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Western Clarion Mar 12, 1910

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 T»M 1.
Vancouver. British Columbia, Saturday, March 12,   1910.
sakecriptlea rrto.
'But Produces Nothing of Much Value to the Workers, Except the Exposure of the Hostility of the Government to the Interests of Labor—Railway Policy Unmercifully Dissected
VICTORIA, MARCH 5.—This week
has been the hardest on our representatives yet. The budget, estimates,
railway legislation and two new labor
bills had to be attended to In addition
to the necessary attention that had to
be given to the corporation bills Introduced by the private members, which
had to be watched and attacked when
necesary ln the interests of the workers especially and the community generally.
The night sessions were added to
the afternoon sessions on Monday and
continued through the week until Friday, when a morning and afternoon
eesion was held and the house was adjourned until 10:30 a.m., Monday, Feb.
Under the arrangement of the evening sesions our two members get practically no more than nine hours out of
the 24 for themselves ln which to
sleep, answer correspondence, scan the
bills that are due to come up and decide on the course to be pursued in regard to each. While some of these
things can be done while the house Ib
sitting, lt must be remembered that
one of our men has to be on tbe floor
all the time to keep in touch with what
the other fellows are doing and be
ready to block their moves, if possible
at an Instant's notice.
If It was possible to have a delegate
from each local In the prdvlnce ln the
gallery during the session, to s;>e what
these men of ours are up against, they
would undoubtedly go back with the
determination to try as they never did
before to get them more help at the
next elections. They have' given
enough material to fill the Clarion half
a dozen times this week alone and it
has been boiled down to less than two
pages. An eight-page paper twice a
week would be Just about right now,
but will It be enough for the next parliament?
The Budget.
On Monday Hawthornthwaite replied
to Bowser's budget speech. Although
Bowser's speech could not be criticised
in the manner of its preparation and
attention to detail, it was surprising
that he did not talk longer ln his ef-
foits to cover up the past, sins of the
government. He had not referred to
any act of the government In the Interests of the masses of the people, more
particularly the farmers and wage-
workers. All he dwelt on was money,
administration and the piling up of an
enormous surplus ln the hands of the
capitalist class. That surplus had been
obtained by the assessors' thumb-screw
and by handing over of the natural resources of the province ln appalling
amounts. The careless manner in
which Bowser had mentioned these enormous Bums might induce a listening worker to believe himself a rich
man, until he put his hands into his
pocket and ascertained how little he
had left after paying for his last meal
Notwithstanding that address he knew
his condition in the coming year would
be no better. He would be receiving
the same wages, based on the same
laws, as at present.   They got no hope
from the atorney general	
The member for Nanalmo then criticised the position taken by Bowser that
the present business prosperity in the
province was due to the McBride policy,, pointing out that it was due to
world conditions, and panic* and booms
were a* little affected by that policy as
the till of Halley's comet.
He proceeded to contrast the policy
of .the government before and after
Bowser's advent, both in labor and rail-
'wky legistatlono. Before that time
some seven or eight labor bills had
passed the house and BOO miles of railway'had been built without bono* of
any kind, but for the last three or four
year* only one mutilated labor mea-
*nre|h»d been allowed to pass and the
C.N.R. waa.to.be guaranteed to the
extent of »4B,00«,000.   If that   policy
finished there would be nothing left to
give away. He proved from Bowser's
own figures that the taxation of the
small farmer had been nominally reduced and actually increased, while
the poll tax had been retained. From
1899 to 1903 the average taxation per
head was $1.70, now it was $1.58, a
magnificent reduction of 12 cents per
head. The benefit of reduced taxation
to the small farmers had been offset by
Increased expenses in school maintenance and teachers' salaries, and by
the medical inspection of schools,
which he had been informed would cost
one district $800 extra yearly.
To the statement that men engaged
in the mining industries received ln
wages a sum amounting to some 15 or
18 millions he took exception. (Why
that difference of three million?) Some
12,000 men being employed gave tbe
average wage of $1,500. According to
bis own investigations $800 was nearer
the truth, reducing tbe $18,000,000 to
$9,600,000, which meant that the capi
talist class exploited those men to tbe
tune of $14,600,000. That was worthy
of  attention.
Dealing with the government's policy
of granting permanent leases, for tim
ber, be charged that the government
was merely the tool of the capitalists
Interested. It was simply a policy of
handing over the last of the timber to
that class. It had gone now and the
people were powerless to remedy it,
12,000,000 already having been alienated	
Although the Attorney-General had
said that the enormous wealth produced was something to be proud of he
(Hawthornthwaite) failed to see it
that way. The producers of that
wealth had only received their wages,
the small farmers the same, for they
had to put their product into a world
market and met what the Attorney-
General characterized as terrific competition	
The Attorney-General had Invited
the capitalists of the world to come
to this land of great wealth and good
workers, they would give them everything in sight and hold the workers in
submission and at their mercy. That
had always been their policy. He had
no hesitation in saying all labor legislation would be defeated that session
by the unanimous vote of the capitalist
members, and the whole of the workers turned over to the tender mercies
of the capitalist class. The workers
alone were to be blamed for that. The
Socialist Party would try to show the
wage-workers and farmers where they
got off. The government had a magnificent opportunity and occupied a
unique position to have done something for the farmers and workers, hut
they had done nothing and had promised to do nothing for the future. The
Socialist party could only expose the
hand and intentions of members op-j
poslte, and they would continue to do!
so as long as they remained in the
After the speeches from other members, including an uproarious declamation from McPhlllips, the motion, "that
the Speaker do now leave the chair"
was carried without opposition and the
bouse went into committee of supply
A Warning to the Granby Smelter Co
—and Other*.
■ On Tuesday, March 1, when the
house was voting the estimates, Parker
William* elicited the fact tbat the Mr.
Flumerfelt appointed on the Timber
Commission, was the gentleman of
Orand Porks aad "Dreadnought" fame
and Immediately proceeded to criticise
him a* a patriot In Victoria and a Czar
in Grand 'Forks.
The Attorney-General said that   the
government had made a  wise choice.
he was a gentleman of experience and
billty, and he   (Bowser)   understood
at he would make no charge' for his
Mr.' Hawthornthwalt* remarked that
; waa good reason for reducing the
vote. The Socialist Party generally
confined their attacks to the whole
capitalist class, but when the working
clas were stacked by any individual
capitalist they would retaliate in the
best way possible, and they had convinced one gentleman that It would be
wise to drop those tactlcB. The sooner
both Flumerfelt and Hodges realized
that the better It would be for them
Tliere could be nothing meaner than
the tactics they were at present using
towards their employees. The defeat
of the Socialist candidate in the last
election and the return of the present
member was simply due to the manager of the Granby Smelting Co. driving several hundreds of men out of
the district. If those methods were
to be*used, the Socialist Party would
use other weapons. The members of
the house did not sympathize with the
workers, which was quite natural, proper and right.
If tbe men could not meet these men
politicaly they would find some other
means. It was a serious matter to
take a job away from a workingman
and they were fiercely resenting it, and
expressing that sentiment now through
the Socialist Party on the floor of the
house. Not a corporation in the province but was escaping taxation, and
there were many ways and means of
getting at them and they would soon
find lt out—the sooner the better for
Miller (Grand Forks), replying, referred to an assertion made by the
previous speaker that he was not returned because of his superior ability
over'John Mclnnis. He had a great Ilk.
Ing for Mr. Mclnnls. There were a
large number of working men in Grand
Forks and he had to rely on them for
i =*= i =====
votes. It was through no action of the
Granby company that they had been
induced to vote for him, but because
they were tired of the Socialists (applause). The Socialists had racked and
torn the unions to pieces. At one time
ihe union at Grand Forks had been
strong and had been respected by citizens and the Granby company alike,
but through the action of the Socialists
It hod declined. Out of 350 men employed in the Grand Forks smelter Mclnnls had only received some 70 or 80
votes, a fact very significant of a very
intellectual class of men, and to that
fact alone was his election due, and
not to any action of the Granby company. The defeat of Mclnnis was due
simply to the intelligence of the voters
and not to any action of the company
or the Conservative party. He (Miller)
bad promised to support all legitimate
legislation the Socialists would bring
into the house and he would not go
back on that promise, so long as he
could act ln the interests ot the pro
vince as a whole.
Hawthornthwaite replied that what
Miller had said proved his statement
that he (Miller) had not been elected
because of any superior intellectual
ability over John Mclnnis. As to the
Socialists and the union, any union
that received the respect of the employers ought to be racked and put out of
business. As to the 70 votes for the
Socialist, the Socialist Party knew that
hundreds had been driven out of town,
and be told the Premier so. Word had
been sent round that if Mclnnls was
returned the smelter would close down.
Tnat and the Bowser election act of
last year were the reasons Mclnnls
had been defeated.   If conditions had
(Continued on Pag* 4)
Charlie 'Butts in on the Alberta Love-feast—Insists on Explaining the Class Struggle and the Commodity Nature
of Labor Power—Gets in a Wage Clause—Introduces.
Coal Mines Amendments.
I don't know and for this reason I
ask you. Dr. Conan Doyle has written
a book which I have just finished reading. Is the doctor a humorist or a
plain fool? If this book is not a joke,
then C. D. is a chump or a most vicious
retainer of the capitalist class. It Is
published as an aid to the Congo Reform League and for those comrades
who enjoy a gruesome and blood-curdling tale, I can confidently recommend
lt. The revelations are horrible
enough to heat the blood of a fish, and
yet, why the Congo?
Why, of all the out-of-the-way places
on earth surely the Congo is the most
remote. 'Pon my Sainted Sam, for a
man living as Conan Doyle does in the
midst of horrid poverty, crime and
squalor, dwelling as it were in the very
high places of capitalist exploitation.
such a book looks twaddling. Why not
the Crime of England or something
nearer home?
But no; 'twas ever tnus, the man who
lives upon a dungheap complains of the
filthy stench arising from bis neighbor's manure pile. The most vicious
exploiter of labor In England can with
a feeling akin to rignteousness swell
with indignation over the crime of the
Congo. The poor wage-mule of Great
Britain can read this book and thank
heaven he is a free man.
The book Itself Is bound In black
with a photo of a dusky slave minus
his hand and foot, Inside are other pictures of the same Ilk. This is nothing
new to me, or can Conan Doyle plead
innocence of the same. He and I must
have seen those white slaves who came
back from one of England's colonization wars (of which the doctor ls so
proud) begging on the streets, sans
legs, sans arms, with Jswb and eyes
and faces smashed, cast out to starve
upon the rubbish pile of capitalist exploitation.
