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Western Clarion Dec 9, 1911

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NU » ER 64B
Now that winter, to most ot ua an,endowment   of    universities.     What
unwelcome guest, is again making Its  noble  magnanimity!     What  a  great
annual tour, we rarely pick up an
evening paper without finding several
instances of where charitably disposed
persons, or societies, are doling out
some pittance lor the benefit of suffering members of tbe working class.
While budget speeches, aud editor-
[ lals In party organs are clamorously
asserting that we are enjoying an era
of prosperity unprecedented in "our"
country's history, it does seem strange
that many members of that class
which has created all this vaunted
prosperity Bhould have to depend for
a mere existence on the love and
good-will of a class who, although
.producing nothing, yet have complete
control of all the powers of state and
government, and guard with an iron
hand every avenue by which wealth
lean be produced.
In the large Industrial centres,
,' soup-houses, those prominent earmarks of modern civilization, will be
i the height of fashion for the next few
months. Churches, missions, and the
l Salvation Army vie with each other to
| raise the necessary funds for this
[purpose. Here a long line of would
[be wage earners assemble daily to
[receive their scanty portion of beans
lor rice diluted in warm water; the
I whole conglomeration being almost as
[thin as the brand of religion dlspens-
fed by these altruistic societies. How
[earnestly and diligently the appeal
pfor funds is carried on. A pot on
[every other street corner, with a
[placard above bearing the motto,
h"Keep the pot a-boiling," is one of
[their most effective methods. In the
[banks, libraries and post offices poor-
boxes, on which are pasted simple
j Bible quotations, serve the purpose.
How beautiful! vaults and safes,
[ with doers of steel and combination
J locks that would scarcely open to the
magic touch of the mythical heroes, to
i guard the wealth of the rich and pow-
I erful, and alms-boxes to support the
| denizens at the other end of society.
On a larger scale, and ln a more
I pretentious manner, our old friend,
| the "Laird of Skibo," with a few
| ducats in one hand and a bell to draw
[the attention of an admiring public,
| ln the other bestows libraries on every
| budding metropolis that accepts his
offer; where the wage earners may
[ gather to ponder over the mysterious
[[philosophy of Carlyle and Ruskin, and
I learn to become more zealous ln defence of their masters' property. The
[other magnate of Standard Oil fame
[also takes a hand ln this great liber-
| ality, his particular hobby being the
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre
and lasting benefit he thus confers on
the down-trodden members . of the
working class. Just Imagine a wage
slave, hiking from camp to camp with
his home on back, taking the cure for
defective eyesight prescribed by one
of these seats of learning. The formula being to sit in a room lined with
dark green cloth, one day in every
month until cured. Does lt not sound
nice? But putting lt in practice is
a far different story.
Fellow workers, lt is now high time
for us to rise from the state of leth
argy ln which we have so long remained. Let us realize, even at this
late hour, that nothing for our benefit
can emanate from the class that sep
arates us from four-fifths of all we
produce. Sops and palliatives they
may hand us ln plenty, but great and
andurlng as these may appear, they
ire, after all, but an infinitesimal part
of the product of our toll. Our experience in the past should be Incentive enough for us to throw into the
Jiscard the sentimental eulogies of
•neal ticket philosophers and bour-
;eols reformers, and turn for our
means of salvation to the power which
we ourselves can  wield.
j. a. Mcdonald.
(By Watts.)
Winnipeg slaves must not lose the
opportunity to vote for that "3-cent
light and power," no seat, no fare,
single tax, abolition of everything except the wage system, and a dozen
other reforms for the benefit of their
t    *    *
In the Winnipeg "Voice," under the
heading of "Labor Mon In Contest,"
lt states that there ls no labor ticket
ln the municipal elections, and then
goes on to state that there may be a
possibility of a business man's ticket
being put forward. After reading tfie
platform ot the S. D. P. and other
labor fakirs who are seeking election
there, we are convinced that the business man's ticket ls already ln the
t    •   *
Better renew your subscription at
once, as it expires shortly.
' *   *   .
Do'you glory In feeding the families
of rich men while your family suffers?
* *   *
Do you glory in sending your children to work (Instead of to school), to
be sweated, to be crippled, to be
ground to death to feed the children of idle parasites?
* •   • .
Do you glory in going home to a
rented Bhack while your master is
driven home to a palatial residence
and surrounded by every luxury?
Think a little, study scientific Socialism and help put an end to a system
that gives to the capitalist an ever
swelling stream of profits, and to the
worker an ever Increasing amount of
misery and degradation.
The election which is now a thing
of the past has been somewhat of an
eye-opener in this neck of the woods.j
The members of the United Farmers
of Alberta, alter being so unjustly(?)
treated last fall when they went to
Ottawa and asked the henchmen of
the master class to grant them certain things which they thought would
benefit them, bave turned against the
two old parties in disgust and declared they would send men of their own
kind to represent them at Ottawa.
This last summer a convention was
held here and they found a Moses
named Jackman whom they nominated
as the farmers' candidate, and of
course they looked for great things.
The writer went to hear one of his
speeches and of all the sloppy truck
he got off his lungs about Reciprocity,
the chilled meat industry, and the terminal elevators, would make you uneasy. And to cap it all, a man who
sometimes calls himself a Socialist,
and one who writes to Cotton's, got
on the platform and talked for these
reforms, saying they would help the
farmers. He said he had always been
a liberal but was going to vote for the
farmers' candidate and asked all present to do the same.
Election day came and I am thankful to state that the Moses who was
to lead the farmers out of their economic bondage lost his deposit and only
got about 700 votes against 10,000 cast.
There Is a consolation to be taken
from this election and that Ib where-
ever the U. K of A is organized the
farmers broke away from the old parties and voted nearly solid for their
- Now lt is up to us Socialists, who,
as Fillmore puts lt, "understand the
class struggle and realize that the
State exists merely as an instrument
for holding down slaves," to do some
propaganda work. The farmers here
are so sore over the result, that you
can talk anything to them, which you
could not do a year ago.
With regard to terminal elevators,
etc., as I see it, the master class, as
soon as they see that if said Industries
were run by the government and that
there would be a reasonable chance
to do away with graft and freeze the
little fellows out, would be willing to
grant their requests and anything
else they wanted just so long as the
farmers did hqt Insist that they (the
master class) must get off of their
backs and go to work.
The Comrades of Moose Jaw have
decided to put up a candidate in the
coming Provincial elections, the nominee being Com. H. Peters of Klnistlno.
In order to do this it is necessary
that we appeal to you for funds to
carry on the campaign. Send along
whatever you can as no amount will
be too small to aid ln tbe fight. All
contributions will be acknowledged
In the Clarion and Cotton's Weekly.
It's up to you now to show what' you
can do.   Contributions can be sent to
d. McMillan, south hill, p.o.,
MOOSE JAW, or to       L. BUDDEN,
Box 101,
Lord  Ashton's Slsrn  Announcement
"A notice hss been Issued by Lord
Aahton to his employes, which ststss:
We arranged some days sgo thst ths
wages In more than one department
should be advanced, snd an order was
given to that effect. We have now to
say that no advance will be made, the
reasons for which you are also aware.
All workmen not satisfied, and who
think they can do better, or even as
well, elsewhere must leave our employ at once no matter how large may
be the number, as we would rather
close the whole of the works for ever
than give an advance of wages In any
department at the present time. We
have also to say that, In the event of
the works being closed through railway or coal strikes, the wages will
not be paid. In future, when trade is
bad we shall only keep men whom
wo regard as friendly and loyal to
their employer, who for nearly half a
century has upheld the cause of the
working classes, and we shall not, as
ln the past, keep those who are bereft
of all sense of what Is due, not only
to tbelr employer, but to themselves
It ls with sorrow—sorrow much greater than we can express—that we are
compelled to give tbis notice; but the
present state of things is so intolerable that we are determined to put an
end to it, no matter at what cost. The
notice has caused deep regret among
the employes and townspeople, many
of whom deplore the references which
have been made to Lord Ashton."
This piece of unconscious humor is
taken from a north of England paper
of November 10th, 1911. The lord in
question Is not of very ancient lineage,
as such things go, having been rewarded by the Liberal government of
1906 for his patriotic and self-sacrificing acts ln donating large sums of
money to the party's slush fund, which
proceeding, of course, fully earns him
his pedigree.
His lordship's dignity and peace of
mind must have been rudely upset
when he must get such jokes off his
mind as the following; "All workmen not satisfied, etc., must leave our
employ at once."
It would be Interesting to' know
how many slaves are really satisfied
with their master. Readers may see
how self-sacrificing the noble person
is when "he would rather close his
works forever than advance the pay";
only think, sacrificing all the profits or
unpaid labor forever, rather than allow more oats to the work horses;
what admirable principles. Here is a
man to admire or laugh at, whichever
way it strikes your feelings.
Just think of the devotion of a man
'who for nearly fifty years has upheld
the cause of the .working class," by
conscientiously voting for the Liberal
party, donating a park, library and
other things of like nature to the
workers who made his wealth; think
of the meanness of workmen who will
turn round and bite the hand that fed
them with their own bread.
No wonder he feels so sorrowful, it
is heart-breaking to flnd rebellion In
one's household after so long a period
of torpor on the part of the workers;
and it ls to be hoped that his lordship
will not have another chance to resume his wonted lethargy In this respect. Let us hope these particular
slaves will keep htm vigilant and ever
wakeful in the future. May he never
be at rest again till the workers learn
to do without him.
