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Western Clarion Apr 16, 1910

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 Vine. 576.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, April 16,
eakacrlMioa rrlee
John V. Jr's  Exposition   of the Ttety and Probity of ihe
Plutocracy—And Some Salt.
Under the caption "John D., Jr.'s
Maxims," a recent daily paper sets
forth at great length some of the
chunks of wisdom that have emanated ',
from that child of plutocracy, John D.
Rockefeller, Jr. Brother John Is the
teacher of a bible class, as all the
world knows, and he has become famous through his Interpretation, to the
glory of PlutuB, of Sundry ambiguous
scriptural texts. We haven't space to
deal with all of his sparkling sayings
but will touch upon a few of them
only. at
"Modern methods should be em-
plOttod even at the expense of the few."
Just so. And we have no hesitation ln
saying that "modern methods" will be
inaugurated in the near future and at
the expense of friend John and his
class, too. Modern methods of producing and distributing the good things of
life, and differing from <he methods of
plutocracy in that those who do the
work will also do the eating and enjoying.
"The chief thing ln life is to. do
something—to work"—the workers, as
Brother John and his illustrious father,
Saint John, have been doing consistently for lo, these many years. If we may
be allowed to venture a half-hearted
sort of a prophesy, which, of course,
has no foundation ic fact, we would
predict that our good brother may, in
keeping with the aforementioned "modern methods," have to work (not the
workers), a pick and shovel or some
other useful implement in the near future. Of course we recognize the fact
that this Is merely a dream, a phantasy for which millions of us are working, but it helps to kill time!
"Do the little, every-day duties of
life without a murmur. Do them well.
That is success." Which interpreted
means: "You should be satisfied to remain In the position in which Providence has placed you.f' To murmur is
sinful. To kick is tne unpardonable
sin is the eyes of Christian apologists.
These Infernal chronic kickers would
be kicking at the nectar that was
provided them within > the "pearly
gates" provided they ever got there!
"The most successful business men
can be, should be and are tha most
successful Christian men." Of course.
We have always noted that our righte-
' ous neighbor's garden is free from potato bugs while ous ls overrun by them.
By the same token the successful
business man's prosperity being
proportioned to the amount of misery
and poverty he hands out to the work-_
ers and his Christianity being proportioned to his prosperity, we must conclude that this brand of ' religion at
least is diametrically opposed to our
Interests as workers. It's the only
logical conclusion provided our worthy
brother's thesis Is correct, and who
can doubt it?
"A war may cost many lives, but 4t
is for the good of the country at large."
In which we cheerfully acquiesce.
Everybody knows that "the country at
• large" is the plutocracy, and war is one
of its most valuable assets. It prevents
stagnation and business depression. It
enables our worthy, Christian business
men to dump millions of dollars' worth
of steel, rotten food and other supplies
upon the governments and Berves to
keep the people content with periodic
flag-waving and jingo songs galore.
And, after all, those who are killed are
merely the swine, the remnants from
* the ranks of the slave class and a few
million more or less can make no possible difference for they breed like rabbits. Upon the whole we think war Is
an unmixed blessing for the owners of
"the country at large." Then why
"There are three chief requisites for
a successful business man. The flrst
ls honesty—absolute honesty; the second is industry, and the third is perseverance." Selah! For those who really believe this we would recommend a
careful perusal of "The History of the
Great American Fortunes," by Gusta-
tus Meyers.  It will furnish much food
for cogitation upon the alarming hon-
es*ty and rectitude of the forebears of
our Christian brother and others of his
ilk. As for Industry we Know that they
work hard at Monte Carlo, Saratoga,
Newport, etc. Their honesty is so
marked and patent to all that even
with all the government and judicial
powers in their own hands it is difficult
for a number of them to keep out oT
jail. Verily they are a righteous
"The moral order of the universe
will be maintained, regardless of the
individual power of any man." We
presume so, but not being acquainted
with that particular brand of order we
don't know. Anyhow it's a highly
original, learned and artistic way of
saying nothing in particular very impressively.
"You can bank on it that lt pays to
do right; that God is just and will
right all evils." Sure thing. The aforementioned potato bug incident proves
this, to say nothing of the grand Christian record of St. John D. and his phen-
omlnal use to plutocracy as a result.
But, to cap the eilmax, comes;
"Don't be a human sponge. Don't live
above your income." (Allow us to
whisper that if it wasn't for that "no
cussin'" order we could wax eloquent
at this point.)' But do you any of you
wage mules live above your incomes?
Not so that It would be noticed, we
presume. Don't you remember the
time the constable took you in tow because you owed the grocerynian $1.86
for liver and beans? Well, that was
just a gentle hint that your paternalistic grocerynian was so interested in
your temporal welfare that he considered himself in duty bound to see that
you lived strictly within your income
And the same was the case the time
yourself and furniture was deposited
on the sidewalk at the instigation of
that other good friend—the landlord.
Verily these be good friends of ours!
So watchful and ever ready to gently
rebuke us and lead us back to the
paths of rectitude! (Sure it seems almost ungrateful on our part to try to
get rid of these good friends!) But
weep not, fellow workers, over the dire
results of living above your incomes.
You'll never gett the chance. Even
though they be not princely, you will
find it difficult to get over them. For
the restrictions (in your sole interest,
of course) are fine spun and their
ramifications are as wide as the domain of King Capital.
But, "don't be a human sponge,"
fine coming from Brother John and his
Ilk. Of course it is good advice—from
his standpoint. He and his class are
naturally very much Interested in
keeping us from "sponging." They
want, and are rapidly getting, a monopoly of the "sponging" rights. ' And
they will hold that monopoly** so long
as we are content to listen to their
moralists and philosophers. It's purely a business proposition with them.
Their intellectual prostitutes turn out
beautiful, high-sounding, mean-nothing
phrases at bo much per. And because
we have been taught to regard their
piffle as sacred we are mulcted to the
tune of at least four-fifths of the wealth
we create. When the workers get
tired of this process they have only to
think for themselves and kick the prostitutes and parasites of Brother John's
class off the earth. Speed tbe day.
In the year 1840 Thomas Cooper, the
Chartist agitator and poet, whilst acting as a newspaper reporter, was sent
to take notes at a Chartist meeting ln
the Midlands.
At this meting one John Mason
made a speech to the crowd. So much
of the speeeh as has come down to us
makes such curiously familiar reading
in the light of our present-day knowledge, that we feel we owe our readers
no apology for reproducing it here.
It shows that some Chartists, although working ln a fog, and unable
to see further than the ends'of their
noses, were at least conscious of one
thing—that in order to gain their ends
lt was necessary for them to stand by
their own class and steadfastly eschew
alliances on the political field. Othow
many so-called Socialists can the same
be said today?
Labor members and all who are
"pro-Budget," please note John Mason's remarks:
"Not that Corn Law repeal is wrong.
When we get the Charter we will repeal the Corn Laws and all the other
bad laws. But If you give up your agitation for the Charter to help the Free
Traders, they wlll not help you to get
the Charter. Don't be deceived by the
middle class again. You helped them
to get their votes—you swelled their
cry of 'The Bill, the whole Bill and
nothing but the BUI!"
"But where are the fine promises
they made you? Gone to tbe winds.
They said when they had gotten their
votes they would help you to get
yours, but they and the rotten Whigs
have never remembered you. Municipal reform has been for their benefit—
not yours.
"All other reforms the Whigs boast
to have effected have been for the
benefit of the middle classes—not for
yours. And now they want to get the
Corn Laws repealed—not for your
benefit—but for their own.
" 'Cheap bread' they cry! But they
mean 'Low Wages.' Do not listen to
their cant and humbug. Stick to your
Charter. You are veritable slaves
without your votes!"
Shade of the great John Mason, we
of the Socialist Party of Great Britain
salute you!—Socialist Standard.
Comrade Desmond is beating it
West, so if any Locals want him to
speak his piece in their vicinity, they
had better notify Com. W. H. Stebblngs, 316 Good street, Winnipeg, or
Com. F. Oxtoby, box 647, Calgary,
right away.
Appointments as commissioners for
taking affidavits of A. M. Oliver, Ains-
worth, B. C, and Thos. E. Nelson,
Ymir, B. C, are in the hands of the
B C. Executive, the post office having
been unable to locate them. They are
requested to send present address.
Since the day when •Jhrlst was taken upon the mountain and tempted to
worship the devil, it is doubtful whether a more satanlc plot has been hatched than the Gallinger bill now pending
ln Congress to grant a federal charter
to the so-called Rockefeller foundation.  *
On its hypocritical surface the Gallinger bill displays all the ear-marks
of sanctimoniousness—restitution for
wrongs committed, charity, benevolence, philanthropy.
Actually, however, that bill not only
absolves the Rockefeller millions from
taxation, now and in the future, but it
cunningly safeguards the Rockefeller
accumulations and stamps them as a
legal centralized and monopolized machine of exploitation.
The use of the colossal Rockefeller
fortune "limited only by the needs of
humanity, does not mean that it will
be employed to establish justice for
the tens of millions of workers who
have been despoiled of the wealth they
produced, but that enormous wealth
will be utilized to bribe and purchase
more educational institutions, more religious bodies, more charitable associations and more political and industrial
slave-drivers to prolong the process of
squeezing wealth from those who produce lt, to wring profits from the working men, women and children of tne
land, and to perpetuate the era of injustice and inequality.
What matters it whether a Rockefeller or his "foundation" rests upon
the back of labor? The burden Is
there and will remain as galling under
one name as the other.
The only hope of escape for the
wnrkers is to attack the Rockefeller
foundation and the Sage foundation
and the probable Carnegie foundation
and other incorporations of the profit-
grinding Juggernaut as uncompromisingly and class-consciously as though
legislative flummery had taken place,
for they are of, for and by the system.
The workers <Jon't want charity—
they don't want a driblet of the Immense wealth which they produce, and
of which they are robbed, thrown back
to them through "foundations."
The workers want JUSTICE—they
want to retain and own what they produce!—Cleveland Citizen.
Sitting alone by the lake, on the grey cliff's topmost crest;
The voices of night not yet awake, but those of the day at rest;
Musing on Nature's majesty and her mysteries sublime,
I sent my mind thro' obscurity back o'er the eons of time.
Millions of eons ago, ere the day of man had begun,
Before the age of the glacial flow, er the earth was a blazing sun;
A million worlds In embryo, yet nothing there seemed to be,
Save a shimmering, shining, shifting glow like waves of a fiery sea.