To me there ls something funny in
tbe fact that Conan Doyle is the author
of such humanistic books as tbe Crox-
ley Master and Rodney Stone—books
in which human brutes fight terrible
battles for the very same reason that
King Leopold or King Capital exploits
tbe Congo—gain. Books in which
drunken bruisers are glorified into
heroes, and betting, parasitic lord* into
teen of the finest calibre. Books like
The White Company In which a band
of. cut-throat Englanders cross the
channel and lay the fair . realm of
France waste with Are and sword for
crime and vice are glorified and ennobled, ln which robbery is made a virtuous thing, and then to wax wrathy
oyer such a trifle as the Congo game.
Fie, doctor! The book rings as hollow
as a drum.
To start at the beginning. The author's introduction is, to say the least, humorous. He talks of Germany having
a long score to settle on the Congo,
both in the name of humanity and
trade rights. Fancy mixing humanity
and trade in one breath and putting humanity flrst. He does not think the
French nation can know the real state
of the Congo because if they did, although they have some capital ln the
game, their generous and chivalrous
natures would not tolerate such goings-
on. Only Conan D. would venture to
couple chlvalrousness and capital together. Chapters one to thirteen are
simply a rehash of capitalism at work
as we have had it from Upton Sinclair
and others, save that this book is history and The Jungle, Action. The reports of missionaries are very iniid and
yet horible enough. A general state of
"shooting up" the dirty niggers for rubber sems to prevail and with its usual
cunning, capital uses the slave of the
same breed to keep the workers In order. Some niggers are soldiers'; some
slaves. I think that the following extract from King Leopold's Bulletin Of-
flclel is too good to miss.   It gays!
"With this development of general
order is combined an inevitable amelioration in the condition of existence
wherever he comes into contact with
the European element. Such is in fact,
one of the ends of the general policy
of the state, to promote the regeneration of the race hy instilling into it a
higher Idea of the necessity of labor,"
After that, what next?
It Is, however, in the last chapter
that C. D. shows himself as a funny
man of the first water. The heading
itself Is too good for anything. He has
called lt a chapter of "solutions"—robbery solutions, of course. First, Belgium comes In for a severe keelhauling
and the late Leopold would feel mighty
Small if be could read what our pill
pedlar has to say about him. America
is next called up for trial, and although
the concessionaires are some of them
from the land of the free, still Americans have a high moral sense and C. D.
■ure that as soon as they read his
book they wlll mop up the Congo and
send unholy Belgium to the devil. How
the identical.reason that the Congo is on earth a man can talk   such   drivel
laid   waste—gain.    Book*   ln   which about the moral sense of   American
The previous installment was delay
ed by snow slides and did not arrive
until too late for publication. However, as Comrade Blake had little
to chronicle except a sordid scrap
among the legislative vultures over
the railroad carrion, we did not miss
Alberta and Great Waterway* Debate
Still Continues.
Riley (L.), in continuing the debate
for the Opposition on the 8th, heavily
scored the Government ln a speech
lasting one and one-half hours. He said
that the Premier had designated the
ex-minister's statement that he could
build the road according to A. <**- G. W.
Railway's specifications for $12,000
per mile, or acording to C. N. R. specifications, for $16,000 per mile, further
that he would charge nothing extra for
sidings and would furnish good equipment, as a big bluff. Turning to the
Premier he said, "This proposition is
made by a man who knows what he
is talking about, I say to the Premier,
will you call this bluff? Can you call
this bluff?   Dare you call this bluff?'
Bennett (C), "Ask him to come ln
and see you anyway."
In concluding, Riley, seconded by
Glendenning, moved the following
amendment to the Resolution: Tbat
all the words after "Therefore, Be it
resolved," be struck out and the following substituted: "Tbat tbe contract entered into between this Government and the Alberta & Great Waterways, is not such as will commend itself to confidence and judgment of this
House." This alters the resolution In-
so-far that the first question was that
tbe Government should repudiate tbe
contract and carry out the work itself, whilst the amendment is a motion of lack of confidence ln tbe Government.
Puffer (L.), in supporting the Government, said he believed tbe Government had made a good deal. If it
can be shown that there has been
crooked work, that the Government
has acted dishonestly, I for one am
ready, to vote against them. But I am
convinced after a careful study of the
question, that the Government has not
done so, that they have done the beBt
In l heir power and I will support them.
Dr. Warnock followed with what
was, although only a short speech, one
of the most bitter directed at the Government.    He termed the A. & G. W.
capital after the Chery mine game, to
say nothing of the McKees Rocks, is
one of the riddles of the universe,
which even Haeckel could not read.
France, Germany and America are invited to join with Great Britain in the
squashing of the Congo Free State for
conscience's sake. But if not, if these
countries prove false to the standard of
humanity, then Britain alone In her
splendid isolation must interfere.
The doctor says (so I suppose It is
true) that we have a right to free trade
In the Congo and we muBt enforce that
right. We have done so before and if
we are true sons of our fathers we will
do It again. I hope we have a right to
the Congo, but. since it is very hot and
swampy there the doctor can have my
share for ten dollars. There I* a lot
more hot air and bombast about Britain's splendid colonial enterprise and
some of the old, old dope about England the friend of the dusky African.
Tbe curse of blood and the scorn of
man rest* upon the Congo, says Doyle,
and I don't think tbey give a hoot, so
long, as the game pay*, say I.
Tbe book ends with a laat blase of
humor. On the back cover I* printed
advice on helping the cause and the
last one Is fine. Readers are asked to
write their political representative and
express their feelings. On second
thoughts, if your time ls limited and
eyesight weak, don't waste them upon
the Crime of the Congo. Look nearer
a white elephant and gave the Premier
a hot five minutes for insinuating that
there were traitors in the Liberal
camp. As the seconder of the resolution he Bald, "I have the permission of
Mr. Boyle to accept the amendment.
This I shall do.
J. L. Cote (L.), was the next speak".
er In support of the Government. He.
made lt plain that he knew what he
was talking about. He denied that he-
had told Warnock that there were
miles and miles of muskeg on the
Great Waterways route. What he did
say was that there was a percentage
of muskeg. He quoted Taurpwelne, an
eminent railway authority, to show
that the average estimate of the cost
of railroads was $26,000 per mile, basing the cost of labor at $1.75 per day.
He said there had never been any ao.
curate survey of the distance between,
Edmonton and Fort McMurray. The,
distance as the crow files would be
about 240 miles, but a railroad could,
not be built under 276 miles.
J. W. Woolf, seconded by J. A. Mc-.
Dougal, moved an amendment to the.
amendment, which was questioned on,
a point of order by Bennett (C.) The.
speaker not being sure, adjourned the
house at 10:30 to enable him to look
up precedents.
O'Brien Defines His Position.
On March 1st O'Brien took the floor,
.Mr. Speaker, be said, I have been listening to this debate, not with much Interest, but with a good deal of forbearance. One hon. member, Bald tbat this,
question was the most momentuouB in,
the history of the Legislature, if that
hals so, then, Mr. Speaker, I can only-
say that the legislature has not justified its existence.
This agreement about which so
much has been said, and about which,
I suppose, so much more will be said,
completely ignores the interest of the
employees, those men who will build
the road. The Opposition to the Government, who so loudly proclaim they
speak in tbe interests of the public
have closely shown for whose Interests they are working, by the fact that
they have never once mentioned the
employees. From the point of view of'
the workers, as well as of the capitalists, this Is one of the loosest contracts that could bo drawn up, but yet
there had not been one word of criticism regarding the indeftnate clause*
referring to the protection of the em.
ployees. This debate has taken in a
very wide range, from growing onions
near the North Pole ln the month of
February, down to Kansas City, and
finished up with a good time at New
York City.
Now, Mr. Speaker, In order to be un'
derstood, It must bo remembered that '
I represent a distinct political party to
any of the other members here, that I
have nothing In common with any of
them, and that they all look alike to
me. The party I represent, havo a
distinct platform and manifesto, which
has In no part been borrowed by Liberal or Conservative, for the simple
reason It contains nothing they could
use. I may wander from the point a
bit but I don't think I'll get farther
than the others, not to the North
Pole anyhow.
Before my election, I was, and am
now, National Organizer for the Socialist Party of Canada The present
civilization Is based on property, and
property is simply a character endowed upon the method of owning and excluding others from that to which we
claim title. We bave In the history of
the world had several kinds of property, at present we have Capitalist
prooerty, and under this system, the
earfh and the means of production belong to a small minority, the capitalist
class. Tbe Platform of tbe Socialist
Party, Is to transfer this state of ownership into the collective ownership'
of the working class, that they who
produce shall enjoy.
At this juncture, several member*
rose In their place* and appealed tor
SATURDAY,   MARCH   12th„ WO..
The ta Clui
Mils.-, .very Saturday hy tfce
■.Hell-rt -Partr at Oaaata, «* the -Mm
at tha WMtwr-t Olulwi, trtaefc mack
IWohiI, IM ■aetlng'e Str..t, T»no<ra
BUtt Tn Tear, 50 owti for Six Months,
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8ATURDAY,   MARCH   12th,   1910.
They have got the Labor Exchanges
•established in England now, and the
flrst week is reported to have been a
most strenuous one for the "staff," as
unemployed applicants for registration
have been flocking up in such.numbers
that it was imposible even by increas
ing the staff to register all the day's
applicants any day of the week. Hence
it is evident that the measure is clearly popular with the workers, and we
would mildly suggest that our, Social
Democratic friends in the east might
very well Incorporate this valuable
palliative in their proposed platform; it
is certainly no more absurd than the
Labor Exchanges, be it noted, "have
been established in accord with the almost unanimous expression of opinion
of those most familiar with the problem of unemployment, both in practice
and theory." "Practice and theory," is
a delicate touch, ■ especially practice.
But we are quite unable to understand
the "almost unanimous.'' Who, "familiar with the problem of unemployment
in practice and theory," could have ex-
prosed an opinion in dissent, and been
heard at it, wo wonder. It must have
been a lord.
Apparently, then, these Labor Exchanges must have been established to
ameliorate unemployment; just how,
We, after most potent cogitation, are
■yet unable to discern, we are not from
Mlsouri either.
