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Western Clarion Nov 6, 1909

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Vancouver. British Columbia, Saturday, November 6, 1909.
Subscription Price  <•■ ||
rnYsaa        •SI.UV
Some time ago I had the advantage
and pleasure ot listening to a lecture
on "Organic and Social Evolution." hy
Comrade A. M. Lewis at Toronto. I
regard Comrade Lewis as an able exponent ot Socialism and its allied
sciences and am sorry to see by the
flrst instalment ot his debate with Wm.
F. Barnard, published in Comrade
Lewis' journal, "The Evolutionist,"
that he blunders in his exposition of
the class struggle as do so many ot
our comrades in the States.
For the benefit of readers who have
not seen the Evolutionist, I quote the
paragraph to which I refer ln full:
"The line which divides the total
value into 'necessary' and 'surplus' is
not fixed. The working class organizes
its labor unions, and, by collective
bargaining and labor trusts, is able to
raise the price of labor-power and
move the line so as to increase 'neces-
Fellow Workers:—
The Fernle Electoral Riding has
been for the past eight years a stren
uously contested seat. At the last Provincial Election the workers lost the
seat by some sixty votes through the
Liberals deserting their own candidate
at the eleventh hour and! supporting
the present member. The Fernle
Press, the organ of the Conservative
Party ls at present emitting frantic
squeals of the most pitiful character
for the Liberals to again come to the
rescue of distressed Capital.
It is admitted that the seat must
fall to the workers. The Capitalists
will combine forces to prevent a consu-
matlon so undesirable to them. They
have money without end; we lack that
essential weapon to success. We therefore ask all workers who can afford
to do so to send their contributions
however small to Oscar Erlckson, Box
70, Fernle, B, C.
The combined forces of Capitalism
are arrayed against us, let the workers show that they too are ready to
obey the call of Class.
Independent ot defeating the tyrant
Capital at its own game, we can, and
will use your money to the following
An educational campaign to show
our Class the robbery perpetrated upon
them by the present Industrial system.
As an example to Capital of the Poll-
teal power of the class-conscious workers.
In an endeavor to send a toiler to
fight,the battles of the toilers ln the
Legislative Halls/
Signed on behalf   of - the   Campaign
Dear Comrade:—,
John Mclnnls will again contest
Grand- Forks riding in the Interests of
the Socialist Party.
It is. to be hoped that the comrades
•who are away from the'district looking
for jobs will return on the 26th of
November and register their kick
against their present conditions.
In the meantime the campaign fund
Is open, and anyone who has a dollar
to spare should send it in.
Yours for the revolution,
Chairman Executive Committee.
sary' value at the expense of the 'surplus' value.    The  capitalists respond
with manufacturers' associations and
citizens' alliances, crippling the unions
and move the line back again, increasing surplus value at the expense of
necessary value.    This    struggle    to
move the line back and forth constitutes the class struggle as manifested
in the activities of the labor union."
A    careful    reading    of    Comrade
Lewis' own words is sufficient to show
the  fallacy ot- his  argument — that
trade unions express the class struggle by endeavoring to sell their commodity—labor-power—at     a     higher
price.   Labor-power being demonstrated to be a commodity, is ln tbe same
category as all other commodities, subject to the law of supply and demand
and to the underlying law of the cost
of production just the same as  any
other thing which is offered for sale.
Bargaining and bickering   over    the
price of labor-power is no more a part
of the, class struggle than is the haggling of a fish hawker and a housewife over the price of fish a part of
the   class  struggle.    Comrade  Lewis
speaks of "moving the line back and
forth"—never  getting  anywhere—and
then, forsooth, he calls this see-saw
game tbe class struggle, "as manifested in the activities of the labor union."
Labor unions,  trades    unions,    labor
trusts, call them what you will, do not
and cannot express the' class struggle.
Phrases such as "noble waging of the
class struggle," applied to a strike for
higher wages, and "the class struggle
is at the factory door." are very pretty, but they are not true.
The class struggle is a struggle for
the reins of government, and hence is
a political struggle and nothing else.
That struggle ls being waged by the
street corner agitator calling upon his
fellow slave to revolt, by the unknown
spade worker in our movement doing
the same thing among their workmates in their quiet way, by our comrades in Russia who are going to death
and Siberia day by day, by the intelligent votes cast for Socialist candidates, by rebellious slaves getting and
keeping ready to back up their ballots
with their bodies If necessary, for the
class struggle may yet be fought out
to a finish on the battlefield.
Tbe class struggle Is not an endeavor of sections of the slave class
to lighten tbe weight of their own
chains by shifting a tew links from
their own limbs to those of other
slaves; lt Is not a struggle of human
cattle for a little more hay and oats,
a little better stable, or a more'comfortable' harness. The class struggle
Is not carried on by the workers by
appeals for "better terms," nor by
maklng< agreements" as to how tight
the capitalists' grip on their throats
should' be; it Is a struggle to make
them let go altogether. The class
struggle is- a struggle between masters and- slaves, the former to retain
their mastery, the latter to be free.
As Is- well expressed on every charter of the Socialist Party of Canada:
"The mission of the Socialist Party
of Canada ls not to further the efforts
of the commodity labor-power to obtain better prices for Itself, but to
realize the aspirations of enslaved
labor, to break the galling chains of
wage servitude and stand forth free."
St. John, N. B.
For the benefit of readers in constituencies where it ls proposed to contest the Provincial elections in the interests of the working class, we suggest a careful perusal of the British Columbia Election Act, more especially the clauses dealing with nominations. For the information of those unable to secure copies of the act, the .following are the more Important points
to be remembered.
Sec. 61. "Every candidate for election to serve In the Legislative Assembly shall be nominated ln writing. The writing shall be subscribed by two
registered voters in the district for which such election ls to be held as proposer and seconder, and by three other registered electors of the same
district as assenting to the nomination, and shall be delivered to the returning officer at any time between the date of the proclamation and 1 p.m. of
the day of nomination. The said writing may be as in Form E in the schedule of this act, and shall state the name, residence and addition or description of each person proposed in such manner sufficiently to identify such
Sec. 63. Each candidate shall be nominated by a separate nomination
paper; but the same electors, or any of them, may subscribe as many
nomination papers as there are members to be elected^'
Sec. 64, Sub-sec. 1. No nomination paper shall be valid and acted upon
by the Returning Officer unless It is accompanied by the consent ln writing
of the person therein nominated, except when such person is absent from
the district in which the election is to be held,—in which case such absence
shall be stated in the nomination paper; and—unless the'sum of one hundred dollars is deposited in the hands of the Returning Officer at the time
the nomination paper is filed with him; and the receipt of the Returning
Officer shall, in,every case, be sufficient evidence of the of the production
of the nomination paper, of the consent of the candidate, and of the pay^
ment herein mentioned."
Nomination Paper, Etc.
We, the undersigned electors of the Electoral
District, hereby nominate (names, residence and additions or description of
person or persons nominated) as a candidate at the election now about to
be held of a member to represent the said Electoral District In the Legislative Assembly of the Province of British Columbia.
Witness our hands at.- in the said Electoral
District, this. .„ .'..'. day Of \ 19....
(1) Proposer,
(2) Seconder,
(3) (Assenting
(4) )   to the
(5) (Nomination.
I, the said <  nominated in the foregoing
nomination paper, hereby consent to such nomination.
Witness my hand at this day of 19...
Signed by the said nominee, in the presence of
Sign names in full (not initials); also it Is as well to have two nomination papers made out, signed by different proposers, etc., so that, if exception is taken to one paper, the other may be. substituted.
Socialists have long since passed the child-like simplicity of believing
that "the King can do no wrong"; be prepared for any emergency and remember that our nomination papers will be rejected If the slightest flaw
pesents Itself to the keen eye of the henchmen of the Provincial government.
In connection with the nomination deposit, in Dominion campaigns It
is the custom to refuse all forms of money, except legal tender. We suggest that the deposit be tendered in gold coin, or fn bank notes issued by
the Dominion government, thus avoiding any complications at the last
At a public meeting held under the
auspices of the English Branch of the
Socialist Party of Canada, in the Labor Temple, Sunday, last. It was moved
hy G. Desmond, seconded by C. Lev-
esqu*, that the following resolution
■hould be accepted, and addressed to
the press t
"Resolved, that this meeting Joins
with the revolutionary,' worker*' and
thinker* of the world In all countries,
in protest against the assassination of
on* Comrade Ferrer, in Spam, aad also
that thl* should only spur us forward
in our effort* to abolish the tyranny
which ha* removed our comrade* until Tuesday, November 9th, City Hall.
tyranny ls Itself broken an* the work- Wednesday, November 10th, Ask*
en come, into thelrown." Hall, Sixth Avenue, Fab-vleve.
Unanimously    resolved.      Comrade    Thursday, November 11th, All Saint* I
OtltjCN QM*> Omtmt
i Commencing with Nelson on November 7tb, Com. Fitzgerald will tour West
Kootenay, the Boundary, Slocan, Revelstoke and will be at the disposal of
Ihe Okanagan comrades during the
last week of the campaign.
Comrade- Gribble will tour East and
West Kootenay, Slooan%and the Boundary.
. Comrade O'Brien will reach Fernle
about November l*9th, and'will hold
down the East Kootenay till election
We hate to "rub It in" but open confession is good for the soul. The working class as a class is the despised of
the earth. It is marked with the brand
of Cain. The word demagogue conveys a meaning hard to define but
palpably full of contempt. As a matter
of fact it ls a Greek word, the English
translation of which is "working man."
The working man ha* always been
held In the utmost contempt by the
master class. In the Roman and Grecian civilisation he wss not even granted tbe privilege of a soul and the gods,
taking no notice of his very existence,
did not require or allow his presence
in the temples which he himself built
He was not allowed to marry, was denied the pleasure of family life and
was merely placed on earth to provide
tbe good things of life for his master.
But strange to relate, so ingrained
was the condition of affairs In the general make-up of the class, that they
passively submitted to It and, taken as
a whole, seem to have been satisfied.
True there were stupenduouB rebellions but these rebellions were all subdued by slaves drawn from tbe same
class as the rebels. Considering the
awful conditions of the working or
slave class It Ib hard to comprehend
how slaves could be found to aid in the
suppression of these rebellion*.
But are we any- better off today?
The working class today is enslaved
as of yore. The ■ lot of the working
man ln a job ls bed, board and the
are necessaries of life.   Tbe lot of a
Iorklng man out of a job is starva-
tm, In fact a living hell.
