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Western Clarion Jun 17, 1911

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Array r
NO.   |6.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, June 17, 1911.
tnbacrlptlon Price <•■  nam
Pa> Yiaa OlallaV
THE REAL CAUSE
Economic Conditions Responsible for all Existing Social
Evils
When you, fellow worker, quit your ing degrees of comfort, with 2 or 3
| more or less virtuous couch or stall, hours' labor, and work the remainder
land   hasten  to  the  workshop  where of the day for the benefit of the capl-
[your many pleasant hours of toil are talist.    You- assuredly  are  the  very
[perpetrated, you carry with you a ma- acme of generosity!
[chine, a living machine,—-in fact, your
Sown sweet self. Unlike other machines, you cannot freight this particular one to the scene of operations,
■but must carry it there yourself, and
■deliver it, c.o.d., at the current rates.
Kits working capacity will be of vary-
ling mule powers, and the quantity
land quality of the work which it can
[perform will also vary and demand
|varying prices for its use.
Let us suppose you have a job, or
[rather that you get the loan of a job,
f Ein^e you can't exactly say you own it,
I—not yet. When you hire out with
[the boss or his representative, you
lagree to work a certain number of
I hours at a certain defined task or
I tasks, for a certain wage; and all you
produce belongs to the boss. Of
I course, you may contract to perform
la certain task for a fixed price; but
[this contract or piece-work amounts to
[the same as time-work, and is only a
[method employed by the boss to get
las much work out of you as possible
land as cheaply as possible. Any
I shirking you may then do is at your
[own expense.
We are only then concerned with.,
[time-work, it being wage-work in™Its
[simplest form,
In the production of goods there are
Itwo separate fields which must be
[taken into consideration. One is
[where the raw material is taken and
Iworked up into the finished product.
iThe other deals with the transportation of the goods to the consumer or
■of the raw material to the factories.
|For the present we will confine our-
Iselves to the Held of manufacture.
Get your number at the ticket office,
Jfor you are now merely a numeral in
Ithe wheels of industry, and come and
■be introduced to the machinery with
[which you are to perform.    Now per
Jform!    Ply the saw, feed the furnace,
Ifcend the loom, wield the axe, hammer
Ithe drill, toil and sweat and rustle and
bustle In the multitudinous tasks exacted   until ■ the  horn  sounds   cease.
|Now stop a moment and let us see
That you have done.
If you could glance at your employer's books, you would find that you had
produced goods whose value exceeds
|by 5 or 6 times, on the average, the
vages paid you.   For a wage of $2.00
(you have produced goods to the value
of $10.00.    Your employer gives you
$2.00, and just to show him what a
generous   fellow   you   are,   you   give
bim in exchange $10.00.   Yet you wonder why you are always poor and have
Ito eternally cudgel your    brains    to
■make ends meet!    Need you wonder
■that crises of over-production should
[periodically   occur,  when   the  warehouses and stores of the country are
[piled high with your products,—and
[you go hungry and unemployed!    You
[have produced so many times  more
[goods than you can buy back;  and
[even the reckless extravagance of the
[capitalists,  their hangers-on and  liv-
feried attendants are unable to con-
[sume or waste the surplus.   This exploitation to which you are subject
Ishould be too obvious to be misvnder-
(stood; but we will consider lt again
[from a theoretic standpoint.
Socially necessary labor time is the
■gauge of the VALUE of all commodities, and PRICE is the expression of
■ this value ln money, in the current
I medium of exchange. All commodities exchange at their value; and labor
[power, being a commodity, also exchanges at Its VALUE, which iB just
[sufficient, on the average, to maintain
[the individual worker and reproduce
Ibis species. Wages are the PRICE of
[the commodity labor power; and over
(an extended period, VALUE and
[PRICE equalize.
Now, during 2, or possibly 3, hours
[of your labor you reproduce this value;
[and the products of the remaining
I hours, which are known in economics
I as "surplu value," belong to your employer, Mr. Capitalist. You maintain
yourself and your dependents in vary-
And this surplus value is where the
bally row starts. It is the source of
all your miseries, and of the manifold
social ills and festering sores of today.
Let us dissect it! Would it were a
post-mortem examination! With this
surplus value our much worried friend,
the capitalist, has a few little items
to meet. There is the raw material
to be paid for; wear and tear of machinery; rent, taxes and Interest; and
the other little incidentals to be met.
Over and above all this is his net
profit. If there were no profits, he
would soon cease to function as a capitalist, and we would leave him alone
in his misery; but a glance at his
balance sheet soon convinces us that
lie still functions,—and that the profits
function also.
Our capitalist starts out with a certain amount of capital (previously
produced by your fellow workers);
sets together the raw material, machinery, shops and other appurtenances; setB you and your kind to
work; and you reproduce this capital
with a comfortable profit over and
above. Or, as often happens, he starts
nut on a credit basis; obtains the raw
material, machinery, etc., on credit;
hires you on credit (for you are doubtless aware that you must flrst produce
the goods before you are paid); and
you place him on the capitalist list.
Then he tells you, "Money breeds
money,"—and you believe him. You
have been so thoroughly hypnotized
by pulpit, press, platform and public
school, that you cannot grasp the obvious fact that you are the breeders.
You are regular living incubators of
money,—for him; though you may nol
have a red cent in your pant's pocket,
—and possibly, like the Highland
Scotchman, without even the pants.
That's where your troubles begin and
end, the profits you produce and deliver over to the capitalist and his
class. You produce so much wealth
over and above your own necessaries
and over and above those which the
capitalist can use and abuse, that
members of your own class must go
unemployed, with starvation staring
them in the face.
Modern methods of production, with
their splendid machines and labor-saving devices, only require the services
of half the working class: the other
half can shift for themselves as best
they know how. The unemployed are
superfluous in production, through the
long hours "enjoyed" by the producers; yet are "a very present help in
time of trouble" to the capitalists in
keeping the producers' noses on the
grindstone, for fear of losing their
jobs.
All the modern inventions and labor-
saving devices, the grand achievements of generations of toll and
thought, have not lightened the load
on the backs of the workers one iota,
—except to relieve many of them of
work altogether, with disastrous results. They are held in bondage to
their own creation.
Nor are the workers engaged in
transportation one whit better
off. Though their exploitation may
not be quite so readily seen,
it exists, just the same and
is Just as virulent and degrading.
When the finished products arrive at
the factory gates, their material forms
are complete, having absorbed all the
labor values which their hides can
hold. They are adults in the realm
of commodities. Transport them where
you will, their forms remain practically unchanged to the eye, though
some may possibly deteriorate through
rough handling or other untoward
events. The value which the transportation workers confer upon the
products crystallizes only as what
may be termed a LOCAL VALUE;
and is the average cost necessary, in
conjunction with the available means
of transportation  at  that time and
place, to convey them to the point of
consumption, to the arms and maws
of the consumers.
That this is so, take a finished
product, a hat, a coat, or a Singer
sewing machine; transport it the full
circle of the globe, back again to the
factory; mix It with its brother or
sister products; place them upon the
market, side by side, and you will find
that our globe trotters, with all the
labor expended in their pleasure trip,
will bring not one cent more,—and
quite possibly less, through depreciation, in these fast and furious days of
changing  fashions.
Through rendering more value to
the employing capitalist class than
they receive in return, does the exploitation of the transportation workers take place. They work unnecessarily and unbearably long hours for
a scant living; and from these extended hours of toil the capitalists
derive their profits. Take away the
25,000 workers from the Canadian
Pacific Railway, and where would
their dividends be? Over-work and a
scant living is th, portion of the employed members of the working class;
and a long, dreary search for work
and a miserable existence is the portion of the unemployed. All these
miserable conditions, this over-work
and lack of work; this under-feeding
and lack of food; the vile hovels in
which they dwell; the sacrifice of life
and limb in the mines, and factories,
and worshops; the resulting mental
and physical degeneration; are enforced, upon the working class by the
capitalist class, by a mere minority
upon, the vast majority.
The workers are the great pay-
streak of society, on top of which ls
the scum and underneath the sediment. They build the steamships with
their well-equipped saloons and cabins,
—and travel steerage like cattle. They
build   the  intricate network  of  rail
roads which cover the surface of the
land,—and walk the ties. They build
the large palatial mansions and modern equipped cottages,—and live in
shacks. They produce the best that
the earth can give in food-stuffs—and
eat all kinds of adulterated trash.
Why?
Because the capitalists own the
machinery of production and distribution, and through this ownership their
will is law. Obey, and your bone,
blood, and sinews are ground into profits; disobey, and a plot In the potters
field is your portion. And all the tink-
erings with the social evils; all the
prohibition laws; Sunday observance
societies, revivalist campaigns; Salvation Armies and all the moral reforms
even invented and foisted upon a credulous public, however well-meant they
may be, are just so much mis-spent
energy, while this class-ownership
exists.
"GOUROCK."'
A   GOOD   TOWN
The Difference Between Good and Bad Measured in Terms
of Slavery
Two ladies were called at the police
court this morning on a charge of
theft but they were dismissed with
apologies without the taking of evidence. It was made very evident that
the arresting officer had made a mistake and had arrested the wrong parties.—World.
This is very surprising—that there
should have been any apologies. They
didn't apologize to our staff when it
was arrested by mistake. But then,
it must occur so often that in order
to accommodate everybody, the court
would have to establish a special
"Apologetic Department."
"To him that hath shall be given"
is the despairing remark of an unfortunate scribe who perceived that "hlm
that hath" was still getting it.
Ruminations of a Slave
Our capitalist: masters having chased, "lured" us. if you please, from East
to West, North to South, from Britain
to United States and from everywhere
integration of matter, does not in the
least disturb nor find the class-conscious worker in a quandary over
principle or detail.    He knows from
Into Canada, are now ^ending out not-1 past experience, "observation and de
ed investigators to hunt up new territories for "us" at the frozen north.
Whether or not that climate will prove
favorable for peddlers of commodity
labor power remains to be seen. One
thing is sure, our masters will endeavor to make the most use of us here
pending an investigation in unknown
lands. According to a late bulletin
the C. N. R. have a few trump cards
left, two of them are—the laying of
1,000 miles of railroad and the opening up of 20,000,000 acres of "good"
land.
Jusi fancy the C. P. R. or the C. N.