The way we have it doped out ls
that there are not enough jobs to go
round. Let a plus b be the jobs and x
plus y plus z be the job hunters. Then
If you amalgamate these you get ax
-plus by plus z, and z is the trouble. The
unemployed problem Is how in the
name of the differential calculus are
we to get z a job. And we can't for the
life of us Bee how Labor Exchanges
are going to do it. Of course, if x goes
on a periodical, the Labor Exchange
can shoot z into bis place and then issue a half-yearly statement of the number of unemployed lt has found jobs
for. This will show tbat the Labor Exchange staff is earning its salar'-as and
is just what ls required. But what
about x? He is it, now. It's no use;
we will have to give it up and pass the
problem on to John Harrington who is
now figuring out how many pounds of
coal he has to dig to make a ton when
the company weighs it.
Looking at it from the other end, the
end that ls carefully kept somewhere
back in the perspective, it is quite easy
to see where this palliative palliates to
gome purpose. If you are an employer
of labor (no, labour, this is in the oid
country) and want hands, you don't
have to rubberneck out at the factory
gate or put an ad. in the paper and
have to send a riot call to the police
to disperse the result. You can ring
up the Labor Exckange. They've got
the hands you want, classified uader
twenty heads and four hundred subheads, graded to size, shape, skill, age
and sex, so that you can get just exactly what you want.
Furthermore, let us not overlook that
an important item in the registration ls
tbe wage the applicant is.willing to
work for. Other things being equal,
tbe lowest bidder gets tho job, so
everyone will be inclined to bid low,
and those who hid up at all will he regarded as "undeserving." This wlll
have a most beneficial effect on the
wage scale generally.
Also when your hands go on strike—
there's the Labor Exchange. Give the
unemployed a "charnst." Sure, Labor
Exchanges are all right, and we hope
tbey will be given careful consideration by our own Labor Minister, William Lyon Mackenzie-King. In fact
they are so much all right that we may
expect to-seo them'tnstalled here even
though we have no Labor Party to
"prass for" such "practical" reforms.
Professor Zueblin, whoever he ls,
has declared against thrift—that is,
other people's thrift. Among other
things he says that while thrift is to
the advantage of the individual, it is to
the disadvantage of the public.
Possibly this thought may have been
inspired in the petty bourgeois mind
by the feeling that what the banker
gets the merchant loses. But like
most petty bourgeois ideas it !s twisted and based on purely superficial reasoning.
The idea is, however, notable in
that it is directly contrary to the accepted bourgeois teaching that thrift
is ono of the cardinal virtues; which is
equally absurd, thougli that may sound
like a contradiction.
Of course thrift may be a virtue with
the bourgeois and probably is, for they
do not practice it to any alarming extent, any more than any of the other
virtues they so highly esteem. But
with us thrift is no virtue; it is a painful necesity, and we are by no means
sure that to elevate that necessity to
the rank of a virtue makes its practice
any the les painful, for we are hardly
noted for a natural prodellction for the
paths of virtue.
Anyhow, Professor Zueblin has got it
twisted. As to whether thrift is to the
disadvantage of the public, It all depends on who the public is. But to
the individual who practices it, it is
anything but an advantage. We know;
we have had to practice it.
Ever since we were knee high to a
grasshopper we have been dcing without things. And the number of things
we have done without ought to have
made us independently rich, according
to capitalist computations. But it
hasn't. Not what you'd notice under a
searchlight. The fact of the matter is
It -has made us very much poorer, for
all that we have is that which we have
had, and the things we have done without we, obviously, have not had. The
individual who dies richest is not necessarily the one who has the biggest
bank account, hut the one who has
done without the least. Who has done
without the most dies the poorest, no
matter how much he may have "saved
up." So that what you spend you
have, and what you save you lose.
Hence thiift Is no virtue and no advantage to usi but unfortunately it is,
as we have said, a painful necessity sc
long as we of the working class have
so uncertain a foothold upon the means
of life, so much so that, with most it
has become u habit, and some have become so curiously warped that it has
become to them even a pleasure, but
only when the absolute necessity of it
has passed.
The reason why we are compelled to
practice thrift is not that there is any
scarcity of anything our hearts might
desire, but that the bulk of the good
things of life, which we produce, are
thriftily appropriatec by those who
produce nothing. The earth is teeming with riches and our ability to turn
them to use is almost unlimited, but
between us and those riches stand the
property rights of those to whom we
must daily sell our birthright for a
mess of pottage, and be thrifty with the
door, no longer cringing and fawning
upon the masters of their bread, no
longer beholden to the owners of the
means of life for the poor privilege of
living. But themselves possesing the
earth and enjoying the fullness thereof.
Dear Comrade,—On Wednesday,
Feb. 23, a "convention of members of
the Winnipeg Local's branches was
held in the Adelaide street hall for the
purpose of nominating i ndidates 'or
West and North Winnipeg,
Com. Hoop was voted to the chair
and Com. Pickup secretary.
liefore nominations weie submitted
it was moved and seconded that an
election committee be formed of dele-
gates from each local branch. An amendment was submitted for two election committees.   Amendment carried.
Com. Stebblngs moved and Com.
Betsworth seconded that all monies received through the papers be equally
divided between the two constituencies. Amendment brought forward
that all monies coming from whatevei
source be equally divided between the
constituencies.   Resolution carried.
Com. Cumming submitted a suggestion from the Provincial Executive that
candidates be informed that should
they be elected they would be required to act as provincial organizers
for the party when the house was not
in session: failing this, they would be
expected to hand over their salaries
when the house was not In session to
the Provincial Executive, to be used
for organizing purposes. The suggestion was adopted.
Com. Cumming moved that Com.
Ed. Fulcher he nominated as candidate
for the party for North Winnipeg.
Comrade Saltzman nominated Com.
Hoop but he declined to stand. Com.
Cameron did likewise. Saltzman objected to Com. Fulcher's nomination because Com. Fulcher was not a local
man. However, it was easily discerned
that Saltzman wanted an opportunist,
step-at-a-time guy; but he didn't get
Com. Fulcher was withdrawn as
nominee for North Winnipeg and
nominated for West Winnipeg. Com.
Armstrong, one of the true reds, was
nominated for North Winnipeg.
The convention adjourned a little after 11 p. m. having sat over two and a
half hours. One of the election committees will be appointed at the next
business meeting of the English local
and spade work commenced. The other
committee wll be formed by locals and
branches of North Winnipeg. The
elections are expected about the end of
March. Intellectual bombs are being
prepared and will be thrown with unerring aim at the proper time.
Yours tit revolt,
However vote-catching politicians
may laud us at election times with
touching though trite references to
the "Dignity of Lobor" and to "horny-
handed sons of toll"; to whatever dizzy
pinnacle of fame the catch-penny songwriters of capitalism may raise us by
enshrining us in the doubious immorl
taltl of their illustrated songs: nevertheless, even ordinary observation cannot but notice the open contempt in
which ail the henchmen of capital,
sleek or shabby, bold the overall brigade.
And why not? What is there about
us that would entitle us to their respect? Servitude is our portion and
generations of servitude have bred in
us even servility of manner. In outward semblance men, but let the master frown and our cringing humility
straightway gives the lie to our semblance of manhood.
We are neither men nor merchandise, having thus sunk a degree lower
in the scale of objects than our forbear
the chattle slave, who was at least
merchandise. We were but vehicles
for merchandise. Push-carts for the
peddling of labor power. Going sheepishly from door to door Bhowlng our
wares and shamefacedly soliciting a
purchaser. Holding ourBelvea fortunate to find one and delivering to him
our best for a pittance.
The harlot, wherein is she sunk lower
than wo? Not In price at any rate. Nor
In servility. Nor in fact in anything
except in Ihe common estimate of a
society learned in a topsy-turvy moral
code. What If she sells her womanhood? Wo sell our manhood. Is that
any less contemptible?
Yet in this very overall brigade lies
the hope of the future. Thelr's Is the
heritage of the ages. Only the divine
spark of knowledge Is needed to rekindle the Intent manhood in our class
and that knowledge Is spreading, and
with its spread draws ever nearer the
day when the overall brigade shall step
forth free men. No longer peddling
their physical  energy from   door   to
Dear Mc,—We had an opportunity to
hear Com. Fillmore and Com. Miss
Muskat before the boys of Springhill,
and they did splendidly.
Com. Dan Matheson opened the
meeting with a few remarks to the
audience, composed of about 900 or
1000 people. Com. Seaman Ferris
took the floor and spoke on the strike
situation and wound up by demonstrating the necessity of the workers to
organize on the political field as well
as on the economic ground. Com. Ter-
ris' remarks were very much appreciated and 'the applause nearly shook the
roof off the opera house.
Then Com.. Fillmore of Albert, N. B.,
got up amid the cheers and he kept the
audience listening to him for about
one hour and fifteen minutes, during
which time be handled his subject "the
Class Struggle," in a masterly way.
Not only 'did he say and show that the
workers were slaves, but be proved lt
so by strong, sound arguments that
can stand the test of reason from the
fact that not one dared deny what he
had said when the chairman asked for
questions. He had to stop several
times on account of the cheers and applause of his hearers and closed by
recommending the boys of Springhill to
keep up the fight, and advised ihem not
to return to work but to "fight," and
not to conclude peace but to "conquer."
Com. Miss Muskat did splendidly nnd
was greeted by the hundreds of ladles
present. Her speech was full of spirit
and she gave the Springhill people just
what they needed.
Now Mc, let me tell you that Com.
Fillmore und Miss Muskat make a
pretty good team and they are able to
wake up the workers from the slumber
In which they have been kept for centuries.
There is great change since Com.
Gribble was here. Socialism has grown
tremendously. It ls no wonder as it ts
said he left his heart in the Mariilme
provinces. Com. Fillmore ls planning
to go west and he wlll surely take Ids
revolutionary spirit along with him,
but we feel that his heart will remain
down here.      JULES LAVENNE.
Local Gibson's Landing, B. C, No. 40,
S. P. C, wants to build a hall, but we
are not many enough to be able to
bear the expense. So, therefore, we appeal to all the locals and executive
committees in Canada for money.
There are about two hundred inhabitants in oUr distiict (and more coming), all of them stump ranchers—just
our kind.
There is no reason why all of them
should not be members of the Party if
we could get a hall where we could
get them together and talk Socialism
to them.
Comrades, all we ask you to do is lo
send alcng some money and we will do
the rest. Take notice of the fact that
we can not rent a meeting place in our
Send all moneys to J. N, Hliilsa, Gibson'.' I anding, 11. C.