There* I* AtrehMUon, a rebellion by
ballot. AU over the civilized world
tb* working-class I* in revolt'against
Ih* master class, but Instead of organ-
ndbg revolution of force they are attempting a revolution by ballot.
Their spokesmen are hailed as "demagogues," which proves the contempt
in which the class is held. The stigma of labor is still attached to the man
who works for a living. Consequently
when the working class has the "audacity" to attempt to free Itself from
enslavement by political action, those
of. that class who vote against candidate* of that class are taking exactly
the same position as the slaves who
aided' in the suppression of the rebellions of Spartacus and Eunus and
others. If they would only realize lt,
they are acting absolutely contrary to
their own Interests. Until such time
as these working clsis opponents of
working class candidates are brought
Into line, the v.ork of the "demagogue"
must go on without ceasing.
In the meantime, in spite of being
the "salt of the earth," we remain the
tools of the master class and for that
very reason the object of Its contempt.
By the latest reports at the time ot
going to press, the following Socialist
Party candidates are in the field:
Comox, Ja*. Cartwright.
Cranbrook, J. W. Fitch.
Fernle, John Harrington.
Orand Forks, John Mclnnls.
Greenwood, Geo. Heatherton.
Nanalmo, J. H. HawthornthwaK*.
Nelson, J. H. Matheson.
Newcastle, Parker Williams*
.  Okanagan, J. F. Johnson.
| Revelstoke, H. Kempstor.
' Slosan, J. Bennett
; Vancouver, p. Garvle, E.-T. Kings,
ley* W. M, Ma  <enzle, M. McGregor,
*'. P. Pettlplecfc
J Victoria, Geo.-Oliver.
Vmlr, A. M. Oliver.
That great humbug, the Workmen's
Compensation Act, which has cajoled
so many of the working class into believing that the capitalist class sometimes makes beneficial laws for the
wage slaves, has been exposed by the
statistics just given out by the home
offlce. Under the big headlines given
to it by the press, the act looks like
a good thing and the £2,080,672 paid
in compensation to the workers seems
like a streak of light in a dark,sky,
but alas, on a little closer examination its' spuriousness is revealed and
it stands forth a fake, a humbug.
After one gets through reading the
glorious praises sung about this Act
In the capitalist press, one comes to
a short paragraph stuck away ln an
obscure corner which modestly states
what the workers paid for this compensation ln hard cash, in "speeding
up" and in unemployment.
Taking the statistics issued by the
home office tn regard to the Compensation Act, we find that £2,080,672 was
paid to the work people In Great Britain during the year 1908 for injuries
and deaths inflicted upon them during
the time they were employed ln creating wealth for the master class. These
statistics make Interesting reading and
are as folipws:
Docks   ..
Mines    ..
Mlscell'ous   [
■j a
£   61.3331     5,877
130.506 136.357
21,254   10.691
67,515 20.6-19
48,597| . .'*.
£618.860     £1.461,812
£ 51.517
And thus we find that the Workmen's Compensation Act gives, firstly,,
nearly £1,000,000 of extra cash profits to the capitalists; secondly, aa
indirect profit from the same source, of
about £350,000 in the "speeding up""
process, and thirdly and last, it lowers the age limit'so that older worlf
peopje are debarred from even enter-
lng the race to earn a livelihood,
Some have- had the timerlty to «sy»
that even though the workers bare? to*
pay heavily for the compensation-tbey:
get, yet the Act1 is a good thing "bev
cause it relieves' distress in time of t*>-
jury or death'." But how about tie*
misery and distress it must cause-
amongst 963,000'workers who have-
had their wages reduced? How about
the unfortunates who must now toil-
and grind all the harder? How about
the elderly man1 or woman who Is debarred from employment at all?
Capitalist legislation, because of the~
disinclination of the capitalists to part
with one farthing of their interest, rent
or profit, will always redound upon the-
workers, and while it may patch up *v
little part of the social system for •
time, lt invariably affects another part
and consequently makes matters worse-
tor the working class,
Most palliatives are beautiful things?
to look at—on paper;, and they some*
times give a hypocritical legislator
a sort of a saintly halo, but when it
comes right'down to hard pan, it Willi
be found that they do more to keep
the workers chasing shadows and ig>
noring the real issue than anything;
else ever invented to keep us in so.b>-
Glasgow, Scotland.
The above represents the amount
paid to the workers In compensation.
Now, let's see who paid for It. Since
the passage of the Act In 1906 every
large employer of labor and many of
the smaller ones make It a rule to insure each and every one of their employees so that in case of accident no
loss will accrue to them. Now insurance companies have to be paid to take
rUks, and, of course, the employer of
labor is not going to do the paying.
Tucked away in a corner of the press
we find these few explanatory lines:
"More than 963,000 work people in this
country had their wages reduced last
year, the net result being a weekly
reduction in pay of £59,200, or
£3,078,400 for the year 1908. These
details are gven in the Board of Trade
So here we have lt all ln a nutshell.
A worklngmen's Compensation Act
costs the capitalists £2,080,672 per annum, and he, true to the Instincts of
his class, tacks this cost, with Interest,
onto his employees. In other words,
the employer not only gets back the
money paid ln insurance, but actually
clears a profit of nearly a million
pounds for the trouble he had to go to,
to collect the Insurance from the wage
This sum, neat as lt is, Is not, however, all the benefits that accrue,—-to
the master-clasB from this benevolent
piece of capitalist legislation, for some
do not Insure their workers, but instead "speed them up," which ls equally, if not more, profitable. And last,
but not least, thousands ot workers
have been discharged or laid off indefinitely In order to compensate for
the Compensation Act. This is especially the case with older "hands" employed ln dangerous occupations at
whom the insurance companies balk at
taking any risks, and there is many an
old worker out of employment and unable to obtain work at his or her calling because the Act has lowered the
age limit
How kindly the capitalist treats tbe
worker! First we are taken from
school before we get a chance to get
a smattering of education, put to work
in some industrial plant to make profit*'for-our masters. Then when we
grow up, our masters make law*- to
protect (?) us, for which we have to
pay with our sweat and blood, and
then when we become old and shaky,
and If luckily, or rather unluckily, we Comrade* willing to volunteer that/
have escaped! with our lives, we get' services as scrutineers on election day
the sack' ln order that greater profit* nbould send In their names and a*V
may be squeezed out of a younger gen>- dresses to L. Ti English, Box- 831; afl*
oration. soon a* poesible.
Toronto, 25th October, 1909.
Comrade Editor:
If you can Arid space for these few
lines 1 wish you Would publish them/
for these words are In honor and respect of a comrade who has passed
over the Great Divide.
Since my last lerrer Comrade Stroud,
secretary of the English Branch of
Toronto Local, has pased away. For
nineteen days, almost, he lay ln the
hospital suffering untold agonies oif
pain from an accident while at work,
where he received' a shock of elOe-
triclty of about six hundred volte,
which burnt him terribly. Never •
murmur of dlsconteht'or a cry of pals
escaped him during that period, an*
now- he has left us' to continue th*
fight he loved sd well and the cause
he fought so' Welf for. I was not with
him when he died, but' the message
same too late to find me; as 1 waa out
at the time, but some of the comrade*
were there, and''I am pleased lt wae
Comrade "Bob" was a Socialist and
a man; he fought In a quiet way nobly
for the cause. He lined up on tbe side
of the men who do things every time,
and did all In hi* power to bring aboot'
the downfall of the present system.
On the Tuesday night "Bob" was at
the Speakers' Class, on Wednesday he
was laid low. Killed at his post. Ye*>
that was his end; but he lived like s
man and died like' a man, also.
In Toronto all' sympathy goes oat
to his people. Many times the comrades have enjoyed their company,
away in the woods' last summer. Many
happy hours were spent, and 'we were
all so merry. Now In their time of
trouble we rally round them and extend to them the strong hand of comradeship.
Comrade "Bob" has gone, but hi*
memory shall live ln the hearts of hie
comrades; the work that he did shall
last for all time, and in the record of
his class he, as one of that ever-tav
creasing army that is striving for
freedom, his deed* shall live for ever,
Yours in revolt,
W. QREEtt.
ths Western Clarion
ai the Offloo
by    the
tTabllshsd    every
JNotallst Farty of Canada,
'st the Westers   Clarion,   Flack   Blook
Jtawsmsnt, IBS Hastings Street, Tanoou-
wet, B o.
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Yes, we cheerfully confess to feeling
,,-*omewhat humiliated. We would al-
. most apologise were it not an infringement of one of our pet rules, for the
guidance of others, ever to do so.
-" Charity begins at home," so we are
learning to take a most charitable
. -view of our own mistakes, if of nobody
■else's. Fortunately, or unfortunately
;it you will, we were not alone in error.
Wll along ln our correspondence we
•.were made aware that this discussion
eras being looked forward to with
much Interest. And now? How many
4>t you have followed Comrade Untermann to the bitter end? If there is
any end.
. Nevertheless, it is fairly safe to assume that enough of you, in the first
, blush of your enthusiasm, have read
At least sufficient that the argument
nay be more briefly stated and left to
ypur Judgment without very much
further waste of space.
Out of Comrade TJatermann's fifteen
.columns one may, with patience, elicit
the information, generally known even
to beginners ln economics, that commodities do not always and everywhere exchange at their value; aUo
that Marx agrees with Untermann on
this point.   Very decent of Marx.
Both   ot   these    authorities    being
placed thus on record,  more or less
clearly, what is there for us to do but
•, .to agree that it .is so?
The exchange value of a commodity
•ft determined  by the socially necessary labor involved in its -production.
-The laborer Is said tp .be exploited, in
production, of the difference between
.the exchange value of .his commodity
■.labor power, aad ,the exqhange value
ihe creates by his labor.    If he does
rnot receive the full exchange value
, ot his labor power in wages, be is according to Untermann, exploited, not
-. |n production but in. .consumption, of
..the  difference  between  What  he  receives and the exchange value of his
labor power.
To restate it. e lt*pt the raiue created by one day's labor, one fifth is equal
;W the exchange value of labor power,
'tben the worker, is. exploited, as a p'ro-
• dncer, of four-fifths. If, through the
non-exchange of commodities at their
value, either his cost pf living is raised, or his wages directly cut, so that
be now receives say twenty-five per
cent less than the exobange value of
- bis labor power, be is still robbed of
Ipur-flfths of the product of his labor,
as a producer, and further ot a quarter
,of one-fifth as a consumer. To say
that he received three-quarters of one-
flfth and was exploited In production
Out of the remaining four and a quar-
jter-fifthB would be Incorrect!