F. S. F.
Superior, Wis., Dec. 5.—Two hundred men, desperate from hunger,
fought for work in front of a dockhand
employment offlce here today.
There were four jobs open and 200
men sought them. Three of the tickets had been dealt out,when the demand for the remaining one became
so clamorous that the agent In charge
threw the fourth in the air above the
men's heads.
As lt fell the men ln the crowd
rushed for lt, "fighting desperately to
obtain possession.
'Today the theological phrases have
lost their power to enslave, and, most
of all, among the revolutionary
classes of the people. Reference to
historical right has also lost its force.
The revolutionary origin of present
rights aud present government Is still
so recent that their legitimacy can be
challenged."—Karl KautBky.
Inventions were made by lazy men
to make work easier, and the Clarion
sub. cards were suggested by a lazy
comrade to make it easier to get subs.
North Battleford.They are a success.   Try them!
Daily Press Becoming Alarmed at Spread of S Kialitm
Among English-Speaking People—Wha* he
Outcome Will Be.
A thing expected—be It policeman's
club or a legacy—Is not nearly the
shock of something totally unexpected. The world over today we flnd
the word Socialism being used to an
extent that Is really extraordinary
when we come to consider the same
term and the occasional references to
lt say fifteen years ago.
We know that the real meaning and
significance of the word is but little
understood and most probably will
never be grasped by the majority, still
the mere fact of the term having come
into common use denotes an advance
to which deserving prominence will
not be given until the history of our
times is written. That the capitalist
press should pay so much attention
to the word and to those who use it
is sufficient evidence if we bad no
other, that the Impression made by It
on capitalistic minds Is of no small extent. Of praise and commendation we
flnd very scant trace which of itself
should warrant those not capitalistic-
ally situated in a slight investigation.
Generally speaking, we flnd criticism
today is made to take the form of a
warning note to those with large property Interests that this gaunt spectre
as it is usually termed, must be at
once grappled with and fought, or
dire consequences will be the result.
A few years ago what little criticism
there was usually appeared in the
form of ridicule or as a reference to
passing disease that would die out by
being judiciously treated to a dose of
police supervision snd quarantine.
Today the passing reference of a few
years ago has been changed to a cry
of alarm In which change of attitude
the man In the street can perceive, If
he look well, meaning and sign worthy
consideration. As noted before, the
true meaning and significance of the
word is not understood by capitalist
or capitalist press or even by the majority of self-styled socialists, and tbe
man in the street has a vague idea that
it represents a theoretical mixture of
brotherly love and division of property
between the Individuals of the community.
It Is not to be expected that any
large proportion of society wlll grasp
the position from a scientific standpoint; never yet in history have large
movements such as the inception of
religion, the development of the
church, the Institution of private property, chattel slavery, feudalism, wage
slavery and manufacture been comprehended by many of tho actors t herein. To undorstand any Buch movement on the part of society one must
understand the cause or causes, to
understand these one must be a natural investigator or a student; to be
either of the latter one must be able
to think consecutively—of which the
average human mind seems to be Incapable.
The ordinary man will hear a Socialist say, or will read In socialist
literature, that all the phenomena of
human society are controlled by the
prevailing material conditions or methods of providing the necessaries of
life at that particular period but it
conveys no meaning to him. Unconsciously, with no premeditated purpose,
we find him taking what action may
be forced upon him by his material environment. He will wander over the
earth In search of a 'buyer for his
labor power or scramble Into line with
hundreds of others in like economic
circumstances appealing for a Job. He
will join a labor union or friendly society because It ls actually demonstrated to him through his own sense
organs that therein is material benefit for him at once.
Ever throughout his existence It has
been the same. We do not need to understand the development of organ-
Isms and the evolution of life to grasp
this. It Ib not even necessary that we
observe the actions and habits of the
animal world around us from whenco
we have sprung. All we require to do
Is to observe the method by which society supplies itself with the necessities of life and we shall discover that
all men's actions, modeB of thought,
Ideas of right and wrong, codes of
morals, etc., are determined thereby.
The era upon which we are embarked
today Is the most momentous of all
to the human race for lt marks the
perfection of machinery In the fields
of   production  and  distribution,  the
harnessing of "-irm! for ; -i to do ths
world's work. ' hes* cl ages are mors
fundamental a. ' stupendous than any
which precedei. iheui st'. Inevitably
carry   with   tl a   re' oiutlon   ia
humanity's ideu . o-.t-epUons of
right and wront- a olution ln society's attitude to the material problem, a revolution in man's notions.
In the llrht of these facts ws have
the only sclent!!'-.- and Intelligent basis
upon which to ,jro<eed tr investigate
the sr ia! fore t at work around us,
also to base a a euqi.lry Into ths nssr
full' thei thers are pointing stirs
ird certain s.gmi o'.' tremendous hap-
Wt i id make no wild tssertlons;
we neei' make no wild guesses aa to,
the if •■■>. isrorj' tells u» mat man's
actior ui'vi . er ''een controlled by ,
his ecoaoml ■ environ aeat. SclSJwe
teaches ut ilia'. 'Iving organism-'' at
all grades hay i ways b--en controlled by their inu lal conditions. OS>
dinary superncj • o' ser-itton sfrmS
us that we of toda; ' s in onr astloas
merely the marionei ■» of our SSSthn*
of producing a livelihood., Wo can SS
so far as to say that all of the phenomena known as liie is merely ths otjt
come of material <"•"•' ' •>ir>*
that, is not necessary ad it t,oing lie
yond the scope of our present subject.
These scientific facts can all he marshalled under the term Economic Determinism and equipped with knowledge of this  branch of sclenqs we
can arrive at a correct under; m.ding
of what society's course     li tic daring the perfection of the machine and
the Inevitable elimination of competition among the ownerr of the m.. - iiac,
also the consequence ■' thes» developments.   As we consider the methods
by which our society of today i-rovides
the material necessities   xo aro eon-
fron'ed by one outstanding,  self-evident  fact and  that ls that a'thotig)
manual labor ln production hss been
superseded by machine wor'-.     hi<*U
latter is a thousandfoK   mor   m  ,'uc-
tlve, yet the average man is     . In a
better position than he waa befo.    the tt
Introduction of these machines, in 't '■<
his general conditions are decio.
more  Insecure  than  ever  they  were '
The cause of this state of aft
not hard to flnd and the rest
shown In mankind's notions airly apparent.
In the first place, the reaso>.
the average man has not benefitt.
the labor saving appliances Is <\ rt'Af
because he does not c.vn thei , Is
early times before the ev> V -i ut of
manufacture each member o" ed his
own simple tools and cons'-o lently
owned whatever he produced lltti l
Ing society further still we t di communistic form of ownership of \> --•
pons, primitive tools, lsnd, tc, and
consequently a communistic fo.m of
ownership of those things produced.
The introduction of the private pro-
. erty system and ita development
through competition and the perfection -t machinery into a capitalistic
system has placed the products of society's labor Into the hands of these
privatw Individuals or aggregations of
capital. A co-operative few objected
to all the bread and butter being in
the hands of private individuals but
as long as the average man could get
sufficient to keep himself and family
in existence without a too hard struggle, he was content and went through
his monotonous life satisfied that Ij
was filling the position the Gods intended him to fill. Today the scene it
changed. Today the masses of ♦.' e
people can no longer supply themselves with sufficient of the necessities of life; a fierce struggle to even
exist has set in; the man In the street,
acting under material compulsion is
asking questions; the whole world is
awakening to face the economic problem; maintained Is a seething restless
mass, searching for lt knows not what,
acting under the natural law of Economic Determinism.
We will find upon closer examination
that man's questionings are not being
confined to things that we know as
materialistic, but are embracing all
lines of thought and action. The days
of  unquestioning  submission  to  old
i Is
1 by
(Continued on page four) PAGE TWO
Published evary Saturday by the So-
claltet Party of Canada, et the Office of
the Western Clarion. Flack Block Baae-
ment,   165 Hastings street, Vancouver,  B.C.
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125 rente for Three Montha.
Strictly In Advance.
Bundlee of 5 or more coplea for a period
of not 'era than three montha, at the rate
of one cent per copy per liaue.
Advertising rates on  application.
If you receive thle paper, It la pais for.
In   making   remittance
n»  remittance ">y
ehanae mult be added.    Addreea ell com'
munfcetlona   and  make   ell  money   ordera
payable to
579 Homer, Btcbarde Lane, Vencouver, B.C,
cam—Watch  the label on your paper.   If
Wl thla  number la on It,    your aub
aorlptlon  expiree  the next Issue.
An article in the Scientific American
of November 18th by J. Mayn'e Baltimore, descriptive of a certain piece
of work in Colorado, is also descriptive of the worse than slave position
occupied by Labor in the ordinary
mind. Let us quote a couple of paragraphs:
"Canyon City, in Colorado, has one
of the most remarkable driveways in
the world. For certain features there
is none other which can be compared
with this magnificent drive, so unique
is the whole affair."
"The drive was constructed by convict labor; that made it possible to
carry out such an extensive improvement. All the credit for the construction of the road properly belongs to
John Cleghorn, warden of the Color-
add State's Prison."
