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Western Clarion May 27, 1911

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Array NO. 633.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, May 27, 1911.
SubecrlpUon Prlo.  *B| nj*B
tax Tub
Excerpts From Oscar Wilde
Effect of Socialism on the Individual.
Some Thoughts on
The chief advantage that would re-
Isult from the establishment of Socialism is, undobutedly, the fact that Socialism would relieve us from that
[sordid necessity of living for others
Iwhich, in the present condition of
likings, presses so hardly upon almost
leverybody. In fact, scarcely any-one
|at all escapes.
Now and then, in the course of the
Icentury, a great man of science, like
[Darwin; a great poet, like Keats, a
[fine critical spirit, like M, Renan;   a
■ supreme artist, like Flaubert, has been
[able to Isolate himself, to keep him-
■ self out of reach of the clamorous
(claims of others, to stand "under the
I shelter of the wall;" as Plato puts lt,
land so to realize the perfection of what
f was in him, to hi. own incomparable
[gain, and to the incomparable and
[lasting gain of the whole world. These
[however, are exceptions. The majority
[of people spoil their lives by an unhealthy and exaggerated altruism—
I are forced, indeed, so to spoil them.
I They find themselves surrounded by
} hideous poverty, by hideous ugliness,
[ by hideous starvation. It is inevitable
J, that they should be Btrongly moved by
[all this. The emotions of man are
(stirred more quickly than man's Intel-
flllgence; and, as I pointed out some
[time ago in an article on the function
[of criticism, it is much more easy to
I have sympathy with suffering than
| it is to have sympathy with thought.
Accordingly, with admirable though
I misdirected intentions, they very serl-
| ously and very sentimentally set them-
I selves to the task of remedying the
(evils that they see. But their remed-
lies do not cure the disease; they mere-
[ly prolong it. Indeed, their remedies
I are part of the disease.
They try to solve the problem of
Ipoverty, for instance, by keeping the
I poor alive; or, in case of a very advanced school by amusing the poor.
But this is not a solution: it is an
[aggravation of the difficulty. The pro-
[per aim is to try and reconstruct so-
Iclety on such a basis that poverty will
Ibe impossible. And the altruistic virtues have really prevented the carry-
Ling out of this aim. Just as the worst
.slaveowners were those who were
[kind to their slaves, and so prevented
[the horror of the system being realized by those who suffered from it, and
[understood by those who contemplated it, so, in tbe present state of things
Fin England, the people who do most
[harm are the people who try to do
[most good; and at last we have the
[spectacle of men who really have stud-
lied the problem and know the life—
■educated men who live in the East-
lend—coming forward and Imploring
[the community to restrain Its altruls-
Atie impulse, of charity, benevolence
| and the like. They do so on the ground
I that such charity degrades and de
I moralizes. They are perfectly right
[Charity creates a multitude of Bine.
There ls also this to be said. It is
[ Immoral to use private property in or
! der to alleviate the horrible evils that
| result from the institution of private
['property. It is both immoral and unfair.
Under Socialism   all this   will,   of
^course, be altered.   There will be no
I people living in fetid dens and fetid
rag., and bringing up unhealthy, hung-
[ er-pinched children in the midst of im
possible and absolutely repulsive surroundings. The security of society will
not depend, as it does now, on the
state of the weather. If a frost comes
we shall not have a thousand men out
of work, tramping about the streets in
a state of disgusting misery, or whining to their neighbors for alms, or
crowding round *.he doors of loathe-
some shelters to try and secure a hunk
of bread and a night's unclean lodging. Each member of the society will
share in the general prosperity and
happiness of the society, If a frost
comes no one will practically be anything the worse.
A Socialist Party Picnic
Will be Held at
June  », \9U
Speoial train will leave
Great Northern Depot
at 9:00 a.m.
A Big Programme of Sports has
been arranged, with suitable list
of prizes,
| Adults $(.25, Children 60c
On Sale at Empress Theatre
Sunday Evenings
Upon the other hand, Socialism itself will be of value simply because it
will lead to individualism.
Socialism, CommuniBm, or, whatever
one chooses to call it, by converting
private property into public wealth,
and substituting co-operation for competition, will restore society to its
proper condition of a thoroughly
healthy organism, and Insure the material well-being of each member of
the community. It will, in fact, give
life Its proper basis and its proper
environment. But for the full development of life to its highest mode of
perfection, something more is needed.
What is needed is individualism. If
the Socialism is authoritarian; if there
are governments-aMired ivllh'ec6*Ao*fttl*ft
power as they are now with political
power; If, in a word, we are to have
Industrial tyrannies, then the last
state of man will be worse than the
first. At present, in consequence of
the existence of private property, a
great many people are enabled to develop a certain very limited amount of
individualism. They are either under
no necessity to work for their living,
or are enabled to choose the sphere of
activity that is really congenial to
them and gives them pleasure. These
are the poets, the philosophers, the
men of science, the men of culture—
in a word, the real men, the men who
have realized themselves, and in whom
all humanity gains a partial realization. Upon the other hand, there are
a great many people who, having no
private property of their own, and being always on the brink of sheer starvation, are compelled to do the work
of beasts of burden, to do work that
is quite uncongenial to them, and to
which they are forced by the peremptory, unreasonable, degrading tyranny
of want. These are the poor, and
among them there is no grace of manner, or charm of speech, or civilization, or culture, or refinement in
pleasures, or Joy of life. From their
collective force humanity gains much
in materia] prosperity.' But it is only
the material result that it gains, and
the man who is poor is in himself
absolutely of no Importance. He is
merely the infinitesimal atom of a
force that, so far from regarding him,
crushes him; indeed, prefers him
crushed, as in that case he Is far more
Of course, It might be said that the
individualism generated under conditions of private property ls not always,
or even as a rule, of a fine or wonderful type, and that the poor, if they
have not culture and charm, have still
many virtues. Both these statements
would be quite true. The possession
of private property is very often extremely demoralizing, and that is, of
course, one of the reasons why Socialism wants to get rid of the institution.
In fact, property is really a nuisance.
Some years ago people went about the
country saying that property has
duties. They said it so often and so
tediously that at last the Church has
begun to say it. One hears it now
from every pulpit. It is perfectly true.
Property not merely has duties, but
has so many duties that its possession
to any large extent Is a bore. It involves endless claims upon one, endless attention to business, endless
bother. If property had simply pleasures, we could Btand it; but its duties
make lt unbearable. In the interest of
the rich we must get rid of lt. The
virtue, of the poor may be readily
admitted, and are much to be regretted. We are often told that the
poor are grateful for charity. Some
of them are, no doubt, but the best
among the poor are never grateful,
They are ungrateful, discontented, dis
obedient and rebellious. They are
quite right to be so. Charity they
feel to be a ridiculously, inadequate
mode of partial restitution, or a sentimental dole, usually accompanied by
some impertinent attempt on the part
of the sentimentalist to tyrannize over
their private lives. Why should they
be grateful for the crumbs that fall
from the rich man's table? They
should be seated at the board, and
are beginning to know it. As for being discontented, a man who would
not be discontented with such surroundings and such a low mode of life
would be a perfect brute. Disobedience, in the eyes of any one who has
read history, is man's original virtue.