Now Isn't that a most magnlflclent
quibble to elucidate!?) in fifteen columns? Honest, Isn't lt the limit of unadulterated gall to inflict all that in
.coherent drivel upon us Just to prove
lhat much, let alone not prove It after
.ftUT For does he prove even that?
JLet us see.
For the robbery of the consumer Un-
itermann postulates the condition of
commodities not exchanging at their
values but above and below them. But,
aa Marx points out, taking masses of
commodities, over periods of time,
their fluctuations above and below
value cancel one another, and, on the
Average, commodities exchange at
their value. So then, taking masses
of commodities, over periods of time,
the workers, as a class, are exploited
.as producers only.
But Untermann will have none of
■ihls; lt Is loo vulgay. In order that
the robbery of the consumer may be
elucidated we must treat of Individual
.commodities, of Individual capitalists,
AUt individual workers, of specific occasions, of circulation as apart from production. And this ln the study of economics, the "dismal science" of generalizations and abstractions; in a society based upon social production
where no commodity ls the product ot
any individual's labor but of the- cooperative labor of an army of Individ
uals; where no Individual capitalist
exploits any individual laborer, but the
proceeds of exploitation are spread
over groups of capitalists.
Rather a preposterous proposal; but
where one fool can rush In, another
can surely follow. Let us follow him
then. ,
If our individual laborer ls selling
his commodity labor power at Its exchange value which happens to be say
$2.00 a day, and then his wage is cut
to $1.80, or, owing to a rise in the
prices of his necessities above their exchange value, or to a fluctuation in
gold, his $2.00 will now only buy him
as much as $1.80 would before; then
he Is robbed as a consumer, of twenty
cents. But hold on. As he ls now only
receiving commodities to the value of
$1.80, only the labor equivalent of that
$1.80 is being incorporated into his
labor power; so that its exchange
value is now no longer represented by
$2.00 but by $1.80. He is therefore receiving the exchange value of his labor
and is consequently not being robbed as a consumer. Apparently a contradiction, but then economics abound
ln apparent contradictions, don't you
know, all easily explainable by expert
However, it may be objected that
the exchange value of labor power is
not to be estimated in this manner,
that it is determined by the socially
necessary labor Incorporated in the
average laborer's living according the
average standard of living prevailing among a mass of laborers. But
that would lead us right back to the
consideration of commodities in masses and averages, from which we have
'just escaped with our victim, the consumer, finding it impossible there to
rob him. Will not some one have compassion on us and tell us where we
may rob him in peace? Or must we
content ourselves with robbing producers, and assigning to the wage-
slaves the same position as the chattel
slaves. Regarding them merely as
social wealth producers exploited, by
the capitalist class by virtue of its
ownership of the means of production,
of all the wealth they produce over
and above their cost of subsistence,
receiving, when wages fall or prices
rises, merely a lesser portion of the
wealth they produce. This may be
very vulgar but has at least the merit
of understandlbllity for us wage plugs,
and contains moreover, all the essentials necessary to point Us to the remedy. .
Comrade Untermann charges Marx
with having held that we are exploited
as consumers. Let the jury decide.
Produce the evidence.
It should be clear to you, gentlemen
of the jury, or else Comrade TJnter-
mann's many*olumned dissertation is
in vain, that he has read Marx from
Genesis to Revelations. Such being
the case we may safely assume that
he has presented to you all the evidence to be found in Marx's works that
would show that Marx ls guilty as
charged. Has he produced any? Not
one specific statement by Marx that
the consumer ls exploited. This may
be accounted for on either of the following grounds: That Marx did not
hold any such belief; or that, holding
it, he considered it of Insufficient importance to be worthy of mention. If
the latter, why all this bother? But
even this we are unprepared to concede. Marx appears to have been as
long-winded as any of us, though, unlike most of us, very much to the point.
He has never before been shown to
have overlooked an opportunity of
casting up their misdeeds to the capitalists, and so there is no little element of improbability in the assumption that he neglected to accuse them
of robbing consumers as well as producers.
Now, gentlemen of the jury, as no
direct evidence to the contrary Is forthcoming ls not the balance of probability against Marx's guilt? What is
your verdict?
But maybe we are mistaken. Perhaps Marx left the point purposely in
doubt In order that Untermann and the
editor might be afforded an opportunity of airing their profound knowledge
ln this epoch-making debate.
After reading with a puzzled expression all this learned jargon, we are beginning to wonder If, with all his display of learning, his achievements ln
translation, 'and his authorship of
"Marxian Economics," this man has
got so far as to understand the meaning of the term exchange value. It
seems hardly possible but he succeeds
ln making it seem rather probable that
he hasn't. Exactly what he thinks It
is we cannot quite see. It appears to
be something in the nature of a tape
■ To us exchange value appears rather
as tho comparative value of commodities. Having no other factor in common they are compared on the basis of
the socially necessary labor embodied
In them which ls an abstract and
rather Indeterminable quantity.
The law of exchange value is tin
approximate law In economics, similar
lo the approximate laws common in
other sciences; for Instance, the law
of falling bodies, based on calculations
made for bodies falling In a vacuum, or
tho law of the multiplication of bacteria, based on their multiplication in
the most    favorable   culture-medium.
Bodies do not fall ln a vacuum usually,
neither are bacteria always blest with
the best of all possible culture-media.
Similarly the law of exchange value
calls for the assumption of a market ln
equilibrium, where supply and demand
balance. Such a condition does not
exist. Yet, as, for the law of falling
bodies, we have the corrective formula
based on the friction of the medium
through which they fall, so we have the
corrective formula for the law of value
based on the conditions governing
prices In the market Yet, as Untermann himself points out, an equilibrium ln the market Is exactly what the
monopolies tend to produce, so that
they are getting nearer to, Instead of
further from, that very condition for
which the law of values Is most valid.
As to taxes and tariffs only a superficial thinker would put forward the
proposition that they are paid by the
workers out of their real wage, which
is, after all, the wage that counts. For,
were It so, Free Trade nations should
have the most well paid workerB, while
the very contrary Is the case. The
abolition of every tax and every tariff
that Is said to be paid by the workers
would in no way alleviate their condition. For If the prices of their necessities fell, their wages would inevitably follow.
Out of all the capitalist system the
one fundamental fact stares us in the
face. Labor creates all value and ls
exploited of all lt creates except Its
living. To say that the workers are
robbed by tax and tariff over and above
their exploitation as creators of value
is begging the question as much as to
say they are thus robbed in the fluctuations In prices.
As to reforms "While we are a minority party," we fall to see how a
minority could pass much. How it
could pass measures hostile to the
majority, truly passeth the understanding.
We are sorely tempted to touch on
other absurdities in that remarkable effusion but we have little doubt that
our readers are as weary of it as we
No we are not quite through yet. So
much for the debate. Now for the debater.
It was extremely thoughtful of Comrade Untermann to put you readers on
your guard against the able but unprincipled debater who would take
advantage of your crass ignorance(the
most of you never having read "My
Marxian Economics"). Having thus
placed you on your guard, he proceeds,
in the time-honored manner of unprincipled debaters, to set up a straw man
and then to tear him in pieces, nay,
rather, to bore him to death, with a
complete exposure of his vulgarization
of Marxism into a mechanical system
wherein commodities always exchange
at their values.
Any of you that have read the Clarion for any length of time, tell us, have
you ever found any such vulgarization
in its columns?
Nor is there any reason to suppose
that Untermann had any grounds for
believing that the Clarion was one of
these vulgarizers of Marx, though he
says as much. To form an opinion of
the Clarion lt would be necessary for
him to have read it tor some time
But, in point of fact, it was only some
two Issues previous to this discussion
that he kindly condescended to be
placed on our free list in return for
the many favors he has conferred on
us, and the proletariat generally, by
translating various works and writing
"My Marxian Economics." So he
could not very well have supposed
that we held that commodities always
and everywhere exchange at their
value. Why then does he go to such
pains to prove this rather obvious
point?   We will leave you to guess.
Proletarians, in all that fifteen bushels of chaff there is a kernel of wheat.
It is this: When estimating the worth
of one of your notables by his reputation, you would do well to knock off
fifty per cent, for your own gullibility,
forty per cent, for his gall, and then
be not too ready to concede the other
ten per cent, to pure merit. If you
apply this rule to all of us who do
your writing and rag-chewing, you
will seldom be disappointed and occasionally, say once In a dozen generations you may be delighted to find a
Marx soaring away above your expectations.
there is no reason to suppose that they
will be found wanting now. They have
an admirable stability and are not to
te swayed by the most plausible of
platforms, as they have repeatedly
shbwn, to the disgust and discomfiture
of self-appointed savious as well as of
self-seeking politicians. Those of them
who are not born and bred Conservative or Liberal, can usually be relied
upon to vote for whichever candidate
they can be persuaded is the likeliest
to win or is'the "smartest." So what is
the use of encumbering the platforms
with proposals for the betterment of
the conditions of the workers, especially as these might call tor considerable
explanation to the prominent citizens
who are putting up the dough.
Hence we find both the parties making their appeal to the "good sense"
of the business fraternity, who, In their
political opinions as in other things,
are swayed by purely selfish considerations, and who vote with a sordid
eye to the main chance. Which, and
no other, ls the prime motive which
gives birth to all our statesmanlike
policies, from timber reservation to
tariff reform.
The jury on the Extension explosion
has found the company not guilty as
I usual. Also they petition that, the case
having  lasted  eight  days,    they    be
i recompensed. They sure have something coming.   We'll hear more of this.
Comrade Editor: —
Am a busy wage-slave these days, so
have little time for writing, but a few
things might be mentioned concerning
Toronto doings, which accounts for
this letter.
At a meeting of the English branch
some weeks ago, a motion was car-
Iried, everybody present being In favor
except one, the gist of which is to the
! effect that "comrades wishing to
' speak either on box or platform, who
'have not been engaged by the Dominion executive, or by the Provincial
executive, or by the Local, shall appear at the speakers' class and show
, their card."
