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Western Clarion Jul 9, 1910

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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, July 9, 1910.
Subscript!** rrlaa
Txx Taaa
The Worker Liarns to Fear Starvation in this World   and
is Taught to Fear Damnation in the Next.
Comrade Editor,—In this particular
, part of the world at this time ot Ihe
I year, the laborer is nothing but a per-
: petual motion machine. He revels in
i motion. He toils and moils from early
\ in the morning till late at night. You
I can see him on buildings, in elevators,
in factories and foundries, in ditches
■  and trenches, the sweat standing on
I) his   forehead   in  beads   and   malting
I'-white channels down his grimy face.
I',The foreman stauds over him with a
watchful eye and when you see the
\i, laborer's pick rising and falling you
understand the law of gravitation, and
that profound law of nature, the
rythm of motion.
When the laborer is not working lie
lives in fear of want, and when he is
working his fears are increased, for
he lives in fear of want and fear of his
boss.   "Please, Mr. Boss, let me live."
|',y':No, I can make more profit out of
another man.   Go ana starve."
When the laborer goes lo church
they try to get him well scared with
the fear of hell. Not content with ihe
suffering and endurance of pains in
this world, the parson threatens him
with pains in a world to come. So
altogether the poor wage slave has a
glorious time. He is all the time in
a state of fear. Truly he is of all men
the most miserable.
Instead of listening to the pleasures
and pains to be endured in another
world, he had better- by far work out
his own salvation right here, nOw.
He can only do this by becoming a
Socialist and voting for his own benefit.
However, there be a good many of
us who are not concerned with the
fear of hell or the hope of heaven.
The Socialist leaves that to the Salvation Army. They have solved the
problem. They know all about it.
They are tinkling cymbals, sounding
trumpets, beating drums. The heathen Chinee lets off fireworks to scare
the devil away. Make a cheerful
And you wage slaves, keep moving.
Work while it is day, for does not
Satan always find some mischief for
idle hands to do? So let the beads of
sweat stand out on your manly brow.
Mortify the flesh; do. Let your life be
one long endurance ot pain. Then
probably you will become a winged
pauper of the skies. Is there anything
more sublime than the idea of a man
fluttering around the starry heavens
wearing a crown of gold and twanging
a harp. By the twang of a string, it
sounds heroic.
When, I hear lt proclaimed abroad
I feel like saying, "For God's sake,
Lords, convey my tristful queen, for
tears do stop the floodgates of her
eyes." Good gracious! I hear one
say, what has that to do with it?
Nothing at all. There is just about as
much sense in the one statement as
tho other.
We had a gallant Irishman on the
soap-box the other nlgnt. He exhorted us to think of a world to come. He
said he was a Christian, but he had no
sympathy with British government in
Ireland. A glorious combination.
We held open-air meetings atBran-
\ don June 12-19. Comrade Bert Bas-
table was chairman for one inflflkng;
Comrade Legge chairman of theWher.
We are bringing out one or two more
speakers in Brandon because wben
Comrade Fulcher Is elected for North
Winnipeg, Winnipeg's gain will be
Brandon's loss.
Comrade Fulcher was the principal
speaker at the above meetings. He
made two remarkably good speeches.
On each occasion he spoke for quite
two hours, and when he had finished
the crowd hung around reluctant to
go away. People in these days seem
to have got tired of the hysterical
emotionalism of extreme religious fanatics. It is useless to console the
wage slave with the joys to come,
"when his present life is one long misery, and so lt is no exaggeration to
aay that the common people heard
Comrade Fulcher gladly. They listened eagerly and swallowed what he
•aid greedily. "We may or we may
not he Increasing the number ot re
cruits in Brandon, but one thing is
certain—Socialism is being discussed
all over the place. We are abused
frightfully, but I believe every Socialist likes to be where the knocks
go and come.
We have a nice state of affairs in
Manitoba. One party accuses the
other of being like an ostrich
with its head buried in a sand
pit. Speak to a Liberal about
timber limits and he fades away
like the stars of the morning. If a
Socialist says anything about King
George they get white hot with indignation, but these politicians take the
oath of fidelity to King George and
then rob his empire. Well, that is
patriotic. They are honorable men,
nnd Brutus is an honorable man. The
political organizations of this country
are honey-combed with graft. The
charges made by party newspapers
against each other may or may not be
true, but I do know that the result is
a want of confidence in either party.
They debauch constituencies, lower
the moral tone of the country, and we
turn from them in disgust. In this
country we have very extravagant
ideas in religion and very low practices in politics. In the old country
some graft was exposed in connection
with Poplar workhouse and the delinquents were sent down for five and
seven years' penal servitude. In this
country grafters are honorable men.
These honorable men make regulations for Sunday to be kept like a
Jewish Sabbath, swear fidelity to the
King, and rob bis empire. I am not a
saint, for which I am truly thankful,
but I would have those robbers sent
down. But, however, what's the use?
It is human nature to lie, to be deceitful, to be crafty, cunning, to be
noble and to be honorable. The most
delightful combination of all these
virtues is to be found in a Puritanical
Machiayelli. A Puritanical grafter is
a joy forever; his loveliness increases
I would sooner have an ancient Stoic
than a mucky Christian. Who has not
read of the simplicity of the old Romans?
The Samnites sent a present of gold
to a great Roman general, Manilas
Curlus. The messengers found him
on his farm cooking his own dinner,
which was a turnip roasted in the
ashes of his fire, and he had only a
wooden dish to eat it on. He refused
the gold, saying, "It was more glorious
not to have gold but to have power
over those who had it." Will somebody please feed our Canadian politicians on mangold wurtzels, forked
radishes, roast frogs and boiled turnips?
Yours for Socialism,
Comrade Blake has told the Clarion
readers of my effort in the Legislative
Assembly of Alberta to amend the
resolution dealing with the death of
the King so as to make it include the
137 miners who were murdered about
the same time in Whitehaven mine,
Cumberland, England. Let me add
that they, the honorable and most
honorable members of the Assembly.
Liberals, Conservatives, Insurgents
and Independents, all in unison, not
only openly violated parliamentary
procedure, rules of order and established precedents by jumping to their
feet and taking a standing vote on the
resolution while I was trying to state
the amendment, but immediately they
had voted, they became respecters of
parliamentary rules, etc., and refused
to let me speak, on tho grounds that
there was no resolution before the Assembly, and while I was insisting that
so far as I was concerned the resolution had not yet been dealt with, and
that it was my privilege to amend any
resolution that came before that Assembly, they rushed in the Lieutenant-Governor and prorogued the Assembly.
One man rushed up to me from the
spectators and said to me, ".My friends
asked me to tell you that in their estimation you are a dam blackguard."
The following appeared in several of
their papers:    ■
"Severe on O'Brien.
High River Times.
When the mouthy Socialist member
for Rocky Mountain riding attempted
to speak disparagingly of the late
King in the Legislature hall at Edmonton, he should have been seized
and soundly kicked and cuffed, in fact
an application of tar and feathers and
cat-o'-niiie-tiiils would have been very
How the beast Capital through its
henchmen will snarl and growl and
threaten when one attempts to beard
it in' its den. And then remember, I
was.only asking it to extend sympathy
to some of its slaves. When we ask
for relief they will no doubt enforce
some of their threats. So let us not
ask but prepare to take.
Some of their papers said if I had
made the same remarks before a
street crowd not bound by the rules
of propriety, I would have been mobbed. Since then I have spoken to
large crowds on the street corners of
Edmonton, Calgary and several other
places, saying all that I said in the
Assembly and a great deal more that
honorable body would not allow me to
say, and I have only been interrupted
once. That was in Edmonton. A very
large, fine-looking, well-dressed man
said: "Young man, you had better be
careful; you are liable to be arrested
for treason." I replied: "I am waare
of that. I know that any effort in the
interest of my class is treason to the
rule or capital."
The crowd cheered me and said,
"Stay with it." They dared the big
interrupter who kept walking away to
stay and take the box and defend his
position. Had the unorganized street-
corner crowd been so fond of mobbing
as the capitalist henchmen accuse
them of being, it was the big interrupter, not I, that would have been
While such as this enables us to
show the character of things, yet It
is just as it should be. The other honorable members were true to the class
interests that they were elected to
defend. True to those who furnish
the campaign funds for their election.
They who pay tiie piper should call
the tune. Whenever the slaves get
wise then they will call the tune.
Only That (Message Which Will Awaken  The  Spirit o,
'Revolt Within Him.
He gave the Chicago Socialists
some practical advice on how to carry
on their campaign:
"It isn't essential," he said, "that
the workers be Instructed in Socialism. It doesn't make any difference
whether the workers understand Socialism or not.
"When you talk to the people about
how they ought to vote, talk to them
In their own language, not in isms and
ologles. A man may not be able to
understand those things, but he will
understand" the difference between a
big piece of sausage and a little one,
the difference between small taxes
and unreasonable taxes, and he can
easily be shown that the reason there
are boulevards ln front of tbe homes
of the rich Is that the rich furnish
graft for the politicians and the politicians in return furnish the boulevards."—Dally Socialist.
Will any comrade in Nelson, B. C,
Three Forks, Kootenay! send on the
address of Mr. J. F. Chapman who
lived in Newton Heath, Manchester,
Eng., some 7 or 8 years ago. He bas
a son-in-law named Harrop. A friend
from England ls anxiously awaiting
same. Reply to Moses Barltz, care
tern Clarion.
Scene:—Small town in Southern
Illinois, composed largely of retired
farmers with the addition of a floating
population of wage slaves.
Advertisement lu morning paper: —
Wanted, man to work in boiler-house.
Apply, So-and-So.
Being in search of a means to
scrape together a few dollars, the
writer wends his way hither and sees
the boss in the boiler house, and is
told he is the tenth man after the job,
which, of course, is gone to the man
who had information from the inside.
And what was it? Keeping four fires
going. Easy work, eh! Thermometer
only 95 degrees in the shade and the
price of the slave $1.50 a day. Only
11 hours a day, and only seven days a
Great! And a dear, asslnine old
lady said in my hearing yesterday:
"If the workers would save they would
be better off."
My God! The price of fairly decent
board %"s a week, and clothing and
extras to come off, and he can save?
Also in time be married and rear up
citizens for the country, and the glory
of Teddy, the antl race-suicide booster''
A free American citizen? He can enjoy recreation at nights when be lies
on the outside of his bed and chases
off the files from his exhausted body.
A pretty picture, Indeed, and a true one.
