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Western Clarion May 28, 1910

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Array HIS    IB
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, May 28, 1910.
•"Srt&r- ti.li
Founded Upon Slavery and Continuing but to hold Slaves in
To the average worker the State
appears tb be an Institution which is,
always has been, and ever will be. To
those who have studied the Socialist
Philosophy, however, and delved into
"prehistoric" history, the fact is easily
apparent that the State is merely a
class institution, originated for the
purpose of protecting the property of
one class from a class possessing
nothing. When there were no classes
no State existed; when classes are
abolished, the State, as it Is known
today at least, will disappear.
During the periods of savagery and
barbarism, before the State existed society was divided into communities of
gens, each formed of persons whose
lineage was traceable to one common
ancestress. Each gens could elect,
and depose at will, its official head
during peace, and its leader in war
by vote of both men and women, but
the election must be confirmed by all
other gentes. The sovereign power
was a council consisting ot all the adults, male and female. Each member
owed every other member in the same
group, an obligation to help, protect
and assist in revenging an injury.
Strangers could come into. the gens
only by adoption. When a number of
gentes united into a separate group,
they formed a phratry. Several phra-
trles. formed a tribe. All property belonged to the gens, and was used by
tbe members in common.
During the period of savagery, subsistence depended on such game, nuts,
frult< and so forth, as came within
reach of the tribes. It was the time
when the appropriation of finished natural products was in predominance.
The struggle for existence was severe enough, therefore, to prevent, one
man from procuring more than his
own sustenance. In such an ■ order of
society, classes were an impossibility,
as everyone had to do their share of
the work. If anyone was homeless or
hungry, it was due to a scarcity of
such ..things as went to produce their
requirements, and everyone was affected.
Looking back, this state of communism appears highly satisfactory in some
ways, but the means of existence, the
most.-vital question at all periods,
were precarious. If there was a great
drought, the supply of fruit and nuts
was limited; if there was an exceptionally severe winter, game was
scarce, so any means of ensuring a
livelihood were warmly welcomed.
Gradually It dawned on some that it
would be a great deal better to domesticate and raise certain animals, and
cultivate certain foods, than go hunting them. Thus we have the first
great division of social labor. Some
tribes devoted themselves to raising
cattle, or the cultivation of food
plants, and owing to a more assured
subsistence, grew in numbers and
waxed powerful.
This new departure not only slightly eased the Btruggle for existence,
but increased the work in the gens,
and enabled one man to produce more
than was necessary for his own sustenance. Presto! Enter Mr. Chattel
Slave, flrst in the form of prisoners
of war.
"Now, Mr. Prisoner, you are no
longer necessary to replenish our larder; lt is a great deal cheaper to put
you to work and allow you to produce
our living for us." Consequeuce—Ruling Class and Slave Class, and the
foundation ot the State commenced.
Up to this time, it must be, borne in
ntmd, property, slaves, cattle, etc., belonged to the gens; but as production
developed, and wealth accumulated, it
gradually drifted Into the hands of Individuals, and individual exchange for
consumption became the established
The system of production for exchange was the outcome of the next
great division of labor, viz.: Agriculture and handicrafts. This caused a
distinction between rich and prior, as
well as between freemen and slaves,
which became more pronounced as the
power of wealth began to be felt.
Here, then, was another troublesome
development. Classes within the gens,
with a consequent diversity of interests, shaking tbe very foundations of
the gentile organization.
Meanwhile agriculture, commerce,
etc., had been developing constantly.
As Industry became more specialized,
new crafts developing out of the old,
the craftsmen discovered that more
rapid progress and better work were
the result of certain crafts collecting,
probably at some point particularly
suited for their social industry. So
industrial centres were established,
largely In places where sea trade, and
sometimes a little piracy, helped In
the acquisition of wealth. As property in these places accumulated, the
population increased. Aliens, who did
not belong to any of the gens, flocked
In, drawn by a desire to increase their
worldly goods. With the increase in
their Influence and numbers, they demanded a voice In matters of government. A constitution, therefore, was
introduced, which declared part of the
business collective, and it was transacted as such by the citizens. Irrespective of their gentile connections.
Now, the gens had been dependent
upon Its members being exclusive inhabitants of a certain territory. Here
then was another blow to the organization, and another material aid to
the introduction of the State.
Still further class divisions followed, viz.: Nobles, tradesmen and farmers, the nobles alone holding the privilege of public office.
It was somewhere about this stage
of development :that money came into
use as a medium of exchange, • and
with it, usury. The.old systems of
barter had become Inconvenient. One
tribe might have plenty of ostrich
feathers, for example, to dispose of,
and not require the furs which another
tribe had to offer. In some cases,
shells were adopted, but these did not
prove entirely satisfactory, as they
possessed no material value in themselves, and the recipient, was liable to
lose in the transaction. Cattle were
also used at one time, but proved in
convenient, owing to their bulk and
liability to "shuffle off this mortal
coil." Money, it was discovered, deteriorated very little, and was valuabh
In itself, and so, came into wide use
According to Engels, money played ai
Important part, at this time, ir stilling
the liberty of the people, due probably
to the fact that, as divisions of labor
became more pronounced, and production for exchange better established,
this new medium of exchange became
much sought after, in order, to procure Buch things as were produced by
some one else. Those controlling commerce and trade controlled the mon-
These Incidents all assisted materially in making commerce and trade
the ruling factors In procuring a living. The wealthy increased In power
to the detriment of the old nobility,
and ln time overthrew them, establishing assemblies in the industrial
centers where all public business was
transacted, and dividing the people Into five classes according to the amount of their wealth, and In such a
way that the wealthiest class, although, small In numbers, possessed ln
itself a majority of the votes. Even at
this early period, you see, it was property, not people, that ruled.
In short, the old gentile organizations were approaching their doom.
The new groups formed by the division of labor first between city and
country, and then between the various crafts, created new organs for the
care of their Interests, which were
strengthened by the division of the
country into districts in which the
residents were generally required to
register their property and enroll their
name. This was the flrst division of
the people for public purposes by local residence. Due to this division the
problem of a better organized military
force was easily solved. Each district was required to furnish an equal
amount of the required fighting
With a standing army the property
owning classes were better enabled to
keep In subjection the slaves who at
one time numbered more than the free
men, and who did the labor on marketable products.
Being now fairly carried out. of communism Into the second great plan of |
government founded upon territory
ami property, the chief function of the
State became the protection of property, with the natural sequence—conquests for domination of other tribes
and nations. This great change in
the governing institutions was caused
simply by the introduction of the elements of territory and property, making them a power, where before the
inauguration of the State, they had
been an Influence.
The old system did not disappear
immediately the new political system
was established. The transition,
though effectual, was gradual. The
principal changes were, the propertied
classes took the place of the gentes,
and the assembly of classes took the
place of the old gentile assembly. The
old gentile mediums still retained certain of their powers. Morgan says:
"They were superseded rather than
abolished, and died out from Inanition.
The final change was effected by the
Romans somewhere about 509 B. C,
I understand."
Under a government of this kind It
was essential that not only wars of
plunder on outside nations should ensue, but internal strife as well. These,
along with taxes levied to maintain
the public power of coercion helped
to Impoverish the people, with the Inevitable result: limited markets for
products, on which the slaves, as has
been already pointed out, did practically all of the work. With limited
markets came unprofitable production.
So long as the workers were slaves,
they had to receive the cost of their
subsistence, or deteriorate In market
(Continued oa Pmyt I)
May 2, 1910.
Doubtless this May-day letter from
the City of Light—and other things-
will reach the readers of the Western
Clarion at a somewhat unseasonable
date, but May-day in Paris' had a
special significance this year, occur
ring, as it did, in the nild'st of a'general election. The first ballot for the
election of deputies took place on
April 24th, and the final ballotings
(which were more numerous than
usual) will take place on Sunday, May
S. It is not probable that the final
ballot will greatly modify the result
of the preliminary voting.
So far the result, as telegrams have
no doubt Informed you, Is an increase
of two hundred thousand votes for the
Unified Socialist party over the figures
for the elections of 190G. The bastard
"Hadicnl-Socialists" have suffered severely. In the "reactionary" departments the Radical government has
gained upon the Clericals, and in what
nre canlled the Republican departments the Radicals have lost ground
to the reactionaries aud especially to
the United Socialists. In the large
towns the Radicals have also lost
somewhat—not always to the Socialists—and tn Paris it is remarkable
that all the retiring deputies of the
right (reactionaries) have, with the
exception  of one,  been  elected  out-
ey, and compelled the people at large!right at the flrst ballot with Increased
to come to their terms.    The   exor- majorities
bitant rates of interest soon left those
who had had to mortgage their farms,
propertyless; and those who possessed nothing originally had to sell either
themselves or their families into slavery. -
Though at much later period, very
much the same result was accomplished, when, during the reign of Henry
VIII, land which had been common
property for centuries, was fenced in
by the ruling class and the families
who had made their living oft it for
generations and generations were
turned away homeless, to become
either thieves or vagabonds, for either
of which they could be, and were, severe!/ punished—very often by being
sold Into life-long slavery.
It ls well known that even a man
who possesses nothing cannot live on
nothing, and in both the above cases,
when all the property these individuals possessed was "nothing," the industrial centers became the goal,
where the possibility of a meagre livelihood existed.
It ls worth noting that contrary to
expectations raised by the surprising
calmness of the election campaign, and
the activity of the handful of anti-parliamentarians, there has been a considerable increase in the number of
votes recorded.
The period between the first and
second ballotings is a time of bargains
and arrangements of a somewhat sordid character. Day by day the papers
contain notes of the retirement of
"Socialist" candidates "in favor" of
radicals, and vice versa—fortunately
with Borne notable exceptions in the
Socialist ranks. This bargaining
throws into significant relief the action of the government over the projected flrst of May demonstration In
PariB. The story, which has Its amusing side, is In brief as follows:
At rather short notice the Union des
Syndicate de la Seine (a section of the
General Confederation of Labor) asked
the government, for permission to demonstrate ln the Bois de Boulogne. The
Tove»nm:nt refused and Immediate'.y
mobilized troops and police in order to
crush any attempt at demonstration;
even issuing notices to the public to
keep away from certain parts of the
Bois in order that ihere might be no
"innocent victim." In the face of this
the Confercleration countermanded the
demonstration, and a special number
of L'Humanite was published on Sunday, May l at 11 In the morning urging
the public not to go to the, Bois de
Boulogne to give the government Ihe
opportunity for bloodshed that it
sought, but. to promenade on the grand
The result was a calm May-day honored by a most imposing and unnecessary show of armed force both in the
Bois and on the boulevards, li was,
indeed, not the proletariat of Paris but
the government that demonstrated this
First of May. Besides the police some
twenty thousand troops were mobilized, and Purls was almost in a state
of siege. Some dozen workmen who
uttered "seditious" cries in the hearing of the forces of capital were Imprisoned, but there were no Incidents
worth special mention here.