This motion has long been an understood thing here, but lt has become
necessary to take some definite stand
j along  this   line.    Toronto    comrades
will  please   take    notice,    especially
[those  at  Oakvllle;   outside comrades
I will also consider this motion and act
I In the meantime, "they of Ihe redhead and the Immaculate green" have
not lost any sleep lately, nor do they
Intend to, and the propaganda is still
being carried along on "right lines."
Even this may be a lie, though, because George Washington has left Toronto now and gone East.
One of our comrades, Bob Stroud,
has met with an accident while at
work and has been laying between
life and death. All comrades wish
this quiet but effective worker for the
cause a speedy recovery back to complete health. Bob was a fighter, and
did, besides his secretarial work, an
Immense amount of quiet propaganda.
In the final line-up, whenever that
time comes, I want men like htm on
my side.
Yours ln revolt,
Socialist Directory
„_   Vverv  Local  of  the  Socialist  Party of   LOCAL MOYIB, B. 0., VO. 30—MEETS
Canada  should   run  •  card  under  this  head I     ?ve,ry   Sunday  1:30   p.m.   In   McGregor
Sl.Oll per month.     Secretaries please note.       |     Hall    (Miners   Hall),   Mrs.   Thornley,
Soda-list Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday, D. O. McKenzie. Secretary, Box 836, Vancouver,
B. C.
Kxecutlve Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. ' Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. Bast, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement In the province.
A. J. Browning, Sec, Box   647  Calgary, Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Mondays of every month, Jubilee Mall,
corner, of King and Alexander. The
Secretary wlll be pleased to furnish
any Information and answer any correspondence relative to the, movement.
Secretary, H. Saltzman, Room 16, Har-
rison Block, Winnipeg, Man.	
Committee. Meets tn Finnish Hall, 214
Adelaide St., Toronto, on 1st and 3rd
Mondays. Organizer, W. Gribble, 134
Hogarth Ave., Toronto. P. C. Young,
Secretary, 940 Pape Ave. G. Colombo,
Italian Organizer,  224 Chestnut St.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Kdeett's Store. 151 Hastings St. W.
F„ Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
LOCAL   VANCOUVER,   B.   C,    NO.    45,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the-month at 151
Hastings St. W. Secretary, Matt Mar-
meets In Miners' Hail evory Sunday at
7:30 p. m. A. McLeod, Secy? o
Box.87.4- Rossland Finnish Branch
£snt*..,2vP'5'*8,,SH' *?.■"• Sundays at
Ai?-0 J"- "V *• Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
765 Rossland, B. C.
every Friday evening at « p.m.. 15
JKMF* H»"' Nelson, B. c Frank
Phillips, Organiser; I. A. Austin, Secy
meets every Sunday at «:30 p.m., Is
Miners' Hall. Matt Holiday, Organ-
Izer.    H. K. Maclnnla, Secretary.
LOCAL    INNMPAIL,    ALTA.,  VO.   8—
Charter hangs ln secretary's los
shack, Ilardscrabble Ranch, 12 miles
West of Bowden. Business meetings
twice a month. Capitalism vs. Socialism continually being debated by tho
general public and members of the
Local. Sky pilots and flunkey poltl-
clans cordially Invited to call and participate-In the sport. Secretary, S. W.
or C. Meetings every Sunday at S
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. B. (near postottlce). Club
and Reading Room, McTavlsh Block
817 Second St. E.. opposite Imperial
Hotel, D. a. McLean, Box 647 Secretary,
A. Mai-donald   Organizer,    Box 647.
P or C, meets every flrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall
C. Stubbs, Seoy.
LOOAL     OQLBMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     8,
Meets every Sunday night In the
Miners' Hall and' Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
Headquarters and Reading Room.
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Govern-1
ment St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propogandaj
meetings every Sunday at Grand
Theatre. Jas. Mclndoe, Secretary,
Rdom 1, 1319 Government St.
LOCAL NANAIMO, NO. 8, B. P.  of C.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock|
Jack Place,  Rec.  Secy.,   Box  82S.
LOOAL   PERNTX,   B.   P.   of   O,   HOLDS
educational meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Av»„ Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting flrst Sunday in eacli
month, same place at 2:30 p m. J.
Lancaster, Sac..  Box 164.
C, meets every Sunday (n Miners'
Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month     Geo   Ht-a hei-tuti    orgQiitTer: R   J
Campbell, Secretury, Box 124.
LOCAL VERNON, B. 0„ NO. 38, S. P. OP
C, meets every Friday night at 7:30
in Tlmmins' Hall, cor. ot Seventh and
Tronson Sts. Business and propaganda combined. Geo. W. Paterson, Secretary.  Vernon,  B.  C.
P. of C. Propaganda and business
meetings at 8 p. m.. the fourth Thursday of eacli month ln lodge room ovei
old post office, near opera house. Everybody welcome. B. F. Gaynian
Secretary; W. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
LOCAL  PORT  MOODY,  B.   C,  NO.  41,
8. P. of C.—Business meetings flrst
Sunday In each month. J. V. Hull.
Secretary, Port Moody, B. C.
LOOAL     PRINCE     RUPERT,     B.     C,
meets every Sunday at 8 p.m., on the
street corners and various hulls.   J, B.
I    King, Secretary.
From the point of view of Labor
the platforms of both the Conservative
and the Liberal parties are, in a way,
rather remarkable documents, not for
anything they contain, but for what
they omit. Thus In the Liberal platform, Labor is not even mentioned;
while the Conservative one Is rather
Insulting as it springs those threadbare chestnuts of a "fair wage" and
"white labor only," and evidently is
of opinion that the workers are slill
sufficiently unintelligent to swallow
them with the same avidity as of yoro,
In which respect it Is altogether probable that they are right.
While the working class vote Is
vastly in the majority, lt Is quite evident, that to that element in society
neither party considers It worth while
to appeal. They can alwayB be depended on to do the right thing anyhow;
they  have  done  It  In  the  past and
Resolved that,
Whereas Prof. Francisco Ferrer, on
the morning of October 13th, 1909, ln
the fortress of Montjulch was foully
murdered ln the torture dungeon maintained by the Spanish ruling classes,
decreed by court-martial behind
closed doors, after a proceeding that
was In all its features a brazen
mockery of justice,
And In view of the foregoing facts,
we, the Reglna Local No. 6 of S. P. of
C„ declare and denounce the execution of Prof. F. Ferrer as an act of
medieval barbarism, committed by the
allied enemies of freedom and pro
gross, and a stain upon civilization, a
deliberate murder thinly coated with
the form of legal procedure,
We, the S. P. of C, Reglna branch
feel deeply ashamed and humiliated by
our mother government's malntalnence
of diplomatic relations with the Spanish government, which has by its deed
placed itself outside the pale of civilization.
Yours In revolt,
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. ln headquarters on First Ave.
Parker, Williama. Sec., Ladysmlth, B. C
P. of C. Meets every Thursday at 8
p.m., in Trades and Labor Hall,
Fourth St. Busness and propaganda
meetings combined. J. R Huntbach,
Secy., 161 First St. S.; R. MacQuarrie,
Organizer, 623 Second St.
quarters, Klondyke Blk., cor. Pacific
and King,. Business meeting eveny
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. W. Cummfngs, Organizer. Secretary, Jas. Thomson, 664
Agnes St.
ldsh    Branch. Business    meetings
every second and fourth Thursdays In
each month, at Finnish Hall, 214 Adelaide St. W. Speakers' Class meets
every Tuesday at 134 Hogarth Ave.
Wlll. R. Hiibert, Recording Secretary,
+2 Beverley St.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   NO. 8,   8.  P.   OP  C,
Business meeting 1st Sunday ln
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. In Roberts-
Allan Hail, 7J Rldeau St. A. J. Mc-
Collura. 88 Slater St., Secretary.
LOOAL   COBALT,   NO.   8,  B.  P.   OP   C.
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. in Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOCAL   BERLIN,   ONT.,   NO.   4,   8.   P.
of C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., 56
King St. E., opposite Market Hotel.
H.  Martin, Secretary, 61  Weber St. E.
LOOAL   MONTREAL,   QUE.,  NO.   1,   B.
P. of C—Meets in Labor Hall, Bt
Dominique street, Sundays at 3 p. m.
Headquarters No. 1 St. Charles Bor-
romee St. Otto Jahn, Secretary, 628
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are wel- .
come. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. G.
Ross. Financial Secretary, office ln 1).
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union 1
Directory of Western Federation of Miners in British
Executive Board Member       ....      wm. Davidson, Sandan
President Jno. A. McKinnon, Rossland
Vice-President Thos. J. McKay, Greenwood ,
Secretary-Treasurer A. Shilland, Sandon
No.      Name Meeting Prea. Sec'y. r.O. Add.
Grand Forks..
Greenwood  ...
M. A S. U.
Trail M & M..
.   C. Oalrns	
Wm. Winslow James Tobln	
Patrick O'Connor. W. It. Hadden	
Charles Blrce Geo.   Heatherton..
C. Bennett T.  H.  Rotherham.
Mlks McAndrews.. H. T. Rainbow....
Joe Armstrong A.  E.  Carter
Fred Mellette.
Chas.  Short..
B. Lundtn	
Malcolm  McNeill..
Paul   Phillips	
R.   Sllverthorn....
J. A. McKinnon...
L.  R.  Mclnnls	
Robert Malroy....
Blair Carter	
G. B. Mcintosh...
Win. Hesketh	
A. BurgeBS	
J. Hays  	
James Roberts	
F. Phillips	
W. A. Plckard...
Geo. Casey	
A.   Shilland	
Fred Liebscher..
D. B. O'Neaill...
T. T. Rutherford.
F. D. Hardy....
W.  B. Mclsaac.
Grand Forks
Slocan City
Van Anda
Comrades of the Okanagah Valley
are hereby notified that the secretary
of the Campaign Committee has moved from Vernon to Mara, B. C, and all
are requested to forward correspondence to new address.
Sec.-Troas. Campaign Committee.
Mara, XI. C.
Good Board and Rooms
$6.00 Per Week
558 5th Avt. East.
C  PETERS fncnui *Mt
U.  rc.IC.no aRd Sko. Maksr
Hand-Made Boots and  Shoes to order In
all styles.   Repairing promptly and neatly
ly done.    Stock  of staple ready-made
Shoes always on band.
1456 Wutmlsitsr Avo.
we solid, the business of Manufacturers,
Engineers and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Experts, Preliminaryadvicefree, Chargei
moderate. Our Inventor's Adviser, sent upon
request. Marion & Marion, New York I,ife Bldg,
Montreal; nnd Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
Jos   tahdotte jotakin   tietaa
tyovaen puolueesta ja sosial-
ismin edistyksesta Canadassa,
niin tilatkaa kohta.