A million eons came and past—lt seemed in the twink of an eye—
Vapor-covered, green and vast a giant Mars whirled by;
I caught a glimpse of bubbling sea, as the vapor upward swirled.
The voice of an earthquake roared at me, and 1 knew my own good world.
Then all was dead, it seemed, and white, and cold, and silent all;
Till a blazing orb flashed on Its light and shivered the funeral pall.
I saw the glaciers melt away, the trackless ice-fields pass;
The rocks show out in the light of day, and soon, the green of the grass.
Then step by step and age by age, even and night and morn,
I saw the countless battles wage as the many things were born;
Manifold group succeeding group—wondrous forms they were—
Each steadily rising up, fin, scale, feather and fur.
Until at last, and not long ago it seemed in the mists of time
I stood in a forest dark alone, and a creature swung on a vine;
Hairy and wild and brutish he, yet formed on another plan--
The human race In its infancy, neither the ape nor the man.
And next came skin-clad low-browed brutes, yet forms more like my own,
Picking the berries and grubbing the roots, chipping the axe of stone;
I saw my kind in every age as it learnt to plan and build;
The flrst rude shed 'gainst nature's n:ge, the earliest field that was tilled.
And as they passed in grand review, the empires one by one,
Quickly they rose before my view, they flourished—and were gone.
Step by step and pace by pace, things came and passed away—
I saw the march of the human race from its birth to the present day.
I saw this age, the age of gold, of trickery, fraud and force-
But swift the wheels of change now rolled along their onward course;
Till I rapturouB gazed on a world that was strange, a world from slavery free,
And stood amazed at the mighty change and the age of Liberty.
Sitting alone by the lake, by the greycllff's topmost crest;
The voiceB of night not yet awake, but those of the day at rest;
Musing on Nature's majesty and' her mysteries sublime,
I sent my mind thru obscurity back o'eer the eons of time.
A Week from the D'utry of a
Best, West."
Monday.—Went to work digging
ditches for waterworks, South Vancouver. . Raining all day; diet pretty
light; funds getting low; pretty well
played out; supper pork and beans;
most I can get for ten cents.
Tuesday.—Breakfast, two oat cakes
and some brown bread and cocoa;
lucky I had It by me. Guess I'll try
to raise some money today for the few
days I worked last month for waterworks. Went out to Municipal Hall,
South Vancouver in hopes of catching
timekeeper, (He said they were going
to pay Monday.) Missed him; thought
I would catch him where men were
working; went; seemed to do a lot of
walking; caught him; said he had
handed in all his papers that morning
at the Hall; had no time checks with
him. I guessed I'd try the Hall again;
lots more walking; got there: saw
superintendent; stated I had no money and could I' get some money to
carry me over, stating how I was fixed.
I think he thought me impertinent to
ask him; told me to call tomorrow.
Went home; supper, bread and cocoa.
Wednesday.—Breakfast, bread soak-
in cocoa; very lucky; went to work In
ditch; carried for dinner some brown
bread r thought the timekeeper might
not have recognized me previous day
as I did not meet him where I had been
working; saw timekeeper; demanded
my time; received time check, got
money at Hall; got back to town; good
feed, twenty cents.
Thursday.—Started to look for other
work; too much time lost on ditch
through wet weather; can't send enough money for wife and kiddies; they
have had little enough this winter.
Morning unsuccessful; rather discouraged; went into Socialist headquarters; played a few games of checkers,
folded some Western Clarions;
thought I would get some supper;
went down to Powell Btreet. On my
way, passing an Employment Agency,
stopped to look at board with jobs on
it, had not been there more than a
couple of minutes before a policeman
came alongside and said in an abrupt
manner, "can't you see where the
other men are?" 1 stepped back
among them (they were five or six
feet away from the board) saying to
the policeman, "1 can't see that I am
obstructing the path," and told him I
thought him very officious. He wanted my name and address which I
readily gave him, he told me I should
hear more about it in the morning. I
started to walk away, but suddenly
thinking it would be advisable to have
witnesses I went back to the constable and asked him, as he intended
making a case of it; whether we had
not better get witnesses, and he Bald
his word was sufficient, but tbat I had
better come along with him. I first
went back to the crowd who were
standing around the employment office
and asked them whether they had
seen the Incident but those 1 asked
said they had not. If they had I
guess they feared to take my part because it is generally bad to Incur tbe
police displeasure. I went back to tbe
policeman, we went into a shop together and he phoned for the patrol
wagon which I told him waa unnecessary as I would have walked to the
station. The patrol wagon came and
I got into it with another policeman,
he asked me what the trouble was and
I told him. We got to the station
where I was Immediately searched.
I was asked several questions concerning my occupation, age, also what
religion I professed and on my answering that was immaterial, I was told
by the officer who searched me I must
not be too fresh. I then told him I
professed no religion; he told me I
was ii bum. I Btippose that Thomas
Paine and Ingersol should be In tho
same category; but I guess not, men
who wear broadcloth are not considered bums. The officer asked be to put
out my tongue, which I did, thinking
he might think I had something concealed ln my mouth and besides, he
asked me in a bullying way, but tarn-
Wage-ShVe in  the "Lastr
ed to the gaoler and laughed after
I had done so. The upholders of law
and order are certainly very dignified
and the public ought to reverence,
them. After being searched I was es.
corted to a large hall containing a
number of cells fitted up for two prisoners, with two iron bedsteads supported by chains; on them were dirty
straw matresses and a couple of blankets, the ones on the bed I occupied ■
were torn in pieces. My cell was Nq,
We were allowed to walk or sit ip
this large hall and a motley group we .
were, between thirty or forty;  some
in for gambling In a Chinese lottery
joint, some for getting money under
false  pretenses, drunks, some called
vagrants, others, wise men who can't
get jobs; some I did not find out the
charges   against,   some   degeneratea
who sang obscene songs.   It is Christian Canada's Crime Hospital ward tor;..
tbe cure of Crime, and the way It ia..
done Ib by mixing the various crime .
diseases  together.    This  certainly ia .
a sane and up-to-date method.
At eight, as far as I could judge; the '
time, we were put in our cells. The
man who was locked In my cell waa
getting over delirium tremens; just
a trifle nervous; be was given a sleeping draught by the gaoler and he slept,
I didn't. About eleven o'clock another drunk was brought in and put
In the next cell to the one I was in,
he was noisy, shouting, singing, and
crying alternately, the best pait of the .
night, until some one came alqng and
threw cold water on him and threatened to turn the hose on him if he did
not shut up. It was a trifle more.
peaceful after that, excepting every ,
now and then I could hear him say
there was something under his bed
and he would start shaking It.
Friday:—Called at five o'clock; got
up; some of the prisoners were let out
of their cells; I with several others
was not let out; between six and
seven we bad breakfast; bread and
tea; some of the others had mush;
tramped up and down our cell until
about half past eight; pretty cramped
quarters; after that, was let out with
several other prisoners into the larger .
space surrounding the cells.
About ten o'clock the other prisoners and I were taken into court to ba
tried by Judge Bull. The drunk casea
were sentenced, where fines met the
case, or imprisonment, two and a half
and costs or live days. The vagrancy
cases were dealt with in something ot
this style; the charge was first read
to them and then they were asked
whether they pleaded guilty or not
guilty. There were only two vagrants
tried before me and they seemed so
dispirited that tbey could hardly an-
swer, they would mumble something
and try to make a statement but what's
the use anyway. The officer gets on
the stand and swears to tell the truth
and nothing but the truth and says
that he saw prisoner for weeks past
In certain vicinities, and what the
officer does not say, the prosecuting
attorney suggests to him; a strange
thing about it ls what the prosecuting attorney suggests is exactly what
occured; he must be a mind reader. I
didn't see an attorney acting for tho
vagrants. Some of the evidence was
so conclusive; for instance, the policeman stated that his hands were soft
and another one confirmed the statement. The policeman was asked
whether there was plenty of work and
he said yes and mentioned where they
wanted a number of men (I went out
the same day and visited all the gangs
except one and they did not want men
and had no toolB for any more; but
the policeman could not lie, he was
under oath). The judge sentenced
the vagrants In these terms; he said
that as he did not seem to be able to
get work, that he would give him
thirty days in gaol and they would
give him some work there; and there
were  some  in  the  court  laughed,  I
(Continued on Page 2) -».>v
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Sam Gompers, with too frequent reiteration, has described the A. F. of L.
*aa a great engine for the workers' up-
81ft. That he should say so Is not, of
course, surprising. In fact, we are prepared to concede that he believes it,
St he believes anything. The salary he
.-receives as president of that organiza-
*Son would influence him towards that
ielief, were he the most honest man
alive (which is impossible, the editor
of the Clarion being not more than half
dead yet).
Nevertheless, to put It quite plainly,
Sammy lies, and we can prove lt. But
■parenthetically/ we might urge that our
Industrial unionist friends be in no
haste to lay any flattering unction to
their souls on that account. For, truth
to tell, they are, In this respect at any
rate, in no better circumstance; in-
■deed, worse, far the most of them have
no extenuating salary influence.
What we propose to set forth is that
•on the industrial field anywhere there
is no salvation for the working class;
•more, that there is nothing but damnation for it.   And we offer that, if any
-can call the turn on us in the matter,
•me will  cheerfully eat crow, one of
■the few contemporary animals we have
-not yet had occasion to devour in the
hour of need or by virtue of the alchemy
-of up-to-date food production.   Therefore we pray your patience if we extend this dissertation to some length,
being unhungered for a corvine diet,
"•which, we are well aware, some of our
-readers would he only too happy to
dish us up.
As to Sammy's A. IT. of L. There is
aw denytlng that an enormous amount
of effort and cash has been expended.
That again and again no little forti-
'."tule has been displayed. That altogether unequal struggles have been
fought with a valor and endurance
-amounting to heroism. Even that "victories" have actually been won.
And the result?   Here it is.   In the
last thirteen years, we learn, on authority, which, being capitalist, would prefer to magnify rather than minimize,
that "wages have risen 20 per cent."
(in the United States, regarding Canada we have no information).    Also
'that prices have risen during the same
period 61 per cent.   That ls to say.