"All" of the credit, indeed! None
1 whatever to the men whose labor had
been placed at the service of the State
by their, sins. Had these men not
committed crimes against society,
their labor would not have been available to carry out this great undertaking. Without their ' labor, the idea
would have.shriveled and died within
the brain that conceived it
• But Mr. Cleghorn must get "all" the
credit, i It is probable that a thousand
other men had thought of such a
scheme. But because the measured
wash of the human sea had thrown
John Cleghorn into a position where
labor was at his disposal, then he
must be accorded all the credit for
what that labor, performed. Not only
did convict labor execute the task, but
it was responsible for half the idea.
There remains but a mite of credit for
Cleghorn—were this other than
slave system.
A million ideas a day burst into
bloom ln a million imaginations. Soon
they wither and die, for lack of labor
to give them material and useful form
This ls because the working portion
of society labors only for profit When
no profit can be made, ho labor ls performed. ' Likewise only those ideas
are utilized which promise profits
Profits are not seized by those who
make them. Those who take the profits have command over the labor of
they who produce them. Consequently the members of society who do use.-
ful labor and generate useful Ideas,
the workers, having no control over
their own labor, cannot execute their
Ideas which are thus lost to society.
"Free" labor receives no greater
consideration than convict labor, it
Is the giant shoulder of Labor alone
that has pushed its invincible way
Into the Innermost recesses of Nature's
treasure chamber. Yet Labor has always been called upon to apologize for
its presence on the earth by the "better class" who provide society with
its political ideas. The credit for anything that has been done the members
of this class bestow upon each other.
Labor gets treated as a slave class
which has been graciously permitted
to work and to exUt by reason,j>f the
bountiful mercy of its masters.
this paper even, not to mention all
tho bloodshed and agony that has
cursed his footstool ever since he
preached that sermon. Till we begin
to think there is some foundation for
the opinion of the many who, as the
committee puts it, "regard these high
and lofty principles as impossible of
application." But the committee reassures us that they are "founded upon the necessary and fundamental relations of men." According to them,
" 'Lie not to one another, for ye are
members of one another,' all will admit to be a sound principle." We
admit lt sounds all right, though ws
dynamiters and ot deeds of violence
and lawlessness. We are not joining
that unctuous choir. It is a chorus
of hypocrisy. We know, and they
know, that violence of one sort or
another, if.not a principle, is an almost invariable practice of the union
militant. We can recollect that ln
our own trades unionist days the laying out of a "scab" with a handy link-
pin was not unpleasing news td us,
or to ninety per cent, of the other
slaves of any hell-hole we ever fre
quented; no matter If some of them
were inclined to express a repudiation ot violence and lawlessness. And
do not quite understand the latter half; the difference between slugging one
of it. But we do not quite see how
"commercial and political affairs" are
to be conducted with lt. How could
men sell one another real estate, for
Instance, without lying a little, or, at
any rate, writing an advertisement
about lt? How could two lawyers
conduct the two opposing ends of a
case? How could Immigrants be induced to come to this magnificent
country? How could audiences be
induced to go to a theatre? Even,
how could we keep peace in the family? We don't believe it can be done.
However, reading further, we are
delighted to learn that "when the living wage is not made the flrst factor
in determining the price of manufactured articles, and In the sweat shop
the scale of wages is so low that our
maidens have set before ^them the
awful choice between hunger and dlB:,
honor, and In the factory young children are stunted in mind and body by
excessive labor, it is time for the
Church to aid in driving these things
from the holy places of our civilization, and to urge its members, who in
corporate bodies and otherwise are
served by labor, to keep themselves
clear of guilt in 'these economic relations." After that, will the trades
unionists dare to repeat that libel
about the Methodist Book Publishing
concern running a scab shop?
But anyway, "the Church Proclaims
for Human Brotherhood." True, further on, "we deprecate the opening
of the gates of our country" to the
"unworthy immigrant," but who would
want to be brother to the unworthy?
We have heard of but one man who
did and they crucified him, we are told.
By the way, when We get the Sermon on the Mount embodied in the
law books of all the countries, we
wonder where the unworthy immigrant will migrate.
Yea, verily, "the Church ls coming
our way." If It comes any closer we
will climb a tree.
Undoubtedly the church is coming
our way. The 1910 Methodist Conference has even come the length of
adopting unanimously a report of ItB
committee on sociological questions.
Unanimously, mind you. We herewith append their "Universal Principles."    It's great.
"We believe the Master intended
that ln industrial, commercial and
political affairs, ln laws and social
regulations, and In the spirit of all
our dealings with each other, the
principles of the Golden Rule and the
Sermon on the Mount should govern;
only through these can we be led out
of our semi-barbaric commercialism,
and only by means of these can we
lay firm and strong the foundations of
the Kingdom of God upon earth."
We merely wonder why, if "the
Master" had any such Intentions, he
did not carry them out, Instead of
putting us to the trouble of running
The "Citizen," a weekly paper, published within smelling distance of
False Creek, has lofty and penetrating
Ideas on affairs of state. It offers as
one vital reason why we are well rid
of the Laurier administration the fact
that some lobsters were sent overboard around here somewhere with
their claws wired; The lobsters were
to be 'planted" but the slave immediately on the job forgot to take the
wires off the claws. This was while
Laurier was in power, and therefore,
according to the two-bit ideas of corner-grocery journalism, he ls responsible.
We have two reasons for noticing
so small a cinder in the public eye as
the "Citizen," and we state them as a
sort of apology to our readers. One
Is that we need a little relaxation and
are tired of studying the habits of
cockroaches in restaurants. The other
is the powerful suspicions it arouses
as to the real causes for great happenings and the movements ot prominent
For instance, who knows but that
the real reason for Balfour's resignation is a long series of neglectful oversights ln the feeding of a pet canary?
Or that Charles the First was beheaded because a page of his mislaid a
housemaid's broom? England may
have lost her American Colonies because George HI didn't tip a groom
ln Scotland! How do we know that
the war of 1812 was not the work of
a careless manicurist? Thus there
are possibilities In the products of
even the minutest intellect.
The outcome of the near-trial at Los
Angeles seems to have fluttered dovecotes ln quite numerous quarters, and
the explanations offered are at any
rate varied. To some it appears a
put-up Job of thuggery from start to
finish, with the M'cNamaras In cahoots with Burns to collar the rewards
and discredit unionism. To others
that the M'cNamaras have been
bought to confess. And so forth. Not
being ln possession of the necessary
data ourselves, we are willing to admit we don't know a thing about it.
Hut one thing we do know now, and
that ls that our hitherto unflattering
opinion of "labor leaders" generally
haB not been changed much for the
bettor. Not by reason of the acts of
the M'cNamaras, but. by reason of the
expressed opinions of the ruck of
labor leaders. From end to end of
the continent there comes up an Insistent  chorus of repudiation of the
scab and blasting twenty-one ls merely an arithmetical difference.
The tact of the matter ls that corporations ot labor, as corporations of
capital, wlll, and must, stop at nothing to gain their ends if tbey are to
gain them. Only, the Law wtll damn
the former and defend the latter, for
lt is their Law. And the former must
fail and the latter generally succeed
A slight knowledge of economics
would show up the fallacy of expecting to gain anything from killing
scabs or destroying property. All that
might be gained would be a Blight and
temporary alleviation of the conditions of servitude. And even that has
been gained so seldom that we cannot see where the game is worth the
candle. It is certainly not worth taking chances Of the gallows tor. But,
for all that, those who take that
chance may be ignorant , but need
not necessarily be traitorous. Here is
what J. B. McNamara is reputed to
have to say on the question:
Let them call me yellow. Let them
say I was an imposter. I fought in a
cause that Gompers and every man
who contributed a cent to my defense
was interested. I made my fight for
life and when I saw I had a chance to
save my life, I took it. I suppose I
would not have been yellow if I had
gone to the gallows. I did nothing
unfair to Gompers. I suppose he
wanted me to tell him that I was
guilty, when I thought I had a chance
to get away with my life and my liberty. I was not telling my secrets to
anybody. I was glad to get their
money for my defense. I had a right
to get it. For I staked my life in a
fight that was the fight of everyone
of them. I helped the cause in my
own way. Let them repudiate me!
Let them denounce me! I know that
I did as much as anyone ln the fight
for union labor. But tbe end came.
I took the long chance In the open,
but when It comes to putting a rope
around a man's neck, I felt that I had
a right to look out for myself,' no
matter what fix I left them all In.
know they are sore, but I did my best
and I made my fight That's all I've
got tosay."
Yellow? He does not look very yellow to us. Fools these brothers may
have been. But the world would be
very much poorer without some of its
fools. If their tale Is true that they
did what they did ln godd faith, lt
shows a devotion to what to them evidently represented the cause of Labor
which will compare not too unfavorably with any manifested by those
who are now falling over one another
to repudiate them. Even dynamiting
and conspiring to destroy property is
rather finer than packing conventions
and scheming for re-election to office
and salary. And at least quite as
much in the interest of Labor.
That their example is not worthy of
imitation Ib due, not to their deeds,
but to the fact that they were done
ln a vain and unworthy cause. In the
Inglorious attempt to enhance the
price of a ware ln the face of economic laws, and for an advantage in an
Inhuman traffic in human chattels.
Repudiate their methods? Not we.