Box 197, Port Arthur, Ost.
Se on Canadassa ainoa Suo-
men kielinen sanomalehti, jo-
ka taistelee sinunkin puolesta.
Edistat tyovaen luokkaa tila-
amalia Tyokansan.
Makiaa alnooitaan, SI.50 vuosikertt
"Vakaleuka" Makiaa, $1.25
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'ClocK
National Theatre
Formerly the Cameraphone
TV' Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees,' Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Meeting Monday, November 1st,
1909.   ,
Present, Comrades Mengel (chairman), Klngsley, Morgan, Peterson and
the secretary.
/    Minutes  of   previous   meeting   approved.
.. Correspondence dealt with from Ontario, Manitoba and Alberta Executives; Locals Halifax and Sydney
Mines, N. S.; Montreal, Que., Winnipeg, Man.; North Battleford, Sask.;
Calgary and Edmonton, Alta.; Prince
Rupert, Gibson's Landing, Vancouver,
Revelstoke, Nelson and Fernle, B. C.
Frcm Organizers O'Brien and Grlb-
Alberta Executive  525.00
■ Ontario Executive  25.00
North Battleford Sask., stamps..   3.00
Sydney Mines, N.S., stamps     2.00
Montreal stamps      5.00
W. H. S., buttons    1.50
'Clarion  Maintenance Fund,  October receipts    26.85
Total $8835
Warrants drawn for buttons, $85.00;
printing due stamps, $5.00; postage
and telegrams, $3.50; secretary's October salary, $15.00; to Gribble, organizing, $50.00.
Meeting Monday, November 1st,
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Fernle, Hosmer, Moyie, Nelson,
Phoenix, Sandon, Vernon, Revelstoke,
Kamloops, Matsqul, Courtenay, Nanaimo and Prince Rupert, and from Organizer Harrington and Com. Jas. Cartwright.
Com. Cartwright nominated to contest Comox riding.
Com. Fitzgerald appointed provincial
organizer, to be routed through the
Warrants authorized for Comox campaign  fund,  $10.55  to  J.  Harrington,
balance due on organizing, $43.60; secretary's October salary, $15.00.
Local Kamloops, stamps  $1.00
Local Mats,qul stamps   2.00
Local Phoenix, Finnish, stamps.. 9.00
Local Nelson, stamps  5.00
Local Hosmer, stamps  5.00
Local Revelstoke, stamps  5.00
Local Moyie, stamps  3.00
Local Vancouver, Constitutions.. 2.40
Campaign Fund   2.00
Receipt books  1.25
Total $35.65
Previously  acknowledged $108.30
English Branch, Toronto      6.60
Comrade James Simpson      1.00
Previously reported $80.08
Paid  W.  Gribble  18.00
Postage  33
Am't on hand, Oct. 21st... $17.49
Albert, N. B.
Dear Comrade: —
We had Haywood at the city hall
on October 4th and it was a larger
meeting than any of the old party lecturers that have spoken here. They
rang the fire bell, but the crowd did
not bite.   .
I would like if you would send me
all the names of the readers of the
Clarion In this town so as I could get
them to form an economic class for
the winter and put ourselves in shape
to affiliate with the International.
Let me say that we could be doing
a better work by having Gribble and
O'Brien and Harrington organizing all
the time, for lt Is sadly wanting
around this district, and I believe
other places are the same. When our
paper is on a paying basis and the
overall brigade started seeking the
truth, it will be time to affiliate.
Yours In revolt,
Subs $174.55
Cards     31.00
Total receipts  $205.55
Printing four Issues $180.00
Mailing     12.20
Drawing tickets      2.50
Total expenditures $194.70
Surplus        10.85
September balance  $46.20
C.  McM   Smith,- Brooklyn......   6.00
B. J. L.     1.00
Evan Davis'     2.00
G. W. Wrigley     1.00
Local Greenwood     5.00
Jas. Marren      2.00
October surplus   10.85
Total  $73.05
 BY ;	
Origin of Species, Darwin; Age
of Reason, Paine; Riddle of the
Universe, Haeckel. 25c, by mail
—Merrie England; Britain for the
British, Blatchford. 20c. each by
mail,   Stud lor Catilsam.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St. W.
Dear Comrade Mc:— •
Things look good in the Maritime
now, thanks to Comrade Gribble's
work. He is certainly a revolutionist
with a big "R" and has put life into
the whole lot of us.
Albert is the cussedest little burg
you ever heard of. As fast as we get
a fellow roped in, he finds the place
so unhealthy that he has to move out.
Two more comrades expect to move
next month and I'll be alone again.
It makes me mad. Talk about bombs!
I'd like to throw a whole gross of
them into this place. Prayer meetings and revivals the whole rage the
year round. The only interesting
thing appears to be getting converted,
lapsing into sin and then re-conversion
again about twice a year.
Have got dates for Comrade Haywood at McAdam. St. John, Splngbltt
New Glasgow, Glace Bay and Sydney
Mines so far. Will probably get a few
more. Gribble says I had better accompany Haywood on part of the tour
at least. What do you think?
Yours In revolt,
Albert, Albert Co., N. B.
Dear Comrade:—The following resolutions were endorsed by a public
mass meeting In Nanalmo on Sunday
"Whereas, Local Nanalmo, of the
S. P. of C, has taken prompt action ln
connection with the Extension tragedy to in part punish those directly
responsible for the occurrence;
Therefore be lt Resolved that this
meeting endorse the action of Nanaimo Local and demand that the Government take the necessary steps to
carry out Its recommendation."
"Whereas, the reactionary government of Spain dominated and actuated' by class' spirit and class hatred
has, without civil trial, condemned
and shot Francisco Ferrar, a philanthropist and friend of Freedom;
Be it Therefore i Resolved that this
meeting protest against this brutal
and unjustifiable murder of our comrade and condemn all those responsible for this diabolical outrage."
Yours ln the scrap,
neighbors, send for a bundle of
"RobtftchyJ Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 cents a year
135 Stephen St.        Winnipeg, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
'Union-made Cigars. r ^^ .
, «7hrJ SrrUfiM. »t>.<a»nc<«aM*M,taM>«MMfoteM>t*»J
 xhmwiin'miMimLm** im*a. uauttnmiKiici
.    .ma«1al*taM*>Ul[h«MIMWDluMU«U0irHIOlArr   ll*<1M->.
tAiiffipa isauM«T»siiisaiiiii»«j)*»ia»
J. W. (/!UltU44. headest.
_Y          curv.fi.	
2      fac
The Evidence of the Dally Facts.
It Ib understood by every careful
Marx student that the analyses of
Marx's "Capital" refer, as a whole, to
a stage of capitalism ln which competition has free and unhampered
play room for its movemedts. It is
also understood that, under such circumstances, the individual capitalists
cannot determine prices at will, but
can take advantage In the I fixing of
prices only of such, opportunities as
are offered by the mechanical working
ot the law of value ln a competitive
It ls furthermore understood that
the social proportion between the total
wages and the total surplus-value may
remain the same, but that nevertheless
the fluctuations In this proportion ln
different spheres of production, or for
different Individual capitals, may be
considerable. In this way, the, cost
price of a certain commodity may rise
or fall for the individual capitalist, and
yet its social price of production (average value of cpnstant plus average
value of variable capital plus average
profit) may remain the same.
And finally lt ls understood that a
raise of wages, if general, will temporarily raise the prices of the necessities of life, first, because such a raise
of wages signifies a general Increase
ln the amount of variable capital compared to^the existing constant capital,
and, secondly, because higher wages
increase the demand of the working
class for necessities of life. A general raise ln wages without an increase
In the production of surplUB-value
means a corresponding reduction of the
surplus-value of the capitalist class.
Therefore the consumption of luxuries
will not increase in such a case, but
will decrease, unless the working class
spends as much for luxuries out of
their raised wages as the capitalists
used to do out of their surplus-value.
The fluctuations ln the value of individual commodities may leave the
total value of all commodities unchanged, just as the fluctuations of
the Individual prices may leave the
total price of all commodities unaltered. It is natural under such circumstances, that no matter whether the
total demand and the total supply remain the same or are altered, there is
considerable room for fluctuations in
the individual spheres of production
and circulation; and it is equally natural that the prices of necessities
might fall In some particular sphere
while wages generally are rising.
Still more natural ls It, because more
typical of the general tendencies of
capitalist production, that wages
should generally decline, at least relatively, while prices are rising; or that
on the whole, prices may continually,
ln the long run, rise faster and higher
than wages.
TJiis proves the possibility and extent of exploitation of consumers all
the more as the general tendency of
capitalist production is to reduce the
labor value of the Individual commodities, by distributing the same total
value over a larger quantity of Individual commodities, so that prices
really ought to fall instead of rising.
But it is well known, and has often
been exposed in the Labor and Socialist press, that the cost of living is
climbing higher and higher and that
wages do not rise in the same proportion.
Evidently, then, the general tendency
of the law of value to enforce itself
In a series of fluctuations of prices
around value during free competition
ls being more and more hampered by
some new factor, which ls being gradually developed ln the course of capitalist evolution. In proportion as this
new factor extends its influence, competition and its regulating tendencies
are narrowed down, the freedom to
fix prices with a greater latitude than
formerly Increases, aud the law ol'
value, Instead of finding free expression through antagonistic fluctuations,
finds Itself hampered by a force which
screws prices higher and higher away,
from the actual value of commodities.
This force Is monopoly.
This does not mean that from now
An the law of value becomes inoperative. It merely means that competition becomes inoperative in those
fields which are controlled by monopolies. It does not mean that monopolies
can override the law of value and fix
prices at will, but that they can evade
lt to the extent that competition is
crushed and that the monopolists acquire a greater freedom in the fixing
of prices. The law of value remains
In force as a tendency in all fields, in
which competition still rules. But Its
power to enforce itself In fluctuations
around an average is curtailed in all
fields  controlled  by  monopolies.
The difference between over-riding
the law of value and fixing prices at
will, and between evading the law of
value and fixing prices more in accordance with their will Is this: The
flrst view gives the Impression that
a law ot economics can ho abolished
arbitrarily; the second view realizes
that It can be abolished or evaded only
to the extent that It offers human be-
Which  Stand* for a Living Wage
Vancouver Local 357.