'.1"hat the workers, on the average, today
-receive $1.20 where they formerly received |1.00, and have to pay $1.61 for
■what formerly cost them $1.00; which
figures out to be a reduction of 25 per
cent, in the real wage, the things the
-money will buy.   Or, to put it other-
•""■wlae, were prices the same today   as
' tblrten years ago the workers on the
average would receive in wages a frac-
•"Uon less than 75 cents where they then
= received a dollar.   Is that not a bright
•-and shining record?   That, with the
'maximum amount of effort of which
the workers were capable during thirteen strenuous years, in place of an up-
lift, they should actually have had their
'•standard of living lowered 25 per cent.?
It may be urged that, this was due to
' the form of organization, which, "divided along craft lines," lacked the coherence and unity ot purpose necessary
> to auccess.   For our part, we have no
'hesitation in re-iterating that, while the
' craft endures, with whatever modicum
'■ot skill or training lt implies, the craft
form of organization is the one best
-calculated to assure to its individual
members all the advantage to be reaped, little as that now is, of which the
.printers are probably the sole remaining example of any consequence.
Aside  from that, however, we are
prepared to maintain that, conceding
•even the most perfect organization, de-
■ teat on the industrial field ls inevitable,
as to which we can cite a concrete ex-
I ample in the late Swedish strike, pro-
l bably the best organized, best financed
' and hardest fought strike in modern
'history, and a most thorough and complete defeat at thai.
But even granting the possibility of
victory, its fruitlessness Is a mathe
matical certainty, or else Marx worked
himself to death ln vain, and labor-
power ia no commodity. For all commodities of any general importance
must exchange, on the average, at
their value as determined by the socially necessary labor of which they
are tbe product.
So, to raise wages sufficiently to be
of material benefit to the working
class would amount to raising the commodity labor-power above Its exchange
value, truly a labor like unto that of
Sisyphus, wages being expressed in
money, which is not, after all, a thing,
but a social relation between commodities. The price being the "money
name" of a commodity, as Marx has it,
what boots it to raise the money name
of the commodity labor-power, to call
it three dollars instead of two, when
the money names of all staple commodities, on the average, must, in consequence, undergo a similar renaming to
even up?
Let us make no mistake. While
capitalism endures, we are getting all
that is coming to us, and as capitalism
evolves less and less will be coming to
us. Not only are prices rising, but
they are rising faster year by year,
with a rate of acceleration which, were
we an economist, we might be inclined
to investigate. Per contra, whatever
the workers may do or attempt, wages,
the real wages, counted not in dollars
or cents but in loaves and fishes, must
fall, for improvements In machinery
decrease the number of jobs while the
process of nature increases the number
of workers, and grim necessity compels them to lower tneir standard of
living, that is to reduce the exchange
value of their commodity labor-power
which is the crystalizaiion of the labor
contained in those things which go to
make up their standard of living. These
are fixed laws of capitalism which
neither capitalists nor workers may
overcome. Without them capital cannot endure.
Capitalism exists for and because of
the exploitation of the workers. And
there is no power on earth, nor in heaven or hell, able to mend it. The
workers alone have the power to end lt,
and that Is the one thing they can do
to it. That they will do eventually because they must.
After his unprecedently long and successful run on the American stage as
a knockabout artist with a swat-stick
and as the world's greatest hunter In
Africa, the only Roosevelt is now up
on his European tour, which up till
now has been an unqualified success,
from the advertising stand-point.
In Egypt he created quite a sensation with his views on the local situation, with which he had become perfectly conversant since his arrival
some ten minutes before. In Rome he
appears to have been snubbed by the
Vatican in some manner we have not
been able quite to ascertain. But anyway lt made fine advertising and, of
course, never fazed him at all.
Now we learn, he is to make the
star play of his career when he arrives In Berlin and admits the Kaiser
to his presence. The Kaiser, be it
remarked, ls something of an acrobat
himself, but is hardly qualified to
more than play Pantaloon to Roosevelt.
By as judicious a use of advance
press notices as is being made by the
"Jim-Jack" fight promoters, the world
|s being keyed up to the highest pitch of
expectancy in regard to the coming
first-night performance at Berlin. In
order, however, that our curiosity may
not be worked up to such a pitch that
our attention should be altogether distracted from Halley's Comet, we are
thoughtfully allowed to understand
that the head-line attraction on the bill
will be a tableau-vivant of Teddy patting the Kaiser and our King Ed on
the place where the hair ls worn thin
by their jeweled crowns, and advising them to be good boys and gradually disarm.
Such advice, coming from so redoubtable a warrior as the Colonel,
who earned fame by virtue of leading
columns of type up San Juan Hill in
the never to be forgotten Spanish-
American comic opera, will hardly be
disregarded by the potentates in question, who will, of course, consider
where it comes from. So we may
shortly expect to see them subdivide
their parka of artillery into suburban
homesites and devote their torpedo
destroyers to the useful pursuit of the
voracious teredo.
But whatever the outcome, the occasion cannot but be one huge success in advertising the world's greatest buffoon for his return engagement
in the United Staes.
His whole career goes to prove the
truth of the dictum that great men are
great In any age. For there is no
reason to doubt that the very same
qualities which have enabled Roosevelt to achieve brilliant successes in
the present age, would, in the middle
ages, in any country, bave raised him
to the honorable position of Court Fool.
Something new to exploit. The
American tobacco lords have discovered that artificial legs are in demand
In Pennsylvania, so they step in to
supply the demand. Legs for coupons.
Pass on the news. If you don't need
a leg the next man may.
"Gourock," if you yearn for them,
you can have all the bay leaves that
are going as far as Gribble is concerned. Haying become rusty on
classical lore, I had forgotten they
were the peot's reward, and if I had
not, I should have thought Desmond
was entitled, to the wreath. I refer
you to him, also to Filmore and Alf.
Budden who are also aspirants, not
forgetting the noble Shl-er, who has
already written as much as four pla-
garlstlc lines, which appeared In "Cot-
ton'3" some time since.
Take 'em all, bay leaves, laurel
leaves, maple leaves, bury yourself in
them, and then, as you seem in a lugubrious mood, sing "Nothing but leaves,
the spirit grieves," etc., or, if you prefer it, "The Maple Leaf For Ever";
perhaps that will be sufficiently mournful. As that makes you "It," define
"politics" for yourself, or do you want
to be spoonfed?
So you consider I "slighted" Industrial unionism in the Clarion "last
week." Oh, you poor, sensitive soul!
But how did I slight it? I haven't mentioned it for months in the Clarion. Do
you mean by my quotation from the
charter of the S. P. of C? If so, what
are you doing by belonging to,,a party
which "slights" what you imagine to
be industrial unionism?
All the "pointers" you allege you
gave me at Nelson I had heard years
ago and had Investigated them probably before you had heard of them.
Is your representation of E. T. K..
the editor, and others conscious or un-
conscious? You first make us say politics is but a reflex of Industrial conditions, then go on to make us say that
"our" industrial movement is in a muddle, and after this piece of distortion
go on to Bapiently remark: "Where
does that leave the political reflex?"
It is difficult to believe that you are not
deliberately unfair. I deny that the
Socialist movement is a reflex of either
craft or "industrial" unionism, as you
well know, if you have an average
What you, Gourock, fondly imagine
to be Industrial unionism, or, as some
style it In that mouth-filler, "an economic organization of the workers on
the Industrial field," is nothing of the
kind. The real economic organization,
the real industrial union is that union
of the workers in industry for the social production of wealth, and Socialist
politics is a reflex of that organization.
Say, Gourock, the next time you unburden your soul, be careful you don't
misrepresent others, and be especially-
careful you don't make those you have
already misrepresented say that a
piece of paper and a pencil mark ia the
only kind of political action.
You remember the card of membership (No. 2) I was carrying the last
time I saw you? It ls possible for that
to be used In political action. The one
mentioned is a good one; if you would
like to know more about it ask Comrade Sam Welch, who also has one
hanging on the wall. And while you
are about It you might ask him what
he thinks of what you call industrial
unionism. He had the same ideas
about it as yourself before you or I
were out of short pants, out experience
cleared his mind of such delusions.
To think you are not out of the "constructive" stage yet! To think you
have to be bracketed, ln this respect,
with the "giant" "intellectual" reformist Shier. Why, don't you know, the
only thing really the matter is ownership? The workers do all the construction now, and as to the future, I'll trust
the workers when they know enough to
own, to know enough to enjoy.
History, past and present, goes to
show that the owners are also enjoyers
and we may safely conclude that it will
be so ln the future.
In the most comradely manner possible let me suggest that you devote your
mind to becoming clear as to whether
Dreadnoughts are paid for out of the
necessary or surplus value, before you
pose as a critic or unwarrantably
charge others with prejudice.
I am going into no controversy with
you, but would like to refer you to
that part of the S. P. of C. manifesto,
"The Class Struggle," and you might
also see what the "Communist Manifesto" has to say about lt. As to your
moan about McKenzte's sneering, you
know what the crock called the kettle.
So long, Gourock; hope you look well
in the bay leaveB!
Dear Comrade Mac:
I wish to take out a card as mem
ber-at-large In S. P. of C. I guess I
am revolutionary enough, else I would
have joined the U. S. party. But I
want no party plagued wltb a program of Immediate demands. Sufficient for me to want the earth, as
you say. I also owe all I know of
Socialism to the Canadian movement,
and thus sentiment enters also.
Find enclosed two dollars for which
make out card from January, 1910,
and forward to me as soon as possible.
Yours in the scrap,
Mason City, IU,
P. S.—Am at present a farm slave
in this burg. Gee It Is lonesome. Am
getting Clarion now, thanks.
(Continued from Pag* 1)
wonder was It a joke. Ijjld not laugh,
I thought, he is one of the class I am
a part of.
My case came on, the charge was
read; it stated that I was an Idle, dissolute person and refused to move when
told to by the police. I pleaded not
guHty. The' constable who arrested
me took the stand, swore to tell the
truth and nothing but the truth so help
lilm God, and then went on to state
that I was obstructing the path and refused to move. He was ..asked several
questions by the prosecuting attorney,
one was whether there were men close
to me who moved back when requested and the policeman said yes. Very
clever, the attorney must be gifted
with second sight. I said the pplice-
man was lying and was called to order
by the judge. I must have been mistaken, it must have been me because
I can lie, as I am not a policeman. I
said that there was no one near me
and that the policeman said can't you
see where the other men are standing. Then the other policeman got
up to tell the truth, etc., etc., and he
said I told him that I should say that
I would not move for any petty officer.
I said that he also lied and the judge
said lie would send me to gaol If I
made another such statement. I was
allowed to question him and I asked
if 1 made such a statement and he
said yes, so it was I who lied because
he was under oath and couldn't.