It ts through disobedience that progress has been made, through disobedience and through rebellion. Sometimes the poor are praised for being
thrifty. But to recommend thrift to
the poor is both grotesque and insulting. It is like advising a man who
ls starving to eat less. For a town or
country laborer to practice thrift
would . be absolutely immoral. Man
should not be ready to show that he
can live like a badly fed animal. He
should decline to live like tbat, and
Bhould either steal or go on the rates,
which is considered by many to be a
form of Btealing. As for begging, it is
safer to beg than to take, but it is
finer to take than to beg. No; a poor
man who is ungrateful, unthrifty, discontented and rebellious is probably
a real personality, and ha. much in
hrm.'""He"lB"at'S'ny rate' a fiealtfi'y pro-*'
test. As for the virtuous poor, one |
can pity them, of course, but one cannot possibly admire them. They have j
made private terms with the enemy,,
and sold their birthright for very bad
pottage. They must also be extraordinarily stupid. I can quite understand a man accepting laws that protect private property, and admit of its
accumulation, as long as he himself is
able under those conditions to realize
some form of beautiful and intellectual life. But it is almost incredible
to me how a man whose life is marred
and made hideous by such laws can
possibly acquiesce in the continuance.
However, the explanation is not
really difficult to find. It is simply
this. Misery and poverty are bo absolutely degrading, and exercise such a
paralyzing effect over the nature of
men, that no class is ver really conscious of its own Buffering. They
have to be told of it by other people,
and they often entirely disbelieve
them. What is said by great employers of labor against agitators is unquestionably true. Agitators are a set
of interfering, meddling people, who
come down to some perfectly contented class of the community and sow
the seeds of discontent among them.
That ls the reason why agitators are
so absolutely necessary. Without
them. In our incomplete state, there
would be no advance toward civilization. Slavery was put down ln America, not in consequence of any action
on the part of the slaves, or even any
express desire on their part that they
Bhould be free. It was put down entirely through the grossly illegal conduct of certain agitators in Boston
and elsewhere, who were not slaves
themselves, nor owners of slaves, nor
* (Continued on Pag. 4)
The effects of ideas instilled into
the mind during childhood's years are
not generally fully appreciated, but
anyone who will take the trouble to
reflect for a few moments on the subject will find that superstition (religious and otherwise) and an acquiescence In such absurdities as the necessity for poverty, sacredness of private
property, subjugation to authority and
a number of other bourgeois maxims
have, by generations of such moralizing, together with the slave conditions
of the working class, become bred
into them until they now form almost
a part of their being. Here it is that,
in our revolutionary propaganda, we
find our hardest obstacle, for the
slaves have properly Imbibed and
digested the will of the Ix>rd, according to bourgeois precepts instilled into
them, and the necessity of submission
to deprivations and hardships, for will
not everything be put right in the
hereafter in compensation for the grief
and pain Buffered here below?
Were it not for the fact that the revolutionary Socialist is educated, in the
true sense of the word education, and
has a conception—crude as it may be
in some instances—of the evolution
of society and teachings of modern
science, he or she would be very
strongly tempted to give up the idea
of eVer being able to Instil Into the
average wage slave's head that it will
ever be possible to overthrow the
present system of capitalist exploitation and develop a system under which
poverty, suffering and the generally
unenviable position of the workers today will be relegated to the pages of
history to be read with wonder and
amazement at the credulity and docility of people calling themselves men.
But forces stern and unyielding,
forces that grind all opposition slowly
yet very small, are at work without
ceasing, pounding the heads, kicking
the bodies, questioning the reason and
twisting the tourniquet of want and
privation on the masses of hitherto
merely receptive and docile slaves
that they are being compelled to
arouse themselves to a consideration
of their position in society; not voluntarily we observe, but compulsorily.
In the face of modern production
and the wealth nnd luxury of the ruling classes the unemployed and propertyless proletarian, facing everyday
actual privation or having the fear of
want for himself and dependents forcibly thrust upon him, is asking the
Evolution or Revolution
The Process of Industrial Evolution Leads to Political
In order to answer this question it
is necessary to review the problem
which society must meet. Evolution
has brought us through successive
stages to our present system of society. Victor said that the 19th century was the century that had solved
the problem of production, and that it
remained for the 20th century to solve
the problem of distribution. By this
he meant that labor-saving machinery
and new methods of production had
made misery from want and poverty
an impossibility, in so far as ability to
produce was concerned, .o that the
question is purely one of distribution.
Thi. is the all impending question
in which the working class are concerned. Under existing condition.,
labor for the privilege of working for.
privately owned Industrie, must give
all of Its products to the owner, of
those industries, but owing to the fact
that in order to produce, the worker
must be alive, the capitalist graciously
gives him, in exchange for hi. labor
power, the market price ot hi. commodity, which amounts, in other words,
to the cost of living. Wages in other
words, are the slave's portion—food,
clothing, and shelter.
Some people might object to the
term slave. John Adams, first vice-
president of the United States said
"It is of no consequence what you call
working people, whether freeman or
slave, the difference la in name only."
He also said: "What matters it
whether a landlord employing laborers on a farm gives them the neces
sary wages to buy the necessaries of
life, or gives them the necessaries outright?"
Under the capitalist Bystem the inevitable condition for the majority of
the people is poverty.   Of the 44 mil-
and further lower the standard of
living of the working class. The entering of China and Japan into the
capitalist world will cause the market,
of the world to become blocked sooner
than ever, therefore we must expect
greater and more widespread panics
than we have had in the past. When
the markets are overstocked the workers are unemployed because they have
produced too much. When panics occur this state of unemployment intensifies, because the workerB, being without money, are unable to buy and so
misery ie piled upon misery. Under
Socialism we could have a picnic and
enjoy the produce; but under capitalism we get panics.
This sort of thing is the direct result of the capitalist system ot Society and for society to benefit it must
of necessity abolish that system, which
is wasteful, ln favor of another ayatem entirely, which will secure to all'
the benefits of the development of'
industry. The capitalist system of society will break down as soon a. the.
machinery of production is completed/
a condition which is' fapldly being attained in countries like the United
States, where the capitalists flnd that
there are more factories than are needed and are forming trusts and are
either closing down factory after fae>
tory, or are working on short time in.
order to limit production. As thi. con-.
dltlon is approached, the capitalists
are unable to find new fields to invest
their surplus values and will be up.
against Ricardo's law of diminishing
returns, and having fulfilled their historic function of developing, industry
wlll, in accordance with a well known
biological law, share tbe fate of all napless organs. /
So we come to the conclusion that
reason why and actually refusing to
listen to his spiritual adviser or listening to him with increasing scepticism as he deals out the old dope re-1
lating to the  Bread  of Heaven  and i lions of England's population, 30 mil- as tne Previous stages of society, after
Eternal Bliss.    Sad, but true;  disres- 'lions are always poor, 12 millions con-
pect for tradition and sacred supersti-[stantly are face to faco with starvation is steadily gaining ground, and \ tlon and today one million working-
we join the wailing chorus—albeit
with other than wailing reasons—of
the religious leaders who lament that
the church is losing its hold upon the
The Right Honorable Moneybags
also is being eyed by the mob in a
way that would have been out of the
question a few years ago, and the Socialist finds a comparatively ready
field In the minds of the workera to
sow the seeds of a claBS-consc'ous education.