By order of Local ,"*Jo. -to, B. C.
P.S.—We have the frame already up,
so hurry.
Comrades and Slaves in Revolt:
We have hud Com. Gribble speaking
In our locality under the auspices of
Local Innisfall, No. .''. He spoke for
about three hours at the Red Raven
school house on the 9th, In the evening, to a larger audience than this
community usually gives to political
speakers, and, politically speaking, it is
needless to say that he jarred up some
of the hardheads of this district, although I will have to admit that there
are still a few so unreasonably prejudiced against the name of Socialism
that nothing short of a trepanning operation will prove to them that they
are slaves Instead of free men in a free
land, as they imagine they are. However, the greater part of the audience
enjoyed to the fullest extent the address and mental illustrations on the
subject of "Modern Slavery and the
Way Out."
The meeting here was further enlivened by some of the comrades singing
Socialist songs with "The Red Flag"
as a parting hymn. A few subs for the
Clarion as well as a small collection
was taken, after which the meeting adjourned. A sample copy of the Clarion
was then handed around by Com. Gribble.
A meeting was held the next evening (10th) in the Raven district at T.
Berry's residence with a well-attended
ami appreciative audience.
A few more sreakers through this
wilderness (for we are 2ii miles from
a railroad) who can deliver the goods
as Com. Gribble can, and we will soon
be able to make a showing that will
surprise even the Socialists themselves.
A slave in revolt,
Room 501, Dominion
Trust Building
Western   Clarion,
Vancouver, B. C.
Dear Comrade: —
I write to give warning, so that the
truth may be known. The Nicola Valley
Coal & Coke Co., are advertising for
men and state tbat their wages-slaves
are well fed, excuse me, I mean that
they are receiving five dollars per day,
to make it more simple, I had better
say for each day the plug goes under ground and for a period of eight
hours, risks life and limb. The truth Is,
there are a few men who may be
receiving "oats" that in current coin
means five dollars, on the main the
diggers are being made up to $'i.30 per
shift. The babies have been introduced
here (coal cutting machine), formerly
in No. 1 Mine the diggers were paid
the rate of 80 cents per ton, now they
have 40 cents, with practically the
same work to do.
To those who get their bite by selling their power to labor and labor
in a coal mine I should like to say a
word. With, possibly, the exception
of the head push, the bosses have had
practically no experience; they are
therefore ambitious and desirous of a
reputation. Now to my knowledge (it
may be limited), there are two ways
by which a boss can reach the goal he
strives for, (I had better explain what
the goal ls, production of coal with
least possible cost), by Introducing the
latest mechanical appliances, where
applicable, aud seeing to it that cars
and other Incidentals are suitable for
the nature of the work. I will say this is
one way of producing more economically, there is another which although
lt don't affect the workers to the same
extent they feci more keenly, by the
cutting down of.the wages, die hosses
here seem to favor the latter way,
and, should any plug relish kicks and
cuffs, come along.
Yours for the Revolution,
gmy* Even,  Local of the   Socialist Party ol I -
Canada  should  run . card under thi. head
$1.00 per month.     Secretaries please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. Q. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 830, Vancouver,
B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Propaganda and bualness meetings at
8 p.m. every Sunday evening in tht,
Edison Parlor Theatre. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Cayman, Secretary.    W. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
LOCAL LlATmil NO.  10,  8. F. Of
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. ln headquarters on First Ave
1 c ,1 ti. Williams. Sec, Ladysmith, B. C
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, op-|
poslte postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement tn the province. !
V. 'ixtoby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary, Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets first and third
Mondays of every month, Jubilee Hall,
corner of Kins and Alexnnder. The
Secretary will be pleased to furnish
any Information and answer any correspondence relative to the movement,
s. Cumming., Organizer! w. H Btebbing.,
316 Good St., Winnipeg, Mnn.
Committee. Meets in Labor Temple, 117
<:imrch St., Toronto, on 1st and 3rd
Wednesdays. Organizer, W. dribble, 134
Hogarth Ave., Toronto. P. C. Young,
Secretary, 940 Pope Ave.
LOCAL MOYIE, B. 0., NO. 30— luEETB
every Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley,
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p. m. V. Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Klnlamiers' Hall, Sundaya at
7:30 p. m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. o. Box
766 Rossland, B. C.
every   l-'rlday   evening   at   8   p.m.,   In
Miners'   Hall    Nelson,   B.   C.      c    a
Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
meets every Sunday at 8:30 p.m., 1*
Miners' Hall. Mutt Hallday, Organizer.    H. K. Macinnls, Secretary.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box 13, Qlace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
F.dgett's Store, 161 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Clut-
and ReadlnE Room. Labor nail, T u
Mnch n Box 647. Secretary, A. Mac
doicciio   Organizer,    Box 647.
P of c, meets every flrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall
J. Uliph.ut, Secretary.
Finnish. Meets every second, and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, Wm. Mynttl
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eaala Building, 131» Government St. Business meeting every
Tueaday evening, » p.m. Propoganda
meetings every 8unday at Gr
Theatre.      K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOOAL  NANAIMO,  NO.  S,  ■-  T.  ot  O.,
meet, every alternate Sunday evening
In Fore.ter. Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 oclockl
Jack Place,  Rec.  Secy.,  Box  821.
LOOAL     OOLBMAN.     ALTA.,     NO.     S.
Meets every Sunday night ln the
Miners' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room Is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Bissett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 130 1-2 Adelaide Stree
„PP Kohl 111II ctri. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.      Secrelary. J, W .II llllng,
37a Young st; Organizer,  D.  McDougall, 424
Jarvis St
educational meetings In the Miners
Union Hall. Victoria Ave., 1'ernie,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business meeting first Sunday ln each
month, suine place at 2:30 p m
DxvkI faton, Secy, llox 101
C, meets every Sunday ln Miners
Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month.   Geo   H a'herton.  Organizer; K J
Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
of C.—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays In the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3:$f o'clock at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' claaa
every Thuradnj at 8:00 o'clock at Labor
Temp e. J.   Stewart,  Secretary,
62 Seaton St.
LOOAL  OTTAWA,   HO.  8,   S.  F.  OF  O.
Bualness meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Roberts-
Allan Hall, 79 Itldeau St. A. G. Mc
Collum, 68 Slater St., Secretary.
C. meets every second and last Friday lu
each month, thus. Cheney. Secretary, Box
127, Vernon, B. C.
(February, 1910.)
Subs $175.00
Cards and advertising      53.00
Total 1228.50
Printing  $182.00
Mailing .;      13.50
Boy        15-00
J. H. B. (correspondence)        8.00
Surplus :...'....;.-v..1.........   10.00
63, S. F. of O.—Meets every Sunday In
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 8:00
p.  m.    Angus Mclver,  Secretary.
LOCAL MABA, B. O., HO. 34, S. F. of O.
Meets llrst Sunday in every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
LOOAL   COBALT,   HO.   *,   *•   F.   OF   a
Propaganda and business meeting,
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 441.
of C, meets every second and fourtk
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., 66
King  St.   E.,   opposite   Market  Hotel.
V. .".. HiciU, Sec, yS West Lancaster Street.;
Buslnesa and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G.
Ross, Financial Secretary, office in D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union
WniiPK who Undorotand
™!!lf wh.t SOCIALISM
meaiii nr« ubuhUj* ■oclittliU. Batter look Into
th© quest loo for younelf. Write ycur addrer-B
on tbe lines below, mail us the coupon wltb 10
cents, and you wlll tret a hundred-page Illustrated man-nine and a 68-paire Illustrated book
that will help yoa decide rery quickly which
■lde ynu are on,
m. O suw	
Sand Bts two-cant (-tempi.    Addr*u
Charles H. Kerr 4 Co., 134 Khile St. Chlcaao,
Teacher Wanted
Male or female. First or second class professional certificate,
for the Beaupre School District 850
Apply stating salary, experience,
references, etc. to
W. Mackay
Onoway, Alberta.
Land For Sale
100 acres in N. Enderby district, Okanagan Valley. Finest
agricultural land in the province.
The best to be obtained for fruit
hay and vegetables.
In blocks to suit at $40 per
acre, net. \i mile from new railway station, # mile from school.
River frontage. Enough dry
wood on property to pay forclear-
ing. Socialist neighbors. For
full particulars apply to
Bernard Rosoman
572 Enderby B. C,
A. F.  Cobb
Merchant Tailor
OKotoKs,   Alberta
For every suit sold through
this advertisement I  will giv*
$2.00 to the circulation ot th*
Western Clarion.
1. Writ* me tor samples of
2. Mention the price you want
to pay tor suit
3. Compare my sample with
the price.
4. It suitable, send me deposit ot $5.00.
6. I will guarantee to deliver
suit to fit within six weeks.
«. Clarion will acknowledge
receipt of $2.00 from me when
mit ls paid for.
Suits to measure from $16.00
to $30.00.
Trade Marks
Copvriohts etc.
Anyone .ending a rdietol) and description may
oulekly ascertain our opinion free whethor an
Invention Is protmbly patentable. Communicationstrictly ccmlldcnt lal. HANDBuOK on Patents
.ont free, oldest acioncy tor.oou-Tng^atentj.
1'iileuU taken through Munn A Co. reoelT.
eprclnl notice, without olinrgo. In the
Scientific American.
A. handsomely Ulnstratocl weekly, to'*"" ■J**-
JalMlSn of any iclentll'o journal. Tenii. lor
Saa, •S.re I year, poatagB prepaid. Sold by
all new«lea!era
"Braneb OBlco, fa> F St. Washington,!
•New York
llnaton, P. C SATURDAY,   MARCH   12th,   1910.
Tb'- Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Regular meeting Feb. 22.
Present Voss, Armstrong, Cumming,
Ingram, Saltzman, Stechishln and the
Correspondence dealt with from
Dominion Executive, Locals Dauphin,
Ladysmith, Nanalmo, Toronto, Ukranlan (Winnipeg), North Battleford, Ed.
Fulcher, Brandon.; F. Blake and William MeQuid, Edmonton.
Organizer Cumming drew up appeal
to all Socialists and sympathizers and
secretary instructed to get list of subscribers to Cotton's Weekly for the
purpose of mailing circular.
Secretary instructed to try and get
the agency of the International Socialist Review.
Report of convention hy Organizer
€ummlngs, "That two candidates be
nominated by the Socialist Party for
■Winnipeg and second meeting called
for carying out details."