It is evident that Briand, the ex-
revolutionary who Is now at the helm
of state, had his official eye on the
political compass, and In order to regain at the second ballot the votes lost
by hiB party to the "reactionaries" he
endeavored to restore the confidence of
the. bourgeosie in him by outdoing the
"reactionaries In repressive measures.
This, indeed, is the usual procedure of the renegade. It is
sad to relate that in spite of this
there are alliances or arrangements in
some few quarters between "Unified
Socialists" and these same sanguinary
anti-proletarian Radicals, on the
ground that the Republic must be preserved at all costs!
Nevertheless the government has
done well. It hns strengthened the
hands of that, strong section ot the
Socialist party which proclaims war
a outrance against all capitalist factions, and it has shown the Parisians
how helpless they are in face of the
armed forces, and how hopeless ts
their position so long as the machinery
of government is not controlled by the
working class.
It can hardly be said that the second
ballot possesses any good features
from tbe Boclalist point of view. It Is
the opportunity of the political trickster and makes for confusion. The
Socialist can only be represented by a
Socialist, ami I' Is r.o rdvantage  lo
To the Proletariat the 'Passiug of a King is of less Co nse
quence than the Death of one of their own Class.
portion and though changes continually ocur at the upper end of the social
scale, your lot at the bottom remains
the same. Ever you have to seek some
master to sell him that which you have
1st histories. .
so that you may buy bread to live
upon. Ever you must fact the know'
ledge that the struggle to sell your
physical energy Is becoming more intensely bitter, and all the time harder
to keep a. hold upon life. The new
King may reign, but your standard of
living will still decrease as it ls doing
today. You may run to other parts of
the empire and still you can not escape
the galling chains of slavery.
Not until you see that all the hubbub"'
and comments are made to keep your
eyes fixed upon your masters' affairs
and away  from your own, that the-
press of your masters Is a valuable asset to them in putting forth prominent--
ly anything from the death of Edward!
to the Jeff-Johnson flgnt, to keep your
minds away from your misery.   Oh,
many and wonderful are their ways to
keep you contented;   They teach yo»
from early childhood to be ready to-
flght and tile for youf King anil country.  That is patriotism. \ They promise*
you immortality ln another world if
you are content and humble in this life,,
well knowing that to achieve that you
will cheerfully consent to be stripped ■
of all you possess.   These and many
other devices are employed, I say, by
our masters, to keep you and I, fellow
slaves, ln subjection. ' And, as I said
before, until jjou see these things wttfa
the eyes of one 'who is .commencing to
think for. himself, you will never be -
better off.     *       .„,.,,
'"If by'any means' you get wise to the :
skin game carried,on at' our expense,
you will shed as Yf,by/magic, all the-
old fetiches you sb long and bllndl>;;
worshipped.    No longer  will  king  d'r
country appeal to you; yoii will realise
you have ho Interest In what you possess nothing of. .Your longing for im-  .
mortality will be superseded by a desire to make more of a heaven'on your,
present, sphere of action by banishing
from your fld'elst Pp'verjjf, want, crime,
and war. ..'■,',.
Kings,   priests ' statetipiep,, men   Of   .
war, will no longer lie to. you men of
renown whose deeds were to be emu-
-.   ., : • o- . ■    '
lated. You will realize that there aro
men in the ranks of the, wage slaves
who every day are doing heroic deeds,
who are fighting .for freedom as well
and nobly as any wai'rlor of uld. You
will see that here, o.i the industrial
Held, deaths occur every day that coti- .
cern you more than that'Of any parasite who ever graced or disgraced a
king-worshipers have got your almost (throne.  The death of the njan who the
Once more the cry has gone forth to
the English-speaking world: "The King
is dead, long live the King." To the
patriotic lovers of their masterB' country, it is a cry fraught with meaning,
an historical event has occurred—one
of the red-letter events ln our capital
1st historls.
To the proletariat, however, or the
class-conscious portion of. It, it Is a
mere passing event, not to be compared
even with the death of one of our own
companion slaves. For what does the
death of a titled personage mean to us?
Merely this, one more parasite is off
our backs and a new one takes his
place. The death of a hundred such
does not affect the running of the system under which we slaves bow our
necks to the yoke of oppression. The
same economic laws still prevail which
decree the fat of the land to the mighty
the ones who run the resources of the
earth, and to us, the beings who make
the fat, tbe lean ls given as our portion
There will be, as is usual on such
great occasions, a stately procession
bearing the dead ruler to his laat abode
and another to inaugurate the new
King. Amid much pomp and display
will these ceremonies be carried out.
State officials, men great ln war, kings
of industry and delegates of the army
of the Lord, wlll parade their glittering costumes and dignified bearing be-
fore the assembled gaze of the vulgar
mob, who, as is common to the slave
tribe, will take In with both eyes and
store up ln their otherwise empty cra-
nlums the details of these aforesaid
pageants, to relate to their admiring
auditors on future occasions when with
awed looks the company will hear how
Edward was buried and George crowned. The press will teem With accounts
of the late lamented's goodness, statesmanship, his peaceful character, and
all the other attributes common to a
monarch, for they have a monopoly of
the virtues. For though the tongue of
caudal doth breathe forth many
stories detrimental to his fair fame, all
is forgotten. The clergy who would
look askance on any other man of
whom the same stories were told, "provided he had no great amount "of
wealth, or was the possessor of no
ancient name," will pray for the repose
of his soul, as in the past they asked a
blessing on his head.
But be it far from us to tell tales of
what he has done, or what he hns not
clone; it concerns us not. Most likely
any one of us placed In a similar position would have ben the same; environment would have told its tale on
any one of us.    But now  when  you
unconsolable grief al the death or the
thrill of excitement at the crowning of
a successor, what does lt all matter?
The splendid display you have wit-
nosed, the laudatory accounts of their
careers you have read; does not your
stomach ache as of old? Your clothes
appear as shabby, and the way of life,
as usual, appear straight and narrow?
Of what avail the advent of a new
King to be the puppet of the gang of
financiers who run the country?' Why,
of nunc, my friends; your lot Is still
that of the slave, your portion a slave's
him. i" the event of ihe defeat of his
candidate, to be given the choice of
voting for one or other of h'is implacable enemies, for that Is all the second
ballot really amounts to. Indeed, complaints regarding the working of the
present electoral arrangements are almost' universal here.
Mercel Sembst, the Socialist Unifie
who lias just been elected outright in
the quarter of Montmartre in which I
am living, contends that what Is wanted is proportional representation Instead of Individual candidates. His
plea is that It would promote the
growth and stability of strong responsible parties, and obviate the confusion, Irresponsibility and trickery tbat
exists owing to the scrutto tfarroa-
(Cor,.lnued an P-*ae 4)
other day was cooked to death by the
steam from the overturned engine he
was driving, or tho entombment of
miners underground till they are
claimed by death. The stories of the
King and his *"ilBtreBBCsi will pale before the stories of how men and women are forced every day to barter for
bread their most precious possessions
—their honor and their virtue.
And you will rebel;,'you will become
one of us revolutlonlats to- the death*.
You will say with Jack London:
"These are our hands, they are strong
hands, and they will unseat you, the
mighty from your scats of power,"
Then, and then only, are you In a
real movement for progress, for your
own betterment. To win for King or
country a battle; what Is that to winning a world for yourselves and be rewarded, not. with a broken life and a
starvation pension, but the full enjoyment of the fruits of your labor.
"Labor Omnia Vinclt" will at last be
true. No more will a ruling class rule
a ruled class, and flaunt their privileges and vices In our faces. Tliere is
no class below the working class, and
when we are free clans hatred will
cease and brotherly love may reign.
Yes, let the cry go forth, ye proletarians, "the King is -Mad, long live the
SATURDAY, MAY 2tth, 1910.
Published ever* Saturday at _ the
Socialist Party er desalt, at the OtBce
of the Westers C8arlon, flack Block
Basement, 18B Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
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SATURDAY, MAY 28th, 1910.
"Gourock's" article on "Socialism;
-Industrial and Political," is to our
mind the best and least Impeachable
-screed on industrial unionism we have
.come across yet. It is somewhat un-
aike the Industrial unionism ot the Industrial Union as expounded by De
X*on, Stirton, St. John, Walsh, Bttor,
•et al. Usually great stress is laid
upon the Inefficiency of the "graft"
unions, the fact that some of them
jremain at work while others In the
toame plant are on strike ("organized
acabbery" it Is called), and on the
-great advantage that would accrue if
-all the workers were In one union bo
lhat a whole plant or department of
Industry would strike together; some
-going the length, In cold print, of pro-
founding the theorem of the workers,
industrially organised and therefore
-ever victorious, gaining the full product of their toll by a series of strikes
for rises in wages, "dollar at a time
till we have it all''; others seeking to
attain the same end by a successive
/shortening of the work-day.
"Gourock," however, is "ower fly for
tbat," and ls well enough grounded in
economics not to lay any stress or
..even, we believe, to take very much
-stock In the industrial union as an in-
astrument for the enhancement of the
- jprice of the commodity labor-power.
Nevertheless, we do not think "Gour-
' -sack" will .be prepared to deny that lt
■■Sa in its aspect ss the most Improved
"form of association of labor-power
I ^pedlars that it can mainly be made attractive to "workers holding diverse
■ -political opinions;" Aa an instrument
-for the socialization of Industry lt
rwould be repulsive rather than attrac-
•ilve to those workers who are not So-
a-Ullsts, or near-Socialists, and are
-therefore anti-Socialists. But these
workers "Gourock" must have aa "it
would be utterly impossible io other-
arise form a cohesive organization."
"Hence these workers must be got into
zhe industrial union under false pre-
-tences.   If not, then how?
Then, on the .part of the non-Soclal-
' ist worker, what is the "shop instinct"
•to which this organization "appeals,"
-Unit .a desire for higher wages and
shorter hours? Both being in economic terms attempts to sell a commodity
.above its value, the former to attain a
"higher price for a given "quantity" of
labor-power, the latter to deliver a less
-quantity for .a given price. Both economic Impossibilities and both, at best,
..reforms. For a" reform is a reform
-whether sought by political or "industrial" action. ' And "Gourock" hates
ireform and so do we.
But our dour Clyde-aider will have
.none of tbat. He enlarges oa tbe possibilities ot the industrial anion for
Socialism. Bat "Gourock," man, if
-you take that tank you will no more
%et the non-Socialist into your ithion
-than you could iadace a U. P. man to
join the Auld Kirk. You would havo
,to make a Socialist of him flrat,
wouldn't you? Aad that takes too
Jong, while one of the chief advantages of industrial unipoUm ia that it
is a short cut tb Socialism; you get the
-savage in there ao you can make a Socialist of him. Bat It you can't get
"him till you have maVe a Socialist of
Ihim, where are yoa at?