Oh, America, well named "The land ot
the free, but the home of the slave."
And Socialism will destroy the Incentive to work. Yet ten men apply
ln two hours for this degrading position. Their incentive? Fear of starvation. Where shall they turn for relief?   To the Socialist party?
Listen. A Socialist agitator spoke
on the streets here the other night
and appealed to the people to turn
down the old parties, as being ot no
use, to cleanse the People's government of corruption by the trusts, and
trust the Socialist party, where men
worked for love of a cause, where people were striving to clean up the country and make it possible for people to
get a better living. Said he: "Follow
tbe example of Milwaukee where the
grafters are being cleared out and
conditions being mode better for the
Will that suffice for our friend in
the boiler-house? Is that the message
to awaken the spirit of revolt within
him? No. Tell him of a revolution
going on, that is destined to sweep
away the agony and misery of being
Chained to such jobs as the one he is
The Socialist movement here lacks
the true working-class spirit of revolt
against their masters, and in the writer's opinion is simply a mighty muck
rake, uncovering the sores of society
in the United States, without revealing the cause
Show me in their greatest paper,
"the little old Appeal," any message
of hope to the working class, anything
that points out where the root of
present-day evils lie There can be
found by the score the sensational ex.
posures of Roosevelt, Diaz, and minor
grafters, acounts of junkets in high
"society and spicy comments," complaints of the way the paper is persecuted, and so on.
But where is Socialism? Yet this
paper is the great light offered to the
wage slaves for their guidance.
What do we care about the antics
of Roosevelt & Co.? Expose the system; show how we are robbed, and
how to stop the robbery. Teach us
Revolution—not Reform. Let us have
a Socialist party in the States in deeds
as in name.
F. S. F.
Of all the "Fifiy-seven Varieties" One Only is EntiA:   -'
to that Name. »   ■*,'jC, .
Utopian ideas which  flourished in  are exploited of all of their prodtBB
A toast, a toast, to those of the host
Who form our forward line;
A health to them, both women and
No rebel will decline.
At  each  lonely post,  from  coast to
They're doing the best they may;
Then fill the cup and drink it up—
To our lonely scouts—and the Day. f
Where the rebel crowd and the songs
are loud—
The songs of liberty—
It's easy there to do and dare.
To combat tyranny;
But it takes some Band to play a lone
bygone days are not yet dead by any
means, and reformers are continually
trying to strain and distort the principles of Socialism to fit their preconceived notions and prejudices. It is
quite common now to write of Socialism with inverted comas. It seems lo
have become a thing of brands, varieties and grades. They talk of Christian Socialism, Practical Socialism,
Industrial Union Socialism and several
more of like distinction. Whatever
else these propositions may be, Socialism it is not. It would be just as absurd to apply the same terms to mathe
Socialism stands in no need of
qualifying terms, and to use such is
to destroy its revolutionary intent
and render it meaningless. If the conclusions of Socialism were proved unscientific the whole proposition would
fall and it were foolish to try and
patch It up, reform or amend an unsound doctrine. The need then would
be for something entirely different,
requiring a distinctive name. It is
about time this was realized, and lt
ought to be obvious to any interested
that reforms, no matter by what name
called, are part and parcel of the system Socialism seeks to sweep away.
How can our proposition, which aims
to end the present state of things, be
made the vehicle to boost measures
whose only purpose, if practical, could
he to prolong the miseries of capital'
The whole policy of the historical
parties of capitalism—Liberal, Conservative, Republican. Democratic and
Populist—has keen nothing but a program of reforms from the beginning
till now, and to promote reforms in
the name of Socialism is to attempt to
palliate what is declared by the essence of its teaching can not be palliated.
Those who think they can better the
condition of the working class under
the present system would do themselves and the Socialist movement a
favor by allying with the political
parties, old or new, that uphold the
present system. That Is where their
reforms will receive due consideration. In fact whether ihey ally themselves or not, that is just where their
schemes will naturally go, for there is
the power that alone can make them
effective If practical. This will not be
because of the alleged betterment of
working-class conditions, but because
it will enable the rotten old carcase of f
capitalist production to be preserved
a while longer.
How can the condition of the working class be bettered under a Bystem
that concedes It a right for the capitalist class to extract a profit from the
labor of the workers?    The workers
above the cost of their subsistenoH
their condition is that of the robb
and the system under which the r
hery takes place is the wage syste:
How can a condition be bettered
still leave in operation the syste!
through which the condition arisei
The only thing that can be done iB
put an end to the condition, and in th!
case that means the abolition of tit*
wage system This is the aim of Sb*
cialism, and the control of the political power the means by which It will
be brought about. In Canada the Socialist party takes the stand that until
that power is in Its hands Its action
can only be as outlined in the latter
part of its platform:
The Socialist party when in office
shall always and everywhere, until the
present system is abolished, make the
answer to this question its guiding
rule of conduct: Will this legislation
advance the interests of the working
class and aid the workers In their
class struggle against capitalism? It
it will, the Socialist party ls for it; If
it will not, the Socialist party is absolutely opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle
the Socialist party pledges Itself to
conduct all the public affairs placed
in its hands in such a manner as to
promote the interests of the workng,
class alone.
And that's the hand they play,
With no comrades near to bid them
So here's to them—and the Day!
The foe is strong and the fight is long,
And the end they may not see;
But life grows bright with the joy of
the fight,
For they know what the end will be.
At each set of the sun they've a victory won—
They've played their part in the fray,
It may not show, but—we know, we
And we drink to them—and the Day.
Oh, comrades true, we think of you,
Wide-scattered o'er the land;
Our  hearts go out to the  bold and
Who lone and steadfast stand.
Our help we lend, and our greetings
And we bid you bravely stay,
For we're moving up, so fill the cup
—Wilfrid Gribble.
A large attendance required at next
business meeting .   Special business.
In the Clarion of June 15 I notice
that Clifford Butler takes a fall out ot
Marx on the proposition of the rate of
surplus value. Says Hntler: "1 think
Marx errs in making the rate of surplus value depend on time. I think lt
depends more on motion. It depends
on the amount of work done in a given
time. This our friend goes on to illustrate by the example of a couple of
bricklayers. One of these is assumed
to be more skillful than the other, to
do more work, and, therefore, to produce more surplus.
Now, the writer does not put up as
1*1 economist, hut it appears that Butler, like a good many more, gets off
his base by the failure to understand
the class nature of production.
Political economy is a science of
averages and generalities, and the
laws of political economy are laws of
averages and generalities. In figuring
the productivity of the working class
we reduce, according to the writer's
understanding at least, tbe thing to
a common unit.
This common unit Is the average pro-
ductivlty of the average worker under
normal circumstances, and is, so to
speak, the centre of gravity.
Now there are some workers who
are perhaps especially productive (I.
c, fast-working), and others who are
perhaps particularly slow. But so far
as the generalities of political economy are concerned these workers who
are on the extremes either way, do not
count. They do not, that is to say,
affect tho law of surplus value, although in their Individual cases tho
said law may be modified, even which,
however, is a highly debatable question.
The point is this: Tho average worker is simply what his name says—an
average worker of average productivity. He ls neither much more productive nor much less productive than bis
fellows. And thoreforc, simply because ot this, Marx Is perfectly correct ln making time the determining
factor as regards the amount of surplus produced by the average worker
toiling under normal  conditions.
Let our friend Butler always remember first and foremost that production is a class matter. Wealth is
produced by tho working class, not as
Individuals. Surplus, therefore, is produced the same way. And in studying
the thing we must always look at lt
from the average of productivity. Individual cases and examples are dangerous and misleading,
DESMOND. "■■■■■■■■■■s********!
8ATURDAY JULY 9th, 1910.
bllBlied every Saturday hy the
list Party at Canada, at the Office
Western Clarion, Flack Block
mem, 1st Hastings Street, Vsncou-
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SATURDAY  JULY 9th,   1910.
■ A great deal of to-do is being raised
In the States about the recently passed
Railroad Regulation Bill, and, unlike
" most bills over which a fuss is made,
it is a measure well worthy of note.
Not that It will regulate any railroads,
unless they are bad and refuse to play
the game. That is merely what it is
supposed to do. What it will do is
qujte another stunt.
The powers that sway the destinies
of [railroads have, in the past, made
-ewarmouB "profits" by "watering the
stock." From the capitalist view point
the legitimate capitalization of a railroad or any other enterprise is the
sum of money it cosls to build and
equip it and pay running expenses.
From this standpoint, all the railroads,
as well as most of the great industries,
are very much "over-capitalized."
Of course, actually, the correct
capitalization of an industry is that
artount of capital upon which that
industry will pay the average rate of
profit. But the capitalists, being absolutely ignorant of the economic laws
of their own social system, don't know
this, and so the railroads are regarded
as, being very piuch over-capitalized.
Even the great "captains of industry"
and "Napoleons of Finance" look at
lt this way. In fact we have no doubt
that they are sure the stock is watered
because they watered it, and so, knowing the parentage of, this stock, they
may be excused for being dubious
about its legitemacy.
The Railroad Regulation Bill will
regulate that. It will remove the
shadow of the bar sinister and will
legitimize the watered stock in case
It should need it.
Bnt why? Well, tbe great railroad
fortunes have been made. All railroads to be "stolen" have been stolen.
Their treasuries have been plundered
of all they will yield. Bond issues
have been frayed to a frazzle. Stocks
have been watered till they will not
absorb another drop. Tbe systems
have been linked up and appropriated
by the various groups. There is
nothing more ln sight except dividends, and dividend drawing is far too
slow a method of getting richer quick.
Also the Panama Canal is coming.
What now?
Only one thing remains. To sell the
roads to the government. And that,
we feel confident, Ih the game the
board Is being set for. Just imagine
the Morgan-Rockefeller-Gould-Belmont-
Hlll aggregation with railroads to sell
and a government to sell them to at
tbelr ltgitlmized capitalization. Can
one conceive a more dazzling vision
of paradise for "malefactors of great
So we may expect next to hear of a
great popular movement for the go-
verment ownership of the railroads.
One of these vital national movements
that sweep everything before them.
And who better qualified to lead such
a movement than Teddy the Terror
of the Trusts?   We shall see.
But the workers, will it benefit
them? Not an atom. They will be
slaves still and wlll have to come up
with the surplus value as of yore.
That their masters will get it as "interest" instead of "dividends" will
make not a particle of difference to
them. Their wages will be, as formerly, their keep. They will work as long
and as hard. If you don't believe us
ask tho postman.
lot of money, like everything else has.