R. aristocracy "falling from grace'1
building standard bridges and opening
up specialized land such as is performed by the lowly Finn, Dago,
Chink or Jew. Contemplate ye workers, this yarn of the big stick. Picture
if you can, this capitalist leisure class
who now reside at the most exquisite
pleasure spots of the world, coming
to Canada to go navvylng. The "comedy manifesto" does not stop at impossible feats of strength on the part
of our masters, but goes on to show
that "their" proposed railroad would
be the meanB of taking away the vast
surplus produced by our Eastern brothers.
The government has seen to lt that
the company's bonds wlll be safe for
50 years, bearing not less than 3 1-2
per cent, and that the Interest for the
first two years, amounting to $2,450,-
000, will be advanced by the Laurier
administration. It seems that under
the "capitalist regime" Canada needs
a railroad, therefore it would be a
great benefit and a safe Investment for
magnates to own the socially produced means of distribution and collect
60 centB on the bushel for the privilege of doing bo. Who would not undertake a project like this on such a
guarantee?.
Seeing that no reasons were given
other than the above, aB to how or
why the wealth gobblers were going
to bring about such an enormous dis-
duction," that the mental and physical capabilities existing in the hides of
his own class, will again be applied to
the job, while the masters who reside
in other lands, will get the credit and
reap the benefit of their labors. Having Btudied the economic problem he
finds that a government that Is based
on "elass ownership" of the land or
the social producing machinery, can
only legislate to further the interests
of those owning the means of wealth
production, notwithstanding the disastrous effect it may have on the many
whose only resource to live is to operate it. Having thus traced the evils
existing in Society to class ownership
In the means of production he knows
that the only hope for the worker is to
capture the political power that now
holds them in subjection. This ls the
problem that confronts all class conscious workers, "Socialists." Their Interests being identical with those of
their class, they realize that before
they can enjoy the fulness of life (with
the products of their toil), they must
educate the members of their own
class (by any means that are means),
to the robbery tbat is now going on
under the disguise of the wage-system. When sufficient are awakened
to the fact that it is they themselves
that have the directive and physical
ability which creates the world's
wealth, they will then obey the mandate of the great social tools upon
which they are now dependent.
Until that day comes the workers
will never figure In history, or the projects of their own making. Their lot
will Invariably be a slave's portion so
long as they remain in subservience
to the master class. Arouse yo slaves
from your apathy, cherished beliefs,
and fantastic speculation and spread
the gospel—the world for the Workers.
A.   G.   McCALLUM.
POVERTY  AND   INDUSTRY.
"The two go together, I am Indus-
trlouB because I am poor and poor because I am industrious."
"It was a good town one." The
speaker, a husky young fellow, paused
and sighed. He was speaking with a
portly specimen of the small business
man, who returned his companion's
melancholy look with one full of commiseration for the other's feelings.
The writer paused also in wonder,
then passed on, meditating on the
words he had just overheard; what
could they mean? Did the term
"good town" mean that at one time
the "Queen City of the. Northwest"
(vide, daily press) was once a city
free from vice, crime, etc., and full of
good men and women? Hardly that,
for it flashed across the writer's wondering mind, ln an instant, how, at
that very moment, the former chief
guardian of public morals and property was undergoing time for conniving at, and receiving hush-money in
large sums, for helping along a traffic in the honor of the working girls
of this country, for no case was known
where other than working girls were
found ih this particular district; which
wasn't very good for the girls, if it
was a good town. And, to the writer's knowledge, this had gone on for
years. Crime also had been going on
in the city for years, so what on earth
was the meaning of the mystic words,
"A good town once."
Just at this moment, however, the
writer chanced to pass a large factory
and spied, hurrying therein, a long,
straggling column of what is known to
scientists as the wage slave class. A
fitting word to apply, for they assuredly did not reach the dignity of men.
What was there in this procession of
humans to lend an appearance of dignity to them? The overalls, the shoddy coats, the paper bag containing the
lunch were certainly not conducive to
a dignified appearance, nor yet tho
weary, haggard looks, bent forms and
shapeless hands. Leaving this on one
side for a moment, a large sign caught
the writer's eye, and wandering over
to read this, the following message
was visible:
"To all concerned;
"This institution is know as an
open shop, meaning that 'Free Americans,' and others, are entitled to ask
for work here, without the consent of
trades unions or walking delegates,
etc. All disobeying, etc., to be prosecuted, etc."
It was to laugh, for there In the
outer office of the firm a mob of "Free
Americans"!?) and others, were pushing and jostling each other for the
purpose of catching tho watchful eye
of the official within the window who,
running his eye over the group, would
now and again, raiso his finger, ana
some husky specimen of the "Free
American," or "others" would puBh
to the front, and on answering questions satisfactorily, would be admitted
within. But by far the greater number of the free ones and others were
left outside, and on their dispersing,
some to resume the hopeless search
among tbe miles of docks, or around
the warehouses and other possible
places, for employment, others to loaf
round tbe employment shark's dens.
One could hear many varying expressions of opinions regarding the position ln which tbey found themselves.
And here was the clue to the words
which puzzled the writer, for among
other phrases, dropped by this dispersing group of slaves, was this,
"ah, this town ls no good now, as lt
once was." Here, tben, was the solution to the wage slave's and the merchant's wall, for taken In conjunction
with the scene just witnessed, it could
mean nothing else than the fact, obvious enough too, that work was very
scarce, and the slaves thought It no
good, because they could no longer
hug their chains.
What a mocking of freedom, when
slaves by tho thousands were regretting the good old times, when their
masters ran after them, and begged
them to come to work. How comic,
yet also how tragic, for among the
thousands hit by this recurrence of a
common ailment of capitalism, beBt
known as a business depression  or
panic, were numbers who were suffering the pangs of hunger, and (he pain
of knowing of loved ones at home who)
waited in vain for bread. Here a man
in the prime of life, who was sad ass
he told of his wife just buried, and of
the three little ones at home, crying
for food, and the man also, with the
smouldering fire of rage in his eyes,
as he looks despondently round; ber.
has known of the endless trips round
the city's slave mart, of the sharks
who would entice him in for the sake
of a dollar fee on a no account job;
of the hesitating, finally desperate
plunge into a master's office facing
with abashed face, the sniggering,
clerks, till brought before the boss,
who with self-complacent air, becoming to his well-lined vest, Would listen to the other's plea, then would give
the stereotyped reply: "Sorry,_but.
we are filled up today."
Sometimes, less fortunate, he would
hear a harsh "Get out," and he would
get out, hating with a blind unreasoning hate, the whole world, the well-
fed bosses, the sniggering clerks, the
parson who asked him to Bave his
soul, when all he wanted was to save
his stomach, hated them all, aye, and
cursed them, and recalled with bitterness, how he once wondered why-
there were so many criminals and
hoboes. Small wonder, he now thought
the reason was very plain.
The slaves could hardly be blamed
therefore, for calling a place a good
town, when work was plentiful or no
good, when it was scarce. Te be able
to sell their labor power, even nt the
price of an existence, meant something
that was infinitely preferable to tho
awful helpless feeling of being trapped, and unable to find any way out.
But what ignorance too, what awful
teaching it must have been, to cause
slaves to be so dull and destitute of
independence as to wish nothing better than a slave's portion, and yet
imagine themselves "Free Americans"
to say nothing of the "others?"
This their Idea of a gooil town,
where everyone may work; men on
starvation wages, unable to marry,
or If so, unable to raise a family or
adequately support a wife; girls to
work in department stores at three or
four dollars a week in a city where
rooms alone rented at two dollars a
week, and where the good(?) people
abolished the restricted district, and
yet wondered why vice flourished.
Fools and blind; your good time at
its best, is hell, and no reforming
or wage boosting will alter the fact,
not even though advocated by a so-
called workers' party. Men in tbe
position indicated want tbe truth and
will have it, and having it, will find
a' way out, in spite of all opposition.
Whether by voting or not, tho only
real good town will come when all
workers are free, free from Ignorance
and superstition, understanding that
together they aro mighty, divided
they are weak, that they produced aH
wealth and knowing It are determined
to have it all.
Let the revolution come by ballots
or bullets, it will come, for this economic machine Is remorselessly grinding on to that end, and we helpless
creatures of destiny are fated to follow whither It leads ub. But we can
understand the cause, and intelligently
direct the efforts of the rest of our
fellow slaves, to the task of making
not only a good town, but a good
world.
F. S. F.
A young lady, friend of Mrs. S. B.
Armour, gets away with securities
valued at $105,000 belonging to the
latter lady. The affair created a mild
ripple of excitement, and the young
person's behaviour Is regarded aa
quite eccentric. She will be punished
by being left out of Mrs. Armour's
will. If the same girl had stolen $1.0:7
worth of hair pins from a departmental store, she would be treated as a
degraded felon.
Moral: If you want to steal, in the.
name of Liberty, fleal enough! Two
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUVER. BRITISH COLUMBIA
8ATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1911.
IHE ISM! Qi
Published every Saturday hr the
IBw.'siHst Party of Canada, at the Office
art the "Western Clarion. Flack Block
Ssioement, 1G5 Hastings street, Vannou-
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■oi 16S8 Vtuounr, B. O.
able, but that it is actually a public! must consider only its own interests, 1 things so that he may work harder
benefactor. And, equal to the occa-1 and that those interests lie, not in! tnan otherwise. Kis "equity" when
sion, rises Judge Gary, of United! selling its labor-power for a higher |ne mortgaged his farm is not notice-
States Steel, to accomplish just this: price, but in not selling it at all. It
purpose. His opinions are commented i must take cognizance of its strength,
ui>on editorially by the New York'and use that strength to take posses-
Evening Times as follows: I sion of ail that is now the property of
"The Judge thinks and says the.t j capitalists. The system of buying and
prices may be unreasonably high or | selling must give way to a system of
low, and he favors neither. In his production and use. This is the work-
view there is a fair pr:ce, and what it ers' task; by them alone can it be ac-
is is best ascertained by the general j complislied. May the possibilities of
understanding of the trade. A nation j their great power soon come home to
based upon the rule of the majority in them
politics can hardly find oppression or
637
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1911.
SUCCESS.
Writing of "Education and Sue
cess," the Scientific American delivers itself of the following: "And what
is our conclusion in fine? Education,
in so far as it approaches the ideal,
is unquestionably conducive of the
highest success, if only we have the
aright idea of what constitutes success.