As for the necessity of an economic
organization to run the Industries
when the workers ewa them, we admit
the necessity but IBank the gods most
-fervently that we do not have to organize lt. We bare a tough enough
job merely to help make the workers
want the works, without teaching
-them how to run them. Capitalism Is
-doing that. That is what it's here for.
And right well lt has doue the job. If
yet anything remains to be done in
-this line, capitalism will do lt ere it
Production is completely socialized.
The working class stoops to. its task
..and lo, there comes forth a tooth-pick
or an Atlantic liner. The ownership
passes from hand to hand, from land
to tand. The working class knows nothing of It. Many-armed machine, lt
grinds on. The chattel slave could not
do It, nor the serf. The wage slave
had to. Capitalism made him. Hy
grevious blows, cruel lashings, it made
the working class a vast social, co-ordinate disciplined army of production.
It fitted it for freedom; trained it to
operate all industries for lt, unconsciously to the end that lt might operate them for itself. It is hardly likely
to get stuck for ways and means to
individually enjoy what it collectively
produces. We have read "Ix-oking
Backward," and have decided not to
enlighten the world with our opinion
as to the proper method of conducting
a co-operative commonwealth; not just
The thing Is to get there and the
way is to want to in sufficiently large
numbers. At present the mass does
not want to; and we are bound up In
that mass. The legislature, tbe judiciary, the executive, are the surface indications.   The mass is the lead.
One policeman will disperse a
crowd, not because the crowd ls afraid
of one policeman, but because behind
him is the police force, behind them
the militia, behind them the army of
the empire, behind them the mass,
most potent even in inaction; If it will
not actively aid "the law" it will not
obstruct it, but will stand idly by and
see the crowd clubbed, shot, jailed or
hanged. The crowd subconsciously
knows this and moves on. But when
that mass gets into action, good-bye
law.   What lt wants it will take.
Talk about taking and holding the
means of life. What has the capitalist
elass for us to take? In the last analysis nothing but the power to exploit us, and has that by our consent
as a mass. Once enough of us withdraw that consent, what will the capitalist class own?
The capitalist class rules that it
may rob; rules because the working
class lets lt; to be free we must break
its rule. Whatever action we take to
do that is political action (not to be
confounded with parliamentarism,
That is Socialism and no other, and
is all the Socialism we know or give a
damn about.
Home is a heavenly place. Such
a halo of sanctity has become woven
around the word that the mere assertion that Socialism would destroy it is
sufficient to rally cohorts to its defence.
More especially does this home-thrust
appeal to women, why, "God knows."
It may be all very fine among the
wealthy or even the well-to-do, whose
homes are their private dwellings,
where the household duties and cares
are shouldered by hired slaves and
slaveys, where they may eat, drink and
be merry, entertain their friends, enjoy solitude or do what they will.
But what does the workers' home
hold that they should be solicitous as
to its preservation, more particularly
as regards the worker's wife? What
is her home but her workshop? In the
country, a shelter wherein she may
cook and feed and wash, when she is
not ln the stable or the Held, by day,
by night, but a rude stall for sleep. In
the city, when not a full-blown boarding house, with roomers inhabiting all
rentable corners to holp pay the rent.
While she lives in the kitchen and
sleeps in the dining room with her
lord and their brood
Before she married perhaps, she
slaved for some capitalist for a minimum wage and with uncertainty of employment. Married, she has ,i steady
Job—for her board and clothes. Her
job is steady enough, it that is any
recommendation. To cook and wash
dishes, sweep and scrub, wash and
iron, mend and darn, day in and day
out, except while tho Lord ia delivering
her one of his "blessings."
Slave? The man is slave enough,
but after his day's slavery and his supper, he can throw up his feet and revel in the peratal ot hit favorite purveyor of fiction and perverter of fact.
The wife hiin yet the dishes to wash,
the brats to scrub and put to bed, the
floor to sweep once more, stockings to
dain and what not.
He, whe he haa delivered up his
quota of labor-power where lt belongs,
ls, for the time, free. She is free only
when she sleeps and ls free then only
to store up energy for the next day's
Destroy the home? Cheerfully, if
Capitalism leaves us any to destroy.
And the wife-slaves wlll owe us a
hearty vote of thanks.
years ago when he said:
"In no other country was wealth so
evenly distributed as In Japan. But
as the result of industrial competition
this was destined to be a thing of the
the past and the country would soon
have its submerged tenth. Neither
legislation nor ethical teaching alone
would be able to cope with the problem
that we muBt sooner or later face."
Going on express the opinion that the
country was nearly ready to furnish
a profitable field for the scavengers in
the human garbage can whom the
"General" represents.
The question arises, why should
Japan have thus "progressed?" Why
not retain her mediaeval society? There
under she was a people among whom
wealth, if not evenly distributed, was
not so unevenly distributed as now.
The workers were exploited, lt is true,
but not so severely as now. Peasants
and artisans, they lived, if frugally,
leisurely. Their masters, if autocrats,
were imbued with ideals rather nobler
than mere money-getting, had simple
tastes and artistic instincts. Their
ethical code was rather higher than
that of our commercial pirates. Their
religion, if judged by results, at least
no worse than the white man's. Why
change all this for so very much the
Why? This is advancement, progress, civilization. Look at Japan's
army, her navy, the battles she has
won by land and sea. Would these have
been possible with her old sleepy feudalism? Look at her trade and commerce, her enormous output of manufactures. This Is what has made Japan
"great." Has made her nobles millionaires and her millionaires nobles. In
a few brief years Japan has made the
pi-ogress that has taken other countries a century and more.
The workers? What do they matter,
and anyway il is for their own good.
They can share in the benefits of a
high state of civilization. True a lot
of them have been fearfully impoverished. But that will work out to the
betterment of the race through the survival of the fittest. Sure. And .then
what a fine field they provide for the
charitable organizations. Also, tell
it not tn Gath, for revolution. It is safe
to predict that whereas the advance of
Japan from Feudalism to full-blown
capitalism has been abnormally rapid
so will the growth of the revolutlonry
movement be despite all espionage and
iron suppression. The wilder the orgle
of Mammon the swifter and severer
the' retribution.
The "Japan Times" tells us that
"the modern growth of engineering
and mechanical industry combined
with the gradual advance of the prices
of necessities has greatly enhanced
the difficulty of living among the people of the lower classes. In consequence the number of suicides shows
an annually Increasing tendency to
grow, regretable as It is."
So Japan seems to have gone along
the path of progress to the condition
torshadowed in Count Okuma's speech
of welcome to "General" Booth three
We are often told by apologists for
capitalism that the workingman of today enjoys far more comforts and conveniences than was the case in the
Middle Ages, when modern machinery
was unknown. This is undoubtedly
the case when the worker Is lucky
enough to And a purchaser for his labor power, but while the skilled worker of mediaeval times lived as well as
his "superiors," today between the
mode of living of the beBt paid workers and the mode of their capitalist
masters there ls a great gulf fixed.
The worker produces far more now
than he did then, but the amount of
wealth which he is enabled to con'
sume proportionate to the amount
which he has produced Ib far less than
it has ever been. He Ib exploited to a
greater degree than ever before, and
the exploitation becomes greater al
most dally with the ever-increasing
cost of living with which increase his
wages do not keep pace. As long as
exploitation remains, so long is the
worker a slave; that he lives better
now than he did in the fourteenth or
in any other century, does not alter
the fact of his slavery. Unfortunately
the majority of wage-slaves have slavish minds, they hug their chains and
cannot understand how industries
could be carried on without the aid
of the generous capitalist who "gives"
them work. This mental attitude is
the chief thing that stands in the way
of the overthrow of capitalism and the
freedom of the working class. To
overthrow lt seems at times an almost
Impossible task, but the efforts by the
more enlightened to better conditions
by way of labor parties and such like
show that at least a goodly proportion
of the working class is by no means
content. They would temper their
slavery by means of various reforms.
Experience should by this time have
taught the futility of these efforts, but
evidently more experience ls needed.
Such experience will be forthcoming,
•   •   •
C. J. Bonaparte waa Secretary of
State In the Roosevelt administration,
therefore some of the divine effulgence
that emanates from the doughty colonel is reflected by the gentleman
who had the privilege of forming a
part of the great and only trust-busting cabinet warranted to bring any
any every combination of "predatory
wealth" to Its knees and let the fierce
light of publicity beat on the dark doings ot the wealthy malefactors. That
his administration failed to do this Is
not to be held against the aforesaid
Colonel, and his words are still held
In veneration and awe, and rumor has
lt that each word Ib worth even unto
two dollars when it appears in a certain magazine; and therefore the
words of Bonaparte, his satellite, are
weighty and to be treated with respect.
Mr. Bonaparte is how president of
the National Municipal League, an association designed to promote better
municipal government ln the United
States. He has recently been lecturing in Eastern Canada, and there gave
an account of the evils which it is the
object of the league to remedy. The
worthy Bonaparte congratulated Canada on being practically free from municipal corruption, this being particularly generous on his part ln view of
the odorous revelations concerning the
municipal affairs of Montreal and elsewhere. The bouI of Bonaparte Is vexed when he contemplates the enormous waste of the people's wealth entailed by corrupt government. As the
average workingman does not own
even his job, but merely obtains sufficient to live upon, his wealth cannot
he wasted and it is none of his business how corrupt a government, municipal or otherwise, may be. It is the
business of the capitalist, big and little. ' He lt is upon whom the corrup-
tionists fatten, even as he In his turn
fattens upon the worker. The whole
system Is based on robbery, and corruption is naturally to be expected.
Tne grief and indignation of Mr. Bonaparte and others of that ilk are rather
amusing than otherwise.
•    e   e
Speaking of municipal government,
brings to mind that a Socialist has
been elected mayor of Milwaukee, and
no doubt wonderful things will be expected of him. Whatever the new
mayor may be enabled to do in the
way of instituting playgrounda and
other such reforms, things not to be
despised but which are being inaugurated under capitalist mayors in many
other cities, it is absolutely imposs-
slble for him to forward the cause ot
working class freedom one iota. The
roots of capitalism cannot be affected
by a municipality, however large; It
takes a nation to do that. Capitalism
being International, lt is doubtful if a
single nation could abolish lt within
its borders and hold Its own. However, the movement for freedom is
also international; it is present whenever the capitalist rules. Energy expended by Socialists in municipal campaigns is wasted energy, for If the
whole council, mayor and aldermen,
and all the officials down to the office
cat, were Socialists, not a thing could
they do towards the abolition of wage-
slavery by any powers of government
they possessed.
Every Local of (he Sodallet Perty el   I.OOAL MASA, B. O, HO. 84, 8. F. of O.
a sheuld run a card under this heed       SJfflaif*^jKnS?iiq „e?.Vy month In
mgar   e-vvry   uveal  oi   ebc   aw™*,   . «.»y   «.