Gratification expressed at the success of .Manitoba Campaign Fund to
The following bylaw of the Manitoba
Provincial Executive committee to be
ratified by all locals in the Province of
Section 1.—That all members of the
Socialist Party of Canada elected to
the provincial house of parliament
shall act as organizers for the party.
Section 2.—Providing that members
elected are unable to fulfil the duties
of organizers, all salaries shall be used
for the aforementioned purpose, excepting at such times as members are
emigaged attending the sesions.
Yours in revolt
The     following   donations   to   the
Manitoba Campaign Fund to date:
Dominion Executive   heads the
Winnipeg,  No.  1    are    helping
Winnipeg Jewish, No. 8, profit?
W. McQuotd, Edmonton, wishes
us success 	
F. Blake, Edmonton,   sympathy
he calls it       1.00
l.adysmlth, No. 10 asks us not to
feel pained         5.00
Nanaimo's aid to our fight	
Toronto, No. 24, wishes us every
Hosmer,'No. 52, instructions to
fill the "jaw mill"      10.00
W. H. Stebblngs, a Christian Socialist's contribution   to   the
heathen      5.00
J $127.00
comrade who offers
?iuu is going tj***et his money's worth
by losing that wad.
'-pink. STEBBINGS,
316 Good s'.ieet.
Amount held   by   ex-Treasurer
Llndalla   ln   the   convention
fund  $114.00
In the general fund     88.57
Total  $202.57
Amount   held   by     Treasurer
Woodhouse in the convention
fund     14.75
In the general fund     61.22
Total $75.97
Total receipts for the year.. .$1064.30
Total disbursements for year.. 785.76
Balance In treasury $ 278.54
This audit includes all meetings from
and including Jan. 27, 1909, up to and
including Jan. 19, 1910.
Liabilities nil.
Assets as follows:
Bills receivable  $ 14.65
Supplies on hand:
Number of due stamps   670
Number ot due cards  425
Number of party buttons (S. P. of
C     54
Number of party buttons    (celluloid)        83
Number of constitutions      1
Number of platforms     500
Audited and found correct
Auditing Committee.
(Continued from Page 1)
the Speaker, that O'Brien was out of
order', as he was not speaking to the
question, the Attorney-General siding
with O'Brien, by saying he was leading up to his position.
Bennett, sarcatically asked if the
Attorney-General was also a disciple
of Karl Marx, as he hail Eeen "Marx's
Capital" In the Attorney-General's
Attorney-General Cross, said he had
read a good deal of Marx's writings,
and lie could assure the junior member
her for Calgary, that a close study of
it would do him no harm.
Boyle thought that O'Brien was In
order, he was leading up to his point,
and explaining himself.
Mr. Speaker ruled that O'Brien must
keep a little nearer the question.
O'Brien. These objections, Mr.
Speaker, are because Ihe members do
not understand my position and If I am
to define It clearly, I must touch upon
Capital and explain my meaning of
that term. If the members look upon
$7,400,000 as Capital, and I have another conception, it is necessary that I
explain my terminology.
, These railroads, Mr. Speaker, have
been necessary, they are necessary now
to develop this great country. We all
want to see this country developed,
Socialists as well as other persons.
The quicker this country is developed,
the quicker the workers will be in a
position to claim their own. I am a re.
presentative of that Party which is
working .for a new order of Society,
the Co-operative Commonwealth. I do
not blame any individual for Social
conditions of which they are but creatures. I'have no ill-will for any official
of the country tor they are but pawns
In the game of which we are all a
It took ages to pave the way from
chattel slavery to feudalism, again it
took ages to change from feudalism
to capitalism and capitalism must
give way to that new order of society
of which I am proud to be the first re- j
presentative in this Legislature of Al- [
Now, Mr. Speaker, to get down to
the Great Waterways Railway, it is
thought by some that Socialists are a
party of humanitarians. I wish it to
he clearly understood that we do not
pose in that light at all.
It has been made much of here, that
the Government are the servants of
the people. That is quite right, they
are, but v.e must know who the people
are. The people are not that mass of
tolling, wealth-producing humanity,
but just that portion of the population
who own that which others must have
access to in order to live. That is
who the people are within the meaning
of this discussion.
With the great development of Industrial capitalism, the workers have
been transformed by a gigantic machine. The industrial machine has
brought the ends of the earth into
speaking distance, lt has abolished
boundary lines, except on maps. Today owing to the machine, the ploughman is a skilled worker, as compared
with the weaver who attends to the
loom, who has in fact become part of
the loom.
All this has had the effect of dividing the human race Into two classes
The haves, and the have-not's. As cap-
Itallsni more fully develops, this class
line becomes   more   clearly   defined.
This class which owns all that which
the worker depends upon for a living,
owns the workers; for they who control that which I must have access to
in order to live, own me. So that we
are ln the last analysis, Slaves. It Is
in tbe interests of that class of slaves
that I am here.
The clauses ln the agreement relating to the employees can be construed
to mean almost anything. I have drawn
up an amendment, which, if I can get
a seconder, I intend to lay before the
House, ln which in place of the vague
indefinite clauses now existing, I have
drawn up a definite scale of wages and
charges for board. I have already asked several members to support my resolution, including one who signed a
pledge to support all labor legislation
brought up, but ln each case I have
been turned down. Every member here
ts representing material Interests, some
in the Interests of the C. P. R., some
the C. N. R. and some the A. G. W. I
am not interested in either, only in-so-
far as I may be able to make conditions a little better for the slaves. I
would like to know, Mr. Speaker, If
I could get this resolution before the
Speaker.—There is already a motion,
amendment, and amendment to amendment, you cannot go further before the
last amendment is disposed of.
O'Brien, Oh, I don't want to get It
mixed up with the other amendments,
Mr. Speaker. In fact, they wouldn't
mix. I wtll introduce it as a subsequent motion.
At this juncture, another point of order. O'Brien receiving many suggestions and offers of help. »
O'Brien, I fully realize, Mr. Speaker,
that if there is a close call upon this
question, I can get all the help l want,
I don't know how I'll vote.
After much more debate and mud-
slinging, on the 3rd, a division was
taken upon the amendment which was{
a vote of lack of confidence in the
Government, the administration wat
sustained by a vote of 23 to 15. O'Brier,
voting with the Government.
Bennett immediately challenged the
vote of Cornwall, member for Peace
River, on the ground that he was financially interested in the subject matter.
Vote allowed; matter referred lo Committee on Privileges and Elections.
O'Brien then moved a further amendment; seconded by Cote (Lesser Slave
Lake), which provides that the Government endeavor to get the company
to pay a minimum rate of wages of
$2.50 per day of 9 hours. This was carried by acclamation—a division not being called for.
In moving the amendment, O'Brien
said, Ihe discussion over this question
has taken up a lot of time, I had intended to introduce this as a motion,
but have lt put to the House as an
amendment, to get it through quicker.
This may have its legal snd literary
shortcomings, in the preamble, but I
will give you permission to cut out as
much as you like, provided you leave
the main part of the amendment,
which I am after. I was particularly
Interested upon the first question, but
be very difficult in such a case to determine what is the average rate of
wages, because there are no trade
unions, and no fixed scale of wages, so
that as the cost of railways and living has gone up and seeing that the
workers produce more ln a given time
than ever before, I am not asking
much when I ask for a minimum wage
of $2.50 for nine hours.
Now, sir, it is not necessary to make
a long speech upon this matter. Its
reasonableness muBt be apparent to all.
It may be asked if I mean that boys
should receive $2.50 per day. My answer, Mr. Speaker, is yes, and the women as well If there are any employed. It is a very common sight, Mr.
Speaker, to see a woman mending her
husband's overalls, boiling his hash
and making his mulligan; that ls the
sort of food they usually get, and living in tents, mud huts, shacks and dugouts. That $2.50 per day is their
wages as well as that of the husband,
and as regards single men, the girls
that wait upon them at some cheap
eating house have to be paid their $15
per month out of the wages ot the
single men or whoever else boards
there. Then take the married man in
camp with his family In town. Supposing he works regularly six days
per week at $2.50 per day, that is
$15. Take $5 from that for his board-
can his wife snd family live and clothe
themselves on $10 per week besides
his own articles. It is hardly encugh
to keep bare life in their body and
what is their condition when he loses
his job? Why, want and starvation,
whilst the road he has helped to build
is earning rich dividends created by
the surplus value of him and his class.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I believe, as
every Socialist believes, that this
present state of society is about to
pass away, and that a new and better
social system is dawning. A system
under which the workers will own
that which they produce, and also the
machinery and natural resources.
Then we will not have to peddle our
labor-power. Meanwhile, it is our
policy to get all we can.
Members of this assembly may re-
I felt that I ought to speak upon It and train from voting for various reasons,
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock
City Hall
' B'. C.
define the stand I am taking and my
position in the House.
I had only started a few minutes,
Mr. Speaker, when I asked your permission to define my position. I understand your position is a very peculiar
and difficult one, because one member
gets away a little from the question,
and the next a little more and so on.
In fact the junior member for Calgary,
spoke away from the question for two
hours. And I can readily understand,
Mr. Speaker, that you called me to
order earlier than you would the others
because I pack a different kind of dope,
and, if it was as repulsive to you as It
was to me the first time I heard It,
I wonder you didn't stop me earlier.
Now, Mr. Speaker, this is an entire
ly different proposition to the first
question. There I pictured the class
struggle, that is, the struggle between
all those who have not, and thos few
who have control over the means of
life. This question of wages, Mr.
Speaker, is no part of the class struggle, It ls a commodity struggle, a struggle between merchants, if you will.
Now, Mr. Speaker, whenever there is
a sale there is a struggl, tne one
side to buy cheap, the other side lo
sell dear, and it is so with the workers,
they have a commodity to sell and its
name it labor power, or the power to
labor. The workers like the manufacturers, are forced into trusts or combines, only in their case it is called
trade unions, so that by amalgamation
they might get a little better conditions under which to deliver their labor power. There is one difference,
however, between the combine of the
manufacturers, and that of the laborers.
Formerly no such things as beef, fish
or fruit trusts existed, because they
were perishable goods and there
were no means of preserving them,
but shortly after the advent of
refrigerators, trusts were formed for
these commodities. Now the workers'
commodity, labor power, is perishable,
but refrigerators are no help to it
from its nature it cannot be trustified.
Hence the workers have to sell it for
what price they can get.