"Your success is measured, not by what
the world gives you, but by what you
give the world."
The sound of this conclusion is fine,
all right. It rings familiarly of a
school copy-book or a Roosevelt vocal
exercise. But we have an idea, that
the sound is all that it has to recommend it, if that is any recommendation.
If it is true, then the working class
Is a howling success, for it gives the
world everything but what it deserves
and the world gives it nothing but a
chance to do it again and not always
that. While, conversely, the capitalist class is a total failure for it gives
the world nothing but trouble and
Bets all it can grab. But we never
heard of any one over ten years of
age who ever hoped to attain the pinnacle of success by becoming a wage-
mule, or of any one to whom the prospect of being numbered among the
idle rich would spell dismal failure.
It is about time this kind of sentimental clap-trap was embalmed and
put away for the entertainment of
some future generation that can appreciate the joke. As moral maxims they
are about played out.
There is no "right idea of what constitutes success," except relatively.
There are, or apear to be, personal
ideals of success, and so forth. The
average of these in any given society
constitute the social ideals. As the
forms of these societies vary, so vary
also the social ideals. In a society
having class divisions, the ideals
ot the ruling class are, naturally, the ruling Ideals, and
the social ideal of success is always an ideal of success as a member
of the ruling class. This ideal is, of
course, different in a Roman Empire,
a feudal Europe and a capitalist world,
and the prevalent ideal for each of
these is, for it, the only "right idea
of success," and the only practicable
one, whatever other ideals may be expounded in their philosophy or taught
in their Bible classes. These latter
are frequently highly ornamental, but
they are useful only to those who expound them and generally detrimental
to those who are hoodwinked into re-
vereing them, as that Is, at Dottom,
the reason for their invention.
THE BUSTING OF THE TRUST-
BUSTERS.
injustice in the application of the same
rule In trade. There must always be
dissentients, and they have a right not
to be oppressed by any conspiracy.
The majority of the trade have no
right to conspire against the welfare
ot the company which is selling below
the general opinion of of the value of
its goods. As Judge Gary Intimates,
Its course may be Inspired by its necessities, but not for that reason should
its stronger competitors allow themselves to be driven into sacrifice sales.
If the cutting company must have business in order to live It is better to
allow it to have what it must have than
to derange the entire fabric of prices.
"The contrary used to be held before the era of application of the rule
of reason. In the earlier days might
made right, and traders had no more
compunction than pirates about cutting one another's throats. In the
years little more than a decade ago
when rails were selling at $17 and
Mr. Schwab was making a sensation
about his ability to sell them for less,
the wages were as ruinously cheap as
the rails. Judge Gary thinks that
there may be a fair price for labor as
well as for steel, and' points out the
obvious fact that excessive cheapness
in one implies the same :n the other.
The maintenance of prices for materials implies the maintenance of
wages for labor, and reason should be
applied in reducing either. Because
capital has a right to reasonable profits it ought to pay a reasonau:e wage.
In the Judge's words, 'You have no
right to disregard your employes ana
their interests. You have no right to
run the risk of being compelled to put
their wages below what they ought to
be.'"
*-       #       *■
One might just as well agree that
prices should be neither unreasonably
high nor low, but kept at a fair medium—for all the difference it makes.
Society is made up today of buyers
and sellers. Freedom in buying and
selling is t..^ basic principle of modern
civilization. Therefore, buyer and
seller meet each other In the market
as equals before the law—the one to
get all the goods he can for his money,
the other to get all the money he can
for his goods. What is an unreasonable price to one is eminently satisfactory to the other. Neither, therefore,
can arbitrarily fix prices, which must
be determined automatically by the
condition of the market in which the
trading takes place.
The trust is a seller of commodities,
but it is also a buyer—of labor-power.
As the latter, it can readily be seen
where it Is quite possible for wages
to be unreasonably high from the
trust's point of view as expressed by
Judge Gary. As the former, he can
well afford to be magnanimous, knowing, aB he does, that the organization
he represents will get all that the mar.
ket will permit it to have, and that in
the field of sale It Is quite powerful
enough to have no fear of competition.
One wonders why he finds it necessary to defend large corporations,
which  are  guilty of nothing;   or  to
THE ASSESSMENT.
In view of the present state of tbe
funds the B. C. Provincial Executive
has found It neceBBary to levy an as-
able to one reading the Indenture of
Mortgage and when he ■'buys" or rath,
er is entrusted with a horse or machine and gives a lieu note or chattel
mortgage he would find, if he carefully
perused the lien or mortgage, he owned neither the thing purchased nor
probably anything else he was supposed to own. The farmer is a piecework laborer. Takes all risks of disease and climate all day and burns his
crop at night but he "gets hell" if he
does anything else but work for 12 or
14 hours per day.
Socialist Directory
Eyery local of the Socialist Tarty of
Cunada should run a card under this;
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries 1
pica e note.
DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Socialist Tarty of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie. Secretary, Box loss, Vancouver. B. C,
LOCAI, SANDON, B. C, NO. 36, S. P. OP
c. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the bandon Miners' Union Hall.
Lommunlcations to be ■ addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
BRITISH      COLUMBIA     PROVINCIAL
Executive Committee,  Socialist   Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
.Mondav. i). o, McKenzie, Secretary,
Box toss. Vancouver, H. c.
al of his product or what he helps to
produce—wheat,   butter,   etc—all   the
sessment of $1.00 per member upon |<>•»••■ Companies pay the same price.
the B. C. Locals for the maintenance The price is regulated by who has  be
of organizers. It has come to a choice
between that and discontinuing organization work for the time being, which
the Executive is loth to do In the present circumstances. It is, therefore,
urged that the response be as prompt
as possible.
This is the flrst time that it has
been found necessary to levy an assessment for this purpose, thanks
largely to the private generosity of individuals in Vancouver and in the
Crow's Nest Pass. So the membership
cannot complain of having been subject to any severe financial strain in
this respect. In fact It has been the
object of the Executive to impose as
light a burden as possible upon the
Locals in order that they should be
free to use their funds locally. It has,
therefore, been left to the option of
the locals to give whatever they can
spare towards the expenses of the
visiting speakers, whereas, under the
system prevailing in the States they
would be required to pay $3.00 per day
and the speaker's expenses.
Furthermore, there is no place in
the world where a Socialist Party's
organizers cost the Party less, for,
while the Constitution allows them
$3.00 per day, in theory, what they
receive in actual practice is their bare
cost of maintenance, the Executive
taking the position that the Party
should not be a purchaser of labor-
power but that it should be served by
volunteers, and that, when the service
required of one of these so necessitates, it should merely be made financially possible for him to perform that
service.
Under these circumstances the membership has now no excuse whatever
for not keeping at least one speaker
in the field the year round without
any further assistance from voluntary contributors.
The farmer has a sny ln the dlspos-1 alberta provincial executive
Committee, Sociallsl Tarty of Canada.
Meets every alternate Mondav in Labor
Hall. Eighth Ave. East, opposite piwt-
oHIce. Secretary will he pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement In the province. f.
Danby,   Secretary,   llox   017.   Calgary,
wheat. U the farmer, it is low. When
It is all or nearly all, out of the farmer's hands, It Is high. This letter Is
too long but I want to say I cannot
see how transportation sells at coBt,
when railways pay operation expenses
and dividends on physical value plus
watered stock. Well lt is 11:20 and 1
must go out and see the sick colt. My
hired man sleeps soundly. He doesn't
care about the colt. 1 do. I am a capitalist.
WEARY WILLIE WESTERNER.
LOCAL SOUTH POST GEORGE BC
■No. 01, mects'every Friday niitht at
8 p.m. In Public Library Room. JpHn
Owniser.Secrotaryi       *•"-»'<»' Allen!
LOCAL  VANCOUVER,  B.  C.,  NO.  X,  S.
1*. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, Z'ltil
Main street.    !•'. Perry, Secretary, Hox
1 OSS.
SASKATCHEWAN SITUATION.
A  GUMBO  CAPITALIST.
Editor Clarion:—
I thought I would write for the last
To the Saskatchewan membership
and any whom it may concern:
There has been formed now foi
some time at North Battleford, a provincial executive committee, having
for its duties those outlined in the constitution and many others it fancies,
incidentally doing some organizing,
propaganda work, and many other
stunts. However, since said committee
was formed, and ever after, they (the
members), came to the conclusion, that
it took something different to hot air
for keeping an organizer in the field,
and paying expenses in connection
therewith. Hut as they, not being in
the capitalist game, soon came to the
end of their tether, they felt obliged
to appeal to the provincial membership
to sacrifice themselves to the extent
of one dollar, more or less, in aid of
organizing fund. As, however, the response was not very immediate, and
we had to carry on business meanwhile, those at all having any idea of
running expenses kindly take the hint.
So far, we have managed to keep the
organizer in the field most of the time,
although sometimes he had to go
pretty short of grub. As far as results are concerned you can find out
same in Lestor's reports. We are going in for the specific purpose of organizing locals, as we recognize that,
to have one clear issue, and an educated membership, is the one and only
requisite for a revolutionary party. As
the others. Just here O'Brien's speech
on key-holes comes very vividly to
mind. The last suspicion of my capitalistic tendency vanished as I listened
to Charlie. He stayed with me, and I
think it was hla duty to tell me I was
a capitalist.
Scratch my name off the books,
secretary, I am a little behind anyway.
Am going to write to Skibo and Jack
D. and tell them I am coming over for
the summer. About 20 years ago with
my turkey on my shoulder I struck
ln here a hundred miles from any-
apologize for the undue exercise of a j where, hoping to become a capitalist,
power which they do not possess. And this it IT.   Well, I'm deeply dis-
The trust is a direct result of those appointed.    I thought I'd have more
days  when  "might  made  right,  and time to bum around.   It's between ten
traders had no more compunction than an(j eleven p.m. when I get through
pirates about   cutting   one another's I with chores every night.
throats."    It Is merely the successful     when I came here I flrst bought a
time and say goodbye to you and the j we slowly get acquainted with condi-
Comrades, as I flnd out I am in the j tlons throughout the province, we real-
wrong camp. According to Percy A. j ize more and more that the task of the
Chew I am a capitalist as I have an j g, p. 0f C. isn't at all overestimated. A
equity in four pieces of land and I sup-1 movement there is alright, towards
pose I could own one or two as far as I wuat those that are ln it call freedom;
deeds are concerned by letting go of! but as soon as the real red dumps his
dope, they are the most re-actlonary
bunch going, and are ready to fight
you to a finish; they are those who
term themselves Christian Socialists,
and those of the unchristian brethren
who are more enthusiastic than Inquisitive. Their position, however, is
scientifically unsound, and since Socialism is a science, proved to be so,
they muBt necessarily succumb before
the arraignment of facts brought be-
for them by S. P. of C. organizers.