Here we have a franchise as a possible means of expressing our wills,
and do not need to employ those
methods. Where our comrades have
not the franchise they employ just
those methods and we heartily approve them. When the time comes
with us when a proletarian majority
of ballots shall declare our wlll to
take from our masters their mastery,
that declaration will be heeded because, and only because, behind lt
will stand proletarians prepared to go
to any lengths to carry that declaration irto effect against the opposition
of a minority.   Otherwise what?
co-jcera of ours how much Mr. So and
So grafts, because the system Is founded on graft, and If this man don't graft
another will, as long as this system
remains; therefore, lt ls useless for
us to waste valuable space ln this
paper to show up the graft of Mr. So
and So. We've got to after the system that allows it.
Again we find the capitalist and
reform press raving about justice the
way It is dealt out by judges and politicians. Whole pages of lt. And what
ls their remedy? Simply another
judge or politician. Now we can't expect to get Justice, in fact we don't
know what lt is. As long as there are
two classes ln society whose interests are diametrically opposed they
cannot both be satisfied, Therefore
we would be illogical to talk ot getting justice, and we don't want to
waste any space In our paper about
not getting justice.
Then, again, nearly all so-called Socialist papers and capitalist sheets
are bellowing for reforms. Here,
again we flnd that reforms can only
be made at the expense of one or
the other of the two classes, and as
the power of granting reforms lies In
the hands of the capitalist class how
can we expect those reforms, If granted, to benefit the working class. Yet
we find the platforms of these "Socialist"? parties full of reforms and
the papers full of the graft of officials
and monled men, full of that mythical
justice and claiming to be working in
the interests of the working class. So
we want you to reason this thing but
before you jump into the ranks of reform parties and help support their
The old political parties are waking
up to the advancing socialist tide.
They realize that their old tactics
won't work so they are adopting the
planks of these reform parties and
with the support of the reform parties
in several cases, once more get into
office. What happens to the so-called
Socialist party? Why they have to
make a new start. You will notice
these things taking place ln England
and the States, and in Australia,
where the labor party are in power
you find absolutely no change from
the methods of the old parties. In
every instance where these reformers have been elected they bring forward measures tbat help to keep the
workers longer In subjection simply
because their education ln economics
has not been sound.
Therefore the stand that the Western Clarion takes is the only right
one, and that is to educate the working class to their own material Interest Not how much Mr. So and So
is grafting, but why graft exists. Not
to advocate reforms, but to abolish
the entire system. Not for Justice,
but for the. full product of our toil.
The present platform of the S. P.
of C. was adopted at the time of the
formation of the Party in October,
1902, and no part of it has ever been
adopted by the old political parties.
They are welcome to it all the same,
but it is more than they can handle
although there Ib only three planks.
So If you want to know more of why
the S. P. of C. takes this stand, send
ten cents to the nearest Local or the
Clarion office and ask for the Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Canada.
Socialist   Party   Directory
Donnmrn executive committee
Socialist    Party    of    Canada. Meeta
every     alternate     Monday. R.     I.
Matthews     Secretary,     6i9 Homer-
Hlchards lane.   Vancouver, B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday,   R.   I.    Matthews,   Secretary.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada
Meets every alternate Monday In Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite post-
office. Secretary wlll be pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement in the province. F.
Danby,   Secretary,   Box  647,   Calgary,
MA-*n*roaA nsovnroxAL bxbou-rti
Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested In the Socialist
movement. .SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; ao If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
Beoretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
SIS Good Street, Winnipeg,
ecutlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every first and third
Saturday In the month, 8:00 p.m.. at
headquarters, Ma*m Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. L. Budden,
Secy., Box 101, North Battleford, Mask.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second aud fourth Sundays In the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Olace Bay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Olace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL   FBBNIE,   8.   P.  Of  O,   HOLDS
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting first Sunday tn each
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary, Fvox 101.
LOCAL   GEEEMWOOD,   B.   C.,    NO.    0,
S. P. ot C., meets every Sunday even-
Ine* nt Miners' Union Hall. Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C.
Primerlle, Secretary.
LOCAL  LADYSMITH  NO.  10,  8.   P.  Of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 o.m., In headquarters on First Ave.
Parker Williams, Sec, Ladysmlth, B.C.
LOCAL BOBBLAND, NO. 25, 8. P. of C,
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
Pox 074. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets In Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
LOCAX, MICHEL, B. 0., NO.  IS, 8.  P.
of C, holds propaganda meeting*
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in
Orahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings aro held the tlrst
and third Sundays of each month nt
10:30 a.m. In the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Jullnn,
second Sunday, 7:30 p.m.. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts,
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., fn
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
No. 15, B. P. OP C—Headquartlrs
Room 3, Dupont Block, over Northern
Crown Bank. Propaganda meeting
every Sunday, Crystal Theatre, 8 p.m.
Business meeting every Monday, 8 p.
m. B, W. Sparse, Recording Secretary; H. Gilchrist, Organizer: J. C
Williams. Financial Secretary.
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday In
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
'Hard times" has captured Vancouver. Thousands of men are searching for employment. Free "want ads."
and a free labor bureau cannot supply jobs. Next week we will treat
this subject at length, for the Information of any workers who can see fortunes in this direction.
Socialist papers who ln future are
disposed to rush madly to the defense
of martyred trades unionists, would
do well to examine the situation and
ascertain how much they don't know
about it. Some of them have lately
discovered themselves getting off the
car backwards.
LOCAL  REVELSTOKE,  B.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquurters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
C. Meets every Tuesday ut 7:30 p.m.
ln the Sandon Miners'. Union Hall.
Communications to be ■ addre.*jei
Drawer K. Sandon, B. C.
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. in Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
LOOAL  VANCOUVER,  B.  C.  NO.  1,  B.
P. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 133
Water Street. F. Perry, Secretary,' 518
Hornby St.
LOCAL ▼ANCOOTBB,  B.   C,   NO.   48,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 8287
Main Street.   Secretar;-, Wm. Mynttl.
LOCAL VBBNON, B. O., NO. 38. 8. *ff.
of C, Meets every Tueaday, 8:00 p.m.
■harp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronaon St.
W. H. Qllmore. Beoretary,
LOOAX,    COLBMAN,    ALTA.,    NO.    S.
Miners'" HaU and Opera House. Propaganda meetings nt 8 p.m. on the first
and third Sundays of .the month. -Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings !at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendenning, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of I
U. M. W. of A.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St. '
Business and propaganda meetings -
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 n.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 022 First St.;
Organizer, W. Stephenson.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p. m. at Room 25, Mackie (Block.
l'*tghth avenue and Second street W.
Club and reading room name address.
Frank Tipping,  Secretary,  Box 647.
every Sunday, Trades Hall, 8 p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, 8
p.m., Trader Hall. B. Simmons, secretary, 1009 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarter-*. No. 10 Nation
Block, llossar Ave. Propaganda meeting. Sunday at 8 p.m.: business meet-
ini". second nnd fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class, Friday at- 8.p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieo, 2j9 First St.,
Brandon, Man.
_^ •_ ! _.     ..   _L»-
S. I*. of C.    Meets first nnd third"
days in the month,    at    4   p.i
Miner*'   Hall.     Secretary,   Chas.
cock,   Box  198.1.
OP   O.—Pi-onnKanila     meetings    6
Sunday. 7:30 p. in., in the Trades
Economic Clasx every Sunday, 3 i	
1\ McMillan. Soc. Troa--., South TIM
P. O., Sask.; A. Stewart, Orgnnlzer,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves welcome.
8. P. OP O.-rHeadquailcrs 528>4 Main
Street. Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre, Buslne-is meeting every
Sundny morning, nt 11; economic class
Wednesdays, nt 8 p. m. Secretary's
address, 270 Young Street. Propaganda meeting every Sunday evening
1n Dreamland Theatre, Main Street, at
8 o'clock.'   Discussion  invited.
Business meeting-* first Sunday In
month In T.nhnr Hall, 44 Bank St. A.
O. McCallum, Secretary, 140 Augusta
-—    -    .    '   - -j-j-
Business nnd propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall, llnjnn Street. All are welcome. Alfred Navh, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay',' Wm. Sutherland,
Orgunlzer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, ofllce In D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
The next time we are treated to a
Made-ln-Canada Fair, It ls to be hoped
that some of the miserable poverty
now prevailing from coast to coast
will find a prominent place. It is
about the only strictly domestic product we can boast about.
Receipts.   •
Subs and Cards  $314.95
Ads *     14.50
Maintenance Fund     2n.50
When the Western Clarion gets into
the hands of a new reader, he llnds
that the reading matter is entirely
different to what be has been used to
In the capitalist press; therefore, it
is my intention to try and give them
the reason why they should not expect to find the continuance ot capitalist ideas In our paper.
In the firBt place the present capitalist Bystem was not brought about
by the capitalists, but by economic
necessity, and all the Institutions and
wants of today are brought into being by economic necessity. Total    $355.95
Now the Western Clarion being own- We must not, however, rest on our
ed and controlled by members of the oars because we got a little surplus,
working class ls published only for Unless the rustlers get busy and keep
the education of the working class to | rustling, there is great danger of a big
their own material interests.   It is no decrease during December.
Total    $355.95
Printing three Issues  $150.00
Mailing         6.95
Editing        25.00
8ub. Cards      12.50
Cuts '.     19.30
Sundries         3.90
Surplus     138.30
Socialist Party of Canada
"We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
Sri long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
program of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to onduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
5 Yearlies - - - $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies - - 4.00
20 Quarterlies -  -   4.00 JUfURDAY, DECEMBER 9, Uii
ods, when the market experiences Important extension and trade ts flourishing, industry has not room for all
the unemployed. In periods of slackness, when trad* ls dull, thsir number
grows immensely. They, together
with the workers of ths superfluous
petty undertakings, form a whols army
—ths Industrial Rsssrvs Army, as
Marx called lt—an army of laborers
always at the disposal of capital, from
which ths latter ls always able to draw
its reserves as soon as ths Industrial
struggle shows signs of becoming animated.