We have been told here that the cost
of building railways has gone up hut
so too, has the cost of living. Whilst
It ls true t) ■ money wage In some cusps Is slight I / higher than it was. yet
Ihe real wage, which is reckoned by
the purchasing power, has really de
crensed. The workers have by the de
velopment of machinery, been speeded
up to an extent never before known in
the history of the world, and yet they
get today what they have always got,
a nice existence.
The agreement provides that ln case
of dispute the rate of wages and price
of board shall be determined by the
Lieut.-Governor In Council. It has
been said that this is to be a colonization road, and lt ls well known that
after tho flrst 50 miles there are very
few people. In fact all the way the
most of the people are small farmers.
and as they work anywhere from 16 to
24 hours a day, that would be the average hours and the employees Qf the
road would, according to the agreement, have to work the same. It would
perhaps for legal reasons, they may
have many excuses, but they all, when
trying for election, were very kind to
the workers—promised to do all kinds
of things for them. Why? Because
the workers had a vote and they wanted that vote to get returned.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I ask every member to give this their earnest consideration, and for whatever reason they
may vote against it, they will go on
record with me as having voted either
for or against the workers.
Friday, March 4th, was the first real
field day of the session. The house
got right down to business and passed
a large number of bills through their
initial stages. Those for first reading
were all for incorporating companies,
granting towns borrowing powers, and
other similar things of no great interest to ClarioniteB. Those for second
reading included an Act Respecting
Witnesses and Evidences, which provides that a witness shall not be bound
to kiss the Testament, introduced by
Attorney General Cross. An Act Respecting Towns and a Bill to Prevent
Priority Among Execution Creditors,
by the same member. There were also
a number of bills for Incorporation of
Social Clubs
Smith spoke very strongly against
liquor licenses being granted to clubs,
to ask the operators several times, and
then accidents often happen before
anything is done.
The existing act provides that mines
where less than 20 men are employed
need not provide double shafts. With I
warmth O'Brien said, "I don't care,
Mr. Speaker, If only one ls employed
ln the mine. I want just as much protection for him as for a hundred men.
Supposing a mine with 19 men employed, and an accident occurs ln the
shaft, these men are bottled up In
there with no possible means of
egress. Such a state of affairs as that
is damnable. It shows too plainly
that the lives of men are no more regarded than mere animals. I am not
laying a charge against those who
framed the act, because I don't believe
they understood the nature of the work
they were legislating for.
Regarding ventilation of mines, the
old act provides for not less than 100
cubic feet of air per minute for each
man, boy and animal in the mines.
This clause in being transferred from
the ordinances of the Northwest Territories to the statutes of Alberta, was
shorn of the words, 'which shall sweep
the face of each working place.' This,
O'Brien, pointed out, may have been
an oversight, but it was most important that these words should be reinserted, because the face of the working place was the very spot where the
pure air was required. Under the existing act the air may be forced into
the main roads, and yet the working
place would not get the air and would
be full of gas.
Regarding signals and refuge holes,
he pointed out that the Act at present
only provides for refuge or manholes
when there is not more than two feet
between the mine cars and the side of
the place or road. He explained very
clearly that a man standing or perhaps working in such a place is in
danger of his life every time cars
passed him, because if the cars were
to jump the track he would sure be
very badly squeezed, if not killed.
The amendment provides for refuge
holes, where there' is not at least three
feet between the cars and the side, at
intervals of not more than 25 yards,
of not less than 4 feet in width and
4 feet in length. The amendment also,
for further protection, provides that
where the produce of the mine is
drawn by any mechanical appliance at
a speed exceeding four miles per hour,
a separate travelling road should be
provided. The last clause provides
that the timber shall be placed at the
cross-cut In the mine at the nearest
end to which the men are working.
The present act merely states that lt
shall be placed at the nearest crosscut. The operators have kept within
the meaning of the act, by placing the
timber at the farthest end of the crosscut from the working place, thus necessitating the miners carrying the
timber right through the cross-cut.
This, O'Brien, pointed out, precipitated
a strike in the Crow's Nest Pass, which
lasted for several months and came
nearer to causing a general strike than
anything else in the history of the
mining industry of Alberta.
Premier Rutherford said he did not
intend to oppose the Bill; lt was probably more important .than many of
them realized. The last Legislature
passed legislation which had been
much appreciated by the miners of the
district. He wanted to point out, however, that the proposed amendments
were more advanced than any mining
and contended that the hotels should | -aws existing in any part of Canada
be made more tenable. Several mem-1
hers spoke for and against this view,
which will be threshed out ln committee of the whole House.
O'Brien said he did not know much
about clubs, but he did know that in
small towns the club rates were
smaller than ln cities, consequently
they could not keep up such swell-
looking places. And even then the
majority of people could not pay the
rates. He knew a club in B. C. where
instead of Brussels carpet on the floor
they had sawdust, and so lt got the
name of being a disreputable place
and was closed. O'Brien defended the
hotels, saying they had been his home
for the past three years, and he always
stayed at the cheapest because he
could not afford the best. What surprised him was not the poorness of
the accommodation, but the excellence
of lt at the rate of $1.00 per day. He
could not see how lt paid, and any
way If it Is the Improvement of the
social conditions of the young men,
there Is only one solution, nnd lhat ls
to Improve conditions under which
they toil and to leglBlale more In their
Interests, and less In Ihe Interests of
the capitalist class.
O'Brien plainly showed those In the
House whose Interests he Is fighting
for when his Bill to Amend the Coal
Mines Act came up for consideration
for second reading He snld. In effect:
This is not a Bill tor shortening hours
or larger wages, but is Introduced solely for the purpose of affording greater
protection to the lives of men and boys
employed ln the mines. He claimed
that nearly all accidents In mines
could be avoided if Hie law was made
more specific. At present It leaves
too much to the discretion of the mine
Inspectors. These men havo too much
responsibility. They cannot be ln every place at once, and they often have
or even In Britain. That was no reason why lt should be opposed, however, but at the same time, it should
receive careful attention from the
Walker said he had worked ln gold
mines for two or three years, and he
did not think any   mine    should be
worked with a single shaft.   He had
never worked ln coal mines, but he
understood  lt  was  more  difficult  to
keep a coal mine free from gas than
any metalliferous mine.   He said that
it was not permitted ln B. C. to work
a mine with a single shaft.    He was
quite in accord with that part of the
Bill   to   regulate   ventilation   ot  the
mines, and also with the remarks of
the hon. member for Rocky Mountains
regarding the  mine inspectors.    The
law should be specific and the duty of
the Inspector should be to see the law
was carried out, and not to define it.
But he thought that the amendment
dealing with manholes  and  separate
travelling roadB  were  rather  farther
than he could Bee his way Just them to
endorse.    However,    he  Bald, I  may
change my mind when the Bill comes
into committee of the    whole house.
He was at present In favor of the principle of the Hill and was prepared to
go fail her than the law In B. C, but
not cpilte so far aa the hon. member
for Rocky Mountain.
Warnock thought thai the providing
of a separate tunnel would Involve a
great expense upon the operators, and
feared that some mines would not pay
to have that done, but upon being assured by O'Brien that if the main
road was made wide enough lo board,
brick or otherwise fence off a part as
a travelling road, it would come within
the meaning of the bill, he withdrew
his objection.
Bundles subscribed for by locals are
by no means to be given to Individual
members of locals. Bundles are to be
used for the purpose of getting strangers acquainted with the labor movement, and when members of locals take
these bundles and distribute the copies
among themselves they not only neglect the best means of pushing their
message, but they also defraud the party ot 50 cents a year on each paper.
Every member of the party who ls not
a subscriber to the Clarion at the rate
of $1 per year has not yet acquired the
first rudiments of organization and is
certainly not of the stuff of which revolutions are made. The Socialist Party
Is no charitable organization—the
working class must free itself and pay
the price—no one else wlll or wants to.
Educate yourselves—If you don't "like"
the Clarion, all the more reason why
you should read and study its articles,
for it was by reading what you did not
like that you have reached your present state of mind and progress may
still be poslble. The greatest enemy of
the working class ls ignorance and prejudice—but both can be overcome by
persistent education along correct
* •   «
Take a look at the number on your
address label—If it is less than 575
your Bub. should be sent In at once—
don't neglect this.
* •   •
When renewing his own sub. for a
year Com. J. A. Harris, Grand Forks,
drums up a yearly to accompany his
Michel, B. C, has always polled well
for Socialism and Com. Vincent Prod-
sham's two yearlies will help towards
doing better next time.
»   •   •
Com. Archibald Hogg, New Westminster, B. C, is always on the lookout for
new readers for the Clarion and this
week he introduces two more for a
year each.
•   •   .
Hardly a week passes without Com.
James Thomson, Winnipeg, making his
bow to the Clarion. Two more subs,
this time.
s,     *     m
"Every little bit helps," writes Com.
D. McDougall, Winnipeg, and adds two
more students to the list.
The lone representative of the true
interests of Alberta's workers finds
time to help along the cause with two
new readers.
Three more yearlies for Hillcrest, B.
C„ were handed In by Com. Lestor
since last report.
.   •   *
And Com. James Cartwright, South
Wellington, B. C, sends in two renewals and one new yearly.
* •   *
Vancouver's list get's another boost
by Com. J. Franklin who calls and
leaves a pair.
• • •
Com. H. Collingwood, North Battleford, Sask., orders a bundle of 60 copies and can be depended upon to make
good use of them.
Say you, "Fo'c'stle Barrister," your
Bub. has run out. Also the next time
you want your address changed lt
wouldn't be a bad idea to sign your
name to the postcard.   What?
Single shots like the following make
up the bulk of subs. Don't let yours be
the last:    A. Shilland, Sandon, B. C;
A. G. McCallum, Ottawa; R. Jamleson,
Vancouver, B. 0,j G. Williams, Vancouver, B. C.; S. Gouravlch, Vancouver,
B. C.i H. Norman, H. Noakes, Victoria,
B. C; W. H. Stebblngs, Winnipeg;
Moses Baritz, Manchester, England;
M. Stafford, South Wellington, B. C;
W. E. Fennell, Forest Hall, Sask.; D.
Paton, Fernle, B. C.i T. Lane, Vancouver, B. C.i J. White, Nanalmo, B. C;
John Lundgren, Otter, II. C.j M. McGregor, Vancouver, B. C.
»   .    •
The soldiers of tho Kaiser apparently want the revolution aB booh as possible.    They have again attacked the
German workerB who were   marching
peaceably through the streets.