Those that are worth having in our
ranks will soon desert theirs, after a
fight to a finish conversation.    They
The Supreme Court of the United
States has poured diplomatic oil upon
the agitated waters of "popular unrest" which have, of late years, been
roused to such turbulence by the trust
problem. Unlike the verbally bellicose Roosevelt, or equally tactless but
more discerning conservatives, that
body has neither declared that the
trust must be throttled In the public
interest, nor that it must be given full
away to do as it pleases for the obvious reason that it will do that anyhow. The gentlemen composing the
Supreme Court are to be commended
for having better sense. They have
simply declared that the law must be
brought to bear upon great combinations only when they are "unreasonable." This implies, of course, that
there Ib such a thing as "reasonable
restraint of trade."
Thus neatly Is the public compelled
to cease Its clamorous uproar while It
wrestles with this excellent new conundrum: When is a corporation reasonable? Here is ithe psychological
moment for the sfpoKesmen of Big
Business to step iij and explain that a
trust can not only be perfectly reason-
competitor in the game. It is, therefore, quite justified in concluding that
might must give place to reason, seeing that all the throat-cutting necessary for it to do has been successfully
accomplished.
On the other hand, there Is the
Public" with its vociferous claims to
certain "inalienable" rights. What Is
the public? Not the wage-workers,
for their struggles in the market for
higher wages are almost Invariably
eyed by the public with stern disapproval. Nor can it be large capital,
for do we not always see the public
pictured as a child held ln the terrible
grip of the trust octopus? There is
another body which answers quite
readily to the name. It la known as
Small Business.
Small business may be described
briefly as the less fortunate product of
the throat-cutting dayB. Beaten ln
that free competition which it upheld
as its constitutional right, lt now wants
to start all over again It is like the
loser in the race who claimed that the
winner had no "right" to win merely
because he was the speedier. It is
fortunate for the wr -leers that the
public hns received its quietus, so far
as its enthusiasm for "individual
rights" ls concerned, for lt removes
from consideration the distracting fig.
ure of the scarecrow of "public interest."
It is becoming easier every day for
job half a mile square from the government for $10. It was a good bargain for me. The job has never played
out. Often with envy in my soul I
read of the unemployed. I could burn
my crop, yes, but my credit would soon
be gone if I did, and I would not be
able to burn another.
I am not entirely without property
in the means of life. Neither Ib the
factory hand who, with his own spade
digs a potato patch for exercise in the
evenings. I can exercise labor power
before I sell It because I work at a
"basic" industry and take all risks in
producing much, little or nothing. In
fact, till I handle the product of my
labor power I have nothing to sell.
I venture to guess that not ten per
cent, probably Ave per cent, of the
farm lands in Canada are unmortgaged. I have issued debentures on my
Job several times, yet everybody
knows I'm all right financially. I think
the farmer saves as much In 20 years
by working from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m.,
with three half hours off to feed, as
the average townsman proletarian
spends for luxuries and amusements
ln the Bame time.
The farmer is very much impressed
with the dignity of labor. Note the
agricultural hump, how full chested
they are behind.
A farmer is often kept on the job
by the credit system when he is worth
practically nothing If sold out for cash
then drop all their former ideals like
a piece of hot Iron, and one more has
joined the army of the revolution, never to surrender. So we are advancing.
Slow, yes, but certain, for we know
that forces, more powerful and effective than our flimsy efforts, are co-operating with us, hewing the way as lt
were, and leveling everything nice and
smooth, leaving the majority of world
inhabitants ages behind.
Only we, of the Socialist Party of the
World clearly grasp the situation. We
can smilingly look all misfortune and
degradation In the face, we can mock
heaven and sneer at hell. We are on
the way to mastery (not of the usual
kind), once, now and then, we catch
a glimpse; for the poor, pitied, starved,
kicked worker Is waking up; conditions
and insistent agitation are beginning
to be productive of results. Few at a
time, but steady, they are coming out
of their age-long trance, and are slow
ly beginning to realize the truth, as
to the cause of their enslavement. So
we are being pushed forward bound
for a different state of things, and
bound to win.
A. G,
the  working class to realize that It He is .fooled .with -believing he owns
MANITOBA PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS nve always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get nny Information, write the
secretary. W. 11. Stebblngs. Address,
310  Good  Street.  Winnipeg.
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Purty of
Canada. Meets every first and third
Saturday tn tlfe month, S:00 p.m.. at
headquarters, Main Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement in this Province. A. Glldemees-
ter. Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
MARITIME PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays ln the Cape Breton office of the
Tarty, Commercial Street. Glace Kay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bny. N. S.
LOCAL   PERNIE,   S.   P.   of   C,   HOLDS
educational meetings ln tbe Miners'
t'ulon Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business meeting first Sunday in eacli
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Tnton, Secretary,  Box 101.
LOCAL   GREENWOOD.   B.   C,    NO.    9,
S. P. of c, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall. Greenwood.
Visiting comrades Invited to call. C.
G. Johnson, Secretary.
LOCAL  LADYSMITH   NO.   10,   S.   P.   of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., in headquarters on First Ave.
.1. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmttb,
B.   C.
LOCAL  MICHEL,  B.   C,  NO.   16,   S.   P.
of C„ boids propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to nil wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the first
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. in tbe same hall. Tarty
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
Secretary.
LOCAL  MOYIE,  B.  C, NO.  30,  MEETS
second Sunday, 7:30 p.m.. ln McGregor
Hall i Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts,
Secretary.
LOCAL   VANOOUVER,   B.    C.,    NO.    48,
l-lunlsh. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month nt 2237
.Main Street.    Secretary. Win. Mvnttt.
LOCAL  VERNON,  B.   C,  NO.  38,  S.  P.
of C.    Meets every Tuesday. 8:00 p.m.
.•J)"';?' A'f, *'•  °-   •-   HoM-  Tronson  St.
W. H. Gilmore. Secretary.
LOCAL  VICTORIA,  B.   C,  NO.  3,  S.  P.
of C. Heading room and headquarters.
1319 Government St., Room 2, over
Collister's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, S p.m. Propaganda meetings every Sundav at Crystal Theatre.    T.  Gray, Secretary.
LOCAL CALGARY, ALTA., NO. 4, S. T.
of C. Meetings every Sundav at 8
p.m. in tbe Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Mlghth Ave. H. (near postollice). Club
ond rending room, Labor Hall. Geo.
Kossiter, Secretary, Box 047.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings nt S p.m. on tho first
and third Sundays of tbe month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings nt 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 03,
Coleman, Alta- Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
LOCAL  EDMONTON,  ALTA.,  NO.  1,  S.
P. of C. Headquarters 022 First St.
Business and propaganda meettngs
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.   Stephenson.
LOCAL  LETHBRIDGE,  ALTA., NO.  13,
S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays tn tbe month, at 4 p.m., In
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock,   Box   19S3.
LOCAL REGINA, SASK., NO. 6.
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. in Trades
Hall. Scarth Street. Business meetings second and fourth Fridays at 8
p.m.. Trades Hall. Secretary, B. Simmons,  Box  1040.
LOCAL  NELSON,  S.   P.  of  C,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p.m.. in
Miners' Hnll. Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin. Secretary.
LOCAL BRANDON, MAN., NO. 7, S.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
lllock, Itossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday al 8 p.m.: business meeting, second and fourth Mondays nt 8
p.m.; economic class, Sundays at 3
p.m.; speakers' class, Wednesday at
s p.m.: algebra class, Friday ut
p.m.; debating class, first and third
Mondays at s p.m. 1). France, Organizer.  1120 Victoria Ave.
LOCAL    NEW   WESTMINSTER,   B.   C,
No.   15,   s.   P.   OP   C.—Headquarters
Hoom :!, Dupont Block, over Northern
Crown Bank. Propaganda meeting
every Sunday, Crystal Theatre, 8 p.m.
Business meeting every Monday. 8 p.
m. B. W. Sparke, Recording Secretary; If. Gilchrist, Organizer; J. C.
Williams, Financial Secretary,
ress in facilities for the destruction of
, LOCAL WINNIPEG, MAN., NO. 1, S. P.
■ of c Headquarters, 528 1/2 Main St.,
Hoom 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate'
Monday evening nt 8 p.m.; propaganda
meeting every Wednesday at 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday after- ,
noon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh Laid-
low, Room 2. 528 1/2 Main St. Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young St.
LOCAL PRINCE RUPERT, B. C, No. S3,
S. P. of C., meets every Sunday in
hull in Empress Theatre Block ut 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorbam, Secretary.
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,   8.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquurters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
LOCAL ROSSLAND, NO. 25, S. P. Ot C,
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell. Secretary. P.O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders' Hall. Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   No.   8,   S.  P.   OP   C.
Business meetings flrst Sunday ln
month in open air, followed hy a picnic during summer months. Propaganda meetings every Saturday night
at S p. m., nt the corner of McKenzie
Avenue and Rideau Street. A. G. Mc
Callum, Secretury, 140 Augusta Street.
LOCAL  OLACE  BAT,  NO.  1,  OP  N.  B.
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall, Union Street. All are wet-
come. Alfred Nash, Corresponding*
Secretary, Glace Bay: Wm. Sutherland.'
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
l-'lnnnclat Secretary, offlce In D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
Street.
699
F. PERRY
TAILOR
834 Pender St.       Vancouver
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we wlll mall ten
copies of any one Issue.
For $3.00 we wlll mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Daily Socialist for one year.
CHARLES X. XERR ft COMPANY
134 West Klnsle St., Chicago.
«-„ THE CAFETERIA
305 Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
cooked.
Chas. Molcahey, Prop.
Ja	
NOW  READY.
If we would listen to the voice of
the rich and fashionables we should
hear them talking about the "higher
socialism." They have that brand to
dabble In, and tell us that the old kind
that makes agitators, and wants to
bring about a revolution, ls "clear out
of date." How these brutes would
sidetrack us if we only remained so
ignorant as to believe what they would
tell us! If farm capitalists are to be
called Farmateurs, the "higher socialism" bunch are Swlneateurs.