Canada aheuld run a cere under this heed
$1.00 per month.    Secretaries please note.
Boimnow -axaovTmi ooMMiTT-n,
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. Mc-
atensie. Secretary, Box lit, Vanoouver.
B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
•f Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenale, Secretary,
Bex III, Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canaan. Meets every alternate Monday iu
-Laker Hall, Eighth Ave. Bast, opposite postofllce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding tbe movement ln the prov-
V.    Oxtoby,    See., Box      647      Cal-
sary, Alta.
MAJOTOBA     FaovnroiAi.     zxscu-
tlve Committee. Meets flrat and third
Tuesdays 111 the month at 120'' Adelaide St
Any reader of the Clarion dewing- Inform,
stion about the movement in Man itoba, or who
wishes to join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned W. 11. Stebbing, Sec.
>i6 Oood St.
-KA-Birnt-B    PBovnroiA-L    xxion-
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKtn-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box 1 Olace Bay, N. S.
xooax yaboouybb, vo. i, a. p. ot
Canada. Buelneae meetings every
Tuesday evenlns at headquarters, over
Edgetfe Store, 161 Hastings St W.
F. Perry, Secretary. Box all.
(Continued from Pegs 1)
value. Under trade depression, this
allowed no surplus value for the master class, so slavery became unprofitable and most of the slaves were discharged. This materially swelled the
large army of propertyless, which play
such an Important part in economic
history. Religion had nothing to do
with the abolition of chattel slavery,
at any place or any time, although the
many good Christian, patriots we meet
try to convince us that such Is the
case, neither morals or ethics had anything to do with us. Economic pressure, pure and simple, prompted the
so-called "Christian" movements.
When slavery was abolished, the system left behind the idea that all work
was degrading. So, owing to production and. commerce being greatly decreased, the Roman Empire began to
decline, and royal power became weakened. The peasants, also Impoverished, sought the protection of some local influential noble, or the Church,
and in return gave up the deeds of
their land to their patrons, receiving
it back as tenants. In a few generations they '• ame serfs. In some
countries ot. than that under the direct government of Rome, one of the
causes of Feudalism was the settled
state of the country, making it hard
for a slave to escape, lt being no longer necessary to own and keep him—
Chattel Slavery evolved to Feudal
Slavery, the slave being attached to
the land, lt being a cheaper method
of production.
During Feudalism the serfs discovered, as the Chattel Slaves had in the
previous era, that the State was of no
benefit to them. How could lt be? It
had come Into existence through the
Increase of private ownership interests, the protection of which, as stated before, became its chief function.
Purely democratic Institutions disappeared simultaneously with the inauguration ot slavery, and long before
the creation of the State, which started with political classes already existing. Their creation was a step preparatory to its own creation. Political classes are merely economic classes, with governmental prerogatives,
which are used to keep down class
conflicts. It stands to reason, then,
that it will be the most powerful economic class—the one owning and controlling the most of what ls considered wealth at the time that controls
the state. I think it is Engels that
puts lt very concisely; "The antique
State consisted of the Slave Owners
organized to hold the slaves ln check;
the Feudal State was the organ of the
nobility for the oppression of the Berts
and dependent farmers; the modern
representative State is the tool of the
capitalist exploiters of wage labor."
Feudalism waa not abolished In favor of capitalism because the ruling
XOOAX TA-SOOtrTBB, B. o*.. wo. -»,
Finnish. Meets every eecond and
fourth Thursdays In tbe month at 151
Hastings St W.   Saoretary. Wm. Mynttl
Socialist "Han, Mara." ffl' p m °
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
LOOAX X.A-DT8KXT-B: BO. 10, 8. T. OP
7 „ Z!"!D*l* meetings every Saturday
l.^i™* l5,„'?e**,*'Varte™ on First Av*
lulu. Williams,Sec, Ladysmith, B.C.
*»- „ d/!ju'"-,,,Jr 1'-*° P'm- 'n MoQregor
Itoratuy. HaU)*   Mr8-   V^Sv.
local -aoaaiA-f-o. are. as, 8. p. o*r o_
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
ISi P*-m-« B-, Campbell; Seoy., J* o.
5"*£.'I*- „.R?"",1,*n<1 Finnish Branch
meeta In Flnlanders' Hall. Sundays at
Ijl'-r- ""*"■• A Sebble, Seoy.. P. orioa
7*8 Rossland, B. C. ^^
every   Friday   evening   at   8   p.m.. ™
Miners'   Hall,   Nelson.   B.   C.      c    A
Organiser; I, A. Austin, Seey.
LOOAL PBOEI-TX,  BO. 8. 8. P. OT 0_
meets every Sunday at «:!io p.m.. la
Miners' Hall. Matt Halldsy, Organ-
leer.    H.  K.' Maclnnls, Secretary
•60,?*S °*iM';'}mY- A****, *0. 4, 8. T.
or C. Meetings every Sunday at a
P',m- In the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
BJlgntb Ave. E. (near postofllce). Club
and Reading Room, Labor Hall, T. H
Machin Box 647. Secretary, A. Mac
doiiald, Organiser,    Box 647.
,i"i>0A*? !■»»■»»■. u»-, WO. 18. a.
P of C, meets every flrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HaU.
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
Meets every Sunday night In ths
Miners' Hall and Opera House at 8
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
XOOAX TIOTOmXA, WO. 8, ■. P. OP 0.
Headquarters aad Reading Room,
Room 1. Basle Building. 1818 Government 8t Business meeting every
Tuesday evenlns. a p.m.    Propoganda
¥eetlage    every    Sunday    at    Orand
beat re.     a.   Thomas,   Secretary.
xooax wAWAnto, wo. a, a ». Of O.,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
la Foreetere Hall. Bualneea meeting
•t T:SS o'eloek sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clookl
Jack Place, Rec. Secy.,  Box  82*.
educational meetlnge ln the Miners'
Union Hall. Victoria Ave., Fernle,
avery Sunday evening at 7:46. Business meeting flret Sunday ln each
month, same plaoe at 2:10 p m.
David Paton, Secy, Box toi
O, meeta every Sunday in Miners'
Union Hall at 7:10 p.m. Buslnees
meetlnge, let and Ird Sundaya of eaoh
month. Geo. Heatherton. Organiser;
R. J. Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
LOOAX VBBWOW, B. 0., BO. 88, 8. T. OT
O, meets every second and lust Friday in
each month, t'hus. Chancy. Secretary, Box
137. Vernon, B.C.
X-OOAX,  TBXBOB   BVTBBT,  B.   0.,   WO.
88, 8. T. of O Meeta every Sunday ln
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 8:00
p. m.    Angue Mclver. Secretary.
Propaganda and business meetlnge at
8 a.m. every Sunday evening In tha
Edlaea Parlor Theatre. Speakers
passing through Reveletoke are Invite* to attend. B. F. Dayman. Secretary.   W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
wwwmm mm, B. 0., WO.  IS,  B.  T. at
C. meete every Sunday In Oraham'a
Hall at 10:10 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodaham, Secretary.
P. of C. Headquarters Ml First St,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room la open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 64* Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 821 Fourth
St., Organizer.
looax, wmnns, a. p. or o.
quarters, Kerr'a Hall, no r-a Adelaide Btree
opp. Robliu Hotel. Buelness meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganoa
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. Secretary, J w. Hilling,
270 Young Et; Orfaulier, D. McDougall, 424
Jarvis St.
XOOAX TOBOWTO, OBT., WO. 84, 8. 9.
ot C—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays in the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at *f: It o'clook at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' class
every Thursday at 8:00 o'clock at Labor
Temple. J.   Stewart,  Secretary,
(2 Seaton St
LOOAX  OTTAWA, WO.  8,  B. T.  OT a
Business meeting 1st Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. In Roberts-
Allan Hall, 15 Rldeau St. The usual
weekly inside propaganda meetinga discou
tinutd during summer montha. H.s. old-
bum Sec. 123 Urummoud St.
xooax eoBAXT, wo. *, a. p. op a
Propaganda and buslnesa meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to aftead,
Arthur L. Botley. Secy., Box. 44*.
xooax samxxw, owt., wo. «, a. p.
of C., meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at a p.m., *l
King St E., opposite Market Hotel.
V. A. Hiuta, Bee., oa West Lancaster street.
Buelness and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdoa-
aid's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Naab, Corresponding
Secretary, place Bay: Wm. SuUae*-
land. Organiser, New Aberdeen: H. Q.
Ross, Financial Secretary, offlce ln 5.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building. Ualea
^   ^uun^%n\sr> BLOSSOM
class felt sorry for the poor serfs.
Not a bit of it. The power of the Industrial capitalists had substantially
increased, accentuated by the opening
of new markets in America and the
Orient. In opposition to this, the power of the landlord capitalists decreased. The invention of gunpowder was
a sad blow to their chivalry, and
caused them to realize that power
must be sought through a different
source to that which they had been
using. Steam driven machinery, with
Its cheaper production, and the closing ln ot the commons, largely tor Industrial purposes, along with the decreasing power of the landlord capitalist, drove the old time serf and his
family to the town to become wage
slaves, and to hunt for a job, and they
are still hunting for lt, and will con-
tnue to do bo aa long as they allow
the capitalist class to control the
State. The solution Is thelre and
theirs alone.
A remedy that ls often advanced by
many so-called Socialists is Municipal or State Ownership. If the State
conducts a business, hires its "hands"
in the labor market at the prevailing
wage—the coat of subsistence—and
sells tbe products for profit, allowing
the real producers—the working class
—no direct ownership in the result of
their own IaborB, whom does it benefit?   Not the working elass.   That is
evident. The fight for Municipal Ownership is merely a fight between two
factions of the Capitalist Class, those
who directly control the government,
and those controlling privrte enterprises.
The State has always been the expression of the ruling class. Is lt not
a logical conclusion, then, that it Is
only by capturing and using the power
ot the State that the workers can be
made masters in the shops and factories, and become the owners of the
tools of production, which are the principal form of wealth at the present
period, and therefore the foundation of
economic power.
To sum up:
It has been shown that the political
class has for its basis the most powerful economic class; In other words,
the political class Is merely the governmental expression of the economic
class. The economic class is composed of those possessing the greatest
amount of the thing which constitutes
wealth at a given period—at one time,
slaves, cattle, etc; later, land; and
today the tools ot production.
Surely, then, the answer is clear.
WorkerB, capture the State! Use lt ln
your own Interest. Abolish classes by
the institution of a universal Working
Propaganda Meeting1
Sunday Evening, 8 o*Clock
City Hall
B. C. SATURDAY, MAY 28th, 1810.
Tb1' Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Dear Mc:—
We held a fairly good propaganda
meeting on Saturday night. Dr. Curry
spoke to about one hundred people,
and we sold quite a few pamphlets.