Ve»y few seem to realize the change
which is coming over the public in
their attitude towards vested properly
interests and the system which used
to be called free competition; practically everybody today is questioning
as to what should be done, and a multitude of confused suggestions are being put forward, which simply demonstrates that the public mind is shaking itself free from old ties and becoming receptive to new propositions.
That this should be so Ib only demonstrating the soundness of the position
taken up by the revolutionary Socialist who points out all the time that
economic determinism is shaping the
course of the evolution of human society. Capitalism is blooming today
in full flower, and its finish is not a
matter of theoretical speculation, for
we find the working class in a struggle for existence that is daily becoming more oppressive, and the economic
uncertainty from day to day of a job
in these times of financial panics and
Improved machinery is driving the
thin end of the wedge Into the skulls
of the workers with no uncertain force.
As a party, our line of action is not
to waste our time pointing out the
evils of this system or calling attention to the struggle for existence, all
of which economic conditions are doing to society much more effectively
than we can, but to point out the
cause in the exploitation of the workers and educate a class-conBcious proletariat that understand, its position
ln modern society and show them the
only way out.
There is absolutely nothing that
holds out any hope for tbe masses ex-
men are constantly unemployed. This
at a time when England's wealth ls
almost Incredible. Seventeen billion
dollars ls the estimate of its investments in foreign lands.
The time has arrived when the competitive system fails to provide adequate conditions for the larger portion of society. Some people contend
that reforms such as workmens' compensation acts, old age pensions, factory acts and other legislation of a
similar nature will ultimately bring
about better conditions for the workers. But these things do not even
touch the fringe of that which is the
root of the trouble. The development
of machinery Is bound to go on and
that must increase the number of unemployed. Competition for employment must become keener and keener
cept the taking of the natural resources and the machinery of production to be the collective property of
the people, for as long as these thing,
remain capitalist property — either
state or private—we have a condition
of slavery for those who must have
access to them in order to live, and
as long as these things are operated
for profit, in the shape of interest on
state bonds or direct operating profits,
we have an exploitation of the workers with its adjunct, of poverty and
trouble. For propaganda and educational purposes the intermediate stepB
between wage slavery and a free system, if any, have no interest for ub;
confusion there is and will be, confusion that does and will call itself
Socialism, but we must have none of
it; ever will there be, amid the torrent of reforms, noises, palliatives and
confusion of would-be politicians and
saviors, the voice of the understanding section of the workers calling attention to the necessary revolution
ln the distribution of tho products of
industry, possibly drowned in the noise
at, times, but always coming up again,
until at last economic conditions force
society to that position and we shall
be free.
w. w. u
having served the purpose which the
process of evolution had marked out
for them, have given place to their
successors, even so will the capitalist
system of society give place to tho Socialist system which Is Its logical successor and whicli is being born of the
necessity of the working class to live.
Evolution is evolving the trusts or
big combines, which tend to cheapen
production, ln Moody'B "Truth About
TrustB," statistics are given showing
the various combinations that have
taken place since 1900. Copper Trust,
Smelling Trust, Sugar, Tobacco, International Mercantile Marine, steel
Trust, Standard OIL In addition to
the above    which    are    Ihe    biggest,
Moody enumerate, aim others with a
total capitalization or nearly seven
billion dollars.
Then there are what are termed
franchise trusts, lo the number of lit,
with a capitalization of three and three
quarter billions. The process of evolution is eliminating the smull fry who
cannot compete and bo are forced to
enter the ranks of the wage worker..
The wage workers are forced to sell
themselves for wages, In other words
they are wage slaves, and when they
are not able to produce tbey are
thrown on one side, or given the benefit of Workmens' Compensation Acta
to keep them quiet, and chloroform
them while the owning class rob them
of the produce of their labor. Evolution has brought ub to this stage, but
before we can get any further we have
to abolish the system which allow,
private ownership of that which is a
necessity to others. Such a change
would naturally constitute a revolution compared with a previous state.
Therefore, seeing that a revolutionary change Is necessary, we should advocate at all times the complete
change and demand the whole loaf.
Capitalism Is antisocial. Socialism
is social. Capitalism would keep the
individual supreme regardless of the
effect of that supremacy upon society.
Socialism would make lt Impossible
for Individuals to exploit others. So
that of ncccssliy would be a revolution, although evolution had brought
•society to that Blagc ln which the revolutionary stage was possible.
Wm. E. COCKS. Two
SATURDAY,  MAY 27,  1911
Published every Saturday kr tbe
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but of a people who are mostly in the
boneyard. Just now they speak for
the people who owned property in a
small way and once constituted the
general type of property owners. They
speak tor free competition and against
the "unfair" competition 'and monopoly which necessarily grew out of
free competition. They wish small
property ownership and free competition to be re-established and trust that
things will stay that way and not go
wrong again.
The only really progressive elements among tlve propertied class are
the conservatives, those who are now
doing the monopolizing and combining "in restraint of trade." They, too,
before very long, will in turn become
"Progressive" and reactionary. And,
anyway, they are no friends of ours,
for they own us and enjoy us. Consequently we are unlikely to derive
much advantage from their teachings.
They are willing to progress towards
still further monopolizing us, but not
any further, naturally, as that is where
they lose ub. However, that is the
way progress is heading and they can
no more stop it here than the so-called
Progressives can turn it back. Let
her went.
8ATURDAY,  MAY 27,  1911
Occasionally we hear it said of
somebody that he has been born ahead
of his time. That is to say that his
Ideas are considerably in advance of
the times. This appears to us upside
down as usual, particularly as applied
to the present era.
In former societies change was
rather slow, so slow in that it was a
matter of no great difficulty to keep
abreast of times. But in the last
hundred years change has been so
rapid that the mass of each generation is about a generation behind the
times, and considers itself up-to-date
when it voices those ideas of the intelligent and progressive element of
the previous generation which have
gained acceptance7 So that one has
merely to be slightly behind the times
to be a progressive, and barely abreast
of the times to be a visionary. It is
not that these latter are extraordinarily clever, but that the mass of humanity is ordinarily dull.
Particularly is this so with the educated, the more highly educated the
more so. This may seem peculiar, but
that is only because people are in the
habit of confounding the educated with
the well-informed. Not that the educated are ill-informed. They are generally misinformed, and the highly
educated are well misinformed. They
are taught out of text-books written
some time before by authorities who
formed their ideas sometime before
they wrote. Moreover they are taught
by professors who attained their positions by proficiency in the knowledge
current in their younger days. Consequently each educated generation is,
on the average, educated In the knowledge and ideas of a previous generation, and is then turned loose to be a
source of misinformation to the multitude.
The multitude has been taught to
look to the educated for light and leading. Certainly they could look in no
worse direction, unless they wish to
go backward. To tell the truth, that
is generally where they wish to go,
but fortunately they cannot.
Not only are the educated antique
ln their ideas, but they are biased.
And the bias is not In favor ot the
multitude. For the educated, particularly the highly educated, are either
owners of property or adherents there-
' to. They are convinced of the advantages of property, for they have those
advantages. Naturally the Ideas tbey
promulgate are little likely to be to
tho advantage of the properttloss multitude, for, In the last analysis, the
propertlless aro actually the property
which tho propertied own and whose
advantages they enjoy.