"Manifesto of the 8. P. of C."
Price—10 cents per copy or 75 cents
per doz. (to subscribers to Publishing Fund, 6 cents).
"The 8tate and Government."
Price five cents per copy or 25 cents
per doz. (To subscribers, $1.00 per
hundred.).
GREAT BOOKS BY
GREAT MEN
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    25c
Life of Jesus, Kenan -.. 25c
Age of Reason, Paine  25c
Merrie England    20c
God and My Neighbor,
Glatchford     25c
Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c
Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c
Evolution of the Idea of God,
Grant Allen   25c
Postage prepaid on books.
The People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
DENTIST
W. J. CURRY
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
price list of supplies
(To Locals.)
Charier    (with    necessary   supplies to start Local) $5.00
Membership Cards, each    JQV
Dues 8Umpt, each 10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100     j>5
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto In Ukranlan, per 100    JO
Constltut   ns, per dozen, 60c.        '
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen       10
Wl®®®®®*"-*®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®!
s^o^^^HURTl'5P&l5H blossom
a**-ST .JN B.C.
ClO/VR5:
i SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1911.
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUV ER. BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Thraa
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box   1688, Vancouver, B. C.
DOMINION  EXECUTIVE.
"Meeting held dune 12th, 1911.
Present, Comrades Kingsley, (chairman), Fitzgerald, Karme, Kreekls,
Mengel, Peterson, Taylor, and the secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
New Charter ordered isBtted to Local
Brandon. Communications dealt with
from Maritime and Manitoba Executives, Locals Montreal, Ottawa, Brandon and Calgary. Organizers O'Brien
and Lestor.
Application for affiliation from the
Ukrainian Socialist received; terms of
same ordered published; to be accepted thirty days after -*ate of publication
if no objection be entered.
F. G. Allan's protest against expulsion by Local North Battleford received and referred to Saskatchewan
Executive. Warrants authorized for
June Rent, $15.00;; Manitoba Executive, Organizing, 125.00
Receipts.
Maritime Executive     5.00
tLocal Montreal     r'-50
W. Green, Dues      I-00
Publishing   Fund:—
A. Johnson     10°
O'Brien Tour: —
J. A. Beckman     1-00
Literature: —
Locals New Westminster, $.50;
Montreal, 60c; Calgary, $2.45;
Regina, $1.00; Victoria, $4.00;
Graham, $4.00;  J.  A. Beck-
man, $1.00; H. Judd, 20c... 14.75
Total *28-25
B.  C.   EXECUTIVE.
Meeting held June 12th, 1911.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Ladysmith, New Westminster,
Victoria, Rossland and Nanalmo and
Organizers Houston,and Desmond.
Secretary reporting funds to be low
an assessment of $1.00 per capita upon
the membership in the Province passed for the maintenance of organizers
in the field; Crow's Nest Pass Local
to be exempt on account of the strike.
Warrants authorized for J. D. Houston, organizing, $40.00; G. Desmond,
organizing, $25.00.
Receipts.
Local Rossland  $2.50
Local West Burnaby  2.00
Local Ladysmith (Finnish)  5.00
Local Vancouver  (Lettish)  3.00
$12.50
THE   UKRAINIAN   SOCIALIST   FED-
ERATION.
The following are the terms for
affiliation with the S. P. of C. proposed by the Ukrainian Socialist Federation:—
(1.) The Federation is to be nn autonomous part of the S. P. of C.
(2.) The Federation Ib to take out
a charter In the S. P. of C.
(3.) The Federation to issue charters In English and Ukrainian to Ukrainian Locals.
(4.) The Federation Buttons and
designs to be the same as those of the
S. P. of C.
(5.) The Federation Executive to
pay to the Dominion Executive, 25 per
cent of the dues It receives.
(6.) The Federation to use the supply of stamps It has had printed until
the stock is exhausted (paying the 25
per cent, in the meantime nevertheless).
(7.) Members of the Federation Locals to have the same rights and privileges as other members of the S. P.
of C.
(8.) If possible, the Federation
shall have one member upon the Dominion Executive.
(9.) The Federation affirms the
programme and tactics of the S. P. of
C. In general.
* ' * ' *
(The above proposals come from a
convention of Ukrainian Locals which
have broken with the "Social Democratic Party" and its reformist tactics into which they had been led.
They now desire to join with the S. P.
of C. They have undertaken the publication of a paper and aim to carry
on Socialist propaganda among people speaking their tongue. The Dominion Executive Committee considers
that their proposed affiliation should
be facilitated and proposes, if no protest is entered within thirty days, to
grant them a charter, it being of
course, clearly understood that their
membership pledge and charter applications shall be In the same terms
as those of the S. P. of C.)
LADYSMITH, B.C.
ALBERTA  PROVINCIAL
EXECUTIVE.
Regular meeting held June 6th, 1911.
Present, Comrades Rossiter (chairman), Browning, MacLean and Secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and adopted.
Correspondence read and dealt with
from Dom. Executive Committee, Com.
F. J. McNey and Locals Content, Meeting Creek and Medicine Hat.
Financial report as follows:
Receipts.
Local Edmonton, stamps $ 2.50
Local Meeting Creek, stamps..    5.00
Local Innisfali, stamps  10.00
Local Medicine Hat, stamps and
cards        LOO
Local Calgary, supplies      7.00
Com. McNey, dues     1.00
Sale of Buttons      1.00
Total    $28.00
Expenditures.
Com. Gribble, organizing $10.00
Local Calgary, rent    6.00
Total    $10.00
FRANK DANBY,
SASKATCHEWAN   PROVINCIAL
EXECUTIVE.
Meeting held June 3rd.
Minutes of previous meeting adopted.
Correspondence dealt with from
Local Regina, Local Menzles and Organizer Lestor.
Arrangement was made for organizer to stump the northern part of the
Battleford district as sqon as possible.
Receipts.
Collections  $1.10
Local Regina to organization  7.50
Local Menzles to organization... 5.00
Local Menzles, due stamps  3.80
Collection  70
Fennell Hall, due stamps  3.00
$21.10
Expenditure.
Hall rent' '. $7.50
Stationery and postage 50
Expenses, organizer   1.00
Chairs   7.50
Postage stamps  1.00
Clarion cards, May and June— 2.00
To sign, half cost  2.50
$22.00
From ladysmith Local No 10, to the
B. C. Executive Committee,
Greeting: —
At a joint meeting of the English
and Finnish Locals, held at Ladysmith, with delegates attending from
Nanaimo (two); from Chase River
Local (three); and South Wellington
Local (two), on Sunday, June 4th,
1911, the question discussed was that
the Provincial Executive Committee
had exceeded its powers In revoking
the Charter of Nanaimo Local No. 3,
S. P. of C. on the grounds that "its
statements re James Hurst Hawthornthwaite appear to the Executive Committee unproved and malicious."
In the first place James Hurst Hawthornthwaite "had resigned and was
no longer a member of the Party" to
quote his own words.
In the second place Local Nanaimo
No. 3, S. P. of C. was not notified to
present its case before the Executive
Committee.
And thirdly being several times refused the use of the Western Clarion
In explaining its attitude to the members of the Party.
This meeting of the above Locals
and delegates strongly protests again-
at such action and demands of the Executive Committee that the Charter be
returned to Local No. 3.
Therefore be It resolved that this
meeting is emphatically of the opinion
that the period of time for discussing
this matter In the Clarion be extend-
ded to August 1st, so that all the Lo
cals in II. C. have ample time to weigh
the pros, and cons of this matter.
Further, be it resolved that the
Charter of Local No. 3 be returned to
Nanalmo In order to place It In good
standing to present Its cnse.
Be It further resolved that the use
of the columns of the Western Clarion
shall not be withheld from any who
are Interested and are memberB of the
Party, and;
Further, that a Provincial Convention be called as early as possible to
outline the duties, responsibilities and
power of the officials paid, and unpaid,
members of parliament, and organizers.
Signed V. J. LAAKSANEN,
Chairman.
T. L. BRIGGS,
Secretary Pro Tem,
Local No. 10.
♦ * *
(For the information of the Party
members lt Is necessary to state that
Local Ladysmlth appears to have been
misinformed, for, of the three statements upon which the above purports
to be based, two are absolutely untrue.
To show the untruth of the statement
that "Local Nanaimo was not notified
to present its case before the Executive," lt Is merely r.eceBsnry to state
that the Executive has on file a communication dated April 9th from Local Nanaimo acknowledging receipt
of the Executive's request for a report on the case and informing the Executive that a committee had been appointed to draft the report. The statement that Local Nanaimo had been
"refused the use of the Western Clarion in explaining its attitude," is also
untrue and presumably invented as an
attempt to justify that Local In publishing its vilifications in the capitalist
gutter press, after which they have
little claim to further consideration. Local Nanalmo's explanation was first published in the
Nanaimo Herald and the Executive
was favored with a marked copy of the
same with a request for publication
which was complied with. The only
communication from Local Nanaimo
which was turned down was a notice
to the effect that Hawthornthwaite
had "resigned from the Local and was
no longer a member of the Party."
But such a notice can by no stretch of
the imagination be called an explanation of the Local's position, and, for
that very reason, as well as on account of the technical loopholes It afforded both parties concerned, was obviously open to objection. As to the
other of the three statements, "that
Hawthornthwaite had resigned and
was not a party member," all we have
to say is that it appears to us a rather slim technicality to advance as a
shield behind which a Local may with
impunity indulge in an orgy of wanton
character assassination.
In regard to the extension of the
time for the discussion of this affair
it may be stated that if there is any
reasonably general demand for such
an extension the Executive will of necessity comply. However, It may be
remarked in passing that to fill the
Clarion with a reiteration of unproved
statements and misstatements is
hardly a course likely to meet with the
approval of the Party at large.
LOCAL NEW WESTMINSTER.
Comrade:—
. .This Local passed the following resolution unanimously, to be published
in the Western Clarion:
"Resolved,  that a  Provincial  Convention be called as soon as possible to
investigate Nanaimo affair."
Yours for revolution,
JOSEPH, C. WILLIAMS,
Fin. Seety.
VANCOUVER  RESOLUTION.