I was allowed to take the stand and
make my statement and I did, and was
asked how It was that when I tried
to get witnesses I couldn't. 1 said
that the law, supposed to protect
the workers, was so administered
against them that they feared It. But
I must be mistaken because this is tbe
Twentieth Century and this is a highly
civilized Christian country and we
ought to be glad to be living ln such en-
lightened times. The judge sentenced
me to a fine of two-fifty, saying that he
had to take the word of the policemen
against me, and I didn't say a word, because if I had I could have been sentenced to prison for contempt of court,
besides, am I not a citizen of the
greatest Empire in the world and
shouldn't I beproud of all Its Institutions. A free born Britisher, what
Glory! Paid flne and costs; three dollars and a half. If it had been six I
should have liable to Immediate arrest
as I should have then been a vagrant
according to law not having any visible means of support. Ain't I thankful that I had two and a half left? Of
course I am and the judge and the
police and the attorney are my brothers and of course I love them so I was
taught ln Sunday School. The workman out of a job Is wicked and If he
don't work in the mines, lumber camps
and railways and not grumble and say
he works long hours, that the food
ts not nice and that there ls vermin in
them, and that wooden bunks with
an armful of hay in them is not so
good as a feather bed, be is wicked
and will go to hell, or prison which
is not much difference.
Got out after paying fine, had dinner, funds getting pretty low, must get
work. Went to South Vancouver;
went to four gangs who were working
for the water works; no tools; no
chance; saw inspector and superintendent, asked them what chance there
was of employment, was told I was
not wanted because I wanted my
money before they were ready to pay.
When I asked for It I was hungry and
had my rent owing, but I know I was
in the wrong and I feel sorry because
I have heard some people say tbat
you can always make a living here
and they must be right because they
were well dressed and looked well fed
and besides, they go to church so
they must know, and I am a working
man down on my luck so what should
I know anyway.
Saturday:—Got work for a big corporation, twenty-five cents an hour, not
sure how long it will last. Finished
first day's work and went for walk up
Granville street. Saw a large number outside 802, a man was drawing
the picture of a little boy who was sitting ln a chair advertising a correspondence school. A policeman was
within sixty feet, but did not move
the crowd. Of course they were well
dressed and not out of work so were
not causing an obstruction.
The Lord's Day:—Went to work 7
a.m. till 12 noon; couldn't go to church
in the morning; if I had and not gone
to work, I might not have got a job.
Monday, and the work was absolutely
needed because It was for a big corporation and they, like policemen, can
do no wrong; In fact they are benefactors to the working class, don't they
give them work and influence the
government of the country to pass
laws and make workers better workers? They should be because isn't it
the mission of the workers to be good
workers and thankful to have such
kind, thoughtful employers, I won't
use the word masters because some
think that where there are masters
there are slaves, and we are not slaves
we are Britons and as we some times
sing Rule Britannia, Britannia rules the
waves, Britons never never shall be
slaves. Even if a policeman should
say we are slaves, he ls lying and
might get charged with contempt of
court and sent to prison.    T. L.
Socialist Directory
gmT Every Local of the SedalUt Party ol
Canada should ran a card ander thla head
$1.00.per month.    Secretaries please note.
bomzxiov iuoutiti oommmn,
Socialist Party of Canada Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary, Box ■>*, Vanoouver,
B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meeta every alternate
Monday. O. O. McKenile, Secretary,
Box ISt. Vancouver. B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday iu
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. Eaat, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleaned to answer any communications
regarding the movement ln the province.
F.    Oxtoby,    Sec, Box      047      Calgary, Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuesdays in the month at 120J4 Adelaide St
Any reader of the Clarion derirlng information ahout the movement in Manitoba, or who
wiahet. to join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned W. II Stebbing, See.
.1f,l Hood St.
tivo Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meeta every second and
fourth Sundny at Comrade McKln-
non's, Cuttago Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretnrv, Box   'i   Glace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 151 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
LOCAL Kali, ■.«-., NO. 34, 8. T. ot O.
Meeta flrst Sunday ffl every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
local unmnri vo. io, ». t. o*p
C.   Bualness meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. in headquarters on First Ave.
1 i-i it i. Williams. Kec., Ladysmith, B. C
Lv.e,7 ,!l'.nday 7.:l° Dm' ln MoOregor
-Hall (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley,
Secretary. ; "
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:80 p. m. S. Campbell, Secy., P. O
Box. ".*• Rossland Finnish Branoh
meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sunday, at
IA°JP- "!■ ■*■- Babble, Seoy., P. O. Box
7«6 Rossland, B. C. »•>«•*-'> ™»
every   Friday   evening   at   8   p.m.,   ln
Miners'   Haft.   Nelson,   B.   C.      C    A
Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
meets every Sunday at s:30 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organizer.    H.  K. Macinnts, Secretary.
or  C.     Meetings   every   Sunday   at   I
6m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
iglith Ave. K. (near postofflce).   Club
and  Heading  Room.     Labor Hall, T. H
dpMach n     Box 647.    Secretary,   A.   Mac
nald, Organizer,    Box 617.
P of 0„ meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall
J. Oliphaut, Secretary.
LOCAL   VANCOUVER,   B.   0„   NO.    45,
Finnish. Meets every eecond and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, Wm. Myntti
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Fropoganda
meetings every Sunday at Or "
i'heatre.     R.   Thomas,
LOOAL NANAIMO, NO. 3, 8. T. ot C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clnckl
Jack Place,   Rec.  Secy.,  Box   826.
LOOAL   FERNIE,   8.   P.   of   O,   XOLD8
educational meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Bualness meeting flrst Sunday In each
month, same place at 2:30 p m
David Patoll, Secy, llox ioi
LOOAL     COLBMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     8.
Meets every Sunday night In tha
Miners' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 Flrat St,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:80 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room ls open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide Stree
upp.koblin Hotel. Businessmeetin-T-every
Sunday morning 11 a. in. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.      Secretary, J, W  Hilling,
270 Young St; Organizer, D. McDougall, 424
Jarvis St.
of O.—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays ln the month, at the Labor
Temple, Cliurch St. Propaganda meetings every^unday at 3:1 J o'clock at
C, meets every Sunday ln Miners'
Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundaya of each
month. Geo. Heutlu'rton, Organizer:
lt. J. Campbell, Secretury. Box 124.
LOOAL VBRNON, B. 0., NO. 38, 8. P. OT
C, meets every second and lust hricay iu
each month, ('has. Chancy. Secretary, Box
127, Vernon, B. C.
the   Labor   Temple.     Speakers'   class
every Thursday at 8:00 o'clock at Labor
Temple. J.  Stewart,  Secretary,
62 Seaton St.
LOOAL OTTAWA,  NO. "8,  8.  P.  OP O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Roberta-
Allan Hall, 7 a Kldeau St. A. G. Mc
Collum, 68 Slater St., Secretary.
53, 8. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday ln
hall ln Empress Tlieatre Block at 8:00
p. ni.    Angus Mclver, Secretary.
Propaganda and business meetings at
8 p.m. every Sunday evening ln the
Edison Parlor Theatre. Speakers
liaising through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.    W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. C, No. 16, 8. P. Of
C, meets every Sunday in Graham's
Hall nl 1ii:;'.ii u. m. Socialist speakers
lire Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretury.
LOOAL  COBALT,  NO.   8,   8.   P.  OT  a
Propaganda and buslnesa meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hail. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOOAL   BERLIN,   ONT.,   NO.   4,   8.   P.
of C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., il
King St E., opposite Market Hotel.
V. a. Huilz, Sec, y- West Lancaster Street.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m.. in Macdon-
ald's hall. Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. O.
Ross, Financial Secretary, office In O.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building. Union
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rutes we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review ln Canada
II.'JO a year Instead of fl.00. We
run, however, make the following
special  offers:
■•'or $3.uo we wlll mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one Issue.
1'or $3.00 we will mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dully Socialist for one year.
134 West  Klnzle St., Chicago.
Books of all Kinds
The Mistakes of Moses   SOc
The Riddle of the Universe   ISc
Merrie England > 20c
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„,      All books sent postage paid.
"Send for catalog.
The People's Book Store
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A. F. Cobb
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OKotoKs,   Alberta
for «Torr salt sold tbtongk
this advartliamant I will five
11.00 to tbe circulation ot tbe
Weatent Clarion.
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t. Comparo my aampl* with
tha price.
4. If suitable, send no deposit of $6.00.
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t. Clarion will acknowledge
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Sulla to measure from $1SJ*
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Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening*, 8 o*Clock
City Hall
Vancouver B. C. SATURDAY, APRIL i«, 1910.
Tb'" Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
All over the world where capitalism
holds sway the workers of the world
will hold mass meetings and demonstrations to give expression to their
afflrmations of the international solidarity of Labor. In Berlin the tools
of the Mailed Fist will be refused per-
mision to leave the barracks unless lt
be to shoot down the unarmed workmen who will parade peacefully to the
Tlergarten or some of the other public
parks. In Paris the Seine will hear
the songs and the cheer of the awakening proletariat . Blood has been
shed before there and may be shed on
that day also In spite of their "Socialist" prime minister. In Rome the
drum beat of the proletarian army will
dlBturb the slumbers of the Prisoner
of the Vatican and under his windows
where, practically, stands the statue of
Bruno he will probably watch the defiling battalions. In northern Europe
and southern America, in Australia
and in Africa and even in Vancouver.
There is no need lo go into the history of Labor Day and its development
since it was first' instituted in 1889.
We may remark that it has nothing to
do with the festival in honor of Flora
which ls probably the pagan feast that
gave birth to the May Day festivals of
mediaeval England, the working class
holiday that was crushed out by the
onward march of capitalism. The International Socialist and workers congress met in Paris in 1889 and decided
that the workers should set aside a
holiday annually ln the interest of the
Labor movement. May Day was as
good as any other day, so we have
Labor Day on the 1st of May.
Vancouver Local has decided to get
into line with the movement abroad
and will organize a huge demonstration on that day. All details are not
decided upon, but Invitations have
been sent to the Locals tn the vicinity
and labor organizations in the city.
Several speakers haye been asked to
address the workers on that day. The
ultimate form the demonstration will
take will be published ln the Clarion
later. S.