.lust watch and see what a licking
Ihe few men In Philadelphia, who are
in a position of political  power,    will
deal out to the "economic" organizations lu that city, consisting of probably two hundred   thousand   or   more
packages of labor power.
Some "labor leaders" In the "city of
brotherly love" seem to he afraid that
the present strike Ih the beginning of
the end of unionism in the United
States. Personally, I believe that the
end of trade unionism means the end
pf capitalism. When the "economic
wing" of labor Is shot to pieces Ihe
giant may luy hold of the club of political power and then there will be
something doing. .
A strike for more wages may bo
termed n futile mid belated attempt to
overtake rising prices. THE WESTERN
. ■■ '.J'-iai
SATURDAY,  MARCH  12th,  1«10.
/,>■•>..      -'-$L~ .        '■        r-*.'»    -."- '       '-I;'--- ■'■*■■/■
(Qontinued from page 1)
been otherwise the result would hsve
been different. The W. F. M. was the
greatest Socialist trade union in the
world and knew that the legislature
was the proper place to fight for political freedom. If the workers tamely
submitted it would mean that political
action would be denied them and that
meant disaster for their masters. They
had forced the German Emperor to his
knees and Flummerfelt and Hodges
would find out that they were up
against a power which the Socialist
Party would try to bring home to them.
They had beaten down those tactics in
Ladysmlth and Nanalmo. These people ln Grand Forks and elsewhere had
better be careful or something would
be done to them.
McBride said that Mclnnis had told
him he was absolutely certain of election, being in a position where he could
review the situation.
Hawthornthwaite replied that it
would be strange if he had said he was
going to lose. Soft words would not
meet In the case. The Socialist Party
would use every weapon In their power
to stop these methods of corporations.
Miller said that if intimidation had
been used it would have been exposed
by the Socialists from the platform.
Hawthornthwaite.—And the man
who did it would be discharged.
Miller.—No employee of the Granby
company was on the platform during
the election.
Hawthornthwaite.—The more the
hon. member talked the more he gave
his case away. The men must have
been scared to go on the platform.
Miller said that what he Intended to
say was that if there was intimidation
the men would not have been slow to
expose it from tbe platform.
The incident then closed.
The 8alvation Army Vote.
The amendment to reduce this vote
of $20,000 to 12 cents   by Hawthornthwaite was negatived on the following division:
Yeas—Hawthornthwaite and Williams—2.
Noes—Watson, Fraser, McKenzie,
M. Manson, W. Manson, Tlsdall, Jackson, Cawley, Bowser, McBride, Cotton,
Ross, Shatford, Thomson, Behnsen,
Hunter, Taylor, Macgowan, Hayward,
McQuire, Parson—21.
The Militia
The militia vote was opposed by
Hawthornthwaite who moved to reduce
the grant from $1500 to 12 cents (to
correspond with the reduction of taxation under the McBride regime), on the
same date. It was, of course defeated.
Ayes—Williams and Hawthornthwaite—2.
Noes.—Watson, Fraser, W. Manson,
Tlsdall, Wright, Callanan, Jackson,
Miller, Cawley, Bowser, Cotton, Ross,
Thomson, Hunter, W. J. Manson, Ellison, Young, Taylor, Macgowan, Gifford,
MeGuire, Mackay, Davey—23.
A bill respecting the Salvation Army,
to register their property in the name
of the army council, came before the
house in committee on Monday, March
2 and it was assailed by Williams and
Hawthornthwaite on two or three provisions contained in it, giving the Salvation Army privileges that no purely
commercial body, under the same circumstances, would receive.
Davey of Victoria, ln charge of the
bill, said that the particular words referred to were perhaps not necessary,
but wben Hawthornthwaite moved to
strike them out, he characterized it as
an Important amendment and demanded that notice be given.
Hawthornthwaite pointed out that if
it was purely a business organization
he would have no objection, but the S.
A. was in the labor business in all
parts of the world, and the Socialist
" Party was expressing the antagonism
of labor on the floor of the house. If
they had asked for these privileges as
a religious body the Socialist Party
would not object.
The amendment was put and defeat.
ed on the following vote.
Ayes—Williams and Hawthornthwaite—2.
Noes—Shaw, Watson, Fraser, McKenzie, Braden, Michael Manson, Wm.
Manson, Tlsdall, Callanan, Miller,
Jackson, Cawley, Caven, Bowser, Cotton, Ross, Shatford, McPhlllips, Thomson Taylor, Macgowan, Gifford, MeGuire, Mackay, Davey—25.
(The words objected to—and retained—allow the S. A. to escape paying the usual registration fees.)
Parker Williams then attacked section 4, which, while mentioning that
the army was to get the "benefit" of
all contracts it entered Into, left out
the usual stipulation tbat it should also
bear the "obligations and burdens." He
asked why they should' exempt the
army from the ordinary responsibility
of commercial transactions. They con-
tinned to state in the most emphatic
way that they only imported farm labor, and saw tbat they stayed on the
land. At the time that assurance was
given he had found an ad. in a Victoria paper directing manufacturers
and employers of all kinds of skilled
labor to apply to the S. A. Immigration
Bureau if tbey needed help. Was It a
fact that the Salvation Army contracted to deliver farm labor only? ' If lt
had, then It had been 'false to the con
tract-—with- the - government'. "Either
that, or lt was doing business the government did not. contemplate when it
made the contract. It would not be
wise to allow the S. A. any latitude,
and they were given considerable in
that bill.
He moved that the clause be amended by inserting the usual words "obligations and burdens" after the word
benefits." He would like to hear from
the Attorney-General as to the advertisement he (P. W.) had read. Was it
in keeping with the contract with the
government, or was that contract confined to agricultural laborers? The
answer would show whether the Salvation Army hod been false to the contract or not, and give an insight into
the character of that body.
Bowser replied that he understood
the contract to have been for agricultural laborers only. He requested Williams to withdraw his amendment and
submit it on report, to which Williams
Parker Williams during the week
referred to the question of the need of
a government agent at Ladysmith and
government asistance for the hospital
the people of that city are going to
build. While receiving no satisfaction
as to the former, the latter is now in a
fairly satisfactory way of being granted.
For lack of space the debates are
left out to make room for matters of
more general interest, as well as Hawthornthwaite's speech on the act to
incorporate Prince Rupert, on March 2.
On Thursday, March 3, in committee,
he moved three amendments to the
bill. The flrst was to section 10 of the
bill, 'to strike out all the words after
the word 'law' in the fifth line, excepting the words in the last line."
If lt had carried it would have abolished the property qualification for
mayor. Needless to say, it was defeated.
The second was to amend the section
23, 'to Btrike out the word 'forty" ln
the fourth line and substitute the word
'ten' and add the following words:
"Provided always, whenever in the
opinion of the municipal council the
city can safely allow a larger amount
to be taken from Hays creek water
than 10 inches for the use of the G. T.
P. R. Co., .nothing in this section shall
prevent such action being taken."
This amendment, which would have
given the city control of its own water
supply, was defeated, only the Socialists and Jardine voting in favor of it.
The last amendment was to section
12, "to strike out subsection (a) and
renumber the following sections." This
would have abolished the property
qualification for voters for the flrst municipal election, and was also defeated.
Other matters of interest that can
only be referred to were the speech on
the second reading of the Coal Mines
Consolidation act by McBride on Feb.
2, who paid a tribute to the assistance
he had received from Parker Williams,
by whose advice he had been largely
benefited, and who had flrst moved in
the direction of getting the German
oxygen apparatus for saving life In
mine explosions, brought to the attention  of the mines department.
Parker Williams on the Fire Inquiries act on the same date, on the Land
act, Feb. 28, and the speeches by Hawthornthwaite and Williams on the Bush
Fire act on Friday, March 4, and the
work done in committee on the C. N. R.
Hawthornthwaite on Thursday, Feb.
3, moved the second reading of two
bills standing in his name, viz. An Act
to Amend the "Labor Regulation act,
1907, and An Act to Amend the Inspection of Metalliferous Mines act, 1899.
He only spoke at length on the flrst, as
the same arguments and reasons applied to both measures. After pointing
out the conditions that existed in the
smelting Industry before the eight-hour
law was passed, and paying a well-deserved tribute to the efforts of Comrades Davidson and Mclnnis when in
the house, in their efforts to have the
act extended to Include all employees
in the smelters, snd not merely those
who handled the matte, he rehearsed
the arguments that had been put forward In previous seslons ss reasons for
not paslng the aet. He proceeded to
show that all those arguments against
the act which passed ln 1907 bad been
absolutely met and defeated as a result of that measure being tn operation. Capital had not been driven out
of the country, the industry had returned an enormous increase in dividends,
the wages had not been reduced and
the industry as a whole was ln a much
beter condition to met its competitors
ln the world market than ever before,
as a direct result of that measure becoming law. He then pointed out that
tbe average life of all smelter employees was only 16 years, and the necessity of Including the mechanics and
other workers not actually engaged In
handling the ore, but subject to the
same danger from the obnoxious fumes
under tbe operation of the act.
When he had finished McBride adjourned the debate on both bill i.
On the same day, March 3, in the
evening session, he expressed the
Views of the Socialist representatives
The Agreement With the C. N. R.
After paying his respects to tbe Liberal and Conservative member* who
had taken part ln the debate and criti
cised the- Liberal Pariy'-ftir ItsSaWufe
to evojve an alternative :policy that
would be sufficient to meet the situation he proceeded to discuss the measure brought down by McBride on Feb
1, He declared the uncompromising
hostility of the Socialist Party to those
proposals. He could see no necessitj
or advantage to be gained by giving
inducements to railroad building in B.
C. at this time. They now had three
transcontinental lines. Why should the
people burden themselves with debt
for this road? San Francisco bad for
many years only one line and had
found It adequate and sufficient. He
could not see why such huge sum?
should be set aside for that, purpose.
When one transcontinental line came
the others were bound to follow and
would come without any inducement
from the government. Proceeding to
refer to the previous policy of the McBride government of which they had
been so proud, of giving no bonus for
railroad construction, he contrasted
that policy, of which he expressed his
approval, with the present one, expressing his surprise that the policy of government ownership, as proposed by Mr.
Borden, had not been adopted. If that
had been done he (McBride) would
have received quite as enthusiastic
support. He alluded sarcastically to
McBride's devofed following in the
house, as manifested in the cheers that
had greeted him when he had closed
his address on Tuesday. He did not
think such an exhibition of a loss of
self respect on their part was desirable.