D. G. McKenzie,
Sec. B. C. Prov. Ex. Com.,
Dear Comrade:—
Local Vancouver at Its weekly meeting this evening passed the following
resolution, and ordered it published in
the Clarion:
"Local Vancouver unanimously endorse the Executive's action in expelling Local Nanaimo.
Y'ours in revolt,
F. PERRY,
Secretary Local Vancouver.
June 13th No. 1, S. P. of C.
LOCAL ENDERBY NO. 65, S. P. OF C.
D. G. McKenzie,
Sec'y. Prov. Ex. Com'., S. P. of C.
At a meeting (regular) held June
4th, a further discussion on the Hawthornthwaite affair took place. Secre
tary censured for reporting last meeting's discussion without authority of
the local. Local autonomy was also
discussed and Sec. IV., Art. 2 condemned. We came to the conclusion
that matters re Party members ought
to be dealt with by the whole party
of the Province through the Provincial
Executive Committee, and not by any
one local, as Plnkerton thugs might
be drafted to certain locals as good
Socialists and cause the discredit or
expulsion of a member who may be
holding a prominent or strategic position.
" Motion passed that Nanaimo Local
be condemned for taking its initlul
action re Hawthornthwaite through
the public press. I am further instructed to write to you to ask if you
have any further information you
can send this local re Hawthornthwaite's action toward Nanalmo local
other than what was published In
Clarion No. 032, May 20th. as we flnd
nothing condemnatory to Hawthornthwaite from the report of Nanalmo
Local. I am also instructed to request the publication of this In the
Western Clarion.
In revolt,
P. ROSOMAN.
to put off our afternoon meeting on
account of rain and hail, but we had
an interesting study of the Paris Commune. Seven thirty rolled round and
the rain had ceased, but as usual the
God peddlers were out and we had to
wait till they adjourned, when we secured their crowd of about 400. Lestor got ln some good work before the
law prohibited us from street speaking, so we adjourned to the Trades
Hall, and "ye gods and little fishes,"
the crowd flocked till the Btairway
was blocked and some had to be content with the outside. Lestor delivered tbe dope in good style for over
an hour, till he could speak no longer
for the heat. The sweat was running
down every slave's face In the audience. Lestor got two subs, and we
sold about three dollars' worth of literature; also took a collection of
three dollars odd. The slaves drank
in the dope like a kid drinking fresh
milk.
We have received stamps and due
cards from the Provincial Executive at
Battleford. It has been a long call but
we are launched in "Muzzle Jaw" for
the Revolution; the Clarion has accomplished it. We have six active
members who may not be Lestors or
O'Briens or Grlbbles, but we are for
the whole bakery. At the business
meeting last night it was decided to
have a card in the Clarion.
A. STEWART.
CAPE BRETON CONVENTION.
The Party in Cape Breton met on
the 24th of May to discover and take
action upon several important questions of consequence to the movement.
We are ln the middle of a campaign
now (which, however, will be over by
the time this reaches the "Clarion"),
and are feeling pretty well satisfied
with the opportunity it is giving us to
propagate Revolutionary Socialism and
the effect it is having on the local
workers. The convention decided to
run two candidates at the next Federal Election, one for North and South
Riding, and to contest every succeeding election.
Some lengthy discussion took place
in regard to the C. S. Federation, and
the attitude taken is expressed in the
following resolution:
WHEREAS, an organization has
been formed in Canada, known as the
Socialist Federation of Canada whose
platform and tactics differ materially
from the revolutionary platform and
program of the Socialist Party of Canada;
Be it resolved, that this convention
of the S. P. of C. in Cape Breton adhere strictly to the platform and tactics of the revolutionary working class
movement. And we strongly recommend that our party members do all
In their power to increase the circulation of the "Western Clarion," the
only official organ of the party, and
that we have no time to waste with
reform sheets and reform tactics.
It has been decided to run a monthly paper as soon as it is found possible. The press of the old parties has
found it best to ignore us as much as
possible; some of our big meetings at
which O'Brien did good work have not
been mentioned. They pay great attention to each other though.
We have very    much    appreciated
Comrade O'Brien's visit of over two
weeks,  his  propaganda  was  in  line
with our conception of the movement.
Yours   for  the  revolution,
NASH,
Secretary.
A SUGGESTION.
To the Ladles who want "The Vote."
Make your own laws—observe them.
Ignore the party political juggernaut.
Go back to the etymology of the names, male and female and you will come
nearer to a sense of "justice." Hardy
annuals have fulled, so try Hardy Actions.
WILHELMINA   REES.
MOOSE JAW, SASK.
Comrade Mc: —
Received Literature O.K., and on
Saturday got word from Lestor to arrange a meeting for Sunday, June 4,
so hustled around and secured the
hall, also some chalk, and chalked
everything that would chalk.   We had
ATENTS
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je solid, the busjiiess ot Manufacturers,
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PLAN — Write A. F. Cobb,
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2. State about color and price
of Suit desired.
3. Return samples and order
with deposit of $5.00 to A. F.
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A. F. COBB
GADSUV, ALTA.
t
atmmama
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in co mention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of tha
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; ths worker a
slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The Interest of the working class lies In tbe direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by tho abolition of tho wag*
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at tbe
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transform*- ■
tlon of capitalist property ia the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to bold, the worker to secure it by
political action.  This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when In office shall always and everywhere
until the present system ls abolished, make tbe answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; If It will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to IL
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
OVER 68 YEARS'
EXPERIENCE
Trade Marks
Designs
Copyrights Ae.
Anyone sending a sketch and doiorlptlon mnr
qutcKlj ascertain our opinion free whether an
Invention II prohablr pnleiitulilo.   Oommuiile*.
Invention le probably put
hot* Btrlotlj oouUdontlal.
tloneatrletlTConlldontlBl. HANDBOOK on Patent*
aunt froe. Oldeet agencr for -omirlntf patent*.
1'utontfl taken throuab Munn A Co. recolTa
special notice, without charge. In tha
Scientific American.
A handsomely UlnitntM wMkly. tvswt circulation ol any iWtml.tle journal. Terms* for
CiuiaiU, •WT6 a year, it-oaUge prepaid. Sold by
aU Demdealen.
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-q-.-stni't- *K"**"*», *%*> * *t*   *»**»»in*in«»--ir 1    ,
PROPAGANDA
MEETING
Empress
Theatre
Sunday, June
18
PRICE   LI8T   OF   LITERATURE
Issued   by   the   Dominion   Executive
Committee
"Slave of the Farm," or "Proletarian in Politics," to locals subscribing
to the publishing fund, $1.00 per 100;
to others, 25c per dozen.
"Socialism and Unionism," to locals
subscribing to the publishing fund,
$1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per dozen.
"The Struggle for Existence," to locals subscribing to the publishing
fund, $1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per
dozen.
"Value, Price and Profit," to subscribers to publishing fund, $2.00 per
100; to others, 30c per dozen.
"Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism," to subscribers to publishing
fund, $6.00 per 100; to others, 75c per
dozen.
LOCAL VANCOUVER   NO. 1
PRICE LI8T OF LITERATURE.
Th* Student's Kan   S1.00
Philosophical Essays, Joa. Dlettgan 1.00
Materialist Con. of Hlatory, Labrlola 1.00
Critique of  Pol. Economy,  Marx...   1.00
Landmark! of Bo. Boo. (An-l-Duhrlng)..
Marx           1.00
Industrial  Hlatory of England,  Gibbons     x.OO
Great Am. Fortunes, 3 vol   4.60
Barbarous   Maxico,   Turner  .......  1.S0
Ancient  Bociety,  Morgan  1.50
History of Commune, Llsssagaray..    .00
History of Commune,  Marx 60
The above works will be sent pott-
paid to any part of Canada. This is
only a selection of our stock and almost any bound work ln Chas. H.
Kerr's catalogue can be had. Orders
to be addressed David Galloway, 2241
Main St., Vancouver.
TO HOUSEKEEPERS
(Qlf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate ol cost of
installing the gas pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited. (Too*
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUVER. BRITISH COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1911.
Loyal Subjects of the King
("Subjects Are Slaves," Aristotle.)
Open Letter lo Secretary Green, Sask.
G. G. A.
Dear Mr. Green: —
The Guide of May 17th, page 22,
contains an editorial from you re a
resolution from the G. G. A. Executive
about a per capita tax of 15 cents per
member for the purpose of presenting
King George V with a memento.
Kindly allow me to express my opinion on the question through the press.
I am opposed to such a step, Mr. Green,
and therefore refuse to pay even one-
fifteenth part of one cent for such a
purpose. Since we enjoy freedom of
speech and freedom of press (sometimes) I herewith state my reasons.
A king ls a member of that section
of society known as the aristocracy,
and that section has in the past held
the position as the ruling class. Today it ls the plutocrats who are the
real rulers. That is to say, Capitalism
rules the world to-day. As long as a
king does not seriously interfere with
or handicap Capitalism he is allowed
to be the nominal ruler in some countries, but whenever he does not realize
his position as a mere puppet of Capitalism a king is very soon put on the
unemployed list, as we have seen recently with the King of Portugal.
Whether the working class of society, to which class I happen to belong, is ruled by aristocrats or by
plutocrats makes no difference to the
workers. In either case they are subjected to exploitation of labor by the
ruling class of society, whichever class
happens to control the powers of state
for the time being.
The French revolution was nothing
but the finish of a long struggle between the ruling aristocrats and the
rising plutocrats. Plutocracy, or capitalism won out as it has done everywhere. From chattel slavery through
feudalism to capitalism and from capitalism to socialism is the progress of
evolution. Needless to say that the
existing ruling class will to the very
last oppose evolution. They wish
things to remain as they are because
things are good to them as long as
they have control of the machinery of
state. As long as society is divided
into a ruling class and a subject, or
working class, the ruling class will,
of course, remain on the back of the
working class and no ruling class has
ever Bhown any Inclination to get off
the back of labor or the working class,
and why should they as long as they
do not have to? On the contrary they
have always resisted to the utmost
any attempt which the working class
may have made from time to time to
free themselves of the rule of the
masterclass. History, both ancient
and modern, is so full of these attempts of the working class to free
themselves that it seems almost marvelous that the working class today
does not yet realize its position in
society, but continue on election day
to support their very enemies. One
must, however, not overlook the fact
that the master class has control of
the means of education of the working
class, and as long as that is the case
the master class will see to It that
such education consists mainly ln the
form of brain chloroform, which prevents the working class from seeing
things as they are. Aristotle the "immortal Hellenic," was very plain and
outspoken on these subjects, but the
master class do not want the working
class to get hold of his teachings. I
will   quote   from   Aristotle   presently.