Comrades,—The cry Is, "Still they
come!" Dollars, quarters and nickels
bave found their way into our fund
and are still coming, due to the rustling abilities of lighters and comrades
far-sighted enough to realize that our
fight in Manitoba is their own, only
moved a mite or so away. If there is
any comrade throughout the Dominion
of the C. P. R. who has not heard
about our appeal for funds, let him
send anything from a postage stamp to
a million dollars and we will return
him full Information by the next train,
ten to put our appeal before his local,
If there is a secretary who has forgot-
please take this notice, without fear of
offending the Executive of Manitoba or
Its groucher.
Additions to Our List:
Calgary, not satisfied  with   first
contribution  ..■$ 400
Revelstoke—Gayman says "We
are crippled financially." (The
Lord don't reside In Revelstoke)        5.60
J. C. Turner, Corbln,   fl.   C   a
plunk for freedom      1.00
Michel Miners'- Union (M.P.P. for
Fernie please take notice  10.00
Michel Local, a collection among
the boys     8.00
Local Moyie wishes  our   efforts
crowned with success    10.00
J.   Johnson,    Vancouver,    says
please accept     1.00
■.■', D. McColl, J. McKay, Keewa-
tln, Ont; sorry it's not more..    2.00
J. Effler, Grandvlew, Man., best
he can do.   (No regrets necessary, Jos.)      5.00
J. Staples, Cloverdale, B. C, expression of sympathy     1.00
A. McDonald, Wetasklwin, Alta.,
says 'he will do what he can .. 2.60
Tom Elliott,   Wetasklwin.   Alta,
says me too, Pete 50
"Lawrence Cody and F. R. Mclnnis, Kaslo, B. C, sign, yours for
the Revolution    2.00
316 Good street, Winnipeg.
I don't know whether or not Mc will
use this stuff for copy. Seeing that he
printed my last effusion which was also
about the first quill product of this
giant Intellect, he might think there is
some likelihood of this budding genius
acquiring a bad case of "swoldt headt."
However, I have another "brain
spasm," as Harrington would say, and
I think I must either scribble or curse
to relieve the brain pressure. (Imagine
a farm slave with any gray matter.)
This particular slave has been getting such an almighty hump on himself just lately planting "his" part of
the C. P. R. wheat crop that this is
about his first change to write in regard to Comrade Gribble's visit to this
corner of Donald Smith's pre-emption.
Well, it certainly was great. It seemed
to give us a new lease of life. We, the
red section of those "semi-barbarians
living on the confines of civilization" as
Marx so aptly termed us, are so used
to camping among the heathen that the
appearance among us of a genuine red
is as copious rain to the parched prairies—a veritable life-renewer.
Comrade Gribble, I am happy to say,
more than met our expectations. He
sure packs the straight dope and I am
more than ever, if possible, convinced
of the wisdom of this from a propaganda standpoint. It repels a few
white-livered humbugs, but when a
comrade Is once landed by this method
he Is the real thing and worth a whole
bunch of the "me too" variety. Rather
slow work at first, perhaps, but lt pans
out heavy In the end. Comrades, I
assure you that if I knew for a dead
certainty that I should speak to you
only one more sentence before passing
in the proverbial "chques," I think I
should say: "Above all things keep the
movement as clear-cut and revolutionary as possible."
We saw Comrade Gribble through
with three meetings, the last one back
near the railroad after covering a half
circle of about 45 miles and parted
with him reluctantly, as he took the
train east from Blackfoot and bid us
"stay with the scrap."
May we soon have many Grlbbles
and O'Briens.
Yours on the prairie,
To the Hon. Wilfrid Laurier,
Premier of Canada:
Sir,—We, the members of Local
Glace Bay, of the Socialist Party of
Canada, ln general meeting assembled,
on the 31st day of March, 1910, hereby
place ourselves on record in the following resolution:
Whereas, the Socialist party is the
political expression of the working
class, having for Its object their econo- [
mtc emancipation without distinction
of race, creed or nationality, and to
achieve this end the solidarity of the
workers must be secured and maintained on both the political and industrial fields.
And Whereas, Senator Belcourt has
Introduced in the Senate of Canada a
bill (£. C. C.) the object of which is an
attempt to disrupt tbe solidarity of International labor by making it criminal
for the workers in Canada of various
races and nationalities to organize in
their own interest, and thus placing
them more completely at the meroy of
their exploiters, the capitalist class,
Therefore Be It Resolved, that Local
Glace Bay, of the Socialist Party of
Canada, do mostt emphatically proteBt
against the passing of this proposed
bill by the Parliament of Canada.
Yours truly,
Secretary Glace Bay Local,
Socialist Party of Canada.
Dear Mac,—As secretary I have been
instructed to write and ask the Dominion Executive how the chances are for
getting Charlie O'Brien's speech In the
House at Edmonton, as outlined ln the
Clarion, No. 570, put up in pamphlet
form and spread among the wage plugs
in the Dominion. ThiB local wlll take
500 copies, and with a word or two
about the proposition placed In the
next Clarion, we feel confident that any
live local will respond with an order,
and avail themselves of an opportunity
to place in the hands of every workingman the Socialist position when
Yours in Revolt,
In the last Issue of the Clarion appeared a suggestion from the Ukrainian comrades to form Language Federations. In my estimation the suggestion Is worth while considering.
I perfectly agree with the Ukrainian
comrades. The Finnish Locals are in
the same position as the Ukrainian
Locals are. There are but very few
among the Finnish Socialists who can
freely correspond in English, consequently it is very difficult for the
locals to obtain a secretary who could
correspond in English. Generally
those who are able are unwilling,
and thOBe who are willing are unable
to perform the duties of the secretary. But if the Language Federation
were formed, that difficulty would be
done away with. The secretaries
could correspond with their executive committee ln their respective Ian-
guages. And on the other hand I think
that the formation of the Language
Federations would to some extent
eliminate the petty squables and strife
now appearing between the English
speaking and the Foreign speaking
factions in the party .
The Finns have been discussing for
some time the advisability of forming
a Language Federation. Several suggestions have appeared in "Tyokansa"
suggesting to form a Federation similar to the "American Finnish Socialist
Organization" ln the states, with same
relations to the party. I am sure that
the proposition will receive unanimous
support from the Finns.
As to the constitutional amendments
the Ukrainian Comrades have 'made
the amendment unnecessarily long. I
suggest that the proposed amendment
to the constitutions will be made to
read something as follows:
Article VII—"Language Federations.
Sec. 1. The Federation of Locals of
one language may be formed for the
purpose of supervising and directing
the propaganda and organization in
that particular language."
Sec. 2. The executives of such Federations shall enjoy the same rights
and privileges and also shall have the
Bame responsibilities as the Provincial
Executive Committees have, as determined In the constitution.
Dear Comrades,—Keep up the fire;
am getting the bundle for the two dollars sent tn by comrades last week but
am prepared to take In all that you
can send. Roll in the bundles, boys.
We have a great fight right here in
Winnipeg. The labor unions are putting up two candidates and we expect
them in our constituencies. We arc
having two and three propaganda and
election meetings in theatreB every
see the greenbacks are coming in good
for the campaign.
Sunday besides oper.-alr meetings.   I
Get into this fight right in the heart
of Canada; we don't want to be left
out ln the cold. We've got to get at
least one candidate in the house this
trip and it won't be our fault If he
don't get in. We are taxed to the utmost for speakers. We are putting up
our young ones and ihey are making
good; have brought out three new
speakers this last week or two. Comrade Gribble speaks here on the 17th
and we are keeping the pot boiling
ready for him, so I must make another
appeal to you to send along the bundles and funds for our fight.
Yours for the Revolution,
522 Bannatyne avenue, Winnipeg.
not object to the elimination ot prostitution.
We put these planks in our platform
because they were "popular reforms"—
possible vote catchers.
We hoped to get men who were not
Socialists to vote our ticket. Between
campaigns we would flood them with
Socialist literature, finally entice them
into tbe $arty. And then, of course,
they would be Socialists.
This policy has succeeded to the ex-
| tent of getting so many people into the
party who regard Socialism as "honest
reform" that you can't breathe the
word "revolution" in many Socialist
meetings without shocking the sensibilities of most ot the party members
Is it possible to make people Socialists by feeding them reform pap? It
certainly ls possible to make party
members that way. And some years lt
is possible to get a large vote. But
wherein does this profit us?
To make Socialism a fact in this land
we must stir up an Immense awakening of the social conscience. We won't
do It by harping on "reforestation" or
"compensation." This is rank lmpossi-
We must preach a deeper and more
stirring gospel. To inspire the whole
nation to an effective enthusiasm we
iuu3t advocate nothing less than the
social revolution.
This is the only possibllism.—Daily
The complete figures of the recent
British elections ai;e just at hand. In
order to make no mistake, we quote
from the official report of the Newport
conference of the Labor party.
The Laborites elected, as ls kn°w»**f t. Klngsley "was
forty members in place of the previous
forty-six.    Of these only a minority
At the Ymir General Hospital
a duly trained nurse. For par-
ticultrt write
W. B. NclSAAC, Secy.
By Arthur Bullard
Whenever one of the comrades says
revolutionary Socialism" without
mumbling the "revolutionary," he ls at
once accuse of "lmposslblllsm."
There is no possibllism to Socialism
unless it is frankly, aggressively revolutionary.
There is no clearer lesson to be
iearned from history oi from the social
struggles we see about us.
Every great social or political change
has been the result of great enthusiasm. Petty reforms are not the stuff
enthusiasms are made of.
Charles I. did not lose his head because of a too onerous tax. The Ironsides marched to victory to songs of
religious liberty.
Does anybody seriously maintain
that it was "the paltry tax on tea"
which set the colonial armies afoot
against George III.?
The enthusiasm which resulted in
the great French revolution was Inspired by the magnificent concept of
the lights of man. The abolition of the
tithes and feudal taxes was incidental.
"Liberty, equality, fraternity," vague
as It is, has been a greater force In the
development of French Socialism than
the income tax.
In the recent English elections the
Radicals had to introduce the cry of
Down with the Lords!" In order to
get up enthusiasm for their budget reforms.
And the Socialist Party of America
puts a string of commonplace reforms
In Its platform! Every one of which,
except the nationalization of the land,
Is somewhere in force under capitalism! MoBt of them are borrowed from
German imperial legislation.
The realization of these reforms
might embarass capitalists here and
there—but none of them would overthrow capitalism. It is entirely probable that every one of them will be voluntarily put in force by the capitalists
within the next half century. They
represent the pruning off of unprofitable branches, which will render the
trunk more robust.
Local New York is busy over a compensation act—is sending delegates to
Albany to plead for crumbB. A compensation act—ten times as radical-
would not alter the evil of capitalism.