Ths rsssrvs army Is invaluable to
the capitalist. It serves Mm as an important weapon to keep ln check the
army of the employed and to make
them more submissive. Since the overwork of some causes the unemployment of others,'the unemployment of
these latter becomes the means of
sustaining and intensifying the overwork of the former. And yet In face
of this tact It Is asserted that we are
living In the best of all possible
While the expansion of the industrial reserve army fluctuates with the
fluctuation of commercial life. Its general tendency Is to move ln an upward direction; for' the technical revolution proceeds ever more rapidly,
extending continually to wider spheres,
but the expansion of the market on
the contrary becomes ever more limited. We shall have occasion to refer
to this point again ln another connection. It suffices here to have drawn
attention to it
But what does unemployment mean?
It not only means want and misery
for its victims, not only Intensified
slavery and exploitation for those in
employment, but it means also insecurity of existence for the entire
working class.
Whatever the fate of those exploited
under former systems of exploitation
may have been, they were certain
of one thing—security of livelihood.
The sustenance of the slave or the
serf was assured at least so long as
the existence of his master was secure. Only the ruin of his master
could deprive him of his security of"
The misery or want that under any .
former mode of production  was  at ,
times experienced by the population '
was not the consequence ot production, but a disturbance ot production
through bad harvests, cattle plague
floods, invasion by hostile armies, eto'.
Meeting held at Com. Moon's Saturday, Nov. 25th.
Minutes of previous meeting adopted. Correspondence from Locals
Moose Jaw, Maple Coulee, Prince Albert, and Fennell Hall. Dom. Executive, C. M. O'Brien, P. Marshall,
Lloydmlnster, Com. Hermann, Rosthern, Claude Swan, Shellbrook.
As Local Mooss Jaw has decided to
run a candidate ln the coming Provincial Elections, ths Beoretary was instructed to issue an appeal to all the
Comrades ln Saskatchewan as could
be reached by letter, for funds to
carry on the campaign and also to
publish a letter in the Clarion and
Cotton's Weekly, to reach those at
Resolved that the election of the
Provincial Executive Committee for
1912 be held at Fennell Hall on Sunday, December 17th, by a joint meeting of Locals North Battleford and
Fennell Hall. Fennell Hall please take
, notice.   Financial Report adopted.
Warrant drawn for postage, $1.00;
rent of hall, $12.00.
Local N. Battleford  $2.00
W. J. Sleep   2.40
Local Moose Jaw    2.00
Local Maple Coulee 50
W. H. Herrmann  1.50
-Budden Bros  1.80
Local Moose Jaw  2.50
Com.   Griffiths   (chairs)  3.20
WANTED—At the Ymir General Hospital, a nurse, must be a
graduate of tome well established
ho>pi(al. For particulars write
i summer of 1911 has been' a
ous one for our farmers. Once
shas the optimism of our West-
ssters been justified and their
\\ stories of a land "flowing
arte**!- Milk and honey" found proof in
actual fact. The spring begau well
| -and the slaves rejoiced, the seeders
clanked over the stubble and summer
fallowed fields; they cried "work, and
all will be well." Mental mathematics
were indulged ln. "Well, soo here,
there's 160 acres in grain, say at 20
bushels to the acre; that's 3,200 bush
els; now that ls a reasonable enough
estimate for sure. Grain prices are
sure to rise next fall (oh optimistic
ass), and I reckon we'll get at least
80 cents for No. 1 Northern: that'll
work out at. about $2,G00," and so on
for evermore.
" -The lessons of previous seasons
have long ago been forgotten, for our
farmer himself is in the real estate
game in a small way and must not
admit even to himself the absolute
■untruth of the capitalist press In the
matter of conditions In the Wes*.
"Boost, don't knock," starve rather
than speak of the evilness and uncertainty of It all; sh-h-h! don't say
lt froze upon the 18th of July, yon
' might Injure someone's Interests.
The real estate of which the writer Is
proud to be the owner, being now
established upon a sound basis and
in a fair way to make a millionaire of
him some blessed day, he feels hs
may write what Is, ln reality, the bitter truth about this all surprising summer of 1911.
The spring (aa before stated), opened well, but about the end of May
rain began to fall and continued to
fall with a determination and energy
quite equal to all that had been said
In Immigration pamphlets. Somehow
tt could not be persuaded to stop. The
windows of heaven were opened and
behold lt RAINED. And then some.
Some say they prayed In the various
superstition vending pews for a dry
spell. The writer does not know for
certain, having dropped the bad habit
of attending the "love schools," as
our churches are locally known, but
would ot the time, had he known, suggested a course of supplication to the
master of the "dry regions." Ah! prohibition, where wert thou?
The rain continued to fall until well
ln August when it let up, to take a
fresh hold. After that time we had
"some slight local showers," to quote
the local papers, although they seemed to the pessimistic eyes of a
"grouch" to partake of the style of
a tropical tornado. In conssquenoe
the grain grew and continued to grow
and remained a beautiful green, well
iato September. Ot course lt froze
and froze hard. What the day before
had been plump kernels of wheat as
big as green peas, was the next morning shrivelled husks. Crystallzed labor power? Something had dissolved
that crystal out of sight.
The happy consummation of this delightful season ls before and all
around us, the shocked fields still tin-
threshed and covered with snow and
lee. No. 1 Hard? Yes all that; frozen hard.
Now behold the many advantages of
this beautiful system of production
which the farmers in common with
the other slaves hold up with both
hands. Threshing continues under
great difficulties. Many of tbe rigs
have pulled in, not being able to make
expenses. That grain which Ib now
being threshed is of course, full of ice
and snow, and local millers and elevators have no means of dealing with
this kind of thing and refuse to buy.
The terminal elevators are full to the
roof trees and their drying kilns working over time. Miles and miles of
grain cars are blocking the lines all
over the country. Many farmers who
shipped grain some weeks ago have
not at this writing heard of them.
Things are all gone to the devil. The
markets are chock-a-block, prices continue to fall and all in the garden
looks lovely.
In consequence of the slaves hav-
ins failed to handle the grain, our
friend the machine manufacturers
cannot collect, the banks also dare
not put the screw on, stores must continue to deal in credit and faint for
a sight of ready cash. Yes, things are
pretty strained, thank you, and tho
revolutionist hopes to see them snap
in the near future, although just how
much these wooden-headed bipeds will
stand is a hard question.
Here let us offer a suggestion to our
farm slave unions. Get together and
puss a strong resolution about it, condemn somebody or something, make
the paper smoke, only don't blame
yourselves, for by so doing you might
chance to hit the bull's eye. Ah! resolute to the government, you say? Yes
do, are they not now, while many are
faced Willi misery und starvation doing some strong resolutlng themselves? Are they not asking Manitoba and Alberta to send threshing
rigs along with all dispatch, of course
upon the same business basis. No
such thing as subsidizing them and
running the grain through at any cost,
someone would call this a Socialistic
measure and that would finish it.
Although no Socialist would dream
of doing such a thing. Government
help? Help yourselves, ye slavish
minded ones. Of course the writer
has some right to grouse about things
because he is in revolt against them,
but you, fond dreamers of the "make
good" creed, have nothing to say upon
the matter in that line. Rather should
you sing songs of praise. Drink deep
of the unholy bungle production for
profit is making of this old world.
Take a good helping, there's lots of
It and you know you voted for It.
The government estimates the grain
not yet threshed at 28 per cent., but
as we used to sing with childish fervor at Sunday School: "God knows
how deep they lie."   And In the opin
ion of the writer, 40 per cent, would
be nearer the mark.
If this grain is ln reality the property of the master class, they are sadly
neglectful of it, and are letting lt rot
in the fields. We should be glad if
they would manifest a little more interest ln their goods and get them
safely under cover. This is a commodity world and commodities circulate by exchange, the exchange process being the very hub and pivot of
this system. The ownership of any
commodity presupposes the power to
exchange, deny or abolish that and
the products ars commodities no longer, for a commodity ls a thing socially
produced for exchange.
Were lt possible to create all by
oneself a something for exchange
It would be no commodity; on the
other hand, socially produce values tor
use and they would cease to be commodities. The commodity nature of values
ia a characteristic Imposed upon
human products by the capitalist system. Grain is a commodity. Labor
power is a commodity. Do the capitalists purchase our crystallzed labor
power or do they purchase our grain?
A commodity is human labor worked up In raw materials, crystallzed
human energy, and a slight investigation will prove that labor power is
not in itself a thing but is a relation.
A characteristic imposed upon physical energy by capitalism. The chattel
slave worked up his physical energy
into values but not his labor power.
It iB not labor power then that is
crystallzed, but human energy and this
manifests itself as a commodity, social labor (not labor power) Incorporated into the natural resources of the
earth. The physical energy of the worker coming under the commodity law
becomes labor power, but at the precise moment of its incorporation* lntq
visible values'ceases to be labor power and becomes labor. It loses its
peculiar characteristic of labor power
and ls once more pure physical energy.