Local Greenwood sends In 10 new
aujbs. as Its donation to the Clarion
Maintenance fund.
Ings the opportunity   to   do . so   by
its own inherent processes.
Even if monopolists can fix prices
with more freedom than the smaller
capitalists under free competition,
nevertheless the value of commodities
remains due to the labor materialized
in them, and is not determined by the
prices of the monopolists, but by the
working conditions In the sphere Of
production. But the law of value ts
prevented from asserting itself freely
as a tendency In the fluctuations of
prices around an average in the .same
way that it does under unhampered
Evidently, then, monopolists can
change the general tendency of the
rate of profit to decline in proportion
as the Individual commodities contain
less value, by raising prices and keeping them up beyond the level to which
they naturally would have fallen under
free competition. At the same time,
monopolists can keep labor organizations down with greater success and
thereby depress wages better than a
vast mass of competing . capitalists
could. Both those advantages enable
monopolists to prevent the rate of
profit from falling as fast as lt would
have continued to fall under free competition.
But nevertheless, even monopolists
cannot escape the natural working of
the law of value in the end. For even
If they can keep up prices in the
home markets for a long time, competition still continues in the International markets. And when the International markets become glutted, when
the demand "of the vast mass of the
population for necessities of life cannot keep step wit^i the increased productivity of labor, when products accumulate at home and abroad, then
even monopolists must bow to the law
of value, must reduce their prices and
must be satisfied with a smaller rate
of profit.
They may lengthen the periods in
which prices fluctuate up and down,
they may lengthen tbe Industrial
cycles during which depression is followed by greater activity, greater activity by feverish activity, feverish
activity by a glut and a depression, or
by an acute commercial crisis, but
they cannot prevent an overproduction
of commodities, no matter how much
they seek to establish an equilibrium
between supply and demand. For they
must depend for the vast bulk of their
sales on the mass of the consumers,
the working people, and the more the
chasm between the purchasing power
of wages and the productivity of labor
Increases, the more surely will the
evil of overproduction and of unemployment gain in scope and threatening danger, and the more enormous
becomes the extent of the industrial
crisis, the longer its duration.
Monopolies cannot override the law
of value, even though they may have
more freedom to evade It for a shorter
or longer period. It will assert itself
even against them, and will do so all
the more disastrously, the longer they
succeed ln evading it.
In the analysis of price fluctuations
and of their relation to the fluctuations
of wages, It Ib always necessary to be
sure that effects and causes are not
confounded. For instance, a general!
Increase ln the value of commodities,
which expresses Itself In a rise of
prices, may lead to a general rise of
wages. The capitalist economists are
very prone, ln such a case, to declare
that prices have risen because wages
rose first, while, as a matter of fact,
the opposite ls true. Again, prices of
monopolized products may be screwed
higher even though the valves of Individual commodities have fallen
through the productivity of labor, and
while these products are sold far
above their value in tbe home markets, they may be sold equally far below their value ln the International
markets. For instance, first-class corn
beef packed by the Chicago packing
companies has been sold below value
In Germany, while "embalmed beef"
was sold far above value to the
"heroes" of the Spanish-American
war. During the same period wages
generally rose ln Germany, relatively
and absolutely, although only for a
short time, while the relative purchas
lng power of wages ln the United
States fell all along the line.
Marx has demonstrated In the third
volume of his "Capital," that the Individual capitalists rarely sell their
products at the actual labor value. So
long as competition regulates the
fluctuations of prices around value,
commodities are almost never sold at
their real labor value. Capitals of the
most diversified organic composition,
which produce widely different quantities of surplus-value, do not make
profits equal to their Individual surplus-value, but according to the average rate of profit determined by special competition. Tills average rate
of profit Is not a fixed and stable magnitude, but a continually fluctuating
and Indeterminable average tendency.
Thqro is a certain play room for the
ritte of profits of individual capitals
In, a certain sphere of production,
which enables Individual capitalists to
take advantage of specific market constellations and malic different profltB
[varying from the average profit, until
iri the long run some particular rate of
profits asserts Itself as the new aver
age and is In its turn displaced by another- average. There is a similar play
room for the average profit of the
various spheres of production and circulation, and likewise for the social
or general rate of profit. This Intricate and indeterminate network of
fluctuating averages spins its endless
threads so long as competition is the
natural regulator of market prices.
The fundamental cause of these
fluctuations under competition is the
fluctuation In the value of commodities, which Is determined ln the
sphere of production. But the scope
of the fluctuations of prices around
value is- not only determined by tbe
conditions of the sphere of production, but also by those of supply and
demand ln the sphere of circulation.
In proportion as monopolists secure
control of large fields of production
und circulation, the scope to fix prices
in tho sphere of circulation is widened.
The vatious profits made by the different capitalists, when taken together
as a total mass of surplus-value absorbed by the whole class, represent
the unpaid labor of the working class.
But ln the Individual fluctuations of
prices, the individual capitalists continually filch additional profits over
and above the average rates from the
surplus-value of other capitalists and
from the wages of the working class.
In other words, the total unpaid labor
of the working class is represented
not merely by the surplus-values taken
from them in the sphere of production,
but also by additional values taken out
of the paid labor in the sphere of circulation by a reduction of the purchasing power of wages. This reduction of the purchasing power of wages
may take place without depressing the
money-value of wages below its normal
average. It may take place at the normal level of wages by a raising of the
prices of necessities in the sphere of
circulation above their value.
What one capitalist filches from another in the way of surplus-value Ib
balanced ln the long run by the mutual competition of the capitalists
among themselves, and the capitalist
class as a whole cannot Increase its
wealth by thus robbing each other.
They can get rich as a class only by
appropriating the unpaid values created by the working class. But individual capitalists can permanently get a
larger share than their normal average in the fluctuations ot competition,
and they may even Increase this
larger share of unpaid labor by Inroads into the paid labor of individual
laborers or sections of laborers. What
the individual laborer and the working
class as a whole lose through the exploitation In consumption, ls not compensated by any fluctuations of prices
paid by them. For the army of unemployed prevents a rise of wages above
the fluctuations around a minimum for
the working class as a whole, and
what the Individual worker may gain
occasionally by the underselling competition of the capitalists among
themselves, he loses by the tendency
to sell above value, which becomes
more and more the rule under monopoly.
It is a very poor consolation for me
to know that the gains and losses of
buyers and sellers compensate each
other tn society as a whole and that
from the point of view of society
equivalent ls exchanged for equivalent, so long as I know at the same
time that I belong to that portion of
individual buyers and sellers who are
tha losers.
Even If the general scale of wages
ln different occupations were the
same, which ls not the case, fluctuations in the value and in the price of
other commodities than labor-power
would always offer opportunities for
additional exploitation of the consumer. For if the value or the price of
other commodities of other spheres
than my own Increases, while the
level of wages remains the same tn
all spheres, lt ls evident that the laborers In my sphere will be exploited
as consumers by the capitalists of
other spheres, even If the exploitation
of the laborers In those spheres of
production were not accompanied by
any additional exploitation. For
granted that those commodities of Increased value were actually sold at
their value, nevertheless the exchange
(Continued on Page 4)
Jtere and Tfow
The following payments received
since last week:
Com. H. Hathway, Toronto, bundle;
Local Nelson, B. C, Card; Local Winnipeg, bundles and cards; Com. W. S.
Matthews, Corbln, B. C, a bundle of
the Campaign Edition; Local Phoenix, -
100 copies per week until election,
card, 300 copies of the Campaign Edition and Local Moyie, B. C, bundle of
the Campaign Edition.
• • •
Comrade Welling, Vancouver, B. C.
drops In with one yearly and one for
six months.
• •   •
Three Investigators arrive from Bernard, Sask., per Com. W. K. Bryce.
• •   •
Comrade A. W Baker, Brantford,
Ont., renews bundle and sends a new
sub with the order.
• •   •
Local Toronto takes ten chances
($10.00) for the "Library of Original
Sources" and Comrade J. Stewart, Secretary, one chance for himself.
• »   •
Comrade   Stubbs,   Bellevue,   Alta.,
also sends a dollar for a ticket In the
Library" drawing.
• •   •
Local Vancouver also  takes ten
chances on the drawing.
• *   •
Comrade A. S. Julian, Edmonton,
Alta., also adds a dollar thus to the
Clarion maintenance fund and sends in
new sub. (will Com. Julian please
note that the sub he mentions is on the
list and is being sent to the new address as directed.
• *   *
Comrade J. Rivers, Sointula, B. C,
catches three new subs, and also sends
on two yearly renewals.
• •   •
Comrade J. L. Thornley, Moyie, B.C.,
captures a pair as does Comrade P. C.
Young, Toronto, Ont., and Comrade H.
Norman, Vlctora, B. C.
• •   •
Two dollars for the Clarion Maintenance fund and a new sub. arrives
from Comrade James Marren, Toronto,
Ont. '
• •    a
"Every little bit helps." If yoh cannot rustle up a big list of subs, just
now perhaps you could fire in one as
the following Comrades did this week:
Ont. Prov. Ex., W. M. McKenzie, Vancouver, B. C.; Thos. S. Wysham, Phila,
Pa. U. S A.; Alf. Budden, North Battleford, Sask.; A. Gutnick, Macleod
Alta.; W. Allen, Sydney, N. S.; Jasper
Rutherford, Michel, li. C.J Thos Hughes, Blairmore, Alta.; Chas. Chaney,
Vornon, B. C.i Clarence V. Hoar, Portland, Ma., U. S. A.; Chas. McGulre,
Elk Lake, Ont.; William Watts, Mollne,
Rapid City, Man., A. Stewart, Moose-
jaw, Sask.; Lome Wllkle, Windsor,
Ont.; A. Helmo, Appleton, Wis., TJ. 8.
A.; A. J. Carter," Fernle, B. C; R.
Jameson, Vancouver, B. O; W. S. Matthews, Corbln, B. C; J. W. Wooster,
Claresholm, Alta.; J. J. Robinson,
Ladysmlth, B. O; R. McKay, Vancouver, B. C.
• •   •
This is the time for individual pre-
ganda. Every Socialist worthy ths
nam* should at one* appoint himself a
committee of one and buttonhole every
••ring plug with economics from now
until the last vote Is polled.