Conditions seem favorable tor a good
propaganda season.
On Sunday we held our first picnic
And we spent a very jolly time at Brunette Creek. Our flrst act on arriving
at the ground, was tbe unfurling of the
red flag to the gentle breeze. There
were about forty people there, ranging'. Intolerable.
in age from six months to seventy
years, and If facial expression Is any
indication of psychic action, everyone
suffered from acute agitation of the
risible faculties. Only two incidents
marred the pleasurable proceedings.,
One lady's lunch box was thought to
be too much like a bomb, but, however, we managed to evade the police
at Sapperton. Then again at tea time,
we found that we were utterly unable
to cope with the good things which
bad been provided, and after struggling
valiantly we were reluctantly compelled to acknowledge ourselves beaten.
Bat In spite of this, it was unanimously voted by Infants, old men, youths,
and maidens, that these social gatherings should become a regular bi-weekly
-institution during the summer.
We in Westminster heartily advise
all the locals tn the party to cultivate
the Bocial spirit, as it as necessary a
part of propaganda as the the study of
ultra-scientific theories.
Yours for the revolution,
spector of persons, and where Britons
never will be slaves. Even after the
day's work was done; after their stomachs had been tortured with different
kinds of animal and vegetable matter
In various but advanced stages of de-
cay.when they were about to retire to
the miserable bunks that would have
done splendid duty in the hands of the
Salvation Army, but nowhere else,
then would they give vent to their
feelings, and the boss would catch several kinds of hell (behind his back)
because their living conditions were so
Editor Western Clarion,—I am be
glueing to think there is a season of
the year ln which the average working
plug is more easily brought to his
senses—and Socialism—than In some
other seasons. Maybe I am wrong;
usually I am; but wtll bet the beer I
am right this time.
We all know that with the approach
of spring come many changes to the
things of this earth.   The blue grouse
throws off his habit of roosting silently
in the highest trees, and kicks up all
kinds ot trouble with his brethren. The
wily and elusive garden snake changes
his skin for a better one—one  more
suited to his needs.   Likewise a sudden
change comes over the wage slave; he
begins devising  ways  and  means of
wringing from his master a little larger
bundle of fodder for the faithful services   rendered   the   aforementioned
master.   Usually the   language,   and
logic spewed forth by this rebellious
hireling is not of the kind to arouse a
sympathetic chord in the breast of one
who reads and understands such literature aa the Western Clarion.   Far from
it.   But that is the time to get extra
busy on the creature, as  Spring ls
bringing her annual change, or rather
her annual period of fermentation of
the-brain, to this slave.   So to bring
him to an understanding ot bis place
in society today, to show him how the
trick is done; in fact, to knock some
holes in his nut so the light can penetrate therein, we must be at him now.
This mental spasm will not last long,
and tn another 30 days he will be the
same meek and docile being he was
last winter when he eagerly ate the
filth put before bim, took without a
murmur the miserable wage the master held out to htm, and ln every way
showed his servility to the class that
tolerates him on the premises—providing, of course, that he deliverers   the
goods in the shape of profits, to the
owners ot this particular means of creating wealth—to the owner of these
tools of wealth production.
Just after the election ot last November I found that if a buyer for my
labor-power was not found—and that
pretty quick—I would have to seek
shelter ln a cosy C. P. R. box car o'
nights, or go without sleep. The
-problem of food was even more perplexing—lt such a thing could be possible—for those days and nights were
not warm ones. Sleeping under one's
own fig tree would not be a pleasant
experience at that time of the year.
But I competed, very successfully, with
other sellers ot the commodity labor-
power, and secured the market for a
time at current prices.
Soon after arriving amongst the
other slaves already on the ground,
delivering up their energy at so much
per day, week or month, I began to
seek for the signs that betoken the
presence of an understanding as to
why we were housed aa swine and fed
as worse. Nothing doing. All hands
perfectly willing to deliver to their
masters four-fifths of the wealth created by their labor, aided by the giant
tools bought with the profits wrung
from the lives ot other slaves at some
previous time ln some other industry.
All agreed on the point that this was
a wonderful era, where all could die
well fixed, where the law was no rs-
Now, Mc, perhaps you would think
that a little propaganda plaster applied would bring out the bile and
leave the patient clean ln mind and
body, ready for the injection of the
revolutionary serum. So did I. But a
sad disappointment was in store for
me. Any remarks, suggestions or allusions were greeted with jeers and the
guilty one was made very uncomfortable for his Impudence. Jim Hawthornthwaite once told me, "Don't get
discouraged, old chap; get mad Instead." Good dope; I took lt. The
fight has been on for five months never
once showing the least sign of progress being made. Last Sunday night
some dust from the tail of the comet
blew In this way, and the first whiff
drove the cobwebs from the corner of
one brain. The shock was awful.
Since then the camp has been but turmoil and strife. Socialism is the only
topic, and is being fought out in every
corner. The landlady says she ls saving money as the boarders are too
busy talking to eat. Their master's
voice in the shape of a steam whistle
breaks in on an unfinished meal.
For the flrst time since my arrival
here has the Clarion been ln demand.
Everybody wants to read It but none
will dig up the price, hence 'tis up to
Jawn to furnish the amunitlon until
such time as the mental change goes
one step further. Then they can be
safely left to fight It out amongst
themselves, and the education will be
all the more through I heir own efforts
of a more lasting nature.
For the enclosed send me a bundle
of five Clarions per week, and when
this Is eaten up we hope to raise more.
More later.
Ever thine,
In trying to find out whether nonproductive wage-earners (so called)
are being robbed or not, it might be as
well it we had a little more light
thrown on as to what are non-productive wage-earners and what are productive wage earners. And while we
are about it, it would not do us any
harm to get a good working definition
of what a parasite really ls. I have
known, for Instance, gardeners working
for both capitalists and also for highly
paid wage slaves of the capitalist class
the value of whose production ln the
market would not be equal in value to
their wages. And, mind you, some of
these are highly skilled horticultural-
lsts. Are such men parasites? Are
they socially necessary? The $10,000
or 120,000 a year wcge slave thinks his
gardner necessary for it enables him
to centre all his energies on how to
further lessen the cost ot production
of some other commodity.
Have these men no part in the class
struggle? Have they not as much to
gain as the miner and hod-carrier? In
fact, have they not, in common with all
wage-workers, yet to attain their manhood? A slave Is not a man except to
distinguish him from other animals.
and what difference Ib it to him
whether he produces surplus value or
not? What he does produce does not
belong to him and if he did not produce
anything he would still be a slave, for
wages presupposes slavery and that ls
the most accursed thing ever seen on
this planet or any other. Are they robbed?   Are we robbed?
A good deal depends on tbe point of
view. If an upholder of the present
capitalist system, no; neither non-productive wage-worker nor productive
wage-worker. Why? Because, If you
consent to either an Individual or a
class to take away from you that which
you have produced and give you back
just enough to keep body and soul together you have no legal, moral, nor
any other right to any more. If a Socialist, forced to give to the master
class that which you have produced
and only kept ln such servitude by the
armies and navies, police, sheriffs,
laws, judges, etc., of such class and
ever striving to break the bonds that
bind you and your class, then I say
yes, emphatically yeB, you are being
robbed whether coachman or hod-carrier; robbed of the opportunity to at
tain the full sstature, morally, physically and Intellectually, of a man.
Much discussion is taking place
among the class-conscious working
classes of the industrially developed
and "civilized" countries of the earth
aa to the relative merits of the political organization, and ot the revolutionary industrial union, as a means
towards the flnalNemancipation of the
workers from the bondage of capitalism; and to the establishment of Socialism, or a system of social ownership of the means of wealth production, instead of the present system of
class ownership by a privileged few. ,
If by a friendly discussion among
the various exponents, extreme and
otherwise, of these two "weapons-
leaving all personal animosities and
"pet hobby-horses" aside for the nonce,
since an individual or his individual
opinions, no matter how strong hla personality may be, can count but little In
retarding or accelerating the march of
the proletarian army towards its goal;
the question at Issue being & social
question, not an Individual one—if, I
say, by a friendly discussion we can
arrive at the swiftest and surest and
safest method of accomplishing our
aim, then much suffering, misery and
degradation can be saved the oppressed workers.
Let us take, first of all the political
issue and inquire into the function of
the state and what its capture would
mean to us. The state Is no "realization of the ethical Idea," but arose
from economic necessity. In the ancient gens, the division of people was by
kinship, but as trading relations began
to develop along the Mediterranean
and members from the various gens
began to congregate together at the
various trading points, economic necessity demanded a new form of organization, which accordingly arose in the
mark commune" and ln the state,
which the old "sea pirates" required to
retain legal possession of their plunder. Thus arose a public power of coercion divorced from the mass of the
people, and causing "policed nations."
Though developed to a somewhat
more complicated form, the state, the
"policing" power, holds good today,
and lends a character of perpetuity to
the possessing class, and the "right"
to exploit the non-possessors. But, In
the meantime, capitalism has developed into a completely international
form, having no boundaries except the
earth, and no god but gold. (Though
but a difference of a letter, still, an
"1" of a difference.
The state ls essentially in its character a government of boundaries, a
relique of the old "mark commune."
Members of parliament are selected
and elected from divisions of the nation marked by imaginary boundary
lines and including within their precincts miners, farmers, mechanics,
lumber-jacks, railroadmen, etc., and
the host ot petty larceny parasites who
fatten on tbe sweat ot their bodies. The
representatives sent from these jurisdictions are, ln the main, lawyers, the
nature of whose calling amply testifying to the "people" who selected them.
This form or organization with its
three phases, the Legislature, or lawmaking; the Judiciary, or law-interpreting; and the Executive or law-enforcing; may serve fairly well the
needs of the capitalists ln so far as the
"policing," national or International, is
concerned; but that lt is Incapable of
effectively organizing industry in actional form, Is only too apparent in the
cordance with the growing interna-
necessity for the formation of trusts,
combines, etc., on the Industrial field
for the more effective and economic
management of the Industries—even
though this be to the benefit of the
large capitalists alone, and to the detriment of the smaller fry, or petty bourgeois, and more so to the workerB, at
present. As Engels says: "The state
Is Irreconcilable to social production."
And again: "State ownership does not
do away with capitalism."