True, this property masquerades as
Btoclis und bondB, In railroads, mines,
mlllB, factories und so forth. Hut there
would be no advantage in owning
these of themaelvos. These means of
wealth production must be manned
before wealth can be produced. Those
•who are compelled to man them by
virtue of their propertilessnesa in the
means of production are the ones who
make them valuable as property. Valuable as property, because they do
compell them thus, and thus compell
them to surrender themselves into
the hands of the propertied.
Of course, there are the educated
■ Progressives, but they are the most
re-actlonary element In society. So
far from being progressive, they are
in revolt against progress, and, characteristically, against progress which
has already been made. Not only are
they behind the times, but they would
set the clock back. Not that they
know it. That would Indicate some
up-to-dateness on their part. It would
tend to Bhow that they were at least
awure that progress had been made.
But they are unawaro of progress. To
them it appears that thlngB have gone
wrong and should be righted. We
have them always with ub and always
tbey speak in tho name of the people,
Last week in Vancouver, a charged
wire was the means of a couple of
deaths, and part of a brick wall, falling Injured some passers-by. Since
then, the "Saturday Sunset," of whose
existence we had become almost oblivious, has discovered that it was our
The "Saturday Sunset," we might
explain, is a weekly published in Vancouver. It apes the Toronto "Saturday
Night," at least to the extent of substituting an egotistic "I" for an editorial "we." This, we believe, is an indication of originality. If it is, it must
be lonesome, for it is quite alone in this
case. The "Sunset" caters to the cockroach element, which patronizes its advertising space by exposing the methods of those cockroaches who do not
The fact that cockroaches can be deluded into advertising is the sole excuse for the "Sunset's" existence, for
it serves as a means of subsistence for
its editor and publisher. In this case,
It can hardly be said that the end justifies the means.
According to the "Sunset" the ac
cidents referred to were due to defective workmanship. The workman no
longer takes sufficient interest in his
work to do it well, because the Socialists have taught him to hate his master. Therefore it is the Socialists'
fault these accidents occurred.
It sounds rather peculiar, but then
things must look rather peculiar in
the dim fitful light of the "Sunset"
glow-worm's phosphorescence. We presume to us could also be attributed
the jerry-building of the contractors
generally and the "graft" construction
of the Vancouver Court House, for instance.
Aside from that, however, why
should the workman love his work and
do it well anyhow? As far as doing
It well goes, If he took the time necessary to do a job well he would probably be fired for being too slow. The
master wants the job done quickly first
of all. Well, if there is time, but
quickly anyhow. And as for loving his
work, why, it ls not his work, it ts his
servitude. He has sold himself to his
employer and lt is his employer's hireling that is doing the work. A prostitute in the act of prostitution. Ot
course, it Is his misfortune that he has
to sell his manhood for a mess of
pottage, but he need not be so abandoned to all sense of shame as to love
his prostitution, or to do anything
short of resenting and hating it.
When It comes to the charge ot attempting to foment class-hatred, we
are delighted to plead guilty. But our.
would be a vain attempt were class-
hatred not created by existing conditions. All wo can do is to stir It up
and make it as intelligent and purposeful a hatred as possible.
Class hatred Is about the only redeeming virtue that the present system bus awakened, for lt will make
hash of the system as Boon as it becomes bitter and general enough. Capitalists and their cockroaches are quite
right iu decrying it. It spells extermination for both. After that, the
"Sunset's" ego, If he survives the
shock, may flnd it necessary to justify
his continued existence by performing
lovingly and well, we hope, some task
to which he is better adapted than attempting to follow the vagaries of his
misguided pen.
Hemisphere where prices have not
gone up, where no shoddy goods are
sold, where the government runs department stores, bakeries, railroads,
amusement halls, and Sunday excursions, ln this place the most perfect
safety devices are in use. The workers who are injured receive compensation without suing for damages and
no one suggests that there is any
graft connected with these things.
"This remarkable place is under the
flag of the United States. It is on
the Canal Zone where the United
States government is digging the big
"While the statesmen at home are
declaring that such things are impracticable and would destroy incentive,
they are being carried out as the only
means of accomplishing the biggest
job in the world.
"According to Albert Edwards, who
describes these things in the Coming
Nation for May 27th, Socialism is applied further in the canal zone than
any other place on earth. To be sure,
it lacks the important element of
democracy, but if this were added and
the labor was expended in the production of consumable goods it would be
a very fair forecast of what Socialists
say is coming in the United States.
The story is illustrated with photographs of these various undertakings,
and is only one of several interesting
features in this number of the Coming
"The Coming Nation is published at
Girard, Kas., at one dollar a year."
(Let us add that it's a shame to take
the money. We hope the nation ls
coming to something different to the
above.—Ed. Clarion.)
"The manufacturing industries of
Milwaukee, says the Chamber of Commerce report, produced in the past
year goods valued at $329,526,607. New
industries are constantly being attracted to this city by the conditions
which prevail here, (Capitalist papers
of the United States please copy.)
"One hundred and thirty-seven additional enterprises embarked in business in the Milwaukee district in 1910.
"Not badly scared by the red flag,
it seems?
"The report also states that the
largest amount of coal ever received
In the port of Milwaukee was received
during the year 1910—the year marked
by two big victories in Milwaukee.
"In fact, Milwaukee ranks as the
second city in the United States as a
manufacturing center. $65,853,152
were paid in wages in Milwaukee dur-l
ing the year 1910. So states the Chamber of Commerce report."
And the "Socialists of Milwaukee"
take credit for this! Alright, but why
We are in receipt of the following:
"Dear Sir,—I am sending you advance notice of a most remarkable
article that will appear in the Coming
Nation this week, and would greatly
appreciate it if you would find space
for this notice in your publication.
"If we are not already upon your
exchange list and you will send me a
marked copy containing this notice,
1 will be glad to Bend you our paper
for the ensuing year.
"Yours very truly,
"Socialism at Panama."
"There ls one place on the Western
An objection, often raised by wage
slaves, to the Socialist Party of Canada, is that it is revolutionary and
does hot advocate reforms. The object of this is to explain in a
few words the reason why we do not
waste time advocating reforms, and
wherein we differ from those political
parties that do.
Revolution means change. A revolutionary Socialist party is a party having for its object a complete social
Reform means to patch up, and parties advocating reforms are parties
that are ln favor of patching up, and
consequently making this wretched
system of working class exploitation
last longer.
Do not think that a revolutionary
Socialist is opposed to reform a. such.
He would gladly make things better
for the working class were lt possible;
but he knows that nothing short of
Socialism can benefit the worker..
The revolutionary Socialist knowing
that only Socialism will benefit the
worker, refuses to tell him anything
else; that is, he refuses to have one
kind of knowledge for himself and
another for his workmates; for such
would be priestcraft, and we have had
too much of that already.
Either the reformer ls not aware of
the fact that the working clasB has
nothing to gain and everything to lose
by prolonging the present system, or
knowing it, he withholds it. If the
first, he is an ignorant friend. If the
second, he is guilty of priestcraft.