Pierp's father was a self made man
which deprived the son of that privilege. However, there is not tile least
doubt that the son would have made"
himself had it been necessary or possible. He lacked none of the necessary
qualifications of industry and thrift as
his first business deal of any impor-
portance clearly proves, as embalmed
in court records and exhumed ln the
third volume of Myers' "History of the
Great American  Fortunes."
It was during the American Civil
War, one of those "times that try men's
souls," and Pierpont, though yet in his
early twenties, rose nobly to the occasion, Everybody who was unybody
was dumping onto the government anything that was unsaleable to even
untutored Indians. Consequently the
government had considerable junk to
sell. Among this were a few thousand
Hall   Carbines   which   had  been   con-]upon the metal wash basin in which
the foreign barbarians washed their
faces and hands. The first knowledge
that came to the missionary that he
was a 'drummer in disguise' was when
a   delegation   of   prominent   citizens
According to Rev. Martin S. El-
dridge, of Philadelphia and Tokio, writing in the Washington Herald, the presence of missionaries in foreign lands
means the opening of new territories
to foreign iulluence and new markets
for foreign goods.
"It is interesting to study the methods by which these results are accomplished," he says, "For instance,
one missionary came to Japan twenty-
five years ago and went to live in a
remote town in the interior. This man
and his family could not buy the simplest articles for household use, as no
European had ever lived in that section. The people went to see the foreign house and furniture, just as they
might crowd into a museum.
"They examined the queer clothes
with their curious buttons. They were
filled with admiration when they gazed
detuned as entirely useless for any
description of manslaughter except
suicide. For five thousand of these
a gentleman of the name of Eastman,
hitherto unknown to fame, and apparently  to   fortune,   tendered   a  bid   of  waited upon him and requested him to
$3.00 a piece. The thrifty government
"jewed" him up to $3.50. Thereupon
one Stevens, Eastman's backer, wired
General Fremont, commanding at St.
Louis, that he had five thousand new
send to one of the open ports and buy
them some metal  uaslns.
"Then followed the demand for underclothing with buttons, which is one
feature of Occidental dress quite gen-
Hall carbines,  in  perfect condition— erally adopted now even in rural Japan,
would he take them?    Fremont took ' The handiness of a pocket-knife finally
them, and Mr. Stevens bought the carbines and had them sent direct from
the armory to General Fremont at the
front, and charged him $22.00 apiece
for them. New ones, in good condition,
would have cost him $17.00 each.
Unfortunately this enterprising
transaction got investigated by a Congressional Committee pr we might
have heard no more of it. This committee had the gall to report that "the
proposal actually was to sell to the
Government at $22.00 each 5,000 of its
own arms, the Intention being, if the
offer was accepted, to obtain these
arms from the Government at $3.50
each. . . It is very evident that the
very funds with which this purchase
was affected were borrowed on the
faith of the previous agreement to
sell. The Government not only sold
one day for $17,486 arms which it had
agreed the day before to repurchase
for $109,912—making a loss to the
United States of $92,426—but virtually furnished the money to pay itself
the $17,486 which it received." The
Committee further reported that the
riflles were so bad that they would
shoot off the thumbs of the very soldiers using them. The upshot was
the Government refused to pay for
But what has all this to do with
Morgan? Why, Morgan was "the man
higher up," as appeared when lie sued
the Government for the price of those
carbines. The case went before the
Claims Commission which finally, as
the best way out of the difficulty,
awarded Morgan $13.31 per carbine,
which, with the generosity for which
he is now famous, he accepted, as part
payment. Then Stevens sued the Government for the balance and Judge
Peck nobly upholding the sacredness
of contract, Stevens got judgment for
All of which goes to prove what the
Press and the Pulpit has always been
telling us, that under the present bene-
flcient capitalist system there is no
lack of opportunity for "getting on,"
if we have the necessary enterprise
and foresight, and that the mere fact
of not having any money to start with
need prevent none of us from becoming multi-millionaires.
struck the Japanese, so that the missionary imported a supply of them.
Within two years there was such a demand for foreign goods that he persuaded a Japanese merchant to open a
foreign store. A stock was purchased
at one of the ports and the store was
opened. From that little beginning
grew up one of the great trading companies of Inland Japan, handling many
thousands of dollars worth of goods
every year.
"Not all of this trade now goes
abroad, for the company has a number
of factories, one of which makes metal
wash basins and such utensils, and
the other spins and knits cotton underwear."—The World.
Sure, but if the Clarion had said
it we would be "knocking Christianity
HOW   TO  .0   IT.
Pierpont Morgan is rather an exception among mulU millionaires, for
he is not a "self made man." Ixioking
at his photo (and it is characteristic of
hjs modesty that his photo is seldom
seen), the only thing we perceive that
seems to be self made is a bulbous
purple nose, which must have cost a
Capitalism elevates to high position
men whose business ls to destroy
wealth, and degrades and looks with
contempt upon those who create lt.
In order to be a useful am' respected
member of .this society, a man must
perform no useful toll; he must be a
useless parasite (the more useless the
more respectable) upon the hacks of
those who create all of the wealth.
.Men who have never seen the Highlands of Scotland are dressed In kilts;
it anyone else were to dress up In this
manner they would be pinched for indecent exposure.
Hats, clothes, etc., are not made for
use, but for profit; the more useless
and uncomfortable they are the greater
becomes the sale of these commodities.
A joke nobility is manufactured by
the capitalist class, and they feel much
honored when they confe.' knighthood
upon themselves, through a number of
tin and tinsel flunkies.
Women are flattered and pampered
to such an extent that it has become
second nature to them, that, If they
want, anything, they are forced to ask
for something they don't want, in order to get it. They never become of
age unless by accident, and they are
placed in the class of idiots and minors in common bourgeolse law.
Workmen and employers are classed as servants nnd masters by law,
and at the same time other laws forbid slavery.
Some clever fellow sells a capitalist
a "gold brick" and gets put ln jail for
it, and on Ihe other hand merchants
do Ihe snmo thing ln a different way
and receive "honor and respect" for so
doing. J. B.
Okanagan Valley fruit farm operators are out with their annual wail of
"suffering from a labor famine." These
employers are not unlike other employers. They hire men only when
they need them—about four to six
months a year. The four-legged stock
Is kept and provided for the year
round, but the human variety is turned
loose in the fall to join the unemploy
ed. And the remuneration, when employed, wouldn't attract a patriotic
Hindoo. It ls so rank that even the
Vancouver Dally Province says that
the "labor famine" Is "the result of not
paying higher wages." These are the
sort of employers the Salvation Army
is recruiting wage slaves for.
This friendly discussion of Political
vs. Industrial Action is developing
rapidly into a debate, if it has not
already developed. By the way, A. F.
B. refers to an article of mine in a
recent Issue of the Clarion, saying "he
winds up, etc.," might say my dear
friend that lt should be "she winds
However, to get to the point.
First of all we must keep In mind
that the sole and only function of the
State today Is to protect the Capitalist
ciass ln their ownership of the means
of life. This is evident when any
"important legislation" is in progress;
nothing but a struggle between the two
classes for a little, or a whole lot more,
than they have already got. Which
way does the legislation go? In the
favor of the capitalist class, you may
be sure of that.
Admitted that the government Is the
expression of the most powerful economic class, lt does not necessarily follow that the next order of society must
have classes. The very fact that there
has been a most powerful economic
class has caused the workers' enslavement, and, as Socialists, our object is
to abolish classes. How has the power
of each and every most powerful economic class been based, On their
ability to skin the workers. The greater their ability, or rather, the greater
their opportunity, owing to more perfected machinery, the more powerful
the economic class in control. Ie seems
to me that the very fact that the
most powerful economic class must he
an exploiting class refutes the argument.
As to the proper organization of the
workers: the capitalist system Is
rapidly doing that. It is organizing
them to perform the most amount of
labor with the least possible expenditure of energy, and In such a way that
waste Is largely being eliminated. It
Is organizing them to each take their
part in the great machine.
What organization olher than that
is possible for the worker on tho economic field, with the exception of crnft
unions? Their interests are not. identical there. The man with a job has
not the same economic Interest, as the
man without.    Imagine a man out of'
work coming out on strike. Imagine
a man on the brink of starvation refusing a so-called "scab's" job. Then
there Is the factor of female and child
labor, which is cheaper. Every man
is against every other man on the economic field, where the struggle for
existence roigns supreme. The man
with skilled labor power to offer for
sale has not the same Interest as the
unskilled laborer, for with the improvement of machinery, the unskilled
may very shortly take his place, Develop all the unskilled laborers Into
mechanics, and where would the
mechanics he? It is to their interest
to keep the unskilled man down where
he Is. A large per cent of these have
learned to subsist on a great deal less
learned to subsist on a great deal
less than the average mechanic,
and with his loan of the mechanics (so-called) job, with sufficiently developed machinery to do
away with the necessity of a great
amount of skill, wages must fall, and
with them the general standard of
living. Then too, the English and
American races have not an identical
economic interest with the Hindu, the
Chinese, and other races with an ex
ceedlngly low standard of living, and
surely a national movement cannot
eliminate an international evil, It
seems to me that binding these con
dieting interests together on the field
where they conflict merely transfers
the friction from the outside to the inside, and you know the old saying,
though biblical, applicable, "A house
divided against  itself cannot stand
A. F. B. suggests that a suitable
remedy would be to control our labor
power. Granted. In the meantime
we have to live, and in order to live
we have to work. So long as the
capitalist class owns and controls the
machines, etc., which we have to use
how can we control our labor power
We have to go hat ln hand "Please
good Mr, Foreman will you rent a job
for a while," and as the foreman's
position depends on his ability io make
a profit, he cannot afford to employ-
anyone who will not assist in the
profit making. H^^
If unpaid labor power is the basis
of all economic power, what more
simple than eliminate unpaid labor
power by owning the means of production, and controlling our labor
labor power. How -can we do this
while the whole forces of the state Is
in the hands of the Capitalist class?
So many Industrial Unionists base
their arguments on the fallacy that
political action ends with casting a
ballot. The ballot is nothing but a
barometer anyway, and lt is about
time that it registered "change." The
class straggle is a political action ln
itself, and entered into only by such
of those wage slaves who realize the
necessity for controlling the State. It
is a struggle between the two classes
for the power of government, not merely a struggle to express an opinion.
