is, more than 300,000 workers
are striking, which means that over a
million men, women and children now
are actually starving or on the verge
of starvation.
In spite of this desperate condition,
the strikers are observing perfect order. Not even the rattling of arms,
gibes and insults on the part of their
adversaries, or the machination of
'agents provocateurs," have so far
been able to deceive the workers into
committing the dearly longed-for follies that would create an occasion for
the use of rifles and machine guns.
In fact, at no time of its previous
history has Sweden been such a peaceful and orderly country as it is just
now,' during the general strike. The
workers in Sweden are sufficiently
trained to selfrcontrol not to endanger
their success by a rash step, which
would carry with it blodshed and jail
for thousands and defeat for all.
But In order to maintain the fight,
until the employers shall have suffered
These 163,000 workers are all organized and the employers will no doubt
go to unlimited sacrifices to try to
crush out of existence the Swedish,
and thereby all Scandinavian, labor or.
ganizations. If the Swedes should lose
this battle, which they cannot possibly
afford to do, labor will have received
a setback the world over, from which
it will take years to recover.
Therefore, financial asistance from
the world ls needed as much as ever,
and the workers of America should
consider this fight as their own.
Send all appropriations and contributions direct to
Comrade Blake, of Edmonton, suggests a fund be opened in these columns and starts off with a dollar. Who
Is next?
(Local Toronto.)
The Headquarters Committee met
at Comrade Shier's house Thursday,
June 11th, 1909. Present, Comrades
Hibberd, Watkinson, McColl, Shier and
Comrade Hibberd elected chairman.
Comrade Farmilo given voice and
vote in proceedings of committee.
Moved and carried that the Committee is of the opinion that the headquarters should be on a main street,
preferably    Queen or Yonge streets;
that it should consist of a small store
with a large room in the rear that
could be used as a lecture room, reading room and library, meeting place
for speakers' classes, choral societies,
economic study clubs, branch business
meetings,   committee  meetings,   etc.;
that the store, which would be open
during the day as well as in the evenings, would keep on sale cigars, tobaccos,    stationery,   literature,   Socialist
periodicals  and  anything    else    that
might  be    deemed    advisable;   that
across the  store  window    would  be
printed   in   large   letters,   "Socialist
Headquarters—Workers of the World,
Unite."    We  specify these things in
order to indicate the various uses to
which the headquarters could be put.
To maintain such a headquarters It
is estimated that $40 a month in rent
would have to  be   paid   out, $60 ln
wages, $2.50 extra for light, $7.50 for
fuel in winter months and $5 for ex-
enough financially to call it off, the tras-    Possibly some of these  items
workers in Sweden must have the as- would not run s° a^' but UDOn tne
sistance of the world, the internal re- ^Iowest estimate the monthly expendl-
sources    being    entirely    inadequate.!tures t0T rent' heat, light and wages
The Swedish workers, used to hard-laI°ne cou,a not be kent be,ow *100'
ship, are willing to starve for a long!1'1 a» Probability they would aggregate
time yet in order to gain the victory, i*115 and miSht eve» rise to $125.   So
They are prepared to fight to a finish |mucn for the month'y expenses.
on a diet of salt, bread and water, but |    The initial expense cannot be easily
it still requires imense sums to keep estimated.    To fix the shop and lec-
more than a million people alive.        iture room up to suit our purposes, to
The workers in other Scandinavian j procure    shelves,    counters,    chairs,
countries immediately came to their as- j tables, stock, etc., would probably resistance, assessing themselves heavily.: quire fifty dollars or more.   The stock,
Origin of Species, Darwin; Age
of Reason, Paine; Riddle of the
Universe, Haeckel. 25c, by mail
—Merrie England; Britain for|the
British, Blatchford. 20c. each by
mail,   Send lor Catalogue.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St. W.
Germany and other countries have also
sent large contributions, and from all
over the world come messages of cheer
and promises of help. But even all
this does not suffice.
It is for this reason that the Executive Committee of the Swedish "Lands-
r-i ganization" has sent us, the undersigned, to America to appeal to all
American workers to tender speedy
and poweiful help.
Knowing full well that you fully appreciate the international importance
of the struggle now going on in Sweden, that you would count a defeat for
the Swedish workers as your own loss,
and that you will count their victory
as your victory, we bring you fraternal greetings from your Swedish fellows, and their thanks In advance for
assistance rendered.