We say that governments are juBt
the executives of the capitalist class,
our exploiters, and must do their bidding. The two dominant political
parties represent practically the same
interest, the capitalists', and the only
quarrel between them ls, who .hall
have the job of holding the worker
down? Obviously neither one nor the
other of these parties will help the
Then we have the so-called Labor
parties and the Social Democratic
party, composed in the main of workingmen. What of them? They, with
their long platforms of "Immediate
demands," which, when adopted by
either Liberals or Conservatives, they
call bribes and vote catching promises, endeavor to obtain the support
of workingmen. They must know that
they cannot of their own will, being a
minority party, pass any of the reforms that they advocate.    To pass
any reform they must have a majority
ln parliament. ' And if they have a
majority in parliament, why tinker
with reforms? Why not take all?
Is there anything to prevent the working class capturing the reins of government and using them for their own
benefit? Nothing at all, except their
own political ignorance, as they have
S3 per cent, of the voting power. These
labor fakirs and Social Democrats
must know this, and knowing It, when
they use their influence to stop the
workers from studying Socialism, and
endeavor to get them to elect them,
the labor leaders, to office, they are
ullty of trying to fool the workers
and sell them into slavery for another
term. The working class has no greater enemies than the Labor and Social
Democratic parties. These partieB,
with their smooth-tongued office-seeking orators, hold the working class in
thraldom, while the parasites and
idlers live in luxury.
The Labor party in England has repeatedly denied the class struggle,
which means the denial of the fact
that parasites live on the fruits of
our toil. It supports the Liberal party
all the time and the Liberal party
sends out soldiers to shoot down union
men on strike. It owes all its seats
to the Liberal party, splits voteB with
the man that stnt soldiers to shoot
miners, and in general does the dirty
work for that branch of the capitalist
The Social Democrat party is of similar nature. It has about 40 immediate reforms in its platform. One is
the "abolition of the monarchy." As
if that would provide food, clothing
and shelter for the millions of workers in need. Just glance at our republican neighbor, Uncle Sam, or France,
and see if starving ln a republic is
better than starving in a monarchy.
At the election in January, 1910, the
Social Democratic party attempted to
make a bargain with the Liberals at
Northampton, and In general advised
its followers to vote Liberal so as to
abolish the Lords. In the December,
1910, election it advised Its members
to vote Tory, to smash the Liberals.
How can such a "policy benefit the
workers? Can such men be honest in
their supposed efforts for the working
The Labor and Social Democratic
parties in Canada are of much the
same nature. The Labor party in
Winnipeg joined hands with the Liberal party at the last provincial election. The Social Democratic party
joined with the Labor party at the
last municipal election, and both of
them got tied up in some other capitalist squabble. Neither of these parties are worthy of support, even with
il.elr plaintive plea of "something
now." which they know can't be got.
The position of the Socialist party
of Canada is totally different. It tells
the workers that they have the numbers, that they have but to express the
will and they can have all. That comfort, security, leisure and freedom can
be had for the taking. It has the
same attitude as that taken by Marx,
Engels, Deville and all the great thinkers on the social problem: That the
working class must first of all get political control, then all will be theirs.
We hold there is no immediate demand
so immediate as getting political control, and knowing it, we refuse to tell
the workers anything else.
Socialist Directory
Every  local   of   the  Socialist  Party  ul'   LOCAL SOUTH POET GEORGE, NO. 61,
Canada  Should   run   a  curd
headi     $1,011    per   mon tli
please note.
under  thi
Soelaliat l'urty of Cunnilu, Meets
every alternate Monday, IX G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1 OSS, Vanoouver, 3. 0,
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Cfinndo, Meets every alternate
Monday, 1 >, O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688, Vancouver. H, C,
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
l\leets evovy alternate Monday In I-ubor
Hull. Eighth Ave. Ea^t, opposite postofflce. Secretary will Ve pleaded to
answer uny communications regarding
the movement ln tho province. F.
Danby*   Secretary,   Box   6-17,   Calgury,
headquarters and public reading room,
Show nulldlng, Hamilton Street. Uuyl-
iitv-is meetings every Saturday night at
s p.m. Xeil McLean, Secretary; John
Mclnnls, Organizer, Comradea contemplating coining to Fort George ure
earnestly requested to write for reliable Information.
LOCAL  VANCOUVER,  B.   C,  NO.  1,  B.
P. of C. Musi ness meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, --:(7
Main Street. I-\ Perry, Secretary, Box
C„    NO.
ill,      .Meets
1 Thursdays
In the
month ut
:>■.':• 7
street.   Seer
Wm. Myr
LOCAL  VERNON,  B.   C,  NO.  38,  S.  F.
of C. Meets every Tuesduy. 8:00 p.m.
sharp, at h. O. It. Hall, Tronson St.
Wi H. Gllmore, Secretary.
Committee: Notice—This card is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get nny information, write the
secretury, \V. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good  Street. Winnipeg.
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of
Cunada, Meets every flrst and third
Saturday in the month, 8:00 p.m.. at
headquarters, Main Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province, A. GUdemees-
ter. Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
Committee, Socialist Party of Cunada,
meets every second und fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace bay,
N. S. Dun Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL  PERNIE,   8.  P.  of  C,   HOLDS
education Al meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Bust
ness meeting flrst Sunday In each
month, same place, at 8:80 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary.  Box 101.
LOCAL  VICTORIA;  B.  C,  NO. 3,  S.  P.
of c. Reading room and lieadquarters,
1319 Government St., l.oum -, over
Collister's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings every Sunduy at Crys-
Fal Theatre.    T.  Gray, Secretary.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and reading room, Labor Hull. Geo.
Itossiter, Secretary, Box 647.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9.
Miners' Hall and Opera House.    Propa- *
ganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the first -j
and third Sundays of the month.   Business   meetings  on   Thursday  evenings ]
following  propaganda  meetings   at   8.
Organizer,   T.   Steele,   Coleman,   Alta.;
Secretary,   Jas.   Gleiulennlng,   Box   63,
Coleman,   Alta.     Visitors  may  receive J
information  any  day   ut  Miners'  Hall j
from Com.  W.  Graham,  Secretary  of J
U. M, W. of A. "
LOCAL   OREENWOOD,   B.   C.,    NO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunduy evening ut Miners' Union Hull, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G, .lohnson. Secretary.
LOCAL  LADYSMITH  NO.  10,   B.   P.  of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., in headquarters on First Ave.
.T. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith,
B.  C.
P. of C. Headquurters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings i
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the pub- -j
lie free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily. 1
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.; j
Organizer, W.  Stephenson.
S. P, of C.    Meets flrst and third Sundays  In  the  month,    at    4    p.m..    In I
Miners'   Hall.     Secretury,   Chas.   Pea- \
cock,  Box  1983.
LOCAL  MICHEL,  B.   C,   NO.   18,   B.   P.
of ft, holds propaganda meeting.-*
every Sunduy afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend .our meetings.