• • •
The Campaign edition of the Clarion should be very carefully distributed. A good way ls to put a copy in the '
letter drop of every house, under the
d%or or on the door knob. They should
not be thrown ln the steps or where
they are liable to blow away or get
• •   •
Every possible sub. for the Clarion
should be rustled during tbe Campaign so that when the worker awakes
from his hypnotic sleep (which is
usually the day after election) he will
be able to take a good look at himself
nd see what a fool he has been to vote
himself another four years of Job chasing.
NOTICE Is hereby given that an application will be made under Part V. ot
the "Water Act, 1909," to obtain a
licence In tho Group 1 Division of New
Westminster District.
(a) The name, address and occupation
of the applicant:    Wilfred Ruls, farmer.
(b) The name of the lake, stream or
source flf unnamed, the description ls):
Fains Creek.
(c) The point of diversion is at the
distance of 16 chains from the south
boundary of Lot 902.
(d) The quantity of water applied for
(In cubic feet per second): 1-4 of 1
cubld foot.
Ie) Tiie cliaracter of the proposed
works: Dam und hydraulic rani with
pipe line.
(f) The premises un which the water
Is to be used (describe same): On the
property lot of 902, south part, 16
chains from south boundary of Dot 902.
(g) The purposes tor which the water
is to be used:   For domestic use.
(10 If for Irrigation describe tbe land
intended to be Irrigated. gl\lng aerenge:
Irrigating 6 acres.
(k) This notice was posted on the 6th
day of October. 1909. nnd application
will be made to the Commissioner on the
8th dav of November, 1909.
(1) Olve the names and addresses of
anv riparian proprietors or licensees
wiio Or whoso lands urn likely to be affected by tho proposed works, eitliftr
above or below the outlet: J. N. Hintsa,
D. Stelnbeurer, J. Chaster, Gibson's
ALFRED rtUIS, Gibsons' Landing.
The first election meeting was held
at the city hall on Thursday night.
The candidates all addressed the meeting, after which Comrade Hawthornthwaite spoke. The hall was crowded
and a colectlon of $46.00 was taken.'
Com. Jas. Cartwright nas been nominated candidate for Comox. Funds
are urgently required Immediately and
should he sent to
Sandwlck, B.  C.
50c  per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 25o.
Published at Cowansville, P.Q. POUR
(Continued from Page 3)
of my wages for those products would
not be an exchange of individual, but
at best of social equivalents. And if
this increased value, due ofnupnupju
to a reduction of the productivity of
labor, is accompanied by a raising of
prices in the sphere of circulation
above value, the additional exploitation becomes all the more glaring.
This raising of prices above value
Is practically the ruling tendency in all
fields controlled by monopolies. It is,
as' Marx bas pointed out, one of the
principal means of preventing a fall
in the average rate of profit.
Under free competition, the Industrial capitalist who does not sell his
own products directly to the consumer,
must sell either to a retailer or to a
wholesaler. It ls possible ln such a
case that tbe particular commodity
manufactured by this capitalist may be
produced under average conditions of
his sphere, so that the average price
of production of his commodities may
be the average market price. But that
does not mean that these products
will necessarily be sold to the ultimate
consumer at their real value. The
manufacturer sells to. the wholesale
merchant below value, yielding to the
wholesaler some of the surplus-value
contained in the commodities. The
wholesaler sells to the retainer in the
same way. The retailer sells to the
consumer according to the prevailing
market constellation which may permit a considerable departure from the
value of these commodities. The industrial capitalist, the wholesale merchant and the retailer divide the surplus-value among themselves, and the
retailer, who gets the smallest slice
of this surplus-value adds to his profits by taking advantage of the haggling of prices around value, aiming
to buy as much as possible/' below
value and sell as much as possible
above it. like all capitalists. In proportion as monopoly enters the field
and crushes competition, the margin
of surplus-value left to the retailer
dwindles more and more. Instead of
being a competing member of the capitalist class, he becomes a dependent
and exploited link in the social chain,
taking goods on credit and selling
them at a profit gained largely by
cheating, adulteration, false weights,
overcharges and commissions.
The sharp retailer discounts the
probable market fluctuations beforehand and charges prices which will
enable him to sell at a higher price
than value under the guise of underselling his competing retailers below
Where railroad and express charges
are paid by the consumer, as they are
when buying from a mail order house,
the greater portion of the benefits
gained by this competition between
mail order houses and local merchants
is absorbed by the transportation
companies, and the overcharges of
these companies often nullify the advantages of buying from a mail order
house, so/that tbe consumer can buy
many articles to better advantage from
the local dealers. This explains the
- struggle between transportation companies and mail order houses in the
question of parcels post matter. But
if the mall order houses should win
out ln this struggle against the transportation companies, the consumer
would -not benefit thereby, at least not
in the long run. On the other hand,
the | elimination of the local dealer
would enable the mall order houses to
acquire a monopoly of the sphere of
circulation and overcharge the consumer, and on the other hand, the
transportation companies even now
rob the nation by fraudulent mailing
contracts and would continue to do so
with, a parcels post *
Vary often large sections of the
working class are not even In a position to select these retail merchants
who sell goods most cheaply In a competitive market. Quite aside from
monopolies, many Industrial capitalists
compel their employes to buy supplies
at the company stores. These company stores sell Inferior goods at cutthroat prices. Very often these companies also compel their employes to
live 1n shacks built upon company
grounds and to pay exorbitant rents
for unsanitary and filthy places of shelter.
Rent In general (leaving aside economic, or ground rent) contains a good
deal of an element not determinable
by actual labor value. The rent-paying
laborer has to pay not merely the interest on the cost-price of the building and the profit of the contractor,
but also a fictitious value due to location, transportation facilities, taxation,
etc., all of whjch either is not or cannot be estimated in terms of labor
value, at least not under Capitalism.
In countries with a high tariff, the
consumer pays not only the market
price for goods regulated by home
competition, but also an indirect tax
laid upon him through this so-called
"protection to home Industry." This
Is one of the most significant sources!
of. additional exploitation of consumers and of maintaining the average
rate of profit above its normal competitive level.- It is wholly a tax taken
out of the consumer, and the working
class pays this tax out*of its wage*.
Articles of consumption, on which
an internal revenue tax is levied, are
generally consumed for the greater
part by the working class./ Such direct revenue taxes compel the working
class to contribute out of their wages
to the maintenance of the government ln order to make up for the
shortage in the governmental revenue
incurred through the evasion of taxation on the part of the capitalists.
Especially in Europe such taxes are
levied on articles of consumption for
tha purpose of robbing the working
class of a part of its wages and using
tt for the maintenance of a capitalist
army and navy, which serve to force
open new markets for the surplus products appropriated by the capitalists
and to suppress strikes and rebellions
of tbe working class at home.
In the United States, the protective
tariff has been juggled by the capitalist politicians in such a way that they
accomplished by this Indirect taxation
what the European governments accomplish by a direct Internal tax on
articles of consumption. On the hypocritical plea of "protecting American
labor against cheap foreign competition," the capitalists, who are continually importing the cheapest foreign
laborers for the purpose of reducing
the standard of living of the American laborer, have not only stifled foreign competition and home competition,
but have also taxed the working class
as consumers for the maintenance of
the capitalist army and navy.
Where duties have been reduced, it
has been done only for the benefit of
the ruling classes, not of the working
class. For instance, the import duty
on champagne and diamonds has been
reduced, but not on the necessities of
life. 'Where duties on raw materials
have been reduced, it was for the
benefit of monopolistic corporations.
For example, the import duty on
Cuban raw sugars was reduced by 20
per cent, after the Cuban war. This
was done at the demand of the American Sugar Refining Company. (Have-
meyer's sugar trust), and lt enabled
the trust to import it* raw material
from Cuba at a saving of some four
millions of dollars per year. But
while this reduced the cost of manufacturing refined sugar to the trust,
the price of refined sugar for the
American consumer was raised.
Let these Illustrations suffice. I am
not trying to write an exhaustive
treatise on this subject, but merely to
remove some misconceptions concerning Marx's theory of surplus-value
and of the average rate of profit.
These hints should enable every careful student to pursue his own course
of research and add other Illustrations
from life to his theory.
So long as the Socialist Party is a
minority party, much of the time of
its elected representatives will have
to be devoted to the passing of measures which will not only improve the
working conditions of the exploited
class in the sphere of production, but
will also lessen the exploitation of the
working class as consumers. Factory
legislation and laws against female
and child labor, public works for the
unemployed, enforcement of sanitation and of safety appliances in the
Industrial establishments, must be
supplemented by efforts to abolish tariff robbery and internal revenue taxes,
overcharges ln transportation, discrimination in rates for passengers
and commodities on railroads, etc.,
and by the organization of co-operative working men's societies, consumers' clubs, etc.
A political movement aiming exclusively at the reduction or abolition of
the exploitation of consumers must
necessarily be futile. The Socialist
Party, by aiming at the foundation's of
capitalist exploitation in the sphere
of production, realizes that the robbery of the consumer can never be
stopped or reduced to any appreciable
extent, until the whole system of exploitation Is overthrown and replaced
by a Socialist system of Industrial production.
Editor Western Clarion:—
I am not a member of your Socialist Party, so any praise or blame from
me would be out of place. I just wish
to say that I am pleased to see that
your paper and your party executive
intends to stand pat, and pay no attention to those brainy Individuals who
are consciously, or unconsciously, trying to twist your party out of the
straight revolutionary path towards
the camps of the "Revisionists" or
Reformists." The stand of these men
Is Inconsistent with the principles of
revolutionary Socialism. A person
should either take one side or the
other. No intelligent Socialist will try
to blend the two under one banner.
Yet, Is seems to me, this Is the attitude of your correspondent, Ernest
Untermann. Here Is a gentleman -who
Is posing as a revolutionary Socialist,
and who Is at the same time justifying
the course of the "Reformists." To
show the Inconsistency of Mr. Untermann,. I wish to refer to some statements made by him in a late Issue of
your paper, and In "the Juno, number
of the International Socialist
in reference to some statements made
by you, and by the "Revisionists." But
first let me say that you are aware
that there are certain Socialists who
claim that they have discovered some
mistakes in the economics of Karl
Marx. Through perhaps a superficial
insight into the process of capitalistic
economy, they claim to have found evidence in practice to show that the
workers are exploited ln the sphere of
consumption as well as in the sphere
of production. This evidence—which,
by the way, ls largely of their own
making—seems to contradict the Marx-
Ian doctrine of exchange value; hence,
the more consistent of the "Reformists" reject the Marxian doctrine of
value, and become active In promoting certain reforms which deal wltb
the capitalistic process of distribution.