The powers of government do not consist merely of representatives In the
different Houses, they are composed of
the army, the navy, the police force,
the law courts and all the rest of the
paraphernalia that protects the capitalist ownership. Without this force,
and with a class conscious working
class, do you think that the handful of
capitalists could or would dare protest.
Yes, you have control of your vote.
If It appears to you that a certain
capitalist politician is a nice man with
a good character or long whiskers, you
can vote for him. He says he stands
In the Interests of the working class.
Is that your much talked of organization, the liberty to endorse a capitalist
politician. If by vote, why in other
ways. No capitalist politician works
for the emancipation of the working
class. As a capitalist politician he
would lose his job.
Our Industrial friends evidently has
queer ideas of the political actionlsts
as they call them. We do not want to
"finally capture the powers of government and then suddenly turn every
thing topsy turvy and start organizing
at lhat late hour." What we want is
Education of the working class. Class
conscious socialists. We are organizing right along. As to organization of
Industries, as we have said time and
time again, the Capitalists are doing
that, all we have to do is to quit
handing over the dividends. Why
should any wheels stop, providing we
have the power behind us, and they
know It, to enforce the change if necessary. And with a class conscious
movement, we have the power behind
our votes (the political expression
merely of our might). This new form
of government IS growing out of the
old, just as other new forms have
grown out of previous ones.   With the
Kvcrv   Local   of  the   Socialist  Party  of   LOCAL HAXA, B. C., WO. 34, S. T. at O
i should  ran s card under this head I     S.e„^„"ra' Sunday In every month ln
££By     every    umi    u,    uic    ^uvw,n,   .....    ».
Osnsds  should   run  s  card  under thla  head
tl.oo per montk.     Secretaries please note.
o-ommo-f ZXICrOTTVS oommiitbb,
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
•very alternate Monday. D. G. Mc-
Kenale, Secretary, Box lit, Vanoouver,
B. C.
Executive Committee. Socialist Party
•f Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday, D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box III, Yanoouvac B. O.
Cosamlttse, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday iu
Laker Hall, night*. Ave. Bast, ep-
pealte postofflce. alecretary wlll be
pleated to answer any communications
retarding the movement la the prov
en—       —_____
r.    Oxtoby,    Bee.,
gary, Alta
Box      447      Cal-
tlve Committee. Meets first and third
Tue3days iu the month ut iu,,4 Adelaide St
Aay reader of the Clarion deririug information about the movement in Manitoba, or who
wishes to join the Party please commuuicate
with the undersiuued W H. Stehbiug, Sec.
3i6 Good St.
 : i ;	
MAmrmiB paovntoiAi, bxecu-
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non's. Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box 1 Olace Bay, N, 8.
looal TAacovraa, ao. 1, a. r. or
Canada. Buslnees meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Bdgstt's Store, 111 Hastings St W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box III.
M«u YAWM-jT-a-a, a. o, a*.  «a,
Finnish. Meeta every seoond and
fourth Thursdays In tha month at 111
Hastings 8t. W.   Beoretary. Wm. Myntti
—HVUi ma, Esuuuay in every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. ln headquarters on First Ave.
) ul 11. Williama. Sec, Ladysmith, B. C
looal xorza. a. a, ao. so— maxim
s d Sunday 7:10 p.m. ln McGregor
Hall (Miner's Hall). Mrs. Thornley,
Secretary. '
looal nnmaLAwm. a*, aa, a. t. or a,
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
T:M p. m. K Campbell, aecy., P. O.
Bex 174. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Flnlanders' Hall. Sundays at
7:1*1 >. m. A. Hobble, Seoy., P. O. Box
761 Rossland, B. C.
local aauoa, b. t. or o, on <
every   Friday   evening   at   8   p.m.,   ln
Miners'   Hall,    Nelson,   B.   C.      C    A
1.       Organiser; I. A. Austin, Stay.
LOOAL  PHOEITIX,  NO. 8. B. P.  OT 0, j
meets every Sunday at a::io p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Holiday, Organizer,    H.  K. Mucinniu, Secretary.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at I
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
El-fiith Ave. 111. (near postofllce). Club
and Reading Room, Labor Hall, F
Dnnby Secretary. Box 647. A. Maidouald
Organiser,    Box 647.
looal bbllbtub, alta., ao. ia. .
P of C, meets every flrst and thirst
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Halll
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
>OAL     OOLMIAa.     ALTA.,     MO.
Moots   every   Sunday   night    In    tt
Miners'   Hall   and  Opera  House at
p.m.     Hverybody   welcome.     800* "
speakers   ara   Invited  to  oall.
Smith, Secy.
Headquarters    aad    Reading     Room,
323 Johnson nt Opposite Queens Hotei
Business Meeting every
Tuesday evening, I p.m. Propoganda
meeting* every Sunday at Orand
Theatre.     K.   Thomaa,   Secretary.
looal aAaAzMo, ao. a, b. t. at o.,
meets avary alternate Bunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:1* o'olook sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 1:10 o'clockl
Jack PLaae,   Rec.  Secy.,  Box  III.
looal -ramaza, n. t. at o, xoldb
educational meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall. Victoria Ave.. Fernle,
ayary Bunday evening at 7:41. Business mooting llrst Bunday ln each
month, same place at 2:10 p ra
David Patou, Secy, Box 101
looal "Maaa-wooa ao. a, a. t. op
C. meets every Sunday In Miners'
Union Hall at 7:20 P.m. Business
nestings, 1st and Ird Sundays of each
month. Geo. Heatherton, Organizer:
R. J. Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
looal Yaaaoa, a. a, ao. aa, a. r. oa
C. meets every second ami last Friday iu
each mouth. I'has. Chancy, Secretary, Box
127, Vernon, B.C.
looal Ttuwom nvrnnr, a. c, ao.
aa, B. T. at O.—Meets every Sunday ln
hall In Kmpress Theatre Block at 1:00
p. m.    Angus  Mclver, Secretary.
looal    aataLaaoxa,    a.o.a.p.c—
Propaganda and business meetings at-
I p.m. every Bunday evening In till:
Edlssn Parlor Theatre. Speakers
passing through Ravelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Oayman. Beoretary.    W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
looal woxiL, a. v., .__..„.
C.,  maftf. every  Sunday  jn  Graham's
. a, ao. ia, a. v. of
Hall at 10:11 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodaham, Secretary.
looal HBMoaroa, alta- ao. i
P. or C. Headquarters IU First
Business and propaganda meet!
every Thursday at 7:10 p.m. shsu
Our Reading Room la open to tha »**
11c free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. da"
F. Blake 141 Athabasca Ave., Sea
tary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 111 Four
St., Organiser.
looal wnraxaao. a. v. oa o. _•*»
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 120 l-s Adelaide Strec
opp.Kobtlii Hotel. Bualness meeting evary]
Sunday morning 11 a. m.   Propaganda!
meeting Sunday evening I p.m.  Kvery-f
body welcome.       Secretary, J, W. Billiag.k
270 Young Bt; Organiser, li.  McDougall, 424!
Jarvis St.
looal voaoaro, oa*., ao. ■«, a. a.l
of 0.—Business meetings 2nd and ith I
Wednesdays ln the month, at th* Lake* ]
Temple, Church St.   Propaganda m***>
lngs  evary Sunday at S:|| o'clook at
the   Labor   Temple.     Speakers'   olaaa*
every Thursday at 8:00 o clock at Labor
every Thursday
Tempe. J
12 Seaton St.
,.  ....  v wivwi  .i Labor I
Stewart, Secretary,
LOOAL   OTTAWA,  aO.  8,   B.  T.   OP  a 1
Buslnsss meeting 1st Sunday la ]
month, and propaganda meetings fol- j
lowing Sunders at 8 p.m. In Roberto-
Allan Hall, 71 Kldeau St. The usual
weekly inside propaganda meetings discon .
tinned during summer months. H.S. Old- .
bam Sec. 123 Drummond St.
LOOAL   COBALT,   MO.   t,   B.   T.   OP   *.
Propaganda    and    business    meeting* '
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. lu Miners
Hall.     Everybody   Invited   to   attend.
J-.tlilehert Jones, l-ninncial Secy.
local aaaLxa, oar., ao. *, a. u,
of C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday   evenings,   at   I   p.m.,   (I 1
King  St.   E..   opposite  Market  HoUL
V  A. Hiuts, Sec, 98 West Lancaster Street.
Business    and    Propaganda    masting
every Thursday at i p.m. In Macdo*~r
ald'a hall, Union Street.    All are wen- \
come.     Alfred    Nasb,    Corresponding
Secretary,   Olace   Bay;   Wm.   Sutherland, Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. B. .
Ross, Financial Secretary, oflloe ln p. I
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Unices
IS OWN    Vitus'"
Books of all Kinds
Paiiie's Age of Reason 25c
God and my Neighbor, 	
Blatchford 21c
Ingersoll-Gladstone Controversy 40c
The Marvelous Story of Man 1.50
Ingersoll's 44 Lectures 1.25
The Riddle of the Universe,
HaecKel 25c
Sixlngersoll Lecturus  25c
Poitage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
rapid lowering of the standard of living
the working class; with the improving machinery, turning more men out
of work every day; with the speeding
up and the waste of human life, is it
not natural that the workers will continue to grow more and more discontented?
A discontented man does not sit
down ami let you wipe your boots on
him. As his discontent and Intelligence Increases, und he turns to a
revolutionary party, palliatives will be
thrown out as sops. Why should we
fight for reforms? As soon us he sees
that he can better himself by fighting
for his emancipation, he will take advantage of every opportunity to further
his cause. Yes, lt Is growing; We do
not expect to wake up to-morrow morning nnd find the co-operative commonwealth has been established. We ate
growing, we are educating, we are
Another thing, we do not want to
influence votes. What good would that
do? Put our representatives In office?
We do not want him In office unless
every man who helped to put him there
understands his true position, and Is
willing to back up his expression with
his force. We don't want to influence
the barometer. We want It to be a
true expression of the feeling. We
have  nothing  to   offer   except   THE
WORKING CLASS. That is not worth
voting or fighting for is it?
How do we propose to make the
change? We propose to educate the
working class, to help them educate
themselves, to educate ourselves, so
that when they cast a vote for a
Socialist they vote for a principle, not
a man, and know why they do it too.
Then, with a majority of the representatives, we have a majority of the
working class. With the power of the
State in our hands, the thing is done.