Business meetings are held the flrst
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. in the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
second Sundav, 7.80 p.m., in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hail). Thos. Roberts,
every   Sunday  ut   7:30  p.m.  In Trades j
Hall,   Scarth   Street.     Business   meetings  second and  fourth  Fridays at
p.m.. Trades Hull.    Secretary, B. Sim- ,
mons.  Box 1046.
of   C.      Headquarters,   No.   10   Nation ,
Block, Hnssar Ave.    Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second nnd  fourth Mondays  at 8
p.m.:   economic  class,    Sundays   at   3
p.m.;   speakers'   class,   Wednesday   at I
8 p.m.;  algebra class,    Friday    at    8 .
p.m.;   debuting   class,   flrst   nnd   third 1
Mondays at S p.m.    D, France, Organ- ,
Izer, 112G Victoria Ave.
LOOAL  NELSON,   8.  P.  of  O.,   MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretury.
S. P. of V... meets, every Sunday In
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorhani, Secretury.
LOCAL   REVEL8TOXE,   B.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C,    Business meetings at So-
ciulist heudquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month.    B. F. Gayman, Secre-
izer;  B.  F, Gayman,  Secretary,
of c.   Headquarters, 628 1/2 Main St.,
Room    2,    next    Dreamland    Theatre. 1
Business     meeting     every     alternate I
•Monday evening ut S p.m.; propaganda"
meeting every  Wednesday at 8  p.m.;,,
economic   elass   every    Sunday   afternoon,   3  p.m.    Organizer,   Hugh  Laid-
low. Room 2, 528 1/2 Main St.    Secretary,  J.  W. Hillings,  270 Young St.
LOCAL ROSSLAND, NO. 25, 8. P. of C,
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday ut
7:30 p.m. K. Campbell. Secretary, P.O.
Box 674. Rosslund Finnish Brunch
meets in Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretury, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   No.   8,   8.  P.   OP   O. '
Business    meetings    first    Sunday    in
month In open air, followed by a picnic   during   summer   months.     Propa- I
ganda meetings every  Saturday night |
at S p. m„ at the corner of McKenzie
Avenue and Rideuu Street.    Sam Hor- I
with, Secretury, 374 Llsgur Street, Ot- ]
tawa; phone 277 or 3229.
LOCAL  GLACE  BAY,  NO.  1,  OP  N. 8. |
Business and propaganda meeting ]
every Thursday ut 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Orgunlzer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross.
Financial Secretury, office in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
834 Pender St.       Vancouver
"Can't you help ub a little in our
self-denial effort?" It was an earnest
looking and somewhat comely Salvation lassie who asked this question
the other day. Gently, and yet firmly,
I Intimated to her that I perhaps could
and yet wasn't going to. She started
to put up the usual plea ln regard to
"rescue work," etc., but I moved away.
I wasn't mad, not at all. Some revo
lutlonlsts might have got mad, but to
one with a sense of humor the thing
was too funny.
"Self-denial!" Ye gods and little
fishes, the irony of the thing! Worse
even than the deeflcation of humbleness. It seems to me that in this self-
denial proposition of the "Army's" we
have plumbed the seventh hell of
damnable mental and physical degradation. "Self-denial" in a world of
wonderful resources, on a globe covered with forests, mountains full of mineral wealth, earth productive to the
limit. Cities filled with wonderful machinery. Efficient workers in plenty.
In the midst of lt all we must prate
of "denial." Verily, "we be mad, my
masters," or rather, "ye be mad, oh
fool producers."
In my travels I have met with many
Individuals who have looked at me
askance. They have dubbed me
heathen and Hedonist. Well, let lt be
so. For myself I thank "whatever
gods there be" that I am rather one
with the Hedonistic heathens of old
Greece than the snivelling preachers
of self-denial.
"Self-denial!" Ho! whlte-walstcoat-
ed varlet behind the bar, BRING
THE HOUSE." And new let us pour
a libation to the day when the workers
will deny themselves NOTHING of
the wealth they produce.
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we arc obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review ln Canada
$1.80 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
Por 13.00 we wlll mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one Issue.
For 13.00 we will mall the Review one year and the Chicago
Dally Soelaliat for one year.
CMa-.mx.as x. im * coicpa-rr
134 West Klnsle St., Chicago.
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    25c
Life of Jesus, Renan  25c
Age of Reason, Paine  25c
Merrie England    20c
God and My Neighbor,
Blatchford     25c
Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c
Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c
Evolution of the Idea of God,
Grant Allen   25c
Postage prepaid on books.
The People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start  Local) $5.00
Membership  Cards, each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100  25
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto In Ukranlan, per 100.......   .50
Conttltut: ns, per dozen, 50c.
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen       60
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
„w mJlitA. the btulneSaTof Manufacturers,
Suginceru and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Experts. Preliminary advice free. Charges
modettt*:. Onr Inventor'a Adviser sent upon
request Marion ft Marion, New York I*ife Bld-g,
Houtrtal: nnd Wash hurt on, D..C, U.S.A.
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mulcahey, Prop.
"Manifesto of the S. P. of C."
Price—10 cents per copy or 75 cent*
per doz.  (to subscribers to Publishing Fund, 6 cents).
"The State and Government."
Price five cents per copy or 25 cent* 1
per doz.    (To subscribers, $1.00 per '
**®®®®®?*®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®*®®®®®m SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1911
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box   1688, Vancouver, B. C.
When I read that last Clarion I
laughed. The reason was Lestor's little skit on apitatorlal work in "this
wide and vast Dominion of 'ours'."
And I'm as glad to Bee that Budden
had "got his" In the recent trip. He
had it coming to him anyhow, and
'twill do him good. And, all jokes
aside, a fellow DOES have to "go
some" and meet all kinds ot people
and do all kinds of stunts.
Last week Houston of Winnipeg and
the writer were together, and this Ib
the way we put it in:   Monday, on the
street; a general spiel on economics.
Tuesday, by Invitation in the Miners'
Hall   on   "Patriotism."     Wednesday,
street again, "Panics and Hard Times."
Thursday, up at a mine bunkhouse;
"Wages and   Profits."    Friday,  hall;
subject, "Ruled, Fooled and Robbed."
Saturday, on the street; subject, "Evolution."   And besides this there is the
rustling of Bubs, and the sales of literature.    Then on the next Monday a
"social and moral reform" person was
on the street.   After he had finished,
Jumped in, got his crowd, doubled it,
and gave them about an hour's talk
on "What's the Matter with the Working Class."   "Moral and social reform"
individual "beat it."   Now, if that isn't
pretty varlagated propaganda I don't
know what is.   But, anyhow, it's good.
One fine thing I find ls, lt possible,
to let someone else get the crowd. The
Salvation Army perform a useful func-
I tion here.  Never let a crowd get away
lin the first stages.   It is here that the
J great benefit, for the "main speaker"
lot the day comes in, when the chalr-
I man or Introductory individual is "on-
I to his job."   In such cases the Intro-
I ductory person must strictly remember that it is his business to get the
i crowd together for the main speaker.
I it is the main speaker's work to present and develop the subject AFTER
Ihe has had the  crowd gathered for
I them.   There are lots of other things
that might be of use in arranging out-
i door work, but this will do for now.