On the accomplishment of Socialism,
the state will automatically pass out of
existence, being useless.   The state Is
merely a barricade lying between the
Increasing   misery,   degradation   and
blind rage of the workers on one hand,
and the increasing power and smug
self-complacency of the "great captains
of Industry" on the other.   Tear down
the barricade and there still remains
the "power behind."  This power is an
industrial power, though it may also
manifest itself in political supremacy
Looking over into the United States,
for example, tt is quite apparent that
it is the huge "combines" who control
the government; which is as it should
be, according to capitalist philosophy,
vulgar or otherwise.   The state being
then the capitalist executive police department, controlling relations among
themselves In "their"   country,    and
with foreign capitalists ln "their" country; holding the army, navy and police
departments at their bidding; and the
workers, body and soul (whatever soul
or part of a soul they may possess); It
is only too palpable and plain on the
face of lt that we must endeavor to
build up a sufficiently strong organization to seize control of this "policing"
force, and aid the workerB In thlr efforts towards   the formation of an Industrial organization capable of  running tbe   various    Industries    within
themselves; of controlling their vari
ous, relations with one' soother, in accordance with "supply and demand,"
and of absorbing within their ranks
the unemployed of "low and high degree."
In the meantime, however, the political movement can only grow so far;
and must then "mark time" for the industrial organization. It isn't within
the nature of politics to "take and
hold" the Industries ot the country,
since, as before stated, industries are
daily asumlng a more international
character; and thus, like "strikes"—,
the manifestations of the class struggle on the industrial field, as the parliamentary struggle is on the political
field—it is merely good propaganda,
and serves to discipline the workers,
draw the class line tighter and imbue
them with the spirit of social ownership.
The politics of any given period are
but the reflex of the industrial conditions of that period; and It is absolutely necessary for the industrially dominant class to be politically dominant
for the effective and efficient manipulation of the industries to their profit.
This was exemplified in the rise of
modern capitalism; taking England, its
historic field, for an example, where
Its varied steps were progressed
through, one by one, quite ln accordance with the conservative and practical nature of the Britisher.
When the rising tide of modern industry broke the power of the old feudal barons, the "captains of industry"
were left In control of the industrial
field, but being ot a modest and unassuming character (for which they are
still noted), somewhat rough and unlettered, and having but a slight knowledge of French, the then diplomatic
language, they were quite content to
allow their "superiors," the old aristocracy, to hold the political control.
However, as their industries expanded
and the need of a "foreign" market for
their surplus product began to make
itself felt, they found themselves hampered by the adverse legislation of the
aristocracy, and were consequently
forced to seize the political control.
This they obtained with the aid of the
workers (who are always ready and
willing to fight anyone's battle but
their own), by throwing them a few
"sops" In the way of "shorter working
hours," and a fair wage, etc.—quite old
friends of ours still.
The workers must flrst also, I believe, seize the industrial control,
which being of itself of an international character, and their being no foreign
markets to exploit and oppress by
means of army, navy or other "missionaries," the political state wlll
naturally collapse, being obsolete.
Phoenix-like, from Its aahes some form
of organization for the control of "mor
al order," etc., may arise, it is hard to
The workers do not want the reflex
or reflection of anything. They want
the Bubstance, not the shadow. They
want the social ownership ot the
means of wealth production; and with
them the earth. Quite a modest demand.
We wlll now look at the industrial
side of the question. With the rise in
capitalism, and its Increasing power
over the lives of the workers, a crying
need for some sort of concerted action
on the part ot the workers began to
make Itself felt. Their hours were unbearably long and their wages In exactly inverse ratio. Unions began to
appear—craft unions—and they served
the purpose fairly well, for a time. But
as the isolated industrial plants joined
hands under one company, the unions
also had to combine in federations and
confederations, still, however, retaining their old craft character. These
also proved Inadequate to meet the increasing concentration of capital ln
the combines, trusts, etc., and so arose
the Industrial union which embraces
all workers, male and female, no matter what branch of industry they may
work at, even that ot legalized man-
killing, known as war.
The  organization  of the  industrial
union ls as follows:  1st, we have the
general administration; 2nd, industrial
district  councils;   3rd,  industrial  unions;   4th, the branch unions, which
again are grouped either according (1)
to sub-departments of a given industrial  plant,   (2)  to working-places  in
same Industry cloBely adjoining each
other,  (3) or   "language"   branches,
where   unavoidable.     The   Industrial
plant   branch   unions   are   specially
adapted for workers under trusts and
combines.   It will thus be Been that
the main Idea is a concentration of the
workers ln one vast army, Irrespective
of sex, color, religion or politics, thus
enabling them to maintain, at present,
a constant though undoubtedly unequal
struggle against capitalism's tendency
to lower their standard of living, and
also In this guerrilla warfare drawing
the class lines tighter;  but with the
ultimate Idea of building up within the
shell of the present society an organization capable of taking over and running the Industrie of the world ln the
interests of the workers alone.
This ls the "Inductive method," or
the method of learning by doing; and
lt Is more easily grasped by the indifferently educated proletarian, since he
is ln contact with the struggle In the
shop, where he can readily grasp ItB
significance. The realm of abstract or
concrete theories Is beyond him.   He
ia incapable of the concentration necessary to grasp their significance.
In the plan of administration thus
offered for the future control of industries, each industry will have its representative who will sit in the executive
board, and so do the workers' bidding,
ln the administration of things, aa opposed to the political government of
This organization, however, as an
"organization," can recognize no particular politics; but, individually, its
members may, and, being organized
along class-conscious lines the vast
majority will through time undoubtedly become adherents of Socialism. It
would be utterly tmposible to otherwise form a cohesive organization advocating some particular creed, with
the workers holding so diverse political opinions. These separate organizations ot the workers—the industrial
union and the Socialist party—will undoubtedly come together as time ripens, and debate their policies; but as
the industrial struggle must, for the
present, be fought along national lines,
this time will vary ln the various countries. The French Syndicalists and
Socialists have already met In debate.
Summing up, the political movement
is purely "destructive"; the industrial
movement "constructive." The industrial field alone offers a plan of administration. Political action tends .to
swing more or leBs to reform, owing
to the legislative nature, and reforms
are utterly useless. Tbe contaminating parliamentary atmosphere
to have a deteriorating effect on revolutionary tendencies, as has been too
often noted in tbe swinging of onetime revolutionaries round to the most
conservative of conservatives. The industrial movement aids ln counterbalancing this effect. Reforms ot any description "only skin and Aim the ulcerous place, whilst rank corruption, mining all within, infects unseen." They
but leave ub "still voting for Andy
Jackson." Leibnecht says, "to parlla-
mentarize Is to compromise," and
Marx himself laughs at "Parliamentary cretinism, that disorder of parliamentarians, through which they believe the whole world hinges on their
Strikes, too, are clumsy and useless,
except as discipline. Whether a strike
be won or lost, It Is a Iosb. A win may
relatively help in maintaining the
standard of living; but as wages riBe,
so also does the cost of living,
Com. Watts of Winnipeg say's they
are not coming fast enough. He wants
two hundred Clarions a week and
means to use them it he can get them.
So if you have a dollar to spurs, send
it ln for the purpose of increasing his
bundle till lt buries him.
^sB •    •    •
Reaching after the belt ts Comrade
W. Anderson of Dewberry, Alta., from
the top of a pile of eight.
• •   •
Com. Peter F. Olsen ls again creating a disturbance and sends ln a couple from Garden Plain, Alta.
•   •   e
Local Mara's bundle Is paid for by
Com. C. H. Lake.
• •   •
A couple more added to the Toronto
list by Com. J. Stewart.
• •   •
Send the Clarion to this wickedly
poor wage-slave, says Com. Colling-
wood of North Battleford, Saak.
• •   •    '
Com. Bryce catches a Y. M. C. A.
In Moose Jaw, and Coin, Wellerman
thinks that the distribution of a bundle at Sarnia Tunnel Y. M. C. A. is
up to him even If we do swear.
e   •   e
Com. H. H. Stewart renews his bundle from Newcastle, N. B.
• •   •
Three slaves and the boss of the
camp  are  gathered ln by Com. Edwards among the coast loggers.
e   •   •
John Pickenshovel needs a bundle
now, as one copy won't go round quick ,
e   •   •
Renewing Windsor's bundle and
sending in a sub., Com. Lome Wilkie
I have only now started in what I
believe to be a systematic way in
distributing papers, by having a newsboy call Saturday evenings and get
papers, bo on Sunday mornings when
delivering Sunday papers to leave one
at addresses which he furnishes me
with, and after leaving copies at same
addresB for three weeks, I will call and
try and get them to subscribe."
Com.   Drury's   soap-box    stunt    ln
Political action ls only the forerun- Brant-ord br0Ught forth two more subs
ner of the industrial movement. It is
"the voice crying in the wilderness."
"Political unity" will latterly become
the slogan of industrial unity, because
political and industrial unity are necessary for our aim. Political success
alone, however, would be useless, If Industrial power were not ready. The
workers must build from the bottom
up; not from the top downwards. There
will then be no danger of the formation of a bureaucratic state.
The Industrial movement appeals to
the workers' shop instinct.   They are
in it themselves and see its workings,
and do not leave all the burden on tbe
shoulders of a tew parliamentary representatives.   The only strike which
will ever be of any consequence will
be the "general strike or lock-out" of
the entire capitalist class.   Some Socialist movements are troubled with a
kind of state capitalism, which ie the
most virulent form of capitalism extant, since it concentrates the political
and industrial power in one hand and
can exert the power of exploitation and
oppreslon more sharply and Intensely
than can private capital.   Deville defines the state as "a public power of
coercion  created  and maintained    in
human societies by their division into
classes, a power which, being clothed
with force, makes laws    and    levies
taxes."   "Capital," we all know.  Both
the state and capital must go, and with
them wage slavery, a system so beautifully automatic that only the state is
needed to gull the workers and keep
them squabbling over the fight of "ins"
and "outs," and wasting much precious
We must then form the embryo of
the new society within tbe shell of the
old. Individuals must unite ln their
trades, even that of nun-killing and
clubbing; trades ln their industries,
and Industries in their class. The workers' cause, like their misery and degradation, Ib a common one; and by united action alone can they hope to free
"Come what, come may" then. Come
Socialism in any form she will; be lt
political or Industrial, neither or both,
and I will welcome the jade with open
arms, so long as she come "pure and
undeflled" from any manner of patchwork reform.
Yours for the Revolution,
per Com. Davenport.
• •   •
'Two   more   wage-slaves   want   to
learn something," says  Com. D. McDougall of Winnipeg.
• •   •
Com. Wayman is not going to have
Montreal run behind Portland, Me., so
sends  her up    four notches at one
Singles.—R. MacLachlan, Allen
Brady and F. Schroeder of Vancouver; J. Rutherford, South Wellington;
L. E. Walter, Van Anda; A. W. Munro,
Nelson; I. A. Austin Nelson and J.
Galitzky, Hedley, B. C; Miss Annie
Mcintosh, Boularderle, N. 8.; Hugh
McMillan, Brldgevllle, N. S.; Wm.