How do we propose to run the Industries when we get them? What am
I going to be doing just exactly fifteen
years from now? One question is as
feasible as the other. Just as surely
as I will get older, have a different
environment, have changed ideas, the
conditions will have changed when
the co-operative commonwealth is es- il
tabllshed. Stagnation is a sign of I
death and decay. As the workers have' i
bee|f|to)le to run the industries in the
pitst without the sense to own and
control them, they will surely be able
to take care of their interests when
they know what they are.
We are not prophets, our call is
Educate, and Organize in your own
class interests.
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'Clock
Vancouver B. C. Saturday July nth, -is-id.
TV" Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Meeting held July 4th, 1910, Present
Comrades Mengel (chairman), Morgan,
Kingsley, Peterson, Stebblngs, and the
Minutes of previous meeting affirmed.
Charter granted Ixical st Steelton,
Correspondence dealt with from
Maritime, Manitoba and Alberta executives, Winnipeg Central Committee,
Ijocsl Horse Shoe, Alta, Vancouver
No. 1. Organizers Fillmore, Gribble,
O'Brien and Desmond. Comrades
Bliss, Berlin, Ont., and Wayman,
Montreal, Chas. Ken- & Co., Chicago,
and the Int. Sec. Bureau, Brussells.
Warrants authorized for Clarion
June Card, $1.00. June Deficit, $193.75.
W. Gribble, Organizing, $50.00. Secretary's June Salary, $15.00. Expressage
$4.00.   Printing Pamphlets, etc., $78.50.
Vancouver Ukrainian Locals request
that Com. O'Brien be delegated to the
Ukrainian Convention with full power
to act on behalf of the Committee concurred in.
Local Sault Ste Marie Supplies..$ 6.00
Local    Ft.    William    (Finnish)
Supplies     10.00
Local Cobalt Stamps     5.00
Local Steelton Charter Fee     5.70
Publishing Fund: Local, Nanaimo   10.00
Clarion Maintenance Fund   17.75
Literature and Buttons: Edmonton, $6.00, Maritime Executive,
$12.00,. Brantford,$1.00, W. H.
Anderson,$2.50, C. Lestor,$1.00,
Sandon, $1.00, H. Lindford, 50c, 24.00
Total $78.47
Meeting held July 4th, 1910
Minutes of previous meeting afnirm-
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Michel, Fernle, Nelson, Rossland,
Phoenix, New Westminster, Port
Moody Ladysmith (English and Finnish branches), and Prince Rupert and
from Com. John Staples.
Local Port Moody Stamps $ 2.00
Local Phoenix Stamps     2.00
Local Phoenix (Finnish) Stamps 10.00
Local New Westminster Stamps   5.00
Local Rossland Stamps     5.00
John Staples,  Organizing     3.00
Total $30.00
Warrants authorized for Clarion
June Card, $1.00. Postage, $5.00. Secretary's June Salary, $15.00.
JUNE, 1910.
Expenditures: —
Printing 5 issues $234.00
Mailing        17.65
Boy         5.00
Manitoba extras     62.50
Extra Postage     25.80
Total $365.95
Subs $145.70
Advs.  and  Cards     26.50
Deficit     193.75
Maintenance  Fund.
Balance June 1 $274.30
C. M. O'Brien     25.00'
J.  Naylor      1.75
B. J. L       1.00
Darnly         3.00
F.   Huber      2.00
Less June  Deficit  193.75
Balance July 1 $ 98.30
Accounts   Outstanding $315.50
Dear Comrade, — The following
amounts have been collected and forwarded to W. H. Stebblngs, Winnipeg,
for the Manitoba Campaign Fund:
Receipt No.
Recepit No.
Receplt No.
Recepit No.
Recepit No.
Recepit No.
Receipt No.
Receipt No.
Receipt No.
Receipt No.
Receipt No.
Total 5.75
Sec. Ladysmlth Local No. 10 S.P.C.
Resolved that we Local Calgary, No.
4, uphold the Dom. Ex. Com. in regard
to its action re the Ontario squabble,
and believe that they acted according
to the constitution and that a referendum is unnecessary.    (Carried unanimously).
T. MACHIN, Secy.
To all Ukrainian Socialist Locals ln
We, the Ukrainian Socialist Local
Borotba of Vancouver assembled at
our regular business meeting on June
16, taking Into consideration the Ukrainian Socialist Convention called by
Com. Stechishln In Robotchy] Narod,
No. 14 adopted the following resolu
"Whereas the Ukrainian Socialist
Locals for the past period from their
first annual Socialist Convention held
In Winnipeg last November are reorganized into "Ukraininan Social-Democracy Federation" and a few new
formed locals lately joined that body,
"Whereas, from the very beginning of
the withdrawal of the Ukrainian Socialists from the Socialist Party of Comrades the Dominion Executive Committee of S. P. of C. has not received any
official notification whatever nor were
the Ukrainian Socialist Locals themselves duly enlightened why the new
formed Ukrainian Social Democracy
Federation withdrawn from the S, P.
of ti.;
Therefore we, the undersigned, Vancouver Ukrainian Socialist Local after
fair discussion considered that the
work ln the Socialist Movement and
the class struggle of Labor vs. Capitalism ln Canada can only succeed in winning when all slave workers of different nationalities will be united and
formed into one Socialist Party which
is formed on the revolutionary basis
and stands for transformation of the
Capitalism Into collective ownership;
and furthermore, taking into consideration that when we, by forming a new
organization, will create another Socialist group departed from Canadian
S. P., that is to say, we will be divided
on sectarianism which will not enable
us to set on the political field as one
body which will be the result?
Why, the Capitalists will smash us
to pieces as they done in past and
whip us with the very same whip
which we, owing to lack of our intelligence, are handing over to them.
Therefore be it resolved that, "The
present Ukrainian Socialist Locals
shall take this important matter into
consideration at their neatest tegular
business meeting aud instruct delegates how to deal with it at the convention.
And furthermore , we move that
the present secretary of U, S.
D. F. Com. Stechishln, who Is
taking charge of the calling convention
shall communicate with the Dominion
Ex. Com. of S. P. of C. and ask this
Committee Officially to send one of
their delegates to the Ukrainian Socialist convention which probably will
take place in Edmonton next August
and that the same delegate will be duly
authorized by the S. P. of C. to have
full power to represent the party In
If the Dom. Ex. Com. will agree with
us we choose for a delegate Comrade
O'Brien, M.  P. P. of Alberta.
Be It further resolved that tha copies
of the resolution wlll be forwarded to
all present Socialist Locals and Locals
and  Locals  affiliated  with Ukrainian
Social-Democratic Socialist press Western Clarion and Robotchyj Narod."
Ukrainian Socialist Local "Borotba"
Vancouver, June 16, 1910.
S. Baranoiosky, chairman.
T. W. Kochindick, rec. secy.
calling lt "modern scientific Socialism," then we should be criticised
from that scientific standpoint, of
things that have been and are becoming, instead of the standpoint of fantastic dreams, in which is pictured a
beautiful state of society where brotherhood and love cover the relations
of man to man; where strife is eliminated, and the lamb lies on the outside instead of the inside of the lion.
These fanciful and irresistibly funny
pictures of our science, are nevertheless all the ideas that most people
have of Socialism, and instead of it
being unnecessary ln this supposedly
enlightened age to correct these fallacies, which appear so ridiculous to us,
yet we have still to meet the same old
objections, such as "divide up," etc.
The 57 varieties of Socialism which
cause so much confusion to the working class, and no little satisfaction to
er hours and a fair wage; and then
a few lines further on you say they
"never did—until they were forced to
give them during the fight for political conrtol." I think it is generally acknowledged that neither wing of the
capitalist class, Liberal or Conservative, will give the workers any "sops"
until "they are forced to," either
through fear of losing control to the
the other party; or of a general upheaval. The industrial captains obtained political control by promising
the workers various reforms; which
promises, once they had control, they
proceeded to dally with in their historic manner, until forced to partly
fulfill, which they did ln their usual
elusive and evasive manner. All of
which Marx dealt with, In "Capital,"
in his usual comprehensive manner.
In regard to, "as wages rise, so also
does the cost of living."   In the orig-
our opponents, are the result of the itial article I had after this, "or rather,
apathy manifested by some    parties f wages follow somewhat    tardily    be-
who think it unnecessary to study
Marx for their knowledge of the subject  of  Socialism, but maintain  that
hind." These are the exact words, to
the best of my memory. I guess the
P. D. was to blame for their omission.
easy lessons by   Untermanicus   and It Is an acknowledged tendency of mod-
Simonites are more to the point and
better propaganda than the ambiguous
The result of such propaganda
needs no comment from me. The
United States affords a living example
of Socialist slop. Are we on the same
road? If we are not, It ls more by
good luck than good management.
What Interest is manifested by the
party as a whole in the Clarion? With
the exception of about 1 per cent, they
apparently don't care whether the circulation is increasing, or the reverse,
How many are taking a small bundle
to distribute systematically every
week? Not one ln a hundred. Like
the Amazon toad which opens its
mouth for the flies to drop in, they
wait for the system to effect its own
cure, and wonder why the dope-fiends
of the working class don't understand
their position. Let's wait for the
Revolution to come. Sit in your Locals every night and let everybody
yell "bourgeois" at any idea that is
put forth, but for goodness sake don't
give your neighbor a paper. Don't
help to take up a collection. Don't do
anything ihat will lower your standing in the community.
My advice is, look to the busy bee
for a moral. Fall on the drones and
sting them to death. Abuse them,
ridicule them, any dam thing that will
make them do something or get out of
the party. Strength as far as numbers are concerned isn't our goal. Better to have one worker than 20 ornaments.   Go at 'em.
W. H. S.
Socialism, like soap, has many
brands, and like the Catholic church
in the realms of religion, which claims
the patent rights granted by the Almighty, of being the only true church,
so likewise does the Socialism of
every country, lay claim to be the
one, and only one, that presents Marxian economics in their purity.
To the ordinary man, the word
"Socialism" presents In the abstract
many wierd, strange and fanciful visions, illogical premises and still more
illogical conclusions, derived, as he
thinks from the workings of a disordered imagination. Although it ls
true we get our knowledge through
smoked glasses from the dominant
class in every society, and that their
teachings are in harmony with their
material Interests, we are forced to
admit the fact that the great majority
of these nonsensical Ideas pertaining
to Socialism are due partly to the
Utopian Socialist movement of the
last century, whose only stock in trade
was senttmentalishi, and partly to the
Inaccuracies indulged in by new converts, whose zeal for the new ideas
prompts denial of truth, and affirmation of falsehood; for, like the newly
engaged child who sees visions of
kisses Instead of diapers, he refuses
the gift of fact, for one Ot fancy.