Why do we have these non-Socialist
plankB ln our platform?
Frankly—to catch votes.
Ot course we would like to see these
reforms granted. But we would like to
have everybody clean their teeth regularly, we would like to see better taste
in municipal architecture.   We would
claimed to be Socialists. The majority
were run purely as Labor party candi
dates, and the Labor party has refused
either to put Socialism in its constitution and take the words "and Socialist" to its title.
Of the forty Labor members In the
present House of Parliament, thirty
wer? elected without any opposition on
the part of the Liberals—that is to say,
the Liberals voted for all these candidates, and it is probable that not one
of them could possibly have been elected without Liberal votes!
Ten candidates were run in districts
where two members of parliament
were to be elected. In seven of these
districts the Liberals and Laborites
nominated one candidate against the
two candidates of the Conservatives;
the Liberals voted for the Laborites
and the Laborites voted for the Liberals!
This leaveB three double-member
constituencies to be accounted for. In
two of these the official Liberal party
ran only one candidate, allowing the
members of the Liberals to vote, If
they pleased, for the Laborite for one
seat and tor the Socialists for the
other! The fact that there were Independent candidates also In the two districts, one of them calling himself a
Liberal, is of secondary Importance, as
the official Liberal party can claim to
have done its best for the Laborites.
This leaves only one member of the
present parliament who ran against official Liberal opposition! All of these
figures are taken from the report of
the executive at the Newport conference and cannot be denied.
As an illustration of the exact situation ln these constituencies, let ub
take the case of Leicester. In this district, says Mr. Hyndman, where J. R.
Maedonald received sixteen thousand
votes, election statistics show that
that there are only four thousand Socialists. Maedonald, then, was elected
by twelve thousand non-Socialists and
four thousand Socialists. At this calculation Mr. Maedonald, in order to
satisfy his pledge to his own constituents, could only be one-fourth of a
Sotiallst. But even this does not
represent the whole truth, for the Independent Labor party, of which Maedonald ls a member, would not be accepted as a Socialist body ln any country of the continent of Europe, nor in
the United States. The International
recognizes the I. L. P. as a Socialist
body ln England, but neither the
French, Germans, Austrlans, etc.,
would tolerate an organization in those
countries which refused to recognize
either the class struggle or the materialist conception of history.
The Independent Labor party has
started out with a Bastard Socialism
and diluted lt with three parts of pure
and simple trade unionism.
The Labor party of Great Britain ls
less independent nnd farther from Socialism than the so-called Labor Party
of 8an FranclBco or a hundred other
abortive atenipts of the kind we have
had in the inited States—attempts
which have been indignantly cast aside
by the good sense of the American
working people—International Socialist Review.
For a year or so now Vancouver Local has held propaganda meetings each
Sunday without a single Intermission,
the  organization   being   chiefly   concerned In the conducting and Improve,
ment of these.   Outside of this work
the agitation has been more or less of
an individual nature and though collective effort could have done more there
ls little fault to And on   that   score,
steps are being taken to remedy this to
some extent.   Considering the general
conditions In this city and the make-up
ot its population the results (though, of
course, never really satisfactory to a
Socialist) have been about aa favorable
as could be expected.   With a business
element disproportionately large and an
Immense horde of hangers on, together
with a proletariat a large portion of
whom expect to escape wage slavery
by the real-estate route, the task of a
Socialist Local ls no light one.   Amid
these surroundings there is little cause
for wonder at the character   of   the
crowds that frequent the   propaganda
meetings.   Some are there simply out
of curiosity, coming and going just as
they please, careless as to interrupting
others present; also a few who drop in
to avoid the inclemency of the weather.
Some find the meeting a convenient
place to seek endorsement for some pet
theory or to expound a line of action
directly contrary to that laid down iu
the platform of the S. P. of C.   It ls
well," however, to state that a goodly
portion attend for the purpose of inquiry, to inform themselves as to the
aim and object of the continued propaganda.
305 Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mulcahey, Prop.
On Sunday, April 10th, Comrade E.
the speaker. It ls
quite proper to assume that to many
present the address had a familiar
ring, but of a subject that will bear
and need constant repitltlon before
the mass "of wage-workers become con
scious of their position as slaves of
capital, and the revolutionary spirit Is
stirred within them.
The vast bulk of the modern industrial corporations was dealt with and
Its growth by the absorption of the
smaller enterprises. How as a part of
its expansion the various trades had
disintegrated or become more and
more dependent and insecure, displaced by the rise ot enormous armies of
laborers with but slight skill. Under
these circumstances the futility of the
strike and boycott to bring relief was
emphasized, the speaker stating that
labor thus acting was always whipped,
because in the end they were still
slaves, the appendages of capitalist
property, and the employing class still
masters. Should a rise of wages be
sec ured by one section Its benefit was
at the expense of the balance, and
though some particular concern might
be Inconvenienced, the capitalist class
was not adversely affected thereby.
For a rise of wages to apply to the
workers as a class it could easily be
seen that their relative position would
be exactly as lt was previous to such
gain. A fight of this kind ls no part
of the great class struggle, that which
gives rise to the political movement of
Labor. It is in reality a fight among
the workers themselves over a condition of the labor market. Labor-power
which the workers have to sell is a
commodity, and, like others, exchanges at its value according to
brand, on the basis of its cost of production. Labor-power being contained
in the person of every worker, its cost
is the cost of living. In a fight to
-alse '.he price of thla (termed wagps)
or against a cut, the settlement wlll be
arranged ln accordance with the universal laws that govern all commodities. Should the market be overstocked the cut will stand, if otherwise It
will not, or a rise may take place
but the chronic condition at the best
of times, with a labor market well supplied, giveB slight hope of any real
rise taking place. To continue the
fight on the industrial field for economic power was foredoomed to defeat.
Comrade Klngsley likened the industrial field to a plain dominated at
every point by guns; these represent
the political power—the government
or the state. Whoever held the guns
controlled the plain, "representing economic power. To gain this power
meant the capture of the guns. That
was the situation. This ls the class
struggle and its battle ground Is on
the political field, and there all the
efforts of the working class should be
directed. In this country the workers
possessed the franchise and at the
polls could outvote the master class.
They would not do thla all at once,
lint gradually, Btep by step, as an Increasing number came to understand
Uielr class Intersets, putting their representatives In the halls of legislation
until a majority brought the control.
The above alms to give some hints
as to tho scope of the address. Many
questions were put and replied to satisfactorily or otherwise according to
the point of view of an audience containing a fair percentage of captious
critleB, those who jump to conclusions,
just ordinary listeners and lasily anil
not the leaBt, let us hope, those who
were there to analyse and think it
With prosperity all around<us, star-
ing us ln the face, hanging on behind
and jostling us on all aides, how does
it come that we have to record a deficit of $87.35? The boasted prosperity may be an Illusion or the sub.
hustlers may have been hibernating.
Only tbey themselves know. Let us
hope that a word to the wise is as sufficient now as ever.
• •   •
Charlie O'Brien sends   along   two
yearlies.   Keep to It.
• •   •
Lucky six. Not cigarettes. Sandon
Miners' Union places six readers on
the Clarion mailing list.
• •   •
The Venetian merchants were compelled to send to Tripoli or Tunis for
their slaves, the British Americans to
Cape Coast Castle, the French to Senegal, the Dutch to Elmira, and the Portuguese to Angola. Where do our
capitalist masters go now for their
• •   •
.Com. A. Taylor hands ln two from
Toronto and wants the names of
Clarion readers in that ancient burg
for organization purposes. That looks
like business.
• •   •
Roscoe Fillmore renews his bundle
and catches a dollar on the roll.
• •   •
F. Blake sends down two more from
Edmonton, Alta., for yearly course in
workingclass economics.
If any ot you guys have any use for
the salvation army, no matter how
little, glue your optics here. From the
balance sheet of the "Darkest England" fund to Sept. 30th, 1909 (Emigration department). On the credit
side we find the sura of £38,179 12s 2d
being amount received on account of
Ocean and rail passages. On the
debit Bide the sums £38,661—cost of
ocean and railroad passages and de- <
portatlon costs, etc. £4,884 ta acknowledged as commissions and
grants from governments, etc. The 8.
A. therefore makes more than £4,000
on its emigration business. There la
no-Christian philanthropic idea behind
lt at all. It Is merely a huge trading
concern out for profit like all others.
Rossland miners renew their bundle
and their $3 cheer the heart of the
• •   •
Grand Forks Miners' Union pays tor
a bundle.
• •   •
All the way from Brandon, two renewals and a fresh guy through the
agency of H. T. Bastable.
• •   •
The struggle of the classes between
the exploiter and the exploited is a
struggle for the ownership of the
means of wealth production.
• •   •
E. H. Drury sends along $3.50 for a
bundle and sub.   Next.
• •   •
After all the energy expended by
the Labor party in Britain to the end
that that they might secure the establishment of labor exchanges they find
that these Institutions are being used
as recruiting grounds for scabs, ao
they are not satisfied. Perhaps they
Imagine the good, kind benevolent
capitalist was ln the political business
for his health.
• •   •
A. Hogg sends $3 for a bundle of 75
a week for this month for Westminster. Good business; to make thlnga
better he caps It with two subs.
• •   •
To holler against monopolies, to
condemn graft and corruption is not
Socialism. Neither is lt Socialism to
feel your heart welling over with all
kinds of sympathy for the downtrodden and the oppressed, to feel sorry
for the child-laborer being ground into
profits by the machine, or for tis parent slave with his dog-like adoration
and slavish fidelity to his owner. Socialism rises out of the antagonism existing between the slave and his master; it has Its basis on the separation
of the laborer from the tools or machinery of wealth production.
• •   •
One at a time Is good fishing. Is
your name here? L. E. Drake, Bellevue, Alta.; Jas. Thompson, Winnipeg;
L. E. Bartlett, Whonnock, B. C.i W.
Watts, Winnipeg; A. Roga, Edmonton; A. W. Baker, Brantford; R.
Colghlon, White Brush, Alta.; J. Harnett, Vancouver, B. C; A. M. Campbell,
Vancouver, B. C; A. McDonald, Calory; I. A. Austin, Nelson, 13. C; W.
G. Buriows, Almonte, Ont.; J. H. McVety, Vancouver, 1). C; W. Baguley,
New Westminster; H. J. Bolton, Blair-
tnore, Alta.
50c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 26c.