Nesbltt, Tessier, Sask.; Walter Rich,
Caneadea, N.Y.; and Jos. Effler, Grand-
view, Man,
Editor Western Clarion:
Comrade,—As my subscription expires with No. 579, find enclosed $1.00
for renewal. I have tried hard to get
people here to subscribe and read Socialist papers, but unless one pays for
their papers they don't seem to want
to part with any money for anything
but old party organs.
The good times that we have here
ln this new country won't last always,
and then they wlll perhaps want a
change a little more radical than from
one of the old parties to the other,
for really there are only the two
halves of one great capitalist party.
Success to the Clarion and all other
Socialist organs.
Tours for the Revolution,
Re suspension of J. P. MeGuire. At
the usual monthly meeting of North
Battleford Local the action of the Dominion Executive In dismissing from
membership of the S. P. of C. all who
do not endorse the class struggle was
unanimously passed.
Local Calgary, third time $3.00
W. .1. Iloughen, Valley River, says
hard cash Ib scarce  2.00
Maud Falrbalrn, donates to every
fund  1.00
- wr»IW. the business of Manuiarturers,
BncHi.--™andotheni who reallae lhc advls-Ml-
KofbaHm thrlr Patent business lran«o-ted
bv Bxoeltfc Prellminaryadvice fret. Charges
gjuaUt Our Invent-i's Adviser MtttMB
5n7,„t Marion & Marion, Nevr York We Dldg,
■ioulic-1: "Uil Washlniflou. D.C, U.8.A.
Track Markb
.... Copyrights etc
Anyone sending a sleet r-h nnd description may
quickly asrcrl-ntn our upltuon free whether an
Invention ts prnlmbly imicntnlilo. Communlca.
tlonaetrlotlycnutldoutlnl. HANDBOOK on Patents
sent free. Cfldost agency forsocuruiit patent*.
■ 'moms taken thrnuuh Munn A Co. receive
special notice, without charge, la tbe
Scientific jfttericait
A hanfltomrty illortmtwl weekly. Urwt Hr-
cnlrUt'-i of my Mumttf)d journal. Terms for
Caiuv •*., $3.15 & ye-it, foiUge pre|ml(L   Bold by
i» *-»_.*-•■ "MteTt.
fftee, 8* F BL, WUfa Ing too, D. 0. Xm\
The increase in the number of working men rallying to the cry of "Tariff
Reform," and the near prospect of an
else than sewage. The men Were pale,
worn, not well set up and they were all
anxious faced.
"Chicago has its poor and plenty of
 ,    ,        ...     . Ll*e |8 jjgjd, many workmen go to
other  general  election  during  which iae wa]1
that cry will be greatly heard, are the      „Mr   DavleBj  the  cWet  factory  in.
reasons that the "fiscal question"  '
again dealt with in these columns.
The enormous extent of unemploy- gle, where if you gave a cent banana work at the Labor Bureaux were more
ment and misery among the Workers | tQ a (arally of flve ,t would be the than -our t0 each vacancy.
mi. lytvvico, luc ,.uici jovluij ," 33 unemptoycu *:uiv,in-o ... «..."..«..,. ...
ispector of Illinois State said 'I can take December 1908 the Official Labor Gaz-
you to places where life is just a strug- ette showed  that the  applicants  for
after a glorious 60 yeara of "Free
Trade" provides "Tariff Reform" with
a ready audience to receive Its plausible policy.
The Why and the Wherefore.
Why ls "Tariff Reform" advocated
by various sections of the capitalist
The answer is found if we recall that
"Free Trade" was adopted when Great
Britain was the chief manufacturing
nation of the world, but economic development has brought countries, then
mainly agricultural, into competition
with her for the world market. Certain sections of the capitalist class,
therefore, are feeling the effect, and
see in Tariff Reform a policy for keeping their trade with the profits it
To achieve this they are, by means
of their "Tariff Reform League," baiting for worklng-clasB support by saying
that Tariff Reform means the end of
unemployment and poverty.
Great Britain, they say, is the only
Free Trade country. Every other country has "Tariff Walls." And they point
to the conditions ln these countries to
show the effect of Tariff reform. But
if we examine the conditions in these
countries we.find the facts offer us little inducement to favor Tariff Reform.
Is Great Britain solitary In possessing a working class suffering from poverty and unemployment?
Look at Spain, Italy, Portugal, Russia, Austria—countries whose conditions compel tbe admission that the
workers are no better placed than here.
What of France? Mr. Harry Marks,
the Tory M.P., for Thanet, gave in the
House of Commons (April 28th, 1909),
some interesting details of French
wages. Tailoring: the men average 4
francs (3b. 4d.) per day; homeworkers
get Is. 3d. to ls. 8d. for a day of 12
hours. Lace trade: men, 4 francs 76
cent, (about 4s. Id.) per day; women 2
francs (about ls. 8d.) per day. Cardboard box trade: men 3s. Id. per day;
women Ib. 3d. for a day ot 12 hours.
Ths Fraud of Tariff Reform.
When the Trade Boards Bill was before Parliament recently, Tariff Reformers declared that it was useless
while goods made under sweating conditions abroad were imported into England, thereby naively showing the
fraud of Tariff Reform claims.
But America and Germany are the
"trump cards" of the Tariff Reformer.
Of American unemployment this may
be said: The only States that officially collect and publish figures are New
York and Massachussetts. This latter
State, after official enquiry issued a
return showing ln March, 1908, 16.18
per cent, and on December 31st, 1908,
10.98* per cent of trade unionists unemployed.:.      . ,-    ■
The- Department of Labor of the
State ofcvNew York reports in the September; 1908-'"Bulletin" 30.2 per cent
to a family of five lt would be the
|greatest treat that they have had for
week.'   In the sweatshops the places
were wretched, furniture waa lacking,
the finger of poverty was there."
Wages in America.
As to wages he points out that:
"After    working   out    calculations,
based on tbe increased cost of living
unionists   reporting -we're unemployed
The New York correspondent of the
"Dally Telegraph" reports in'that paper (April 2lth, 1908) that after very
careful inquiries he put down the number of unemployed ln the U.S.A. at 3
millions as a moderate estimate.
The same paper for January 21, 1909
"In  NeW  York   this   morning  3,000
men applied for work at clearing away about tne anthracite mines, i.e., one in
snow, and as only 1,000 were needed, four of the total employees, and thoiis-
the applicants fought    among    them   """■" thonl nrp ■"■"*l°uslv under U
1906, the terrible struggle for existence there. The official Income Tax returns of Prussia show that out of a
population of 38 millions, 21 millions
have an lnctme of less than 17s. 3d.
per week per family.
Official returns state that there are
33 unemployed colonies in Germany. In
than four to each vacancy.
The "Daily Telegraph" (17th Feb.
'09) states that the census taken by
the "Free Trade Unions" showed 101,-
300 unemployed ln Greater Berlin. This
was done by a house to house visitation. This paper also points out that
in November 1908 the Berlin municipality called upon the unemployed to re-
Uttbeu un me niviicno^u. lw. v, ,,,,,.&,   j^y caueu upuu mc u»«.»».»..",,~- — --
I am convinced   that   the   American port themselves on the 17th and they
_1 ,    1.,    ....   Kn+.n«.   n**   Anannlollv        .     .        ,l^1     ./.AAA    .l.'.l    en
ahopworker is no better off financially
than the English.
'The ruck of the girls" (ln departmental stores) "get badly paid, as low
frequently as 10s. 6d. per week, and
this in a city where living is twice as
expensive as in London.
"The average wage for all Chicago—
poor women who get a penny for sewing trousers and managers of firms
who get £20,000 a year—is about 38s.
per week.
'The skilled workman Is not required.
What is required is, firstly, the man
who can devise fresh labor-saving
machinery, secondly, the laborer who
will do one little routine thing year
after year, and do it expeditiously.
"Wages can only be reckoned by
their purchasing power. Therefore,
while the American workingman earns
more than the Briton he has to work
harder, and he has to pay more for the
necessaries of life, in the case of rent
about 3 times as much.
"I find taking America as a whole,
that in the last ten years, wages are
on the decrease while the cost of food
is on the increase."
The reward of toll In after years is
thus indicated:
'It is a life of strained nerves. It
explained many of the grey hairs I
saw on boyish heads. It explained why
I saw hardly any grey beards. Where
are your elderly workmen? I asked a
Philadelphia manufacturer, once, twice,
three times. Ot the third time he said,
Have a smoke and we'll take a car
ride along to the cemetary.'
"Practically every railway company
refuses to engage a new man If he is
over 35 years of age.
"The British working man may think
these conditions frightfully hard. So
they are. If a man falU out of work
say at the age of 38, his chances of
getting work are practically gone.
"The American workingman is soon
played out, that ts why you seldom
see an old man In big Industrial concerns.
"Employers, If trade unions are in
their way, set about to smash them.
"The American employer can often
snap his fingers at his men because if
there Is any trouble others can be
brought in.
Bleeding the Children.
Regarding child labor.he says:
"Of recent years the New England
manufacture*; has been hit hard by the
great cotton industry—due to the in   uuv lllc ,,„„....— — ,
troductlon of Northern capital—which p-0yipent was  the  real  trouble then
-  cent" has: sprung up in the South, in .Georgia the capitalist class would fare badly.
and in the   September   1909   edition  ^ ■    N(jrth anfl gouth Carollna,   The Though unemployed,'they live sump-
states that 17.5.-per cent of the trade  )ahnr )s chea     men  only  get  about tuously.   This indicates that the real
state that 40,000 did so
The "protectionist" "Morning Post"
(20th January, 1908) says: "The unemployed question can and undoubtedly
must be discussed in part at least,
without reference to fiscal policy, because it results in part at least, from
causes unaffected by tariffs or their
absence. Unemployment Is found lu
the United Kingdom under Free Trade,
and it has not been banished from
other industrial nations by their tariffs.
Germany is the classic home of experiments for dealing with the unemployed—by labor colonies, labor registries, vagrancy laws and relief
works. German official reports recognise a problem indistinguishable In
character from those we are familiar
with here."
After this comparative survey a
more scientific examination is necesary.
The same issue   of   the   "Morning
Post" says:
"The universality of unemployment
makes it necessary to look for its explanation not only to the differences
but to the common features of the industrial systems of all countries.
"In so far as unemployment Is an
Incident of modern industry it is an incident of individualistic industry. Noils there any difficulty in showing how
individualism in industry leads necessarily to unemployment or the constant
fear of unemployment. So long as the
workman depends upon a private employer whose business fluctuates or
may cease altogether, so long as competition exists to produce strenuous fits
of over production folowed by stagnation, so long as whole trades may be
revolutionised or destroyed by new inventions—the constant possibility and
the occasional realization of unemployment must remain. If the solution of
the unemployed problem means the
guaranteeing of absolute continuity of
employment to every man at all times
at his own or something like his own
trade, it does mean nothing less than
I the ending ot industrial competition
land ths superseding of the private capitalist by a single universal employer."