If Carl Marx rejuvenated Socialism
from the ashes of Utopian Idealism
and distinguished It from the latter by
To "J. H."
1 quite fail to see where the "excellent  argument against industrial  unionism as a means of emancipation"
conies in.
"The object of seizing political pow-
er at the expense of surplus.value, (I
can't grasp the meaning of the last
six words), when they had the all-potent industrial or economic power,"
(Glad you recognize the difterenece
between political and Industrial power)
was that the 'captains ot industry' discovered, on the necessity arriving for
finding a foreign market for their Bur-
plus product, that, (Clarion 581), "it
ls absolutely necessary for the industrially dominant class to be politically
dominant for the effective and effec-
lent manipulation of the industries to
their profit."
The "captains of industry" found
themselves hampered ln the manipulation of their industries at home, and in
their relations with foreign powers, by
the adverse legislation of the old aristocracy, the land-owners. They required the State for the more effective
exploitation of the workers.. They had
no Intention of abolishing it, as the
Socialists have. Class-rule was still
to be perpetuated. The fight for control was between the two wings, Conservative and Liberal, of that wily old
bird, Capitalism.
When the Industrial Unionists have
built up a sufficiently strong organization to seize the Industrial control,
and thus make themselves predominant on the industrial field, they will
have no need of the State, tho political power of coercion, there being no
class lower than themselves to exploit. The State wlll thus automatically pass out of existence, being obsolete.
The era of exploitation, and its requisite weapons, will thus cease; to be
replaced by one of collective ownership of the means of wealth production.
This Is the difference between the various class revolutions, or the replacing of one privileged class by another,
which have already taken place; nnd
the Socialist revolution, or the total
elimination of elass rule. To reiterate:
Socialist political action is destructive;
the movement on tho industrial field Is
The workers enn only establish collective ownership when they ore predominant, on the industrial field. The
aim of the Socialist political party
enn only be to old them in tills accomplishment, by a guerrilla war fare
against the "policing" power.
You are not very consistent, "J. H."
You take me to task for saying the
capitalist class gave tho workers short-
em Capitalism to lower the "standard
of living" of the workers. Cheap labor is its desideratum. If, by means
of a strike, the workers should gain
an increase In wages, the price of the
means of subsistence in that locality at
once recite "Excelsior"; snd although
wages may drop during a "depression,"
the price of the means of subsistence
seldom follows, If at all, and certainly
never In the same ratio. "We must
lower our standard of living," we are oE crazy wor*-in|me.n; the master
told. I don't think any worker will clt,S86B controlled the Btate before the
deny that the purchasing power of a workers had votes, Political power in
dollar in British Columbia today is only tn* na--a8 of tne present ruling class
half what lt was several years back. *9 but a reflex of their economic POW'
Western Clarion:
I haven't written a
line to the "Clarion" since I abjured
the up-in-the-air program of the so-
sailed Socialist Party 'of the States.
Moses Baritz's "arguments" against
industrial unionism which appear In
your last issue should stir up a fine
discussion.    Barltz writes:
"How anarchists are going to Introduce Socialism (which can only be
accomplished by the control of the
political machinery flrst), ls a question
"Gourock" muBt answer."
And how "the control of the political machinery first' can be got (and
what the working class would want
with such machinery, even if it could
be got "flrst") without the working
class is supreme economically through
their organized power to produce
power can precede the conscious power of the almighty arm of organized
labor ln the shops and mines snd everywhere, is a question that all the
Baritzes in the "S. P. G. B." must
answer, but will never answer while
they are on this planet.
He goes on:
"It is the political power the workers must go after flrst; when they
have got that, well, "Gourock," you
will have a chance to suggest industrial organization if you like.'"
Baritz insists that the workers must
get the cart before the mule. The
master class doer not control the industries merely because of the votes
A fife and drum band is just]
by. It ls at the head of a coli
Boy Scouts and ls playing "ft
the Night is Coming." A most
priate selection as that organ
is designed to some time see th
The unit of industrial activitjll*#
There are at least two methods of lowering the "standard of living." The
real wage can be lowered, the price
of other commodities remaining the
same: or, the price of other commodities can be raised. While the workers
will howl at the former method, the
latter method Is less comprehensive to
them; and can be blamed on the farmers.
However, this latter is outside the
present discussion.
To Moses Baritz.
I think you had better read, or reread, the constitutions and platforms
of the G. G. T. and ot the I. W. W., be.
fore you say they are anarchists, "and
repudiate political action absolutely."
Aa an organization they are attached to
no political party; individually they
may, and do. Quite recently the
French Syndicalists held a conference
with the French Socialist political par-
ty on a matter of parliamentary policy, recognizing in them a working-
class party. This you will better understand on investigation.
Y'ou seemed to be tickled about what
"Gourock" and his faction would do Inside a factory 'holding the means of
production,' against a battery of artillery outside. Your ideas are too
local. Socialism couldn't be established in one factory. But suppose we
held all the factories! An army crawls
on Its belly. How long would your
army last without supplies?
Your search-light is rather weak.
Whether or not Marx maintained
that the workers must flrst capture the
State, the political control, does not
alter the fact. Marx was not infallible,
like the Pope.
I wonder can you see it this way,
by means of the relation between
"Cause" and "Effect." Very few will
contradict the statement that specific
political conditions are the result of
specific industrial conditions. Politics
are the reflex. Industrial conditions
are the substance; politics, the shadow. Industrial conditions are the
"Cause"; politics the "Effect." This
is in accordance with the materialist
conception of history; and In direct
opposition to the capitalist conception, which maintains that tho Deity
sends a great man now and then to
yank humanity up a notch. Tho State,
to them, is the realization of the ethical Ideal, and determines industrial
conditions. They think legislation can
change industrial conditions. This ls
the capitalist nilre that the "pure and
simple" political aotlonlata are floundering ln. They havo thrown overboard the materialist conception, one
of Socialism's strongholds and adopted
the Idealist conception.
Polities can not alter Industrial conditions. The shallow cannot change
the substance. The "Effect" cannot
alter the "Cause." It Is useless to
think of changing industrial relations
by means of legislation. It. has not
happened so far; and, if it did, lt would
be a miracle, something which I am
very curious to see. But miracles only
happened In remote times, among the
ignorant, superstitious peasantry, along
the shores of Lake Galilee.
er—their power of ownership of the
industries. It does not follow that
because the state Is used by the capitalist class against the workers, that
the workers must go plum putty and
think that they should fling the industrial union to the wind and go after the state; nor that political power can be got by flinging bits of paper into a tin box. If your enemy
is armed with a knife, it is not at all
times advisable to try to get that
knife from him. Why not hit him
with an axe?
Here's another gem:
"... the 'industrial union' ls a
futile effort and a waste of time. Capitalism ls bound to collapse, and, at
the moment when it collapses production must go on or otherwise mankind wll starve."
Baritz wrote the last passage after
quoting a passage from Marx. Beware of the man who says that because capitalism is sure to collapse,
socialism ls sure to come next; nor
does it follow that if you club and
starve the workers they will revolt in
the correct and most effective way.
Certainly they will struggle, a sewer-
rat will fight for its young. But the
force that moves the workers on is
a blind force that Is making for socialism no more surely than It Is making, for another feudalism, but both
are possible.
The second half of the last quotation from Baritz proves nothing for
his side. Who does he mean by m •*-
Capitalism has partly collapsed several times and, although "production
must go on," lt did not wholly go on.
And which part of mankind did the
starving?    Barltz  writes:
'As to what is going to institute
of organize the Socialist system of society, I am under no delusion whatever. Socialists alone can accomplish
that. There the chief necessity must
be the organization for socialism, and
as the working class must flrst obtain
political supremacy (vide Marx and
EngelB), It means that political action
is the main road upon which we must
tread to attain It.'
Barltz swears by Marz and Engels
with all the solemnity of a geyser
who never clearly knew what they
really stood for. In taking this stand
against ballot lunacy I am not against
political action, for tho ballot-box, the
candidate, and all the rest of the nonsense that necessarily connects Itself
with political action, nre but Incidentals. Political action means civilized
action. The slaves of feudalism
entild not use political action; but live
centuries of civilized methods renders
It both possible and necessary for the
slaves of capitalism. The right of suffrage ls a feather torn from the cap
of the feudal lord by the bleeding
fingers of serfs and small business
men. Moonshine and rot Is the program that says: "political machinery
flrst," and "the industrial union is a
futile effort and waste of time."
Capitalism is a foul institution, yet
lt Is nearer our goal than feudalism.
The right of suffrage Is one of the
big advances of capitalism; it is the
valuable fruit of the struggle of our
day's work.    What ls a day's
A period ot time in which a
being has forgone the pleasure
lng.    A portion of a life tornl
enjoyment of nature's abundano
given over to its own impoverish
that the surfeiture of another mil
added to.   A day's work is not a|
exercise.   It is an unnecessary I
of physical resource, a span of;
light not given to society but
from it. i ,;,;
To exalt work is to announcdT
selves as unfit to survive in the I
gle to live.   Fortunately the ten|
of mankind Is ever away from ,
Our masters will force us to a rl
tion in their efforts to keep us at J
And, while their sole fear fron
revolution is that they may have]
to work themselves, It ls from T
that the idea of the nobility of]
proceeds.   The absurdity of theliS
tion in this regard win prove naMM,,.
least factor in the accomplishm-flH
their downfall. '■?'"•■'
• ♦     • ,y. **\ '-4>
Brandon Is about to assume a rWwr ■*■,*
dy hue.    Manitoba Executive orCk     .
fifty subs, for that Burg which ■*mmt':
Legge places. »>"**   ;.
... ft ,Si   " ■ >
Local Vancouver orders 5000 01^
Brains' dusters.
• •   • mil*
Nobody earns the wampun|-!*iiW;
week. Desmond corrals five, hoviWr"?-'
which is pretty fair this warm weather.
Is there a high cost of living problem? There is. There always has
been, at least, as long as the oldest
Inhabitant can recall. Living has
never been low enough for the working class to reach. The only way to
solve the problem ls to own the earth
and exchange High Cost for High Life._
... ,
Dr. Currie, Vancouver, renews'
leads a lamb to the slaughter.
• «   .
Com. Rudd, Toronto, likes the
tallst but wants to see him burl
he sends for "two Collin Nails."