Diogenes, the cynic (Born about 412
B. C, and died about 323 B.C.), often
expressed his surprise at slaves, who,
seeing their masters eating in a gluttonous manner, still do not themselves
lay hands on any of the eatables.
(Library of Original Sources, Vol. 2,
page 341.)
Is there any difference between the
masterclass of ancient slave empire
days, the feudal lords or masters, and
the master class of today as regards
their treatment of the workerB? In
some Instances there ls and in others
again there is not. Nowadays, thanks
to Inventions, labor has become very
productive, bo much so, that the mas
ter class connot always sell the pro
ducts of labor as fast as labor can pro
duce same. You see, labor produces
between $10 and $14 worth of goods
per day and gets paid for their labor
less than $2 per day on an average,
according to government statistics.
The result Is that labor can only buy
back one-fifth, or less oi the gocas
which labor produces and foreign markets can no longer consume that portion of labor's product which the master class must dispose of ln order to
keep factory, mill, mine and transportation going full time, which means a
part and sometimes a great part of labor becoming what is generally termed unemployed. In other words, when
the master class have no need of the
workers for the time being they kick
them out, turn them adrift to shift
for themselves which means starvation in countless cases; it means slum
conditions with its vice, crime and
disease, it means hell on earth for
these unfortunates.
In this respect the master class of
the past acted differently. They
would find a new home for the worker
or slave if the master did not need
him any longer. The Romans had
a law that if the masters did not treat
their slaves right they were liable
to punishment. Nowadays we find
that a member of the working class
can work himself into the ranks of
the master class, but this applies
only to very odd individuals, but we
flnd plenty of records that such could
be done under slavery.
On the other hand, history is full of
proof that the master class are always ready, as a class, no matter
whether it is under slavery days or
feudalism or capitalism, to remain the
master class. They have no hesitation, when need be from their point
of view, to slaughter such portion of
the workers as they think may become
dangerous to their position as the master class The results of the slave uprisings in the ancient times, the peasants uprisings at various times during feudalism and the labor strikes
nowadays are all the same. Npw-a-
dayB, the police, the militia, part of
the army or navy, are called out on
the slightest pretext and ready to
shoot defenceless men and women
and children, just to teach them their
places as the under dogs. The master
class have been in the past, as they
are today, in possession of the means
of life and, therefore, control the very
life of the workers themselves, and
this will remain so as long as there
is a master class owning the means of
life and a working class who may not
use these means of life, except as the
masters need them.
Meantime economic conditions are
getting worse as invention and labor-
saving machinery become more plentiful, but King George V. is helpless to
do anything in the matter, because the
only way out for the working class
is through collective ownership of all
the means of life. That, however,
would do away with the master class,
and that is, of course, not in line with
King George's or any other king's interest. A very good reason why I decline to contribute anything towards
your proposed plan of hero worship.
The scraps which we have seen in the
past between landlords and money-
lords may very well be compared with
a scrap between two dogs, fighting
over a juicy piece of meat. Labor is
a very Juicy piece of meat nowadays
being so very productive, and it is no
wonder that the two sections of the
master class.have been at loggerheads
as to who should have the biggest
slice of the plunder. The struggle between Aristocracy and Plutocracy in
England for the last hundred years or
so has been rather interesting from
the point of view of the working class.
Allow me to briefly call your attention to same.
In 1830, the party which represents
capitalism, called the Liberal party
(they want liberty to exploit labor),
came into offlce under that name for
the first time under that hater of democracy and liberty, Lord Melbourne,
and from that time we see the political
struggle between aristocrat and plutocrat as represented by the Liberals
and Tories, brought out very prominently. The Liberals, representing capitalism would enact legislation against
labor unions in order that capitalism
might extract more surplus value out
of unorganized labor, but   the   torles
Real  Estate  Investments
Large fortunes have been made by judicious investments in real estate and natural resources on this
Western Count and in the vicinity of Vancouver,
owing to the increasing social demand for these
things, occasioned by the, large influx of population.
Larger fortunes will yet be made, but it requires more
money than formerly to handle them. Having had considerable experience in handling these propositions, I intend forming a limited liability company for the purpose,
and shall be pleased to forward further particulars to any
having large or small sums they are not using which may
possibly ho lying at the bank depreciating in value.
W. W. Lefeatsx, Broke*
Holly barn, West Vancouver, B.C.
when in offlce would enact legislation
to the benefit of labor unions in order
to get at their arch enemy, capitalism.
As soon as he had taken office, Melbourne appointed a commission to inquire into the working of labor unions,
which he regarded as "a very formidable difficulty and danger." (History
of Trade Unionism, Webb). The two
commissioners appointed were already
well known to be bitterly opposed to
the trade unions as all students of the
subject know. They reported in favor
of terrible measures of repression in
a report so vicious that Lord Melbourne's government dared not even
present It to the House of Commons,
much less try to embody Its proposals
in legislation. Nevertheless, Lord
Melbourne and his Cabinet decided to
carry on a campaign of persecution
against the unions, as shown by the
imprisonment of the Lancashire miners and the Southwark shoemakers In
1832, and the tanners of Bermondsey
and laborers of Dorchester, In 1834. It
was left to the torles to relieve the
unions by acts of 1859 and 1861. They
definitely legalized unionism and the
use of peaceful, persuasive methods of
inducing non-unionists to join the unions—picketing. Again the Liberals,
under Gladstone this time, showed
their hostility to organized labor by
passing the Infamous Criminal Law
Amendment Act, the most cruel measure ever directed against English
trade unions,
Seven, women in South Wales were
imprisoned for shouting "Bah!" after a
blackleg (scab) and in 1872 Lord Justice Brett passed sentence of imprisonment upon the London gas-stokers
for merely preparing to strike. In
1874 the Liberals went out of office
with the curae of trade unions upon
them and it was left to the Tories once
more to help the workers. In 1875
Mr. Cross introduced legislation which
was carried in the teeth of strong opposition, repealing the Criminal Law
amendment Act of 1871, and making
employer and employee equal parties
to a civil contract. This was the real
charter of English trade unionism,
hailed as such by the Trade Union
Congress of 1875, which voted its
thanks to Mr. Cross. The landlords
enacted the corn law (tariff on wheat)
which sent the price of bread up. By
doing this the landlords could expect
more rent for their lands, out the
moneylords would have to pay higher
wages to their factory workers as a
consequence of increased cost of living.
Then the capitalist carried on a
great anti-corn law agitation, led by
Cobden and Bright. They succeeded
in repealing the corn tariff, and English wheat land, unable to compete
with the United States, went largely
out of cultivation. While the struggle
lasted, each side blamed the other fbr
all the social ills that existed. As
however, money lords became owners
of estates and landlords embarked in
capitalist exploitation the line between the two became less distinct
and the laborers, not knowing which
side to turn to for relief, started a
political party of their own, viz., the
labor party, but labor is the under
dog still. As to the question of high
cost of living and low cost of living,
it will be found that wherever the
cost of living is low, as for Instance
in Japan, China, Mexico, and India,
and maybe some of the Southern States of Europe, it will be found that the
wages of the workers are also very
low, but wherever the cost of living
is high the worker's wage is high accordingly. Or, in other words, on an
average the workers get enough to
continue to exist, no more. All the
rest which they produce goes to the
master class be it landlord or money-
lord. Labor is far more productive
than in the past, enormously more so,
but still the workers' share Is about
the same, while millions of them are
continuously on the brink of starvation in the midst of plenty.
I fully realize my position in Society
as a member of the working class, and
know that our class cannot expect
anything but kicks from the masterclass. I do not agree with Aristotle
that there ls an Identity of interests
between capital and labor. The ancient Greek thinker ln his "Political
Ideas on the Origin of the State" tells
ub "that there must a union between
natural ruler and subject that both
may be preserved. For he who can
foresee with hiB mind is by nature intended to be lord and master, and he
who can work with his body is a subject, and by nature a slave; hence
master and slave have the same interest." It should be remembered, however, that Aristotle was a member of
the master class and would of course,
take a master class view of things.
His father, Nlcomachos, was physician
to the King of Macedonia. He was
born in 384 B.C., and entered the
academy under Plato when 18, and
later on became teacher of Alexander.
The above part of Aristotle's writings has been handed down to us, and
we are still taught the "Identity of Interests between master and slave, or
capital and labor, or skinner and skinned, by whichever name we like to
call lt, but, listen to the following remark of the ancient Hellenic:
"Let us," says Aristotle, "then enumerate tbe functions of a state, and
we shall easily elicit what we want.
"First, there must be food; secondly,
arts, thirdly there must be arms in order to maintain authority against disobedient subjects, etc." Further on
he remarks that "since we are here
speaking of the best form of government, and that under which the state
will be most happy, it clearly follows
that In the state whicli is best governed the citizens who are absolutely
and not merely relatively just men,
must not lead the life of mechanics or
tradesmen, for such a life is ignoble
and inimical to virtue. Neither must
they be husbandmen, since leisure Is
necessary both for the development of
virtue and the performance of political duties. Besides, the ruling class
should be the owners of property, for
tbey are citizens, and the citizens of
a state should be In good circumstances; whereas mechanics or any other
class whose art excludes the art of
virtue have no share in the state.
"This follows from our flrst principles, for happiness cannot exist without virtue, and clearly, property should
be in the hands of the (virtuous) citizens, since husbandmen will of necessity be slaves or barbarians. The
very best thing of all would be that
the husbandmen should be slaves, not
all of the same race and not spirited,
for if they have no spirit they will be
better suited for their work, and there
will be no danger of their making a
revolution."
(Continued in next issue)
MANITOBA  COMRADES,  "NOTICE.'
The Manitoba Provincial Executive
wishes to draw the attention of comrades throughout the province to the
necessity of doing everything in their
power to make Comrade Lestor's tour
of the province a success from every
standpoint. Those wishing dates after
July 1st, please notify the secretary.
We would again inform you that
offers of accommodation for Lestor en
tour, and money, will enable us to
keep him on the road that much longer.