Cablegram from Sweden.
The Swedish general strike is now
assuming a new character, as evidenced by the following cablegram
received by the Swedish-American
newspaper "Arbetaren" ("The Worker") from the President of the Swedish National Organization of Workers:
Stockholm, September 4, 1909.
"Arbetaren," 28 City Hall Place, '
New York City.
The gigantic struggle continues,
though the situation is somewhat
changed. Work will be resumed on
September 6th only with such employers as do not belong to the Swedish
Employers' Association. Against the
latter the fight continues, embracing
163,000 workers. The struggle now ls
limited to the Association that declared the lockouts. With continued economic assistance the Immense struggle
must be continued until a satisfactory
settlement of he whole conflict has
been reached.
For Landssekretariatet,
• • • •
As appears from the above cablegram, the workingmen have scored
their first victory, ln so far as they
have succeeded in effecting a break
In the ranks of the employers, previously united.
But even with the situation thus Improved, the fight ls of vital Importance to labor the world over.
however, could be obtained on three
months' credit and the other articles
specified likewise.
Thus, to equip a headquarters and
maintain it for three months would
cost about $400.
Such a headquarters could be financed in the following ways:
1. By borrowing $250 in order to
cover initial expenses. If money was
borrowed at six per cent, for a period
of one year, the interest charges would
be $15. Local Toledo, however, borrowed money interest free.
2. By opening a headquarters fund
to which party members and sympathizers would contribute. By canvassing party members, subscribers to Socialist papers and persons known to
be sympathetic toward the Socialist
movement at least $100 could be
raised, possibly twice that amount.
3. The Committee recommends that
a raffle be started to raise money for
this purpose.
4. The flats above the store could
be sublet. Their rental would probably pay half the rent for the whole
>, Profits from stock, including the
commission on subs, taken for Socialist papers, also commission from orders taken for coal, laundry, groceries
and other things, would probably more
than pay the clerk's wages.
6. A charge would be made for
books borrowed from the library.
7. If weekly lectures are held similar to those ln Toledo, colections could
there be taken up and this would prove
a source of money.
>'. The Jews and Italians might
come in with us on this headquarters
proposition and help pay for its maintenance. The Committee recommends
that a delegation be appointed to approach these language branches on the
'. Special appeals might be made
at propaganda meetings. The committee recommends that a well-known
speaker be obtained from the United
States, that tickets for his or her lecture be issued as In the case of A. M.
Lewis and that a special collection be
there taken up on behalf of the headquarters.
- 10. The comrade ln charge of the
headquarters might undertake the secretarial duties of the English Branch
and the Provincial Committee. If so,
the $11.25 from this source would help
pay his salary.' Also the $3.00 paid
for the Finnish Hall monthly would go
toward paying the rent for the headquarters.
The Committee recommends that if
ihe headquarters ls started on plan
suggested in the foregoing, that the
appointing of the comrade to be engaged to take charge of it should be
left either to it or to Bome other committee, the appointment, of course, to
be ratified by the Branch.
Of course, the headquarters could be
established on some other plan, for
example, having it open only In the
evenings, Saturday and Sunday, also
by renting only the ground floor of a
building instead of Ihe whole building,
and thereby considerably curtail expenses. The foregoing details however, concern a headquarters which
would be open day and evening and
that is situated in a building over
which we have full control.
Comrades who have any suggestions to offer should forward same
either to the Western Clarion for publication or to W. R. Shier, 314 Welles-
ley street, Toronto.
(Continued on page one)
years of age (except for those who
have been in prison, or (worse) have
received poor relief). Result, the capitalists save 7s. 6d. per head, as it
costs on the average quite 12s. 6d. per
week to keep a "pauper" in the workhouse. We do not lay stress on two
"minor" points, namely, that the average life duration of the worker is
about 33 years and that they are now
generally considered too old for work
at forty.