We are constantly told that "the
one thing needful" for us Is "more
work," to obtain which the commerce
of the capitalist class must be Increased. ■ Thus trying to get the worker to
identify his interests with his master's. But unemployment by itself Is
not the plight of the worker.   If nnem-
, Reform both show their fallacy snd
they go to pieces in face of this fact,
that no alteration of fiscal methods
|can prevent the use of the mightiest in-
dustial weapon (the machine) that the
capitalist has in rendering workers relatively superfluous, cheap submissive,
and in drawing into the vicious circle
of modern factory life, the woman and
ihe child. The very development of
capitalism itself—whether tariffs exist
not—-extendB and intensifies this
process. _ 	
Capitalist society, under Free Trades
or Tariff Reform, cannot assure an existence to the makers of its wealth
The private ownership of the inBtru
nienta, together with the results of production, has shown that if social de
velopment is to proceed, Socialism
must be Instituted, i.e., a system of society wherein all those who labor shall
jointly possess and use those things
which  are  necessary  to  satisfy   the
wants of all   _ 	
, Both Free Trade and Tariff Reform
i involve the sale by the worker and
Ihe purchase by the capitalist of value
creating energy—the source of the
wealth of capitalist society
Economic development lias made
trade an anachronism, and the next
step ln social evolution, that ts Social
ism, means a system where trade
"free" or "protected," is rendered impossible by the fact of the common
ownership of the means of wealth pro
Socialism therefore—a society where
in we have the free and equal association of the wealth producers, operating
Ihe means of production that they com
monly own .making everything for use
and for use alone—is the next stage
in Social progress. Onward! Speed
the day!—A. Konn. in the Socialist
As the transportation companies
will as per usual endeavor to lure the
workers here by the dissemination of
untrue reports as to the conditions in
this part of Alaska, Local No. 240, W
F. of M., takes this opportunity of
warning all workers against being de
luded by such, false reports and asks
the co-operation to this end of all
organized workingmen
As far as actual conditions are concerned matters were never worse ln
.the history of this camp. All the rich
'mines are practically worked out and
although extensive prospecting Is all
the time being carried on no new dls-
'coverles of value have been made.
On the other hand there are hundreds here out of work; some of them
I bave been Idle for twelve months, and
some have worked for several months
last summer and have not been paid a
cent. Wages have been reduced all
along the line. The reported new
strikes ln the Idlterod and Squirrel
River Countries have proved to be the
worst kind of fizzles and anyone rush
I lng to these camps will be Bure to
suffer nothing but hardship for their
pains. The majority at present employed are working on "bed rock'*
which means that they are promised
their wages after the grocer, banker
arid coal man get their share: It is
safe to say that not one-fourth of
those at present working will ever be
 ___. _ paid their wages.    There are enough
aDor is ciiuu-j—.men u.„j e,^,, „„„„.. lmjuolJ. This Indicates that the real men at present here to do all the sum-
23s.-a week of 6G or 70 hours. In some troUble is the lack of. the necessaries of mer work that may be opened up and
places there are no regulations as to |ife aiready produced by the workers anyone coming here, apart altogether
the age of child workers, and little but owned by the masters through from the hardships that they are sure
ones of 8 or 10 are .to be found .by the their possession of the instruments of ^^^mMmmM*BaaBm'
hundred in the Southern mills working production, the workers being only al-
these   long   hours   for   us,   per, week.   ->   ■'-  .,=o  ihpBC\  on   condition
Child labor Is one of the blackest spots
on American Industrial life.
"There   are   40,000  boys   employed
selves until the police reserves arrived."
Mr. Sam Gompers, speaking for the
American Federation of Labor at
Washington, February 10th 1909, and
basing his remarks upon branch reports, said: "I am sure lt is not an
exaggeration to say tbere arc now In
this country and have been with very
little variation since October 1907,
nearly 2 million wage-earners unemployed."
In The Land of The Millionaries.
"The Times" (October 2nd, 1908)
said: "Economic laws have tended to
assert their sway until the total number of unemployed, entirely or in part,
in the whole country, cannot be less
than 3 to 4 millions.."
The conditions of life for the work-
era were recently Illustrated by the
struggle at the works of the Steel
Trust at Pittsburg and the tramwork-
er's strike ln Philadelphia.
Wc will now quote from a book written by a prominent Tariff Reform
journalist and politician (the Tariff Reform candidate at Leicester at the re
cent election) after personal investigation into the industrial life of America
("America at work," 1903, by John Foster Fraser.)
Regarding poverty he says:
"I went Into some of the poorer dls
trlcts. I have seen our slums in Eng
lish towns, foul and loathsome, but
never quite as bad as I saw In Pitts
burg. The Pittsburg slums are dread
ful; the houses wheezy, unsteady,
filthy. In one street I saw a lake
stretched half across the way of little
ands of them are obviously under 14
and 12. The employer evades responsibility by getting an affidavit from
the parents that the child has passed
the legal aye, and the parents, eager
for an extra half dollar a week, lie
readily. Children of 12 are to be found
In a Pennsylvania mine, a cruel thing.
"I had a long talk with Mr. Davles
about the employment of children. He
told me that there were lots of children
under 12 working In Chicago. When I
refused to believe him he took me to
his office and brought out report after
report of inspectors who had found
children of 12 earning the poor 4 shillings a week amid the horrors of Chicago slaughterhouses.  The law of Illin-
lowed  to use  these  on  condition  of kind of a proposition
parting with the wealth they produce
o work on the men already here, will
be run up against the very toughest
Year after year the Nome Miners'
ois State is that employers shall not ir)g of severai piantB under one control,
. , ,..   ~~,~i«,'.   ,.i,;l,l,.ATi   „„,lor   14.1,. ...     ..     .. i~ ««.l .l„,,lw..,li«„
parting with tne wemm u,CJ ,       	
The ever increasing amount of wealth Union has sent out similar warnings
produced by the working class and the which have been disregarded with the
attempt of each employing unit to Sell »»»--» cv,»t hundreds came here who
to as large a number of buyers as possible, alongside of the Increasing insufficiency of the workers' wages to
enable them to buy back their product
causes Industrial crises, which we see
are the result of the workers having
done too much work.
It Is also erroneous for the Tariff Reformer and Free Traders to claim that
an Increase of trade means more employment In that trade. Dozens of
trades could be named where the output has increased although the number
of employed Is less or the same as with
a smaller output.
This is accomplished- by means of
wages-saving devices, more perfected
machinery, the splitting up of processes and speeding up; also by the marg-
knowingly employ children under 14.
Some of the porkpacking firms repudiate responsibility by flaunting the
signed declaration in Mr. Davles' face.
But Mr. Davles told me of the cases
of boys obviously under the age of 14
that had been enquired into by the inspectors, quite 98 per cent, were found
to be under age."
The extracts that' we have given
above can be supplemented, but enough
have been given. Before leaving the
case of America it may be as well
to state the unemployment |n America
ls said by Tariff Reformers to be due
to extensive Immigration, but this
claim recoils on those who make it,
because the majority of the immigrants
come from lands where Tariff Reform
Germany is the pet illustration of the
i Tariff Reformers. We saw by means
of the Berlin Sweating Exhibition in
thus eliminating waste and duplication
The "Daily Hail's" Special Commissioner into the "Problem of No
Work," said (6. 10. '08): "Constantly,
too, I have had labor-saving machinery
Indicated to me as a cause of much unemployment. • * * Almost everywhere the tendency is to employ fewer
hnnds and to require less technical
ability. I heard an echo of this at Ful-
ham. Local gasworks have been turp-
ins men off for some time past. Coke
can now be broken and retorts can
now be emptied by machinery. Men
with 20 and 30 years' references from
the Gas company have been applying
to the Distress Committee for a few
days' digging or dirt shovelling. Anything (hat will give them a chance to
to earn somthing. It is the same with
a very large number of men following
trades connected with the building."
The policy of Free Trafes and Tariff
result that hundreds came here who
were obliged to undergo all kinds of
sufferings and privations on account
I of the lack of work; many, in fact,
were sent outside at the government
.expense but many more were compelled to stay here and endure all
kinds of misery In this arctic climate
during the winter.
Everything herein stated is absolutely true and any and all who may
.have been inclined to Invest their
, bard-earned money in steamboat tickets to these parts would be far better
.advised to stay where they are and
[not allow themselves to be the victims
bf the imaginative press agents of the
transportation companies. Our urgent advice is to stay away.
Yours fraternally,
Nome, Alaska.
(Continued from Page 1)
Idlssement. Every reason he gives,
however, is an argument for Socialist
jeducation rather than for proportional
'representation. From the Socialist
point of view, indeed, it is sheer superstition to attach so much importance
ito the mere form of election. But of
this more anon, or I shall miss the not
too frequent post. With the editor's
permislon, I shall deal ln my next with
the final results of next Sunday and
with the programs and attitudes of the
|various candidates; not forgetting the
part played ln the present campaign by
the vote of the last Chambre which
raised the deputies' remuneration to
15,000 francs each per year.
1   Paris, France.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class. •
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist Is therefore master; tha worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production aad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
misery and depredation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of tho wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or .working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property In the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective properly of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall'always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If lt will, the Socialist Party is for lt; if it will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln Its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Books of all Kinds
The Mistakes of Moses   50c
The Riddle of the Universe   25c
Merrie England 20c
God and my Neighbor, Blatchford
Ayesha, or the Return of She, by
Rider Haggard  75c
Decameron Boccaccio  75c
Maria Monk  75c
All books sent postage paid.
Send for catalog.
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
Attention !
Wanted! All Socialists throughout the Dominion to subscribe for
the International Socialist Review
through the Manitoba Provincial
Executive Com. By so doing you
can kill two birds with one stone;
we will get a commission for organizing pnrposes and you a magazine with the following book
tfl 35 Rt'ts Review 1 year and .soc book
$1,50 Sf-ts Review * yenr and i oo book
$i 70 K^ts Rt-vlew 1 year ntul I 50 book
J2.00 gets'Review 1 year ami 2.00 book
Catalogue sent on request and subs must
be sent direct to W. H. Slebbiups, 316
Good St. Winnipeg.   Man. Prov. Ex.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review in Canada
$1.20 a year instead of $1.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we will mail three
copies of the Review to one Cana-"
dian address for one year.
For 70 cents wc will mail ten
copies of any one issue.
For $3.00 we will mail the Review one year and the Chicago
Daily Socialist for one year.
13* West Kinzie St.; Chicago.
A good
place to eat 	
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Molcahey,  Prop.
Experienced Graduate
Wishes positicn in small hospital.
Apply E. JOHNSTON, 358 Harris St., Vancouver,
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"Rofetttchyf Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 Stephen St.       "Winnipeg, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stand* for a Living Wage
Vancouver Local  357.
qii you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give yon an estimate oi coat of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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