It being a manifest impossibility to
crystalize a characteristic, the Item
crystallzed labor power falls to* the
ground and should flnd no place In
the speeches of organizers to the farmers.
It is now, therefore, evident that
the "crystallzed labor power" teaching
should be consigned to the limbo of
forgotten things and an effort made
to place before the farmers a true explanation of their economic position'.
The writer is Inclined to the Idea thai
household to which corresponds a particular form of family. We do not
consider the present form of family
to be the last, and expect that a new
form ot Society will also develop a
new form of family. But such expectation ls something altogether different to an endeavor to dissolve all
family ties. Those who destroy the
family—who not merely want to do,
but actually DO destroy it before our
eyes—are not the Socialists but the
capitalists. Many a slaveowner ln the
past haa torn husband from wife, parents from children able to work: but
capitalist methods surpass ths abominations ot slavery; they tear the suckling from the mother, forcing her to
entrust her Infant to the care of
strangers. And a society la-which
that occurs dally ln hundreds and
thousands of cases, a society that has
specially founded "charitable institutions patronized by the 'nobility'" for
the purpose ot making lt easier for
the mother to part from her child—
such a society has the audacity to
reproach ub with intendeing to dissolve
the family, because we are convinced
that household work will develop into
a special branch of industry, thereby
transforming the character of the
household and of family life.
Besides being approached with the
intention of dissolving the family we
are accused of aiming at community
of women. This reproach ls as void
of foundation as the other. We assert on the contrary that the very
opposite of community of women, of
sexual compulsion and immorality,
namely, ideal love, will form the basis
of all marital relations in the Socialist Commonwealth and such love can
generally prevail only in such a state
of Society. But what do we see today?
The want of resistance on the part of
women who have hitherto been confined to their households and have
mostly but a faint conception of public life and the power of organization
—is so great, that the capitalist
employer dare pay them wages
which do not suffice for their sustenance, and incite them to prostitution
as a means of augmenting their wages.
An Increase in the industrial employment of women has everywhere the
tendency of causing an increase ln
prostitution. In the modern state of
the fear of God and pious morals there
exist entire "flourishing" branches of
Industry In which the women workers
are so badly paid that they would have
since the soil slave workB up human t0 gtarve t0 death were tney not to
energy Into value with the aid of Bof
ciely as a whole, the thing he haul?
to market is a genuine bona-flde com*
modity and would plead tn order that
our propaganda go forward amongst
the farmers as it ought that propagandists treat the subject in that light
The fearful competition amongst us
all, the giant amount of machinery we
must purchase, the effects of cllmati?
damages, the want of backing, thd
dominant power of the Capitalist
class through their ownership of the
means of transportation, the Invest;
ment of capital into land, the rise of
the new race of farmers, who are
capitalists from England and the
States. The fearful power of the banks
and mortgage companies. The unpaid labor In the grain as it is marketed and many other obverse conditions
form splendid material toward a correct understanding of the farmers' position. The farm slaves pant like
Atlas under a fearful load which only
education will enable them to throw
It Is the purpose of the Socialist
party to see they obtain that education and In order to do so we must
talk to them as workers upon the land
and not In the factory. The dialectic
will enable us to reach the truth. Let
us do so as speedily as we may.
(By Karl Kautsyk)
Is The Key Note of Socialism
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to become independent of the landlord in a short time
Own your own home by small monthly payments less than rent
Make small monthly savings earn over 20% (or you
Ask (or Booklet
Home Loan & Contract
Company, Limited
640 Hastings Street West        Phone Sey. 6704
(Continued from last issue)
The industrial labor of woman In
capitalist society means the entire
destruction Of the worker's family
life without substituting a higher form
of family. The capitalist mode of production, in most cases, does not dissolve the working-class household,
but it deprives lt of all'Its brightness,
leaving only its dark side with the
waste of woman's energy and her exclusion from public life. The Industrial labor of woman today does not
mean her relief frqm household duties,
It means adding a fresh burden to
those she already bears. But one cannot serve two masters. The household of the worker goes to wreck and
ruin If his wife has to assist in earning subsistence for the family; but
what present society puts In place of
the Individual household and the individual family Is miserable refuse:
the soup-kitchen and the day-nursery
in which the leavings of the physical
and mental nourishment of the rich
aii thrown to the lower classes.
Socialism is accused of aiming at
the destruction of the family. Well,
we know that each particular mode of
production has Its particular form of
stoop to prostitution. And the employers declare that just upon these
low wages depends the possibility of
their successful competition, and that
higher wages would ruin them. Prostitution ls as old as the contradiction
between poverty and riches. But in
ages gone by prostitutes occupied in
the social scale a position falling between those of beggars and scamps,
constituting a luxury In which Society
could afford to Indulge, and the loss
of which would by no means have endangered the very existence of that
society. To-day it is not only the
women of the loafing proletariat but
working women, who are compelled to
sell their bodies for money. This selling of their bodies Is no longer only
a matter of luxury, no, lt has become
the basis of Industrial development.
In the capitalist system of production
prostitution becomes one of the pillars
of Society. The defenders of this society themselves practise community
of women, the vice of which they accuse us; of course, community with
women of the Proletariat. And tills
method of community of women has
taken root so deeply ln present society that its representatives declare
prostitution to be a necessity. They
cannot conceive that the abolition of
the Proletariat must mean the aboil
tion of prostitution, because they can
not possibly conceive of a society
without community of women.
The community of women of today
is an Invention of the "higher" grad
es of Society, not of the Proletariat.
This community of women iB one of
the ways of exploiting the Proletariat.
It Is not Socialism, but its very opposite.
The  Introduction   of   the  labor  of
women and children into industry is,
as  we  have  seen,  one  of  the  most
powerful   means   for   forcing   down
But at times other means have an
equally powerful effect: the Importation of workers from localities backward in economic development, where
the population have but few wants,
but possess labor-power that has not
yet fallen under the ban of industrial
enterprise. The development of large
Industrial enterprise, especially of
machinery, not only makes It possible
to use unskilled In place of skilled
workers, but also affords the opportunity of obtaining them cheaply and
quickly. Development of the methods
of transit proceeds hand in hand with
the development of production; transit on a large scale develops side by
side with production on a large scale,
transit not only of commodities but of
persons. Steamships and railways,
these highly praised bearers of culture, not only carry rifles, whisky, and
syphilis to the Barbarians, but they
also bring the Barbarians to us and
with them their barbarism. The migration of agricultural laborers into
tbe towns ls assisted by this development; and from ever greater distances swarm the persevering masses, who
have but few needs and little power of
resistance. Slavs, Swedes, and Italians go to Germany and drag down
wages; Germans, Belgians and Italians go to France; Slavs, Germans,
Italians, Irishmen and Swedes to England and the United States; Chinamen to America and Australia, and
perhaps in the not too distant future
they will to Europe. On German ships
Chinaman and Negroes are already
taking the places of white workers.
These foreign workers are, partly,
expropriated small peasant! and petty
bourgeois, who have been mined and
driven from hearth and home by the
capitalist mode ot production. Gazing at the numberless crowds of Immigrants we may well ask the question
whether it ls Socialism that thus
makes them homeless and ls responsible for men and women leaving
their native land.
By expropriating small peasants and
petty bourgeois, by Importing crowds
of workers from distant countries, by
the development of woman and child
labor, by shortening the term of apprenticeship (which becomes merely
a period of Initiation) the capitalist
mode of production effects an enormous increase in the number of workers at its disposal. Hand in hand with
this increase proceeds the ever growing productivity of human labor in consequence of the uninterrupted progress in technical Improvements and
inventions. And not alone this, but
capitalist exploitation Increases also
the power of utilising the labor-power
of the Individual to the utmost degree
partly through extending the hours of
labor, but also by speeding up the
workers, especially ln those cases
where the organization of the workers
or legislation prevents the former
course being pursued.
And at the same time machinery
has the effect of reducing the amount
of manual labor required. Every
machine displaces labor; If that were
not so there would be nothing gained
in having the machine; In every industry the change from manual labor
to production by machinery causes
the greatest suffering among the manual laborers affected, who, whether
they be handicraftsmen or factory
workers become redundant, and are
turned into the street. It was this
effect of the- machine whioh the workers felt first of all. The numerous instances of revolt in the flrst decades of
the nineteenth century showed the
great suffering and despair which
were caused by the introduction of
machinery. The introduction of machinery, and every subsequent improvement thereof, is always detrimental to
the interests of certain sections of the
workers: sometimes, of course, other
sections may benefit—as for instance,
those employed In the engineering
trade. But this knowledge will hardly
be a consolation to the displaced workers faced with starvation.
The effect of the introduction of
every new machine is that as much as
before Is produced with fewer workers, or more than before with the
same number of workers. If, therefore, the number of workers employed in one country Is not to diminish
in consequence of the growing development of machinery, then the mark-
el must be extended In the same proportion ' ln which the productivity of
labor increases. Ab, however, economic development causes at the sume
time the.quantity of labor performed
by the worker to grow and tho available labor-power to increase rapidly—
and much more rapidly than the population—it is necessary, If unemployment Is to be avoided, that the market
be extended much more rapidly than
In a ratio that would merely keep pace
with the growing productivity of the
workers owing to the Introduction of
Such a rapid expansion of the market has scarcely ever taken place under the domination of capitalist industry on a large scale, certainly
never for any considerable period In
a large field of capitalist Industry.