Comrade Edttor.—We were having
our evening pork and, In a small mining camp way up on the hill-tops
(where mines usually bloom forth In
their more or less resplendent beauty),
not a hundred miles from "The City
Beautiful," "Queen City of the Kootenays," more vulgarly known as Nelson,
where, according to real estate history, "the sun always shines, and the
lakes never freeze over," when a
couple of travel-stained, weary, sweating and Inwardly cussing specimens of
the genus homo came knocking at the
door. After a careful scouting beneath
the grime and sweat, we unearthed, to
f our inward satisfaction, a couple of
"dirty labor agitators," who masquerade under the names of Houston and
I Desmond, the latter of whom, I under-
' stand, is somewhat distantly related to
"Kelly, from the Emerald Isle," of
' historic music-hall fame.
A glance at their coat lapels proclaimed their mission, to all whom it
| may concern. We were concerned.
So, having satisfied the Inner man
from the viands supplied by the unearthly culinary artists from thu Cel( s
tial kingdom, and having filled the pipe
' of peace, we gathered around the stove
all ears, as good working mules should.
Desmond was the first transgressor,
and held forth for a good half-hour on
his old stand-bye, wages, to a very
attentive audience. We could have
done with something a little deeper,
as we are fairly well tainted up here
with the taint that won't wash off, or
wash anything else, for that matter;
but we are always thankful for small
Houston then gave us a little touch
of things in general, but don't seem
very well in touch with western sentiment as yet. However, he's observant, and will soon touch bottom.
In answer to a question whether he
thought that Socialism would come
through the ballot, De*smond replied
that he had a pretty shrewd suspicion
It wouldn't (smile, damn you!), and
gave his reasons very emphatically.
I believe if you don't bundle Desmond
off somewhere else quick, we will
make an Industrial unionist out of him
yet. That would be an awful heresy;
and I suppose you would have to excommunicate him with a bull, In the
orthodox Irish fashion.
They both spoke last Tuesday to an
audience of about 90 I. W. W.'s on the
subject of "Patriotism," and were well
received. They intend agitating this
district in the immediate future, and
have first-rate material to work on.
They are a good pair, and should start
a few red-hot thoughts in many a congested think tank.
Yours with the usual trimmings,
Comrade Armstrong's treatment of
the farmer question is very different
from that of most of the party propagandists. Myself, I think it is a far
more satisfactory treatment. Many
members of the party are afraid to admit a fact, it that fact conflicts with
some cherished theory. On the other
hand, they often refuse to carry their
own theories to the logical conclusion,
if that conclusion seems not to further
the interests of the party. This is a
fatal error. Our theories are not so
weak that we must twist facts to support them. This has been done, nevertheless, especially in dealing with
the economics of the farm.
Up to the present time, most members of the party have announced it as
their opinion that the interests of the
farmer are essentially one with the
interests of the wage earner. They
have called the farmer a proletarian,
have said that like all proletarians,
he was robbed at the point of production, and have urged him to rally under the banner of the propertyless
workers of the world. Now Comrade
Armstrong comes forward and says
that this is not true. He declares that
the farmer is not robbed, and that
strictly speaking his place is not in
the ranks of the proletarians. I think
he proves his case.
If we are not to do violence to our
system of economics, we must admit
that he is right. We cannot place
the farmer in the category of proletarians without distorting our definition of the word. We cannot maintain
that he ls robbed without murdering
our theory of value. For the distinguishing characteristics of a proletarian are:
1. That he is entirely without property in the meana of life.
2. That he must sell his labor power, or he cannot exercise it.
3. That he has absolutely no say
in the disposal of his product, for it
Is not his.
Accepting Com. Armstrong's definition of a farmer (not a tenant, not
mortgaged up to the eyes, but what is
typical of Canada, owning his land and
most of his machinery), we must
agree that he is distinguished by none
of these characteristics. He is not
without property. (A very large percentage of Canadian farmers either
own their places outright, or have very
small encumbrances). He nearly always owns his own tools, his plows,
harrows, binders, etc., all so much property in the means of wealth production.
In the second place, he need not
Bell his labor-power; in fact he does
not. He does not seek a master, and
exchange that power to create wealth
for its cost of production. What he
sells is labor, Incorporated in commodities. Labor-power is a quality, an
attribute. It exists solely within the
human frame. This quality, this attribute, is never sold by the farmer
to some other human being. What he
sells is the result of the application of
that labor-power to his own property
in the means of wealth production.
And his reward will be determined by
the value, not of his labor-power, but
of his labor. Incorporated in commodities.
Finally, the farmer's product ls his.
He can keep it or sell lt. He can dispose of it to this man or to that. Or
he can destroy lt entirely, as has been
done. Where ls your true proletarian
who can do that?
Say you he is robbed ln the disposition of It? Tread carefully, or you
wlll have Untermann embracing you.
According to the terms of the Marxian
theory of value, equal quantities of socially necessary labor exchange equally, most of the time. Thus labor embodied ln transport and turnips is
alike the measure of value, and turnips will exchange for transportation,
In proportion as the amount of labor
in the turnips equals the amount of
labor in the transportation. Farmer
Giles wishes to sell wheat, we will
say. But his market is at Fort William,
and he is located at Saskoburg. Here
is where, according to Com. O'Brien,
he is robbed. The railroads and the
elevators stand between him and the
disposition of his product. In Charlie's
words: "he has to have access to
capitalist property," and thus exposes the joint in his armor.
Wait a bit though. Transportation
is a commodity, and should exchange
at its value. If it does not, we shall
have to capitulate to the robbery-in-
consumption crowd. Storage Is also
a commodity, since lt ls the useful result of human labor, socially exercised,
for social consumption. The farmer,
then, when he wants transportation
or storage should be able to get them
at their value. He does, too. The
wicked railroads and the wicked elevators would like to rob him, but thev
are bound by economic law, and can
not do so. Where is he robbed? Not
surely by the wicked implement man,
or the rapacious trust. Emerson says
consistency is the hobgoblin of little
minds, but daBh it all, we've got to be
a little bit consistent.
We have seen that the farmer Ib
not a proletarian; that he sells, not
labor-power, but labor, and thus his
remuneration for the expenditure of
that labor power Is not limited by the
time it takes him to reproduce its
value, but by the value of his product
itself; we have further seen that he
cannot be robbed by the railroads and
elevators, since to admit that he ls,
would be to knock the bottom out of
our Theory of Value; and, In fact,
have satisfactorily proved to ourselves
that If he Is robbed, we don't know
where the robbery takes place.
The best thing we can do now ls
to admit It; to own up that our attempts to win the farmer for socialism
have been based upon a false teaching
of economics; and agree to confine our
propaganda to wage laborers, since
our problem is the problem of wage
labor and capital.
The advent of the capitalist owned
and operated farm is of such recent
date that we have neglected to distinguish this species of capitalist by
a name, so henceforth we will call
him a farmatuer. A farmatuer is just
as much a capitalist as a manufacturer of scissors, lumber, of soap or post
mortem coffee. They both exploit
wage labor. The farmer is a worker
and what wage labor he does employ,
does not make a capitalist of him. It
is the same as Teddy taking a job to
dig a ditch and getting Scotty or Paddy to dig in with him. It pays about
the same; often the farmer sees the
hired man get more than he does himself. Teddy and Scotty break even.
The farmer looks on a wage laborer
as more or less of a villain because he
wants bo much money for his labor
power. As a matter of fact the laborer sells the only thing he has to sell,
his labor power, at the market price.