Dealing with the government ownership policy, he stated that It was not a
Socialist proposition for it postulated
the continuation of the wage system
and therefore had nothing whatever to
do with Socialism. By a Conservative
or a Liberal government that form of
ownership would only open wider the
gates of corruption and graft. In such
countries as Russia and Germany it
only added power to the oppressors of
the people.
The white labor clause in the present
bill was not a straight provision for
white labor and an adequate wage.
His own amendment
to the G.T.P. bill last session providing
for a minimum wage of $2.50 a day had
been defeated by the combined Liberal
and Conservative votes, only three Lib.
erals (except McDonald and Oliver)
having voted in favor of lt. If that
amendment had been accepted it would
have done more to prevent the employment of Orientals than any other
amendment that could be devised. The
"fair" wage clause was easily overcome
by charging for board as in the E. &
N. extension to Alberni, and was no
advantage to the workers of B. C.
The bill would be of no benefit to the
workers and farmers, but as far as the
business men were concerned It might
be. McBride had proclaimed it as a
blessing to the farmers, as it would provide them with plenty of work, but
the workers now knew the necessity of
other things than work, and while they
knew a certain amount was absolutely
necessary, they demanded the mini
mum and insisted on having some
leisure for other things. But that
wonderful amount of work would not
be forthcoming when the construction
was going on, for the working men of
B. C. In "The Week" a statement had
appeared recently, and had not been
contradicted, that 10,000 Italians were
to be imported. It was absolutely certain that without them the road would
not absorb all the unemployed in B. C.
Those election promises would prove
to be very poor provender.
A great cry was going up from the
petty bourgeois against the larger capitalists, and the cry was "bust the
trust," but Roosevelt found It easier to
kill beasts in Africa than to kill the
trusts in America, That house, as well
as others, had created them, but could
not destroy them and the business
men could not dispose of their goods
ln "bargain sales."
The farmers were also Interested.
They bore a large proportion of the
taxation, would have to bear a very
large portion of that enormous debt
now being saddled upon the province.
The Conservative victory had been
largely due to the belief of the farmers that tbe road would be of benefit
to them, but he (Hawthornthwaite)
did not think si. They might possibly
get some benet where it went near
them, but the others would not. The
Conservative Party might have devised a Bill to benefit the farmers in
every portion of B. C, but only a very
small proportion would be affected.
On Vancouver Island, the Comox Valley, the Cowichan district and the Nanalmo district were cut ont of any benefit, also many other centres, excepting the Delta and Fraser River Valley.
The enormous liability Incurred
by the Government had not been equalled by any province in Canada or possibly In the States. It was grave and
far-reaching. With title preliminary
liability of $40,000,000 the construction of branch lines might put It up
to even $100,000,000. When that liability was Incurred the greatest care
should have' been taken to see that
the small farmers, who bore the main
burden of taxation, should be provided
with some of the blessings to bo obtained. It wis' the last time there
would be any railroad'' construction
on a large scale ln'B.'c.   No election
could be*^^'-'i^!i3-^tiwr'tSat' card
again. It had ben played to a finish,
and could no longer be used to delude
and humbug the wage-workers and
The Government would have come
to a wiser conclusion if they had
built through the Chilcoten, which
would have opened up a district where
many might have been benefited,
through to Frederic Arm and Chatham
Point, and they would get the competition they wanted. That might perhaps have given them a temporary
The facts stood out plainer than
ever that it was not the "McBride"
policy, but the "McKenzie & Mann"
policy, that it had been decided upon
some time ago and imposed on the
House and the people of B. C The
Government and its supporters could
take no "credit" for it, all that went
to the corporations interested » * ♦
The corporations decided the policy of
the House as of all legislatures, which
gave expression to the desires of the
ruling class of any country. They
were going to bonus the road to $20,000
per mile, with interest, the amount of
which was not stated, but could he
put at 4 per cent. That would bring
the gross liability up to 45,000,000, and
yet an attempt had been made to
show that no interest had been incurred. He would deal with other details
In committee.
The guaranteeing of bonds was the
least objectionable method, but it was
well to realize the responsibility, and
the security given. The mortgage was
somewhat misleading. The original
bondholders had a flrst mortgage of
$26,000,000, and B. C. could enly get
a third mortgage. They had been assured that they would not have to pay
$1. What justification was there for
that statement? In every instance in
the past, B. C. had to meet the liability, and he could see no reason why
they would not have to do it in this
case also. If the province was ln a
position to compel the company to do
so lt would he many years before It
would be done and the farmers would
have to bear the main portion of the
burden* • 'In years to come the C. N.
R. deal would meet with as much condemnation as the C. P. R. deal did
then. "After us the deluge" was the
motto of the business men and the
Conservative party gave expression to
that feeling, but they were taking a
step that would lo'wer them in greater
disgrace than the Liberal Party was
then. • * •The day was fast coming when the farmers and wage-workers would realize that capitalist development meant ruin, poverty and
distress to them, and would as long
as capitalist development continued.
"Competition was the dominant note
of the Government railroad policy, as
giving relief to the business men from
the C. P. R.. Until the Bill to incorporate the C. N. Pacific Co., was
brought down he had not seen tbe intention of the C. N. R. deal. The C. N.
P. R. Bill provided a "straw man" who
could be attacked without touching the
people behind lt. If that had been
known, he did not think such enthusiastic support would have been manifested by the rank and file as on the
previoBU Tuesday. It was the most up
to-date method of the American Trust
to humbug and skin the common people. It acted as a screen to protect
from damages the people behind it. After an accident, who was to be sued,
the C. N. R. or the C. N. P. R.? If
the latter, the real Interests were not
attacked. But that was not all. Clause
37 of the C. N. P. R. Bill gave the company, "with the consent of the Lieutenant Governor-in-Council, power to amalgamate with the C. N. R. or such
other Company as may be approved
as aforesaid." That clause meant that
when tho agreement was endorsed by
that House they could turn over all
their effects to the C. P. R. There
was the position. He did not charge
that the Government was aware of it
That would mean charging them with
the most gigantic conspiracy ever conceived, but be insisted that it was the
real position. The Company were to
have that power, and the people had
no guarantee ln any shape or form
that It would not be done, and would
be absolutely at the mercy of their
But that was the legitimate end of
competition, which carried within It
self the neuclus of its own defeat. It
was only a question of years when all
the railways on the continent would
do lt. The Bill was an expedient
means for these companies to get together and the people were entirely
helpless. The Capitalist members of
the House had not grasped that point,
If they had done so tbat applause
would not have ben given. The position of those people who had looked
for relief was no worse than before,
In regard to railways. He hoped his
OBltlon would prove to be incorrect,
mt he' could not tee it differently.
When the bill 'went into committee the
Socialist Party would do their best to
eliminate the worst features. As It was
a short cut for the advantage of certain Interests, they proposed to vote
against the second reading, and reserv
ed the right to amend It In committee.
| Hawthornthwaite, when the bill was
fai co-rimlttee oh Friday, March 4, moved to amend clause S (b) by striking
Socialist Party of Canada
We, tha Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all tha products of
labor belong to the capitalist' class. The capitalist is therefore
master; the worker a slave.
So loaf as the capitalist class remains in possession of the
reins of government all tha powers of tha State will be us«4 ta
protect and defend their property rights la the meaas of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
Tha capitalist system gives to tha capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and te tha worker an ever increasing measure
of misery and degradation.
Tha interest of the working class Ilea ln the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of tha working-class
at the point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates tha
transformation of capitalist property ln tha means of wealth production Into collective er working-class property.
Tha irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capltalUt
and the worker Is rapidly culminating In a struggle for possession
of the power of government—tha capitalist to hold, tha worker ta
secure It by political action. This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organise under tha
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for tha purpose of setting up aad enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as fallows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads ate.,) into tha collective property of tha
working class.
3. The democratic organisation and' management of Industry
by tha workers.
I.   Tha establishment, as apeedily aa possible, of production for
ase Instead of production for proit.
Tha Socialist Party, when in office, shall always aad everj*-
where until tha praaant system is abolished, make tha answer ta
thla question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will thla legislation at-
vaaoe tha interests of tha working class and aid tha workers la
their elaas struggle against capitalUm? If It wlll tha Socialist
Party Is for It; If It will not, tha Socialist Party Is absolutely
opposed ta It
Ia aecordsnee with this priadple tha Socialist Party pledge*
Itself to conduct all the public at airs placed la Its hands la such
a meaner as to promote tha interests ef tha working class alone.
out the words "on or near" and insert
Alberni." This would compel the
company to make Alberni the west
coast terminus. The amendment was
Hawthornthwaite then moved to
strike out the words "Lieutenant-Governor in Council" ln clause 37 and substitute the words "Provincial Legislature." The effect would be to. make
the company apply to Parliament for
permislon to amalgamate with another company. The amendment was
defeated on the following vote:
Ayes^-Williams and Hawthornthwaite—2
Noes—Shaw, Watson, Fraser, Braden, Brewster, Jardine, Manson (Skee-
na)„ Tlsdall, Wright, Bowser, McBride,
Cotton, McPhilllps, Schofield, Behnsen,
Hunter, Ellison, Taylor, Macgowan,
Parker, Williams on the same date
moved to amend clause 7 of tho C. N.
R. agreement by providing that $2.50
be the minimum wage. The amendment was defeated on the vote given
Ayes—Williams, Hawthornthwaite,
Noes—All the Conservatives except
absentees Manson (Skeena), Wright,
Caven, Young, Macgowan, Hayward,
Hawthornthwaite moved to strike
out the land grants for terminal and
townslte purposes ln clause 13 (d).
This was defeated.
a h r
neighbors, send for a bundle of
"Rob<rtchyJ Narad"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cent, a year
133 Stephen Si.       Vlaniptg, Man-
60c per year
Two for a dollar
Six montha26c.
Published at CowsaVllle, P.p.
What all married people and
those contemplating marriage,
ought to know. By W. K. C.
Larson, M. D.; and John Cowan,
M. D. $3.00 by mail. Dr.
Browne's True Marriage [Guide,
$1.60 by mail.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St.',W.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stands for * Mwinsj Watfo
Vancouver Local 867,
q If yon would like to spend less time ia yonr kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
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doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr sddress to oar oSce sad we will send a maa
to measure yonr premises and give yon sa e*-HB*ate of cost of
i-utallinf the fee pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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