Hence, unemployment is a permanent
feature of capitalist Industry on a
large scale, the one being inseparable
from the other.    Even at brisk perl-
The folowing is the kind of effort
that will do the work:
W. Atkinson, Victoria 18
E. Simpson, Victoria 11
J. Watson, Winnipeg  8
W. Bennett, City   7
A. H. Grewar, St. Catherine, Ont.. E
F. Tipping, Calgary   6
H. G. Robs, Glace Bay, N. S  4
A. Farmilo, Edmonton, Alta 4
B. Simmons, Regina, Sask  2
Wm. Watts, City   i
Tekla Hintsa, Gibson's Landing 2
J. N. Hintsa, Gibson's Landing  2!
Leeds, City   2
SINGLES:— K. Strasdln, Minneapolis, Minn.; A. Stewart, Moose Jaw,
Sask.; Wm. E. Cocke, Reglna, Sask.; E.
Hogg, New Westminster, B. C; H. N.
Couruler, Revelstoke, B. G; W. Gribble, Gibson's Landing, B. C; Oscar
Erlckaon, Fernle, B. O; T. O. Larson,
McQuam, Sask.; O. Dunn, Victoria,
B. C.i Mr. Simpson, M'k't. Harbar,
Eng.; S. Fodchuck, Vegreville, Alta.;
T. K. Kjorven, Rellfields, Sask.; Mrs.
JaB. G. Robertson, Meyronne, Sask.;
A. Glldemeester, City; John Mclsaae,
South Porcupine, Ont.; Ed. Fulcher,
llrandon, Man.; J. Barnsley, Victoria,
U. C; K. Johnson, Montreal, Que.;
L. E. Siney, City; John Staples, Victoria, B. C.
BUNDLES:—Wm. McQuold, Edmonton, 200; II. ('. Besant, Waskasoo, Alt*
10; W. II. Hermann, Rosthern, Sask.,
Sub. Csrds Issusd.
Local Victoria, 50 3 months $10.00
W. McQuold, 10 yearlles    7.(0
W. McQuold, 10 6 months     4.00
Local Revelstoke, 2 yearlles     1.60
To have THE CLARION come to your home regularly. Just fill
in tho coupon lielow and mail today with a little of that spare cash.
You won't miss it.    $1 ii year; 50c 0 months; 25c 8 months.
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Western Clarion to
Vancouver, B. C. PACE FOUR
"The noble army ot martyrs.''
What a round mouth-filling phrase!
We have the glorious company ot
the prophets and the goodly fellowship ot the apostles, but how tame do
they sound beside the thunder roll of
"the noble army of martyrs."
The prophets were glorious; the
apostles' fellowship, goodly; but tbe
martyrs were an army, and noble.
The phrase accords well with the
general feeling towards a martyr.
Those who suffer martyrdom are truly
flrst ln ths hearts ot their fellows.
Nobis are they acclaimed, revered ls
their memory, and teh manner of
their memory, and the manner of
charity over their lives it like Macbeth, nothing ln life became them
like their leaving it.
I have every sympathy with this
attitude of mind. I feel that it might-
be extended further afield, with service to humanity; I am convinced that
the most miserable human who ever
; snivelled his way to dusty death, had
we other than our -wholly inadequate
foot of twine, from the measurements
of which we base our calculations ot
. things done and undone, would at the
last appear as large potatoes, and
quite as many "in the hill" as any
noble martyr of them all.
It is with other intention than of
vulgarly peering at the life of any
man that this article is written. From
Socrates to Ferrer the human family has received benefits and with all
manner of means dispatched its benefactors as speedily as occasion afforded the opportunity. Not always, however, have those who bave worn the
martyr's crown, conferred any lasting
benefit upon the race. On the contrary it has frequently happened that
the cause for which they suffered was
Of paltry consideration and themselves slight Inconsequential men.
But whatever the immediate or ultimate utility of their sacrifice and
whatever the final result, they have
died In the interest of some individuals who were powerful enough to
effect that purpose.
In this they in no wise differ from
the countless forms of life which in
an  endeavor to promote  their own
welfare are hastened with more or
less violence Into  that undiscovered
country into which all sentient life
, forms journey and from which none
has yet returned.
When Socrates, feeling the deadly
. - hemlock - working its paralyzing way
nearer his vitals, started up exclaiming, "By Zeus, Cato, we owe a cock
to Aesculapius, see you discharge the
' debt" (a cock was sacrificed upon the
recovery from a serious illness), he
typified  the martyr's mind,   one   of
'   exaltation.    So, too, the Sacnta Sim-
pllsmus of John Hess or Bruno's "I
am less afraid to receive my sentence
than you to pronounce it."   And if
occasionally   one   weakens,   as   did
Christ, lt does not invalidate my contention that more happiness and contentment was his meed ln dying for
his principles than  in extinguishing
them for an honored, easy life from
the hands of those he hated and despised.
The difference between a Christ
crucified or a Bruno burned, and a
lobster boiled alive is that the former
could have avoided the pain and death
by an altered course, while the latter
has no option. The question of
choice therefore is the line of differentiation. A martyr, of course, must
meet, in order to be fully within the
precise meaning of the term, hie
death while struggling to Inculcate
some principle at variance with established order, and must furthermore
come to a sudden, violent and Imposed
I do not wish to extend the meaning of the word; do not desire to Include within Its scope other deaths
equally meritorious though less spectacular, but I do consider that the
universal worship of martyrs but emphasizes the overwhelming conceit
with which mankind regards itself.
A martyr, finding certain conditions
of life Incompatible with his comfort
and detrimental to his happiness, perhaps even threatening to his life, becomes actively engaged in an endeavor to right the disjointed times.
Hla activity rouses the resentment of
other members of society being opposed to their material welfare. A
Btruggle ensues in which tho more
powerful conquers. The vanquished
receives, according to the temper of
the victor, what doom the victor
pleases. This ls the law of strife. If
the victor can afford to indulge In the
luxury of magnanimity so much the
better for both parties; If not, so
much the worse for the victim. But
the activity has a personal interest
!or each party to the struggle, and
ach party views ln a different light
the entire affair.   The shrieks of a
!hell-scraped Hypatia was music to
he ears of the Patriarch Cyril and
his Christian fellows, while a few
generations previous to that gruesome
tragedy tbe founder of the Christians
faith had tickled with no less Intensity
the ears of the Jehovahltes by his
walls from the cross.    Both victims
seriously threatened the economic
welfare of the powerful and suffered
accordingly; both had followers who
regretted but glorified their ends, and
both had enemies who saw ln that
end a just judgment pronounced by
an outraged  populace.
The real trouble with the martyr
Idea, however, and this is where I
quarrel with tt, ls this: That many
individuals endeavoring by various
means to more firmly establish their
security for lite and comfort, finding
a more vigorous opposition than they
anticipated and falling foul ot unforeseen obstacles, fall ln their endeavor,
and suffer accordingly. Then a whine
ascends to heaven that those in whose
Interests they slaved so long did not
appreciate sufficiently the good services rendered them.
And again mankind as a whole,
whose cruelty and greed knows no
bounds, who sweats oppressed torture and slays every animal whose
groans, blood or energy can afford
this pleasure, leisure or* food whimper
most pitifully when a combination of
his own species imposes upon him
some of the exactments demanded
by him of others.
Let him look to the bond of Nature
signed and sealed by the centuries of
strife. There It ls written: "Woe to
the vanquished." We, the workers of
the world, stand in that predicament,
the breath we waste ln sobs could be
better utilized ln struggle. A crucified Christ is of no more consequence
than a fried herring. A vanquished
and enslaved class of precisely the
same value and possessing exactly
the same rights as a handy oyster
J. H.
Lawyers are invariably liars, but
for downright deception and callous
mockery this Welsh lawyer-member
of the Government exceeds any.
Here he Is at Whitefleld Tabernacle telling the toilers that the
"three principle causes of poverty and
destitution ln the homes of the Industrial population of the country are Ill-
health, unemployment, drink."
Everybody, including the members
ot this brutal Government of fraud
and force, knows that these three
things are but the symptoms of the
poverty-stricken condition ot the
workers. The very fact of Mr. Lloyd
George limiting his survey to the "industrial population" shows at once
that the ill-health follows directly
from the condition under which this
section of society works and "lives."
Unemployment" may accentuate
the poverty ln individual cases, but
the workers are poor—employed or
unemployed. Let Lloyd George ask
his fellow Free Trader, Chiozza
Money; or refer to the latest edition
of "Riches and Poverty," written by
this shining light of the capitalist
Even Lloyd George admitted in this
speech that the average wage was
only 24s. per week.
"Drink," too! —as though the tollers
were poor because some of them
drink. Here again, he might have asked his bosom chum, Arthur Sherwell,
M.P. for Huddersfield, for an answer
to this dirty, lying claim. A reference to Mr. Sherwell's book on 'The
Temperance Problem and Social Reform," will acquaint him with the fact
that the rotten economic conditions
under which the toilers "live" cause
the excessive drinking habits of the
Dealing with unemployment, Mr.
George said the Insurance Bill
"makes provision against the distress
which follows unemployment ln two
and a half millions of the homes of
this country."
What a colossal, callous, impudent
lie! A small section of the toilers are
to get seven shillings a week for a
few weeks provided they have paid
for lt and that they have not been
guilty of "misconduct" and provided
they have not left work without "just
cause." -Such terms, of course, are to
be Interpreted by the Bureaucrats of
the Labor Exchanges.