Published at Cowansville, P.Q. ■BBBBBBBSBBBBBBBBBBRBB
.j.iag- wictbpn tiLMmit^v^com^, British Columbia.
BY  A.  P.  HAZELL ■
We have now to deal with surplus-value. Marx
meanB by this term the difference between the
cost of labour-power and the value It creates. The
worker tolls 48 hours. His wages represent twelve
hours, the 36 hours represent surplus-value. Or
lt can be put in another way. A number of men
are agriculturists. Their labour-power costs £100.
The products of their labour are put on the market and realise £400—a difference of £300, which
is the measure of their exploitation. The same
argument applies to other industries. If a man
produces the equivalent of his wages in the flrst
three hours of his day's work, it is plain that if
he work twelve hours he is exploited of nine
hours' labour. The latter portion, therefore, represents unpaid labour, or surplus-value. By this
means the capitalist not only gets an equivalent
for the wages he disburses as variable capital,
but an addition, which enables him to add to his
plant and to live in luxury. Millionaires accumulate their hoards because they tap or get tribute
from a great number of workers, or draw from
a surplus fund which has already been accumulated by other capitalists, as on the Exchange
Market. Surplus-value, be it noted, is a subsidiary
form of value. The capitalist enters into produc-
* tion, and he purchases machinery, plant, and labour-power, which represent so much value.
When he places his commodities on the market
he realises more value than their cost of production. That part of value which the capitalist gets
for nothing, and on which his class and the aristocratic classes fatten ls surplus-value, or unpaid
labour. Value is a general term, used as an equivalent to express the whole of the time worked on
a commodity; surplus-value is that portion of the
time for which no equivalent is given.
By analysing the returns of the income-tax, various economists show that the value received by
the working-class and the superintendents of labour amount to a third or less of the wealth produced. The income-tax returns, however, are not
a very reliable test of the degree of exploitation,
though, of course, they afford us valuable and Incontestable evidence that the worker does not receive more than a third of what he produces. One
to four, or one to five, in my opinion, expresses
more accurately tbe rate of exploitation.
"Price of Productlon"--Cost of Production."
In our examination of the price-form of value,
it was shown clearly that the price of a thing
did not necessarily correspond to the exact amount of labour embodied In it, although In the
mass prices would do so. Some people Imagine
that there Is no limit to prices, forgetting that
price at bottom is a labour estimate of one commodity with another. A little thought will show
that the sum of prices cannot exceed the hours
of labour. For Instance,- if the gold commodity
on which prices are based represent 100 million
pounds because it takes 100 million days to produce It, and the rest of commodities represented
one thousand millions on the same basis, then it
would be useless for individuals to estimate their
commodities beyond the 1,100 millions minus 1,
as there would be no products to represent their
price value.
The high prices of pictures and objects of virtu,
etc., are often a source of perplexity to the student.
We can only observe here that the accumulation
of surplus value In the hands of a small class enables Individuals to indulge in peculiar ways to
ostentatiously display their wealth In order to gain
the homage of the people or excite the envy of
their fellows. Thus one man will give fabulous
sums for special pictures, and another will do the
same for old china. Such prices may increase as
the mass of surplus value increases in the hands
of these individuals.
' "Price of production" corresponds to the market
price, and the market price corresponds to the
money-value of the article. "Cost of production"
represents the amount of actual labor embodied in
an article. "Price of production" represents its
money value in the market ln accordance with the
historic development of capitalist prices. To recapitulate: society creates so many commodities,
expending on their production so many hours of
labor, the latter being their real cost of production. But when Jhey are placed upon the markets,
the number of hours does not tally with individual
commodities. Some commodities wltb ten hours
of labor may actually sell at the same price as
those containing two hours of labor.
"Cost of production" and price of production"
are often used as synonymous terms, which leads
to confusion. Marx in some of bis writings, as for
instance in "Wage-Labor and Capital," leaves the
reader ln doubt sometimes as to the Interpretation
he wishes to put upon the phrase, "cost of production." For the above reasons, J ** ve accentuated
the difference between th« two       ases.    .
The "composition" of capital expresses the relation between the variable and constant capital,
both of tbe later altering as tbe conditions of production vary. For instance, tbe adpotlon of a new
invention in machinery ln a given industry may
cause less wages to be paid, and more material to
be used. This at once alters the composition of
the capital ln that Industry. The most advanced
Industries are those which have most successfully
reduced the amount of variable capital, representing wages, and Increased that of constant capital,
representing plant and materials. By studying the
variations ln the composition of capital, we see
how the labor-time may change in one commodity
as compared with another, though prices remain
the same. To illustrate this, let us for argument's
sake assume that two capitalists deal with each
other and exchange equally on the basis of 100
hours in their particular commodities. One of the
capitalists reduces the labor-time taken to produce his commodity to 75 hours, and keeps this
advantage for years, with no variation in his price.
The other capitalist only gets the product of 75
hours for his 100. As time progresses, however,
the other capitalist suddenly reduces the hours
taken to produce his commodities to one-half, thus
turning the tables on his fellow capitalist. It may
happen that both of them may be unconscious of
the economic conditions which have determined
the price of their goods with each other. Competition, of course, comes ln here as a regulating factor sooner or later.
Social conditions, It is evident, may enable one
given capital to draw more products from the market in exchange than it is entitled to, for a long
period of time, but the gain of one involves loss to
another. Readers wlll see that underlying these
two forms of capital, constant and variable, endless
changes are possible, both ln price and labor time,
labor remaining the governing factor all the while.
General Rate of Profit.
Marx deals with these variations represented in
price of production under the beading of "General
Rate of Profit." For example: a capitalist invests
his capital with a view of obtaining on it the high-'
est rate of profit possible. Having done so, he
quickly fiflds that competition compels him to alter
the proportion of capital spent in plant, and that
disbursed in wages. He is compelled to introduce
machinery, which, of course, adds proportionately
to his raw material and general plant. His wages
bill may by this means become less, though his
absolute amount of cupital remains the same, or
more, as necessity compels. The consequence is
that the proportion of money spent in plant and
in wages in the production of various commodities varies greatly in the course of capitalist
development. All Industries are subject to
changes in the composition of their capital. FlrBt
it Is one snd then another which takes tbe lead.
These variations ln the composition of capital of
different commodities have a tendency to equalize.
Marx takes up five of the most important industries, and demonstrates that their variation results
In an average which, in a remarkable manner,
shows how their price of production, when massed,
conforms to their cost of production.
That the price of commodities gravitates to
their labour-value ls shown by the fact that, given
their composition of capital, their price falls with
the diminution of labor-time taken to produce
them, and the converse happens when the time
taken to produce them increases. Labor becomes,
therefore, the regulating factor of "Price of production."
Marx then proceeds to elaborate this argument.
He goes on to say that if we look around we
shall find evidence of certain commodities in a
sufficiently primary stage of production to show
that labor-time is the basis of their exchange.
For instance, the products of a peasant proprietary more approximately exchange according to
'heir real value than the fully-developed capitalist
form of commodities. Again, when hand labor
was predominant, products naturally conformed
to their . labor-time. Special work, however,
would evolve special tools, Instruments, and machinery, and with this specialization of tools, capital spent ln plant and material would necessarily
increase as compared with the capital spent in
wages. The purchases of improved instruments
and machinery would, from the point of view of
capital expended, require the same profit on the
money disbursed in machinery as |f it were spent
on labor, and thus a difference is set up' which
varies with the development of each particular
The application of scientific methods aid invention increases the productivity of labor, "But
very little indeed of this productiveness goes to
the owner of labor-power. A certain number of
workers, it is true, receive a higher rate of pay
as superintendents, but that is accounted for by
the fact that they relieve the capitalist of the onus
of superintendence. Every invention, every improvement in production, goes to tbe capitalist,
and thus the worker becomes relatively' exploited
more and more as capitalism progresses.
The proletarian (or man with no capital) sells
his labor at its cost of production,' which represents his standard of comfort. To account for
the differences in the price of labor-power we
have, as before intimated, to go back into history.
The difference is founded on physical force, and
commenced with the time when man forced his
fellow-woman and fellow-man Into slavery by the
power of the sword. Exploitation commenced
with slavery, was continued with serfdom, and is
now being perpetuated by capitalism in the form
of wage-slavery. Custom and convention caused
men to acquiesce in their slavery and serfdom,
and the same habit of thought possesses the wage-
slave, who now looks upon his wage-slavery as
a natural method of reward. Unhappily the principle of competition, which drives the wheel of
capitalism, is compared by the worker to the
natural law of the survival of the fittest in Nature,
and be has come to regard his servile position
as being In accordance with natural causes, and
not due to artificial law created by man.
The law of the rate of profit, while it explains
the process of the differences in the prlceB of production, does not, of course, account for all the
various methods of distribution of wealth. The
arbitrary distribution of wealth commenced, as
we see, with the subjection of man. The men of
the sword made the laws in conformity with their
interests, and to this day their descendants hold
command of the Law Courts, the Army and Navy,
and of the Government, which they use as a means
of rewarding their own class. These men have
ever exacted a tribute in the form of labor or
rent, and with the development ot the capitalist
system they manage to extort their share of surplus-value. The new money Prince, Capital, has
secured equal rights with the feudal lord, but the
capitalist has not yet displaced him. He prefers
to share with him the power to control the destinies of the social bees, to whom they allow a little
that they may be robbed of much,
Owing to the "splendid" organization of our
"captains of industry," each one producing blindly
against the other, there is always going on a see-
raw between supply and demand. Some economists recognize that though at times there may
be a considerable disturbance caused in production by lack of supply or over-production, yet that
over a given time supply and demand equal each
other. John Stuart Mill went so far as to say that
economists might always assume, in considering
value, that supply and demand equated each other.
This view has not altogether had the unqualified
assent of the ordinary capitalist economist. Unlike John Stuart Mill, he has an axe to grind. He
finds that the difference in supply and demand
acts as a very convenient cover under which he
may explain variations in prices and justify social
Supposing, however, that value is governed by
supply and demand, then it follows tbat value is
dependent upon the difference between the two,
and when they are equal, commodities have no
value because there ls no difference to express it.
Thus Marx very pertinently asks: When supply
and demand are equal, what governs their value?
This question has never been answered. The
capitalists, who kindly undertake for our advantage the industrial organization of the community,
would, If they knew their business, keep supply
and demand at an equation, for that is their business. Poor Ruskin, who was not a business man,
once said It was their "duty." If capitalists
should by any chance become more efficient ln
their business, this question put by Marx will
become still more urgent, and our orthodox economists ought not to delay furnishing an answer to,
the question. Surely half a century ought to be
long enough for learned professors of economy to
answer such a simple query.