It is, indeed, amusing to hear the
members of the I.L.P. and S.D.P. allege that Parliament did not pass the
"Right to Work" Bill of the Labor
Party because It contained the "germ"
of the solution of the unemployed problem. Such argument only proves that
these men do not understand capitalism or the position of the capitalist
class. There are, Indeed, lew wide-awake capitalists now-a-days, who do
not know that it would be sheer, downright class suicide were they to seek
the abolition of unemployment. Why
the capitalist Parliament did not pass
the "Right to Work" Bill war because
they know that it is economically impossible to carry It through under the
capitalist system. But the capitalists
are artful enough to understand that
a great number of unsophisticated
workers firmly believe in the Bill being "a step in the right direction," and
worth fighting for. Why then should
the capitalists be stupid enough to
pass Ihe measure and prove in that
way its impracticability, and so force
the attention of the reform-mongers in
the direction of revolution, that is Socialism?
Coining to Mr. Lloyd-George's wonderful "democratic Budget" (which
was inspired, they say, by Mr. Philip
Snowden, M.P., I.L.P., P.L.P., etc.), the
enthusiastic support given It by the
Labor Party (even the "revolutionary"
Will Thorne does not squirm) shows
that these people are nought else than
so many masquerading Radicals, playing into the hands of the capitalist
class, while thousands of ignorant but
honest proletarians still think that
they (the Labor Party) are doing
something for them. Fancy! here arc
these "great Socialists" In Parliament
kidding the workers that the llttk
quibble between thief land-owner and
pickpocket industrial capitalist will result ln returning to the workers more
and more of that "blessed unearned Increment so unjustly retained by those
very wealthy chaps," you know. And
that ln face of the fact, that the workers are gettiiig worse off every day!
Finally, we must refer to the Labor
Exchanges and Insurance against unemployment proposals. The former is
Indeed a good easy way to facilitate
the separating of the young, Bturdy
and cheap workers from the old, feeble
and more expensive. While the latter,
like the Old Age Pensions law, is merely an instalment of that resnaping of
the Poor Law system so often promised, a readjustment that will leave the
workers If anything worse off than at
present, for It does not even pretend
to lessen unemployment, and tends to
weaken what organization the workers
have, to the~"greater extension of capitalist control.
In placing the foregoing brief survey
of the recent history of labor-faking
before the thoughtful wage-workers
we hope to render a service to our
class, and believe that, enlightened by
the Information contained in our
"Manifesto" and In the Socialist Standard, they will at last throw off those
who throttle them to-day, and see that
only Socialism Is the workers' programme. Fortunately, there are many
signs at hand that the rank and file
of the S.D.P. and I.L.P. are growing
tired of their leaders' compromise with
the Liberal Party and of the reform
and palliative propaganda in face of
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt Bhould belong. Tbe present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist ls therefore
master; the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the
reins of government all,the powers of the State will be used to
protect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever Increasing measure
of misery and degradation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist explbitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working-class
at the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the
transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between tbe capitalist
and the worker ls rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession
of the power of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure lt by political action. This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1.' Tbe transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc,,) into the collective property ot the
working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry
by the workers.
8.   The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead.of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when in office, shall always and everywhere until the present system is abolished, make the answer to
this question its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests of the working class and aid the workers in
their class struggle against capitalism? If lt will the Socialist
Party is for it; If lt will not, the Socialist Party Is absolutely
opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges
Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such
a manner as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
50c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 25c.
Published at Cowansville, P.Q.
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"Rofeotchyj Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 Stephen St.        Winnipeg, Man.
the inevitable increase of poverty, unemployment, and Insecurity of occupation among ihe workers. Let us therefore plod on with our revolutionary
propaganda! The truth of uncompromising Socialism is bound to conquer
al no distant period over the combined
forces of capitalism and labor-faker-
dom.—H. J. N. in the Socialist Standard.
60   YEARS*
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(.nlcklr ascertain nur opinion free whether an
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sent Free. Oldest aitenrv forsecurlnepateiita.
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nprciul notice, without chst-ae, lu the
Scientific American.
A handsomely Illustrated weekly. I.unrest circulation uf niiT aciemiflc Journal. Terms, t'> a
year: four months, fl.  Sola by all newntlenlern.
& Co.36,B™»d"»- New York
llraucli Offlce, G25 F SU Washington, I). C.
Price, each    50c
To Locals five for $2.00.   Apply to your
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Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stand* for a Living Wage
Vancouver Local 357.
tt If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate. of cost of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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