Seven whole shillings a week!—
just enough to pay the (Tory) landlord, and this humbug ot a capitalist
"statesman" calls this providing
against the distress!
The sickness portion of the bill, he
said, "will remove to a very large extent the destitution and penury which;
follow on the heels of sickness in the
homes of the people." Remove It by
deducting ut least 6%d. per week
from two and a half million men and
giving the majority of those insured—
who Mr. Lloyd George assured us
could not keep up their payments to
Friendly anj Insurance Societies—the
chance of drawing out from the Post
Office—only what they have paid ln,
minus deductions for sanitaria, medical aid, administration, etc.
"At the present moment the entire
burden of sickness amongst the industrial population falls on the shoulders of Labor. In the future more
than half will be shouldered by
others."   Thus the glib orator.   First
ly, seeing that the working class are
the only class engaged ln producing
wealth, the "others" live upon "Labor"
all the time, Insurance BUI or no Insurance Bill. Secondly, the employers have been plainly told by Mr. Ure,
Lloyd George's fellow Minister, that
they can easily recoup themselves for
any charges upon them. Mr. Lloyd
George, too, has been busy making
concessions to the masters — his
friends. That is why, in the words of
the wily Welshman, "All parties accept the principle of the Bill"—all
parties except the Socialist Party.
We do not support the Bill, because
it Is a miserable fraud. It claims to
deal with poverty and destitution, but
does not touch ths cause. Nay, lt
does not even touch the effects—except for the worse. It ls a Bill for
standardizing poverty and penalizing
the worker. The unemployed worker
must register at a Labor Exchange,
accept any job offered or be dubbed
a "wastrel." When he is wounded at
work the Government pockets the
"benefits" he has paid for. When he
ls Ul he is to be examined by the
"experts," and if they are satisfied he
gets just about enough to pay the rent
for a little while. His family receive
no medical or other benefit under the
And the most despicable and heartless fraud during these five years of
Liberalism has been, perhaps, the
shameful betrayal by Lloyd George &
Co. of the workers whose support they
got by pledging themselves to provide
for benefits under the Bill when the
breadwinner had gone.
The sinister side of this betrayal is
exposed to view by the pressure put
on the Government by their supporters who are directors or shareholders
of Ufe assurance companies—like Sir
Henry Dalzlel.
Should the employers lock out their
workmen, or goad them into striking,
then the latter receive nothing. It Ib
truly a wonderfully Ingenious arrangement for the benefit of the landlord on
the one hand, and for undermining
the position of the worker as a seller
of labor-power on the other.—Socialist Standard.
(Continued from Page 1)
established forms, old established
creeds, musty laws and decrees of
bigoted men, dead thousands of years,
are gone and gone forever. And the
near future in the light of this law?
Nothing more plain or simple.
The natural result of the means
whereby humanity produces its necessities being in the hands of a few
individuals or combines of capital does
not require very deep study or searching analysis. Private ownership was
and is founded upon personal private
gain. Capitalistic ownership is the
Bame thing ln a slightly different form
having profit Its sole basis and object.
Should this profit become by any
means unattainable then capitalistic
production necessarily Immediately
stops which Implies somewhat serious
effects upon the man-in-thc street's
bread and buttei; this consummation
is what is actually happening today
and ln obedience to our law we commence to stir..
Briefly stated, the position is this:
owing to the development of machinery we flnd the markets of the world
flooded wifh all kinds of commodities;
the masses of the people who constitute the market cannot buy all they
require on account of not having the
money; thoy have not got the money
on account of having to sell themselves for wages which are only equal
in value to a small part of the values
they have produced; as tho market
cannot absorb these commodities
then production must cease for there
is no profit in producing if the goods
cannot be sold.
This state of affairs is becoming
more intensified every day with tho
development and concentration of
capitalistic production.    Exactly how
Know Why
Socialism is Coming]
Don't be a socialist unless you know why you are one. Know why)
Socialism is coming. Trace the economic development of civilization!
through from slavery to the present and know why socialism is\
Victor L. Berger says:)
"A few socialist phrases ie not sufficient to make «. •cionUflol
•oclo.ll.-. In order to know WHY SOCIALISM IS COMING, swj
soolallat should have an idea of evolution, he must know history,]
he must know something of economic development.
We ae eoole-llste are vitally Intereeted in the development t
civilization.   Hletory tor vie le not a collection of ehe.llow village]
tales, the story of coronation*, weddings and burials of kings.   For
ue the true lesson of history ie the story of progress of mankind by
gre.due.1 etepe from  brute.! ■lav-try to enlightenment, culture
and humanity. •
The manner In which one eyetem hae grown out of another.)
feudallam out of slavery and co.pite.llsm out of feudalism la moetl
euggestlve of the manner by which the Soolallat Republic will]
gradually develop out of the present system.
To ehow how the Socialist Republic will gre.dua-.lly develop out
of the present system, the Library of Original Sources haa been
published.   It is a. treasure mine."
The Library of Original Sources
(In the original documents—translated)
clears away the bigotry and superstition that has accumulated around religion, law]
government, education- etc.—brings to ligRt the naked truth and shows whjtaociaJM
ism ia coming. This wonderful library gives the authoritative sources of knowledg J
in all fields of thought—socialism philosophy, science, education, etc. The rock-bottoil
facts which for centuries capitalist writers have deliberately kept from the people. I
Thousjtvnds of the Comrades in a. 11 parte of the United Statee e*.nd
Ca.n%.da htvv-a secured this library on our co-oportvtive plan, %%.t\2
without a single exception are enthusiastic over It. Letters
like these come pouring In with every mail.
John Spargoi "c^foBt helpful.   Ought      Fred Warren:  "Most Important production;   a
to be In every library." Local could not make a better Investment.
'The most valuable part        /
Walter Lohregtz, Wash.: 'A boon to
workingmen who have not time nor
money to get a college education."
A.M. Simons: "Superior to encyclopedias; will be read when novels are
C. E. Kline, Wash.: "I am urging all
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Geo. Pae, ^Alberta, Can.: "just the
thins t.3 b*.'o %■•;?*> the wheels of
Arthur M.Lewis:
of my library."
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umes will be my most -valuable
companions  this winter.
An "original document" free
Extension C_.
d*       thcLibrai
--p Source* ■
■et intel oa I
live plan.
long society will last before the law   Telling of a popular uprising in mediaeval England,
There are a great many individuals
whose thoughts, when Labor is mentioned, naturally revert to the Manual
Laborer.   This Is a mistake for under
the heading of Labor come all those
who work for wages in any shape or
form.   The Labor of Superintendence
is a point on which questions are very
often asked by the student of economics.   This, of course, has been and always will be a very necessary form of
labor for there must always be someone   superintending,   organizing   and
directing the energies of a number of
individuals collected together for the
purpose of undertaking any necessary
form of social labor.   This ls not the
man the Socialist is after for he is
a slave to capital Just as much as any
other workers but naturally he will
be among the last to admit the fact.
No, the class we Socialists are out to
overthrow are the owners of the whole
outfit, they do no useful work In Society but just simply own or hold so
much stock as the case may be.   The
Bosses,  Superintendents or foremen,
whatever you like to call them, receive
their salary (amount generally determined by his success as a slave dealer), also   the   other   workers   their
wages, but seeing that these two items
together approximately represent one-
third of the value of the wealth produced by these individuals, where do
the other two-thirds go?    Why, this
surplus ls handed over to the owners
of the   factory   or   workshop   who,
though they take no part whatever in
production, receive more than the actual wages paid out to those who do
all the necessary work.
Today the trusts and combines are
becoming very interesting factors in
the evolution of industry and when
the time comes that all the various
Industries are being operated for the
benefit of a very small faction of society, known as the capitalist class,
then it will be quite time for the workers to take matters in their own hands,
and collectively enjoy what they collectively produce, thus wlll we become
a free people having the right to work
or be lazy whenever it suits us. The
problem of producing sufficient food and
other commodities is no longer before
us as the advent of machinery has
settled that but now we are up
against another proposition and that
is the distribution of all wealth among
those who help to produce lt.
P. L.
of Economic Determinism forces a re
adjustment of our system to our methods of producing the necessities of life
it is Impossible to say. Exactly how
the  re-adjustment will  take place it
is hard to say. We do know, however, I The Class Struggle, Kautsky...
that it will take place and at no very The American Farmer, A. M.'
distant date.    Capitalistic  control of     Simons    50
and how the people got their rights.    A rare document   of greatest   interest  and   importance   to
FREE—Send in attached coupon TODAY    /'
for free copy.
/          N.m.
the social organism must go. We can
stand the pressure but a short time
longer. Its place must be taken by
ownership by society. The means
whereby we live we must own and
produce tho necessities of life, not
for profit, but because wo must have
them. This is the message of the Socialist.    This is  Socialism.
W. W. L.
If the unemployed "won't work,"
why do so many of them fight so hard
for a Job when one offers?
Local No. 1, Socialist Party of Canada, Winnipeg, instructed me to say
they were prepared to levy themselves 25 cents per member per
month for the support of the Western
Clarion, if other locals would do the
(A good many locals are .taking
bundles of sub. cards, which is a
source of mutual advantage. Would
suggest this as a better method than
levying assessments.—Ed.)
The wages of sin Is death, but the
gift of Capital Is eternal vagrancy.
Address J. Brightwell, 133 Water St.
Capital, by Karl Marx, 3 vols.,
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Franfie  50
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