Economic  Rent.
The classical definition of economic rent given
by Ricardo ls now generally accepted by orthodox economists. He describes it as being "that
portion of the product of the earth which is paid
to tbe landlord for the use of the original and
indestructible powers of tbe soil."
Marx, in dealing with the subject, points out
that economic rent so-caled Is the outcome .of
special social relations peculiar to the capitalist
system. What Ricardo failed to Bee was that,
under capitalism, land as a factor of production,
becomes capitalized, according to its labor-saving
attributes. Land which requires less labor to
produce a given product than that of an inferior
quality, is capitalized as being so much more valuable than the latter. Thus one acre may be valued
at as much as four of another quality.
Ricardo, in common with other classical economists, overlooked the fact that the capitalist is
not so much concerned about the fertility of a
given piece of land as he is to secure a given rate
of profit on his capital. The latter is prepared
to pay a certain price for one acre, or, failing
that, the same for four acres, as the case may be,
so long as he gets his usual rate of interest on
his invested capital. Fertility of the soil is thus
of secondary importance to that of profit to the
capitalist. It often happens that an acre of land
which will produce 24 bushels .of wheat and
upwards may be less profitable to the capitalist
than one which produces only 12 bushels, the
former, in consequence, being compelled to fall out
of cultivation. In fact, experience tells us that
the lesB fertile soil of America competes out of
the market the more fertile soil of England.
Economic rent Is dependent on the amount of
profit secured by the exploitation of labor. This
view of the matter explains away the apparent
anomaly of Inferior soils competing out of the
market superior soils. For example: A capitalist
farmer employs a given quantity of capital on a
fertile soil near a, market, and realizes a profit.
The landlord raises his rent accordingly. The
farmer, as greedy as the landlord, Boon tires of
paying a tribute to bis landlord in the form of
economic rent, so-called. He shifts his capita) to
America, and employs It on lesB fertile soli than
before, actually obtaining a higher profit on his
capital. The reason Is that a twenty-acre field in
America under present social conditions turns out
to be a more profit-making factor, requiring less
labor and capital, than a ten-acre Held ln England,
although the lutter may be twice as fertile. Rent,
it is plain, is not based on the difference between
'he fertility of the soil, but upon the fact whether
the soil Ib a better Instrument for the exploitation
tot labor with a given amount of capital.
' The Rlcardian theory pre-suppose land which
pays no rem, which is an absurdity. It also
ignores the fact that the fertility of land ls not
inexhaustible, ind that Its fertility has to be renewed by the application of labor.
The Marxian theory that rent is unpaid labor
covers all the phenomena connected with land.
The farmer pays rent for land, bo that he may
employ labor and exploit it; but he cannot do this
without entering into social relations with the
landlord. The particular social relation that binds
the farmer to the landlord is the landlord's proprietary right in the soil which enables him to
exact a toll on the surplus-value the farmer gets
from his laborers.
The same social relation which demonstrates
that economic rent is a tax on labor also applies
to the rent of sites. A high rent is exacted from
tenants near a market town or city because the
landlord sees his opportunity of participating in
the profits secured by the occupier. Rent, under
such circumstances, will rise with the profits-secured by the tenant.
Those who wish to study thi question further
should read "Economics of Socialism," by H. M.
Hyndman, and Marx's "Poverty of Philosophy."
General Remarks.
Marx, ai some lengtn, shows how the principle
of exchange, when arrived at a given stage of development, overcomes all obstacles to Its progress. The old system of feudalism, with its
cumbersome methods of production, gives way
to the labor-suving appliance and improved method
of distribution which capital enables to be introduced. Serfs as free laborers are more profitable
as artisans and factory hands, and feudalism
passes away to return no more. But this increase
of productivity does little to improve the workers' position. The wealth they produce goes Into
the hands of the capitalist and those of the aristocratic class, the latter still retaining its grip on
n great porlion of wealth produced under the
superintendence of the capitalist. The accumulation of wealth Is aided by the law of competition, both capitalist and worker having to bow
before It. The capitalist has to compete to secure
the market, which he does by lowering the cost
of his commodity, and the worker has to compete
with his fellows for the right to labor. As the
market expands, it becomes possible for large
capitalists to cheapen production by increasing
their machinery and buying in larger quantities,
nnd by specialization of labor, to compete the
smaller holders of capital out of the market.
Hence we get the company form, and then a
combination of companies Into combines and
trusts, the greatest examples of which we see In
America, in Rockefeller's oil and steel trusts.
Competition leads to monopoly, and ls a refined
form of conflict similar to that which takes place
in brute evolution. It ls only a matter of time
for all industries to develop into the trust form.
These, tn their turn, will compete, as science can
often destroy one industry and give rise to
another, and thus assist continuous competition
and friction. We have here sketched the natural
law ot direct evolution of the trust, but, as M.
Lefage, the French naturalist, warned Darwin,
we must not dogmatise on direct descent ln physical evolution, so must we be careful not to dog-
natise too much on the direct development of all
industries into the trust form, for -it is possible
that many of the industries may never reach this
stage of the ripe trust, they coming under the influence of, and developing under other laws—the
laws of collectivism and co-operation set up by
society itself in opposition to capitalist individualism. The triumph of the company, the combine
and trust is also a victory for the law of collectivism, for the amalgamation brings into ohe combination competing capitals, and then separate
-.'stablishments, thereby economizing labor and
capital. This amalgamation of capital and consequent growth of collectivism become, equally with
the latter, a triumph for co-operation.
As capital increases, it continues to bring under
one roof a greater number of workers who, instead
of competing for the market under various capitalists, now co-operate under one capital, and
with further accumulation of capital, there correspondingly grow collectivism and co-operation,
which are the antitheses of competition and of
Capitalism, and its dominance over the forces
of industry, appear so great that it overshadows
all other forces which are growing up silently side
by side with lt. But national and municipal bodies
grow up, whose powers and multiplicity of
functions increase with time, until we' find them
coming into conflict with possessors of capital,
who openly declare that public bodies are taking
up their functions. So- great and so powerful
have these municipal and national bodies become,
that the people are beginning to recognize in
them the working forces of collectivism and cooperation which they fall to appreciate under the
dominion of the larger capitals. Thus many Industries are being taken over by municipal bodies
which will prevent them reaching the higher competition stage of the truBt form. Under this heading we may Instance the supply of water, lighting,
housing, and various forms of transit, and we
anticipate before long that Industries connected
with our food supply wlll be taken up with a view
to palliate the miseries which capitalism entails.
Capitalist accumulation wlll go on Increasing,
but so will municipal and national production, and
with it the class-consciousness of the worker,
who will politically support social collectivism for
the benefit of his class. There can be but one
Issue—victory for the people.
And what does this victory mean?—Universal
co-operation, securing the well-being of every individual. At the present hour it is calculated that
the wealth of the United Kingdom exceeds 2,000
millions per year. This divided among 40 millions
■jives £250 per family. It is said that the abolition of waste labor and the absorption of the Idle
classes would quadruple the production. £1,000
per year per family is a very good standard of
comfort under a co-operative system of living.
Universal co-operation with an assured subsistence for all means the abolition of classes and tbe
establishment of social equality.
Much of the opposition to Marx's teachings
arises from his triumphant claim that the substance of value is labor denuded of the Fabians'
rent of ability. Men and women like to dominate
and keep others ln subjection to them. An assured subsistence to all means that no. one will
place himself in a servile position to another, and
this accounts for the opposition of those whose
brute animalism prompts them to oppose a system
which offers no prospective pleasure for the exercise of those propensities acquired in an age jf
A great deal is made by Marx's opponents of the
claim that the differences in individual talent
ought to correspond with their share of material
products. The answer to this is that each social
economic unit equals each other, and that all
healthful men and women possess faculties, when
trained, which wlll enable them to produce more
than sufficient for their wants. Thus it would be
idle to give a man more than he needs, which
would be the case if differences in the award of
wealth were made according to supposed talent.
(To be Continued in our next issue.)
The above will be published in
pamphlet form. Price 5 cents. $1.00
per 100 to subscribers to the publishing fund.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party ol Canada, in convention assembled,
affirm ear allegiance to, and support of the principle! and programme ot the revolutionary working elass.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers tt should belong. The present economic system Is based upoa capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist elass. The capitalist is therefore
■aster; the worker a slave.
Be loag es the capitalist class remains in psssession of the
reins of government all the powers of tbe State will be used to
protect snd defend their property rights in the means of wealth
prednction and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ot profits, and to the worker an ever increasing measure
ot misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which Is cloaked the robbery of the working-class
- at the point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the
transformation of capitalist property ln the ro***n» of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between tbe capitalist
and the worker ls rapidly culminating In a struggle for possession
of the power of government—tbe capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure lt by political action. Thla Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada wltb the object ot conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing ths economic programme ot the working class, aa follows:
1. Tbe transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property In the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into the collective property of the
working class.
1. The democratic organization and management of Industry
by the workers.
8.   The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when In office, shall always and everywhere until the present system is abolished, make the answer to
this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation ad-
ranee the Interests of the working class and aid the workers in
their class struggle against capitalism? If It will the Socialist
Party Is for It; if it will not, the Socialist Party Is absolutely
opposed to It
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges
Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed In its hands ln such
a manner as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
Big lots, 99 by 124, just at the end of Hastings Street East carllne
only fifteen minutes from tram office and four chains from car terminus, fronting on Boundary Road (132 feet wide).
Or equal to $333 for 33 feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12, 18
and 24 months. This is the third subdivision I have put en in the
East End, and the others have increased in value, some as much as
100 per cent, in less than one year. As some of our customers well
know, lots in block 84, Hastings townslte were sold from $300 up,
one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I will pay $600 for any
lot in that block. Our other subdivision put on later, has increased
proportionately, and I feel sure that this wlll do the Bame, as It has
advantages that the others had not, being close to carllne and having
sidewalk from carline to and through the property on Barnard and
Venables streets to the eastern boundary. Branch office on the ground
and men in charge.
41 Hasting St. E.      Phone 3391,      Vancouver, B.C.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"Robotchyf Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 Stephen St.       Tlnnl-xg, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stands for a Liwing-jWaiJe)
Vancouver Local 367. 566
q If you would like t,o spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone your address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate ot cost of
installing the gae pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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