• *   *
A year's  sub. and two dollarH
the   Maintenance  fund   ls  the  shove
given   the   revolutionary   chariot  by
E. Huber, Vancouver.
And  the  following    crimson    rays
gleam through the gloom:    The unpatriotic Irishman, Revelstoke, B. O,
Chas. Lee, Nicola Valley, B. C, I. A.
Austin, Nelson, B. C, J. G.  Morgan,
Vancouver,  J.  C.  Burgess,  Calgary,
J. S. Armstrong, Vancouver.
Local Vancouver S. P. of C.
Sunday, July 17th, 1910
Leaving Evans, Coleman & Evans whatf at 10 a.m. Tickets, $1
each, can be obtained from Fred Perry, S31 Pender St. W., W.
Alexander, Labor Hall, Cordova St.; or any member of the Party
at Headquarters.       Children 50c S.-S. "Britannia"
fellows of bygone days. Therefore
political action is necessary and deserving of our support; lt Is the vehicle through which we will carry our
message to the workers. Without political action we get our demands, that
is, we will get them when we back
them up with—with wnat?—with the
industrial union. That ls the only
power the workers will ever have.
I'll be done, Mac, in a few more
lines. Barltz writes: "The present
method of production Is Itself developing and producing the Industrial organization which will 'take hold' of the
means of production."
If Barltz were asked to explain what
he means by that stale phrase, he
would have a hard job. Some politicians claim that Industrial unionism
is here now, that the workers arc and
have got to organize under capitalism
because of the very nature of capitalist production. Tliere is no ln between
about it. The workers are organized
fit to take and hold the industries, or
the workers are not so organized.
Which is right?
The fact ls that, the organization
that we see today is a conglomeration
of anarchistic units which, like the
rogs in a gour wheel, obey that blind
force which we have hail occasion to
refer to somewhere aoove; it is an
organization bent on producing larger
profits for the master class, not for
producing wealth for the useful members of a free society. There must be
a mobilization of Die fighters in the
different Industries. Today they know
not where they are at and cannot move
effectually for their own interests.
The workers are kept divided by the
fakirs who favor high dues and high
initiation fees for the fat salaries of
the A. B*. of Hell leaders. The A.. F.
of Hell does not and cannot organize
the whole of the workers because all
can't have a job under capitalism, and
jobless slaves cannot pay the high
dues. A revolutionary organization
overcomes that. Tho so-called Socialist party's bliiid-ns-a-bnt posture towards the economic arm of the class
war is nothing short of downright
scabbery and treason to the working
class.   And that's no lie!
J '. ',
8ATURDAY JULY 9th,  1910.
.*.   THEODOR*E.t|^t**«VELT.
■ V    By Professor G. D. Herron.
I have been asked by the New Age
to^JJrite about Theodore Roosevelt.   It
Is difficult to write of so dominant and
delusive a personality without in some
measure using language that fits the
. subject.   In both word and deed Is Mr.
,  . Roqeevelt himself so terribly personal
that it is impossible to write about
hint' in an impersonal way.   To speak
of him in any terms that at all characterizes him is to lay oneself open to
• "f ;tl*.**-,charge of personal fee'ling.   I con-
feaa I do feel deeply about Mr. Roose-
'.l-)velt, but it is because I believe him to
■•be the most malign and menacing pergonal force in the political world of
i,t"to4ay.   He is the embodiment of man's
..are.t*jrn  to  the  brute—the  living  an-
f'tiotmcement that man will again seek
jlrellef from the sickness of society in
. "".he bonds of  an imposing savagery.
i^Pe 1s a sign, and one of the makers,
of universal decay.    He is the glori-
. flcation of what is rotten and reactionary in our civilization.   To speak calmly Of one whose life and achievements
ar« a threat and an insult to the holiest 'spirit of mankind, this is not easy
■ for .anyone who cares about mankind,
or carries 'within himself the heart-ache
of the generations.   About other men
one may write judicially,  and leave
something for inference.   But one can
only truly write about Mr. Roosevelt
by telling the truth about him;   and
that means the use of plain and terrible
'' : -words.   That is the tragedy and terror
' of: having to speak of him at all.
Quite recently I have been criticised
tor saying that Theodore Roosevelt is
• the most degrading influence in our
American public life and history. I
. said this because it was true, lt
it what many thoughtful Americans
. knew; it is what no one with a reputation to lose will say. We are all
afraid of him; we are afraid of him
just, as we are afraid of the plotted re-
'..vejjge, of the bludgeon from behind, of
the knife in the back, of the thief in
the dark. No one knows what this
man will do if one enters the lists
against him; but whatever he does,
it will be to avoid the question at issue,
and to come at you unaware; to seize
an advantage that only the dishonorable and shameless accept. Whatever
he does, he will never fight you fair;
he wlll never strike a blow that is not
f*)ul. In some respects, Mr. Roosevelt
haa the field quite to himself; the
majority of men have still some rudimentary feelings about the truth; and
If hot this, then nn, ordinary sense of
.'Ituftior, as well as the lack of opportunity, saves them from any foolish
attempt at competing with Mr. Roosevelt'in the art of clothing flagrant falsehood with the garments of moral pomp.
It is notorious, too, that no man will
now contend with Mr. Roosevelt because no man will so bemean himself
as to fight upon Mr. Roosevelt's terms.
It Is also notorious that Mr. Roosevelt will avail himself of this fact, as
he did in his controversy with Mr.
Edward H. Harriman; as hedid in his
amazing and disgraceful articles
against Socialism; as he did when he
condemned, for the sake of his own
popularity with a capitalist press, the
two Labor leaders Meyer and Haywood,
while these men were still on trial for
their lives. He knows that his most
bitter opponent will observe some of
the decencies of combat. Observing
none of these himself, he has all the
choice of weapons; and he chooses
without reference to the weapons of his
opponent. Indeed, no white man would
be found with the controversial weapons of Theodore Roosevelt upon his
person. Mr. Roosevelt's opportunity
for Investing the most skulking per
sonal revenges with the air of a cham
plon of the public good.
But lt not against a mere individual
that I protest. I object to Mr. Roosevelt from the fact that he voices and
invarnates the fundamental social immorality, the doctrine that might
makes right—that no righteousness ls
worth having except that which is enforced by brute words, or brute laws,
or brute fists, or brute armies. Mr.
Roosevelt stands for a life that belongs
to the lower barbarian and to the jungle. He has set before the youth of the
nation the glory of the beast instead of
tbe glory of the soul. The nation has
been hypnotised and saturated with his
horrible Ideals, as well as by his pos-
aesalonal and Intimidating personality.
Of course, the nation Ib itself to blame,
and In this reveals Its own decadence,
for the heroes of worship, and" the
ideals we cherish, are the revelations
of ourselves. Yet it is this one man,
more than all others, who has awakened the Instinct to kill and to conquer, and all the sleeping savagery of
the people. It Is he who has put the
blood-cup to the lips of the nation, and
who bids the nation drink. And one
of the strongest ironies that ever Issued from academic Ignorance, and
what will prove to be one of the historic stupidities, ls the endowment of
this naked militarist with the Nobel
Peace Prize; and this because, In the
interests of the great bankers and of
his own military policy, he was instrumental in depriving Japan of the
full fruits of her victory.
Theodore Roosevelt leads a recession In the life of the world. He betokens tbe enfeeblement of mankind, Its
lack of a living faith.   He ia the omln-j
ous star of the New Dark Ages, wherein the faithless soul of man will seek
forgetfulness and excitement in military murder and political bestiality.
It is true that Mr. Roosevelt has im-
strength; but he is essentially a weak-
posed upon the world an impression of
ling, an anthropological problem, a
case for the pathologist. His psychology is that of the savage at one time,
and of the hysteric at another. Intellectually he is an atavism, therecru-
descence of an antique type; he belongs with the rulers oi the Roman de.
generacy, or with the lesser Oriental
And Mr. Roosevelt is the last man
whose name should be spoken of in
connection with democracy. He does
not believe in democracy at all; nor
in freedom at all. He is no more of
a democrat than Genghis Khan or
Louis XI. He likes liberty less, by far,
than did Charles I. Only these are big
names to put beside the name of a man
so morally small, so Ignorant of essential excellence, so ruthlessly inconsid-
reate of his fellows, as Theodore
But supposing Mr. Roosevelt were
one of the soul's gentlement, supposing he politically meant to do social
good, it is by methods that belong to
the darkest phases of human history—
the methods of the tyrant who believes
his own will to be the only righteou-
ness, and all opposition to that will be
one of unrighteousness; and who pro.
ceeds to stamp its opposers with what
he means to be an indelible infamy, or
to kill if he can. As the best example
of this sort, Cromwell tyrannized over
a nation, and over the souls of men,
for their own salvation and for the
glory of God. And this is tne method
by which every tyranny or tyrant seeks
justification. It is the only method Mr.
Roosevelt care for or believes in.
Yet no man ever ruled other men for
their own good; no man was ever
rightly the master of the minds or
bodies of his brothers; no man ever
ruled other men for anything except
for their own undoing, and for his own
brutalisation. The possession of power over others is inherently destructive
—both to the possessor of the power
and to those over whom it is exercised.
And the great man of the future, in
distinction from the great man of the
past, is he who will seek to create
power in the peoples, and not to gain
power over them. The great man of
the future is he who will refuse to be
great at all, in the historic sense; he
is the man who will literally lose himself, who will altogether diffuse himself, in the life of humanity. All that
any man can do for a people, all that
any man can do for another man, is
to set the man or the people free.
Our work, whensoever or wheresoever
we would do good, is to open to men
the gates of life—to lift up the heavenly doors of opportunity.
This applies tosociety as well as to
the individual man. If the collective
man will release the individual man
and let him go, then the individual will
at last give himself gloriously, in the
fullness of his strength, unto the society that sets the gates and the highways of opportunity before him. Give
men opportunity, and opportunity will
give you men; for opportunity is God,
and freedom to embrace opportunity is
the glory of God.
Yet, having said all this, I venture
to prophesy that Mr. Roosevelt has
not yet reached the high noon of his
lay. And the day is Roosevelt's, you
may be sure of that. It will be a long
day, too, and a dark day, before It is
done. He will return to the American
nation and rule it, as he means to do.