You know that these co-called reforms have little or nothing to do with
the mode of production, but have to
deal largely with the mode of distribution, or more correctly, with the capitalistic mode of valuing goods in exchange. Their contention Ib that the
workers are exploited ln the sphere
of consumption, as well as in the
sphere of production, whereas the
Marxian doctrine of value holds that
tbey are exploited in the sphere of production only. The foremost "Reformist," therefore, contended that Marx
has not given a correct interpretation
of reality. They reject his doctrine of
value and accept with certain modification the doctrine of value of the professors. But here comes Mr. Untermann with two large Voluem of "Capital" under hiB arm tcrprovevto these
fellows that Marx never contended
that the workers were not exploited as
consumers; in fact, he is prepared to
prove that Marx agrees with the "Reformists," thus tacitly justifying the
reform movement.
So Mr. Untermann has the laugh on
the "Reformists." But the "Reformists' " time to laugh will come when,
after several more years' study ot
"Capital," it will perhaps dawn upon
Mr. Untermann's brainy intellect that
the "secondary exploitation" theory
does not square with the Marxian doctrine of exchange value and will then
find it necessary either to revise himself or revise Karl Marx.
The "Reformists," believing that
they have found evidence In practice
to support the secondary exploitation
theory, and knowing that the Marxian
doctrine of value proves exploitation
only ln the sphere of production, could
do nothing else but reject Karl Marx,
But Mr. Untermann does the double
trick of agreeing with the "Reformists" and at the same time holding
fast to the Marxian doctrine of value.
The trlok is done by balancing up
the supposed discrepancy in Marx's
"law of value," as it works out in
practice with what he calls "factitious values." Now, any common dub
can square any two principles, or any
two things by adding a factitious thing
to either one or the other, but no one
would hardly regard the trick as
"scientific." If Mr. Untermann cannot
square the Marxian doctrine of value
with reality without adding "factitious" values, then Karl Marx has not
given a correct interpretation of capitalism. His book, therefore, stands
on a fictitious foundation.
It requires only an elementary
knowledge of economic value as it
works out ln practice to observe the
truth of the Marxian doctrine of value,
and the consequent error . of the
secondary exploitation theory.
Every Socialist is acquainted with
the doctrine of value of Karl Marx. So
all that ls necessary to say is that in
the "social labor-time standard of
value such qualities as "use-value,"
or "utility." cannot possibly factor as
an element In determining the value
of goods ln exchange. If this is so,
then it is equally Impossible for a
factitious quality to factor.
In the "social, utility" theory of
value of the professors there may possibly be room for a factitious quality,
but In the "quantitative" theory of
value there is absolutely no room for
a factitious quantity. Nothing will
mix with the quantitative or "social
labor-time" standard but the real genuine labor-time itself. Mr. Untermann
tacitly maintains that the determina-
tor of value ln actual practice ls dual-
Istlc, that It Is composed of two elements, genuine labor-time and factitious labor-time. That this Is Mr. Untermann's contention may be seen by
turning' to tbe two articles referred to.
He says that rent and Interest being
the natural outcome of monopoly, they
"become to a large extent exempt from
the (Marxian) law:of value,*' and that
"banks, money-lenders, stock speculators, etc.," also enjoy a monopoly and
"work largely with factitious values."
These monopolies, by dealing largely
wltb factitious values, "evade thef
(Marxian) law of value more or less."
Now, since these "factitious values,
rent and interest and speculator's profits, figure largely 'In everything we
consume, In everything we buy to wear
and shelter us, hot only in these days,
but In every day'since'capitalism began, these same fictitious values muBt
themselves conform to some value
standard, and surely Mr. Untermann
wlll not say that they conform to a
factitious standard, or to a standard
that ls partly factitious.". Since, the
value standard ls universal, if any one
monopoly evade the law of value, then
all branches of capitalistic industry
evade the law, because all are more
or less monopolistic. If all capitalistic
industry evade the Marxian law of
value more or less, it ls just as likely
they conform to some other^ standard
of value lesB or more.
I fancy that a little mental exertion
In following the process of production
and exchange will find that these so-
called "factitious values" land In the
pockets of the capitalists as something
very real. I ask, from whence came
these fictitious values? What is their
origin? How came they at last to be
transformed into the genuine article—
Although the term "facttlous values"
are frequently found ln the jargon of
the stock market, the term ls a misnomer. "Factitious values" does not
exist In the objective sense. They exist nowhere but in the heads of men.
Income as rent and interest and
speculative profits represent real and
genuine .values, and they conform to
the same living standard that all
economic values confirm to. The professors will agree with Mr. Untermann
that the standard of value is dualistlc,'
or composed of two necessary factors,
but they will deny that either one of JJ
them is fictitious. So, to be consistent
with himself and with the principles
of economic science, Mr. Untermann
will sooner or later give up either the
secondary exploitation theory, or the
doctrine of value of Kark Marx.
Whether the book "Capital," as a
whole, is consistent with the author's
doctrine of exchange value does not
concern the backbone of the revolutionary movement. They accept the
Marxian doctrine of value and can get
along very well without the last two
volumes of "Capital." They are useful only to the Marxian apologist.
hector n. Mcdonald.
•   •   •
The above having been written before the later instalments appeared,
It ls quite a commendation to this
writers acuteness that he has inferred
Comrade Untermann's reformist position from his very flrst instalment,
though that position is not even hinted at till the very end' of this instalment.—Ed. Clarion.
Editor Clarion:—
As it has been so cleverly proved
that Individual workers are robbed
as consumers will you kindly solve Ihe
following puzzles' for me, my poor
brain refuses to act.
If the worker ls robbed by buying
commodities at the prices set on them
hy the capitalist, who is robbed when
the worker buys goods at less than
their original prices, as can be done
at auction sales, bargain sales, etc.,
In England consumers can purchase
ail their necessities from the Co-operative stores, these stores are owned by
the workers so it is impossible for tbe
worker to be robbed when purchasing.
Consequently (in theory) workers in
England are not exploited so much as
we are, and conditions are much better there than here. As I do not
like being exploited, I am seriously
thinking of emigrating to England to
escape exploitation, would you tell me
Mr. Editor, which town would be the
best to strike, as I want to save money,
I can't save It here because consumers
are exploited, my sole hope is where
the workers are freed from such exploitation?
Don't Ed., or Untermann will deluge
us again.
The red herring budget failed to fool
IB per cent of the voters at tbe bye-
election just completed. The main and
only Issue is getting clearer all the
.Supplies wlll be furnished Locals
by Executive Committees at the following prices:
Charter   (with    necessary    supplies to start Local)   $5.00
Membership Cards,  each    01
Dues Stamps, each ,.   .10
Platform  and  application blank
per 100 26
Ditto in. Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukrainian, per 100 B0
Ditto in Italian, per 100 60
Constitutions, each  20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen 60
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of tbe principles and programme of the revolutionary-working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers It should belong. Tbe present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist clan. The capitalist is therefore
master; tbe worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of th*
reins of government all the powers of tbe State will be used to
protect and defend their property rights ln the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever Increasing measure
of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by tbe abolition of the wag*
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working-class
at th* point of production. To accomplish this necessitates tha
transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of Interests between tbe capitalist
and the worker is rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession
Of the power of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure it by political action. This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and on-
forcing tbe economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property ln the means of wealth prodnction (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,). Into tho collective property of tho
working class.
2. Tha democratic organization and- management of industry
by the workers.
S. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when In office, shall always and everywhere until the present system is abolished, make 'the answer to
this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance tbe Interests of tho working class snd aid the workers in
their class struggle against capitalism? If It will the Socialist
Party Is for lt; If lt will not, the Socialist Party ls absolutely
opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges
itself to conduct all tho public affairs placed in its hands ln such
a manner as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
Among all Independent and progressive thinkers this great work ls rap-
Idly superseding encyclopaedias, histories, etc., which are only second hand
information. Here are the sources to which the encyclopaedia and other
writers have to go for their information. These rare "original source" documents sweep away bigotry and superstition and show why Socialism is coming. It Is absolutely authoritative and unbiased. It ls filled with the words
of men who have made history. Economics, Evoluton, Education, Philosophy,
Sociology, Science, Psychology, Religion and all fields of thought are fully
covered, presenting the ideas that have influenced civilisation in the original
words of the master thinkers and Investigators, from Thales, Plato, Aristotle
and Socrates to Darwin, Spencer, Huxley, Weismann, Marx, Engles and
Haeckel. A history—not of mere events—but of human thought and institutions.    Indispensible to every Socialist.    Appeal to Season says:   "Every So-
!■            _
      Walter Lohrentz. secretary Longshoreman's
Union,  South Bend,  Wsu3h.:  "A boon  to the workingman who nas neither
Olallst Locai*should have a set.'
money nor opportunity to get a college education/
Lecturer:    "A service  to civilization."
Tom Clifford, Socialist
You know how capitalistic writers and speakers deliberately misrepresent history. Here at last Is a work that digs deep into real history of civilization and reveals the naked truth. It traces the economic development of
Ideas and institutions and shows why Socialism is Inevitable. Freeman
Knowles, the grand old man, who has the bravery to speak the truth and
go to jail for It, says: "It Is the greatest work extant" AH the leading
Socialist writers, editors, lecturers and thinkers use and commend the library
—Ernest Untermann, John Spargo, Victor L. Berger, A. H. Lewis, A. W.
Simons, and thousands of the comrades—farmers, miners, ranchmen,
mechanics, blacksmiths and cobblers. You should see the enthushutio letters they write, unsolicited-—for Instance, A. L. Livingston, ranchman, secretary Local,. Hackberry, Kan.: "Greatest addition I ever made to my library."
Thousands of Socialists are pleased owners of this work. Get yours now
on the co-operative basis before the sale closes. Only a few hundred seta
lft. Write to-taj—to-morrow may be too late. A postal card (mentioning
the Clarion)   will  bring  table of contents,  description and details of oar
U. S. A.
University "Resesreh" Extension, MlIwaukee^'wtsT, |
.   YEARS'
fjlf you would like to spend leas time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking, with. a. Gas. Rang*
Telephone your addnea to our offiocaad .w* will lend a man
to meaMsreyour wemiae* and give, you aaeetiautteol cost of
installing the gac pipe*.
Vancouver Gas ftMpaty, limited.


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