It has been the policy of Manitoba
Executive to get as many members
at large throughout the country as possible, and we wish that Socialists who
are not attached to any local would
join with us and help build up an organization. Don't put it off, but write
now.
In order to avoid misunderstanding
between locals and the Executive regarding matters parliamentarian, and
seeing that the Dominion elections are
approaching and the necessity of putting up candidates as the best means
of drawing attention to our propaganda, the Executive decided to reaffirm
a bylaw passed February 21st, 1910,
with corrections.
Bylaw No. 1. That all members of
the Socialist Party of Canada elected
to the Dominion House of Parliament
shall act as organizers for the party.
Section No. 1. Providing that members elected are unable to fulfill the
duties of organizers, their salaries
shall be devoted to the aforementioned
purpose, excepting such times as members are engaged attending the sessions.
Yours in revolt,
W. H. STEBBINGS.
316 Good St.
SOWING THE SEED
On the 28th day of May I addressed
a meeting at North Battleford. The
subject was "The Transformation of
Human Nature," and on the 29th I
caught the 8:30 a. m. train for Dundurn. On arriving at the latter place
I instantly made for the tailor shop of
Comrade Day. Day is a tailor, or
rather was. He is now a renovator.
Tailoring doesn't pay when the trusts
sell suits cheaper than they will sell
you the shoddy to make them with.
The meeting happened at an unfortunate time. Rival attractions attracted
some portion of the small community.
A parson was having a farewell gathering of his shorn lambs, and a spontaneous get-up of the light fantastic
completed the general demoralization.
However, the old stand-bys and a few
new faces turned up and we had a
splendid gathering, considering the circumstances, I left the comrades next
day. Tracey waB to address another
meeting the Saturday following and
the Dundurn boys may be depended
upon to keep up the agitation.
On arriving at Regina, I instantly
went to the offlce of the Leader and
put In an ad. to the effect that I
would speak the following night "On
the Rise of the Proletariat." It
speaks well for the work of the Regina boys to know that in that short
space of time we were enabled to attract a comfortable audience. Meetings are held in Reglna every week,
and the local daily grows in knowledge and numbers.
The next place to bombard was
Swift Current and on the flrst of June
I had barely entered the Imperial
Hotel when Comrade Haight came up
and made himself known. Haight is
nearly seventy years of age, but active and strong with a heart as young
as a boy of twenty. He was at one
time engaged as a propagandist in
tbe States. We drove out five miles
to a school house near where Haight
lives. There is one good thing about
a comrade who is a farmer, he can
always place a horse and rig at your
disposal. I could not atempt to count
the number of long rides I have taken
since coming into the province. Without their aid in this direction propaganda in rural districts would be impossible. We had a fine meeting of
farmers, Haight making a flrstclass
chairman. There is something about
a man mellowed In the movement
that carries conviction and Halght's
experience enables him to preside at
a gathering in a maner I wish all
chairmen could imitate. One man, a
comrade, had driven twenty-five miles
on purpose to assist us. Mark that,
you Industrial workers. What man
amongst you would do as much?
The day following, we drove Into
town and there made the acquaintance of Comrade Grenache, of Maple
Coulee. He had come thirty-five miles
the day before, but in spite of every
exertion he arrived too late for the
meeting. We decided to hold another
In the street aud Haight fetched the
soap-box, which I mounted. It was
soon evident we were in for lively
times. Three red coats and two blue
coats gathered with the crowd, a portion of which were inclined to sling
abuse and try the effect of cheap wit
on your humble. Getting the better
of the latter contest enabled me to
ain the utention of the audience, but
that did not suit the guardians of
law and order. They marched quickly
up the sidewalk and quickly down
again, pushing the crowd off. One
man did not get off quick enough and
sat down on the edge and to the surprise of everybody a policeman instantly seized him and a scuffle ensued. The man was a small man and
as he was on the ground to start with
had no show. He had no support,
either, for the policeman choked him
into submission before three hundred
people. The slaves of Swift Current
are well trained. The man I have
spoken of was not arrested, the superior officer present, perhaps, considering the slave was not enough at
fault to make a case of It.
The meeting went splendidly after
this. The crowd caught the points as
fast as I could make them. An illustration like the one described above
always carries conviction with it. It
is remembered longer than the words
of the best speech ever given. It Is
the best of all propaganda and does
good every time whether it happens
in a free speech fight or a strike riot.
It shows plainly to the most thickheaded that so long as the state Is ln
the hands of the capitalist class, just
so long shall we bo at their mercy.
The day after was Saturday and I
travelled on to Moose Jaw. Sandy
Stewart was at home and we advertised a meeting as best we could for
Sunday night. A terrific thunderstorm
shook the town on Sunday afternoon,
but cleared up about 7 p.m. Sandy
and I went and stood near the Salvation Army, and when the tambourine
had completed the circuit, and the
soldiers of His Celestial Majesty began their march, 1 took the middle of
the street and addressed the crowd.
I told them that the police would
move me in a few minutes and that
I wished to advertise a Socialist meeting in the Trades Hall before they did
so. Before very long things happened just as I had anticipated. The
policeman, however, was polite and
courteous. He told me that the landlord of the hotel near which I was
speaking objected to the crowd and
that he was bound to request me to
speak somewhere else. I had achieved
my object, however, and the Trades
Hall was just as full as It could hold,
when the crowd followed me there.
I did what I could in the shape of
a fast and furious speech. The place
was so hot as to be unbearable, and
I knew the best natured crowd could
not stand.it very long.
We had a successful meeting, and at
the conclusion the Moose Jaw local
was re-formed. There are many
good Reds recently arrived in this
city and the agitation lately undertaken here has enabled them to get
together.
The day' following I journeyed on
to Eyebrow. The only man I had
heard of there with the exception
of Foulstone, who lives nine miles out,
was Haight, son of Haight, of Swift
Current. He proved to be a chip of
the old block, however, and the day
after we had a good meeting on the
verandah of the hotel.
Then back to Reglna I wended my
way and Ben Simmons did not realize
what feelings of a sardonic nature he
aroused in me when he said: "We
want you to lecture on 'Money,' on
Sunday." Money! The Provincial
Executive has no money and a salary
of the smallest dimensions is impossible for the organiser. The kindness
of Comrade Colllngwood enabled me
to get to Dundurn, and I was transported the route by the comrade on
the way. (Note—the Provincial Executive is up against lt and the propaganda must not stop. The movement
is healthy and strong and although lt
is a fearful struggle just now, still,
signs are not wanting that we shall
soon be able to work easier and better.  The political machine of the Reds
in the province is being steadily manufactured.)
The schoolboy said, "Faith is believing what you know aint so," and
we can have faith In nothing hut ourselves. We have, as slaves, only one
thing that the capitalist class does not
own and thai is the party. That will
be as good and as powerful as we
make it. Let us do all we can in the
nature of propaganda; all we can in
the nature of organization. There ls
no time for wrangling; no time to
split hairs. It is effort, not argument
that wins.
I wonder how much we could do lt
we only all tried for one single month
to do our best.   Go to It, everybody.
LESTOR.
BRANTFORD LEAFLET.
WHY?
Why do you work hard in the factories and shops; year ln, year out, In
the shifting heat of summer, and during the cold blasts of winter?
Why don't you take the wife and
family to a summer cottage among the
Muskoka Lakes, or down to the Atlantic beach during the hot spell? Would
it do them any harm? Or do you like
to slave away summer and winter
(when you have got a job), and tramp
the country and starve when you have
not got a job?
Why do you let the children sell
papers on the street instead of having
a good time like the children of your
"betters"?
Why do you let your wife go out
washing and cleaning? Why can't she
stay at home and look after her own
house and enjoy herself in the company of her children?
Why do the "better class" refuse
to work in foundry and shop and field?
Why don't they send their wives and
.children out to work to help to ease
the burden of someone else?
Why don't they give up their pleasant holiday tours to Europe in summer, and California and the Mediter-
annean countries in the winter?
Why don't U>e.v live in slums (like
you do) ? Why don't they wear cheap,
shoddy clothes (like you do?)
Why don't they eat adulterated and
cheap food and all the "scrag ends"
(like you do?) Why are they not content to wait until they are dead in
order to have a mansion and all Its
trimmings (like you are)?
Why don't you realize that those
people don't have to?
Why don't you get next to the fact
that the "better class," or capitalist
class, rob the working class—of which
you are a member?
Why not try and overthrow the reasonings of those who say that the Idle
rich live off the sweat of the brow of
the industrious poor because of their
power to exploit the workers, by reason of their ownership of the means of
production?
Why cannot the working clasB do
for themselves what they are already
doing for the capitalist class?
Why not help to educate your fellow workers up to the point of deserving to own those things we need In
order to live?
Why not try and disprove the Socialists who say that to the owners of
production always flow the benefits
of human labor and Improvements In
machinery? Why are your masters
and all the henchmen and hangers-on
of the capitalist class afraid that you
will begin to read and study Socialism? Why does the capitalist class
rob the workers of four-flfthB of what
they produce?
Why cannot you see that Is the very
reason that you should attend meetings of the Socialist Party and study
the position of your class in human
society.
Why don't you call round at the Socialist headquarters at 13 George St.,
Brantford on Thursday and Sunday
evenings and discuss these questions?
• •   *
What are you Socialists going to
do with the man who has worked hard
for a number of years and has saved
up enough to buy some good dividend-
paying shares in a large manufacturing concern?
This is a question we are frequently
asked. The best reply ls to ask another. What would he do with his
shares if the slaves decided to quit
producing  surplus  value?
T. H. E.
• •   •
The week's sub. list.
Lestor, Sask IS
C. M. O'Brien, N. S  9
"Smith," Vancouver  3
J. C. Burgess, Vancouver  3
J. W. S. Logie, Summerland  2
B. Simmons, Reglna  2
Singles.
W. Byatt, R. P. Woodward, City; W.
Baguley, New Westminster, B. 0,"
Bert Irwin, Meeting Creek, Alta., and
50 cents to Maintenance Fund; Russell Grant, Kaleden, B. C; W. Tracy,
Dundurn, Sask.; A. G. McCallum, Ottawa, Ont.; Jos. Watson, Winnipeg;
Job. Effler, Grandvlew, Man.; H. A
Gilchrist, New Westminster; Alf. Johnson, Salmon Arm, B, C; Alex. McLennan, Kelowna, B. C; J. Pllklngton, Enderby, B. C.

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