It is not merely that the nation is obsessed with Theodore Roosevelt; it is
that a situation is arriving in which he
.will be the psychological necessity. He
himself foresees this necessity; the
nation is instinct with it. He knew
what he was doing when he mode Taft
President. Roosevelt made Taft President because he knew that Talf would
make Roosevelt necessary. He knew
that Taft would be a failure; that he
would further confound the confusion
toward which the nation wsb drifting.
But drifting is hardly the word.
With awful swlftnes we are moving toward long crisis and abysmal disaster
crisis and disaster in which the rest of
the world wlll be lnsolved. It ls the
Inevitable outcome of the capitalist
system and the workers of the world
wlll become too poor to buy the things
they make. We are already ln sight
of that culmination in America. We
must hence reach the last accessible
man and compel blm to buy; we must
sell to the uttermost man on the outermost edge of the earth, or our economic world-machine will fall in upon
itself. We Americans must have the
market of China, else there will come
a sudden day when twenty million men
will be in the streets without work.
And twenty millions of men will not
go down to starvation without bringing
down the national structure with them.
Now capitalism knows that Mr.
Roosevelt is the only man that can be
depended upon to get for It the Chinese market. It also knows perfectly
well that labor has not ln the world
a more ruthless enemy than Mr. Roosevelt, At heart he holds the working
class ln contempt. He despises the
dream of equality. He hates the whole
modern effort of the soul toward free
dom—freedom of labor, freedom spiritual, freedom social. Notwithstanding
his bluster about the trusts, and his
determination to control to some extent the course of industrial operation
it is in the interest of Absolutism, and
against Socialism, that he has worked.
Intelligent Capitalism knows that
Roosevelt can be trusted, as no other
man can be trusted, to see it through.
It is, therefore, to Roosevelt that Capitalism will turn to conquer its new
worlds for it; to Roosevelt that Capitalism will turn to finally crush the
resistence of labor. It is to Roosevelt that all the vested interests of the
present civilization will turn In the
time of their danger or dissolution. The
Caesars arose ss the necessary chief
of police of the Roman propertied or
plundering class. So will koosevelt and
his successors arise; they will arise to
police the world in the interests of
its possessors.
There could be only one alternative
to Roosevelt in the dreadful years that
are coming to America; a thoroughly
organized Socialist movement of the
highest order; a Socialist movement
]that would be profoundly revolutionary,
resolutely reaching to the roots of
things, refusing any longer to tinker or
compromise with the present evil
world; yet a Socialist movement with
its Pattern in the Mount—a Socialist
movement led by the glowing vision
and charged with the highest idealism
as to ultimate freedoms and values. It
is for such a revolution the whole
world waits: a revolution that shall
be a synthesis of the life of man; a
revolution wherein men shall mightily
and decisively make their own world;
a revolution that shall make all material facts snd forces to be the medium
and music of the free human spirit; a
revolution that shall make the world's
civilization an invitation to the soul
of every man to express itself and rejoice. Yet there is not such a Socialist
movement in the world now, and the
last place to look for its coming is in
America. Nowhere else has Individualism borne such deadly fruit; nowhere else is there such intellectual
and moral servility; nowhere else is
there such actual ignorance of the new
world that is besetting the old. We
have never had a Republic in anything
but name. We have always and only
had the administration of society in
the interests of the dominant financial
bureaucracy. And it is well known,
now, that our whole system of government has long since broken down.
America is practically being governed
without law. There is absolutely no
constitutional method of social reform.
There will be a long time of darkness
and suffering, of hypocrisy and compromise, and of depthless disaster, he-
fore there will be any real social awakening in America, or any effective spiritual fund upon which to draw for a revolution. It is for this reason Mr.
Roosevelt will become the nation's
psychological necessity. There is nothing for it but the strong man—the
man who will govern us without law.
Mr. Roosevelt knows this; and he has
known it for many years; and all his
life he has been getting ready for it.
And not only in America, perhaps
Great Britain as well, will turn to
Roosevelt as the only force relentless
and purposeful enough to carry it
through the beginnings of the New
ark Ages. And, as I have already said,
it is when the world is enfeebled and
faithless that it turns to the strong
Upon such a crisis the nations are
turning now. We are approaching one
of those times when the world returns
to brute force; when civilization is
resolved back Into its primal elements;
when the tyrant seems to be the only
savior. And Mr. Roosevelt is the man
for this approaching time. And this
approaching time is working out the
day and the hour of the fulfilment of
Mr. Roosevelt's ambitions.
So I make my prophecy: Roosevelt
will return to America, and he will rule
It. He carries the nation ln the hollow of his hand. He will be elected
President. There will be war with
Japan for the market of China. There
will be glutted markets, under-con.
sumption of economic goods, universal
unemployment, and the semblance of
government. Roosevelt will seem the
|only Balvatlon from Anarchy. When he
returns to Washington he will return
to stay as he means to stay. He is by
nature a man utterly lawless, and the
nation is now practically lawless. He
has been all his.life getting ready for
this one goal, and the decadent nation
Is rapidly preparing the goal for him.
The monthly magazine-reformers and
Mr. Pierpont Morgan are alike turning
to Mr. Roosevelt as the nation's hope.
All things are preparing his way. The
times and he are joining themselves
together perfectly. Theodore Roosevelt
has had his dawn: he will now have
his day; and lt will be one of the
harshest and bitterest days in the still-
continuing pilgrimage of mankind
through the wilderness.
Now, having made my prophecy, let
me be judged by it ten years hence—
not now. And ever, while I live, shall
I pray that my prophecy may prove
false. For the sake of men, and for
the joy of'my soul, may it be that this
word of the future may not come true.
Rather let it be that some sudden
awakening as to what is really true
and good and beautiful, some sudden
precipitation of the yet unevolved
spirit of man, may deliver us from the
engulfing misery of the New Dark Ages
which the coming of Roosevelt betokens.—The New Age.
Pamphlets Now Ready
Hazell's Summary of Marx'
C. M. O'Brien's Address in
the Alberta Legislature
Prlci Se Par 0«. ISc
Comrade,—The write-up by Comrade Desmond on "The Delusions of
the Homesteader," cannot be passed
without a comment. I must say that
his "sizing up the agriculturalist" Is
not quite up to the mark. If he had
explained how the agriculturalist was
exploited he could have made some
good reading. So I am going to criticize.
He says: "One of the hardest things
to get them to understand is modern
social production. I have yet to
meet the farmer or his son who is
fairly intelligent (though poorly educated) who does not see that production of today is social. He knows well
that lie can get along much better
working in co-operation with his
neighbors, as is seen by the way he
lends his Implements and ho.rses to a
neighbor, who pays back by helping
him at some other part of their year's
work; and under a larger scale take,
for instance, Grain Growers Grain
Company, Grain Growers' Association,
co-operative owned elevators In different parts and co-operative owned
threshing outfits. The trouble has
been and is that they are afraid that
somebody is going to make a pull out
of them if they go in companies and
It is true that the rural worker is
only a cog in the world's work, but
they know that the world cannot get
along without them, but they do not
forget that without the railroad,
steamships and other means necessary for transportation and distribution, they would soon be all up.
The farmer lives an isolated life, it
Is true. Now, how does he put In the
time when the day's work Is over?
He may only have an hour, to the industrial worker's three or four, but he
uses It in reading and studying out
the problems of life for himself, also
talks the questions over with his
neighbors when they do meet, understanding what he is talking about.
Now, compare this with the industrial
worker who spends his spare time on
the street corner and at the bar. chewing the rag, which any sane man will
agree is not very educational.
As to the Idea that the tin-pot merchant makes many hundred per cent,
so the farmer sends to Eaton's, Desmond is again off the track. The trou-
him unlimited credit at the same price
ble lies in the fact that the farmer believes the local merchant should give
as cash, which lie has to send to Eaton's, and does not take into account
the loss by trade. Farm produce is
the local merchant's bugbear. For the
grease that some call butter I should
hate to feed a dog with.
From the town men's point of view
the homesteader's lot is a hard one.
Of course, a homestead is no use without the tools to cultivate it, nor a
town lot either. How does he get
these tools? Perhaps by buying them
at an auction sale, while he Is trying
to save a dollar working out. The
idea that he raises money on a homestead to start with; if Desmond can
find me a loan company that will loan
money on a bare spot of prairie of
which I only hold a $10 receipt, he
will do more than any other man has
done; not to mention the Homestead
The start-slow man with a yoke of
oxen and second-hand plow, wagon
and axe, generally makes good (even
ln this world of legalized robbery), for
he generally works with his neighbors in doing such work as cannot be
performed, or with difficulty alone. And
don't forget It, they generally have a
good time as well, For sociability
give me the country; to the deuce
with the town.
The last of the article was fairly
good; for once the reading farmer
gets a new idea he ls after lt and, if
satisfactory, stays with it.
Yours for the New Era,
Dauphin, Man.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist ia therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains In possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production aad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ef profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies In the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure It by
political action.   This is the clasB struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everj-where
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
A campaign issue of the Clarion
will be published for the Winnipeg Central Campaign Committee.
Locals and comrades throughout
Manitoba should obtain bundles
for distribution.   Order of
Winnipeg 384 Elgin Ave.
. eoHcl. the business of Manufacturers,
Kngrlnaerii and others who renlize the advisability of baring their Patent business transacted
by fCxpeiLs. Preliminaryadvice free. Charges
modenUr. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion tk. Marion, New York I,ife llldg,
Montreal 1 'nd Washington. UC, V.SJi.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start  Local) $5.00
Membership  Cards,  each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application    blank
per 100   25
Ditto in Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukranian, per 100 50
Constitutions, each   20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen        50
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review in Canada
$1.20 a year instead of $1.00. Wa
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we will mail three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mail ten
copies of any one issue.
For $3.00 we will mail the Review   one   year   and   the   Chlcaga
Daily Socialist for one year.
134 West Kinzie St., Chicago.
305  Cambie  Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mtilcahcy, Prop.   I
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"Robatchyj Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 ccnti a year
135 Stephen St.       XPinniptg, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
ItlTO . ..
 . Oldest asencj for seourlr.. ,
Patents taken through Munn A C
sptclolnoiice, without oba-ia, lata*
Scientific American.
A WalSBisllT aiMrsM tetsUy. Urnat eft-
MlMln et my seisatlle loama!.. Tssms. te,
CuM*. ••.« a Tf. »■*-*«■ CStaU.   Sal* ty
Which Stands for *a Li-ring "Wage
Vancouver Local  867.
IJIf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will aend a man
to meaanre your premises and give yen an estimate of cost of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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