The farmer sells his labor power ln
the form of produce at the market
price If he can, so he ought to sympathize with the laborer, not curse
himself. If there is anything in this
little side show it is this, viz.: The
farmer is a laborer himself. Wage
earners cannot make money by hiring
wage earners to do their jobs, with,
of course, the usual insignificant exceptions which also applies to the
The farmer today Ib in the same
position as the artisans experienced
when they were reduced to wage earners. The hand loom weaver In hlB
home was beaten by wage labor and
power-driven machinery in the factory.
The farmatuer is about to compete
with the farmer and his farm will be
just as far beyond the farmer's farm
as the factory outshone the weaver's
loom. These huge ranches, equipped
with machinery beyond the pockets of
the farmers, scientifically managed,
will cheapen the products, and the
minute the market is supplied down
drops the price. When weaver wrestled with weaver one weaver was walloped, but when the capitalists went
for the weavers the weavers got kilt
entirely. The farmer has been competing with farmers, and the most fortunate have done as well as the most
fortunate wage earners, but like them
usually by a little speculation and trading on the side. Now the farmer will
have to compete with the farmatuer
and Uncle John, good old fellow that
you are, I see your finish.
Ab I said before, there Is this difference between a wage earner and a
farmer, that the wage earner sella his
labor power direct, as a rule, whereas
the farmer sells his labor power in
the form of products. There is an
exception in the case of the wage
earners; thlB ia what is called working
at piece work. This is pretty much
like the farmer who, though he uses
his own judgment as to what he produces, nevertheless gets lots of free
hints as to what he should grow. The
similarity is so Btrlklng that I am In-
lined to think that the capitalists
have had Uncle John, Auntie Hiram
and the kids doing piece work, the
worst form of slavery going.
No article or commodity is really
produced until it is delivered to the
consumer. As the great bulk of the
farm produce is not delivered to the
consumer, then the farmer is merely
a cog in the wheel of production. Far
in excess of what he receives for his
produce is the price paid for It by the
consumer. This surplus value goes as
rent, Interest and profit into the bosom
of the capitalist class.
Uncle John, old chap, lt ls getting
late and I'm tired, too, but I want to
tell you that you and I, who are of the
working class, have got to see the
finish of the capitalist system or sink
to the depths of slavery. If you love
liberty you must join with the wage
earners and take possession of the
world for the workers. Back down?
Falter? Not much! Join the Social
1st Party, the only Working Class
Party ln the World.
As I passed out through the crowd
as it was dispersing on Sunday evening after the meeting at which Comrades Pettipiece and Fitzgerald were
speaking on the Woman question, I
chanced to hear a few remarks from
some of the men that had been present at that meeting which struck me
as rather amusing. One of the worthy
bunch said in rather a sneering way.
"What! Give the women a vote? Not
much, their place is to stay at home
and mind their business, let us men
do all the voting."
To me, of course, It was the same old
yarn. I have heard it so often that
I cannot keep silent any longer. Some
of the men do not stop long enough
to think just what a very important
part a woman does fill ln this life. If
we women are flt to be the mothers
of their children; flt to teach those
same children in the schols, and flt to
fill most every position in life, then by
all that's good and holy we are able
to stand shoulder to shoulder with our
noble .brothers and cast our vote along
with them for the one great cause for
which we are both fighting, the only
cause that will benefit the working
men and women of today.
Many men say that we women do
not have sense enough to vote the
fight way. Ditto, my brother. Could
we possibly make it any worse than
you have made it by your way of voting? Give the woman a chance. Let
ber once grasp the situation and see
if she won't vote right. Treat her as
your equal and try to help her get hold
of a few socialistic ideals. Help her
to see what it all means. Give her as
fair a chance as you would give a man,
and you will flnd that she can grasp
the truth just aB quick as any man.
I believe it is up to every woman in
Vancouver or any other place on top
of this old earth, to get busy; and dig
down and flnd out for herself just
where she is at and if some of the
men turn up their noses at our feeble
efforts, go to it with more heart than
ever. Prove to them that if given a
chance we can at least use our vote
to as good advantage as they have in
the past. We cannot make matters
any worse than they are making them
right now. So go to It, my Bisters;
Show them that If we are fit to be the
mothers of the coming generation ot
Socialists we are flt to march to the
ballot-box and vote the right way just
as soon as you men give us the chance
And fit to share equally with you all
the comforts that Socialism will bring
when the men as well as the women
get into their heads sense enough to
vote the right way to hasten its coming. LENA MORTIMER.
Will we buy out the capitalists or
compensate them when we take over
the machinery of production? Will
the master class compensate us to
make amends for the thousands of
years they have been exploiting our
class? Will they not get off easily
if we only take back that which has
been extracted from us by force, and
there let the matter drop?
Sub List for the Week:
C. Lestor, North Battleford 6
J. Watson, Winnipeg  3
H. G. Ross, Glace Bay, N. S 2
Leeds, Vancouver    2
Wm.  McQuold,  Edmonton 2
Jos. Naylor, Cumberland, B. C 2
Wm. Nesbltt, Sr., Tessler, Sask.; Lee
Wilson, Barons, Alta.; C. McM. Smith,
Brooklyn, N. Y.j Tottenham Branch,
S. P. G. B., per F. Fryer, Sec'y.; Tom
Ofsthern, Radway. Centre, Alta.; A
Farmilo, Edmonton, Alta.; P. McGregor, New Westminster, B. C.; D. Paton,
Fernle, B. C; Com. Byatt, City; J. Carson, Dawson, Y. T.; F. Hyatt, St. John,
N. B.
O'Brien Tour—
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D. by express.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme ot th*
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to tbe producers tt Bhould belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products ot labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production an*
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ef profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure ot
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free (rem capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at tbe
point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker ls rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of the
reins ot government—the capitalist to bold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economio
programme of the working class, aa follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, ot capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in offlce shall always and everywhere
until the present system ls abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party ls for it; lt it will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
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Capital, Vol. I, II, III. Karl Mara,
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SATURDAY,  MAY  27,  1911
A Terrible Record of the Desecration
of Childhood.
Capitalism will be remembered as
the age in which, with much pretence
of Christian love and kindness, children were treated with the greatest
cruelty. The day will come when men
shall marvel that human beings can
have so used the blue-eyed babe and
tender child.
The early dayB of the system furnish
their quota of villainy and of torture.
Gibbons, in his "Industrial History of
England," tells us that "It was not
until the wages of the workmen had
been reduced to a starvation level that
they  consented  to the  children and
their  wives  being  employed  in  the
mills.   But the manufacturers wanted
labor by some means or other, and they
got it.   They got it from the workhouses.   They sent for parish apprentices from all parts of England, and
pretended to apprentice them to the
new employments just introduced. The
mill-owners   systematically  communicated with the overseers of the poor,
who arranged a day for the inspection
of pauper children.   Those chosen by
the maufacturers were then conveyed
by waggons or canal boats to their
destination, and from   that   moment
were doomed to slavery.    Sometimes
regular traffickers would take the place
of the manufacturer and   transfer   a
number of children to a factory cellar,
till they could hand them over to a
mill-owner in want   of   hands,   who
would come and examine their height,
strength, and bodily capacities, exactly as did the slave dealers in the American markets.   After that the children were simply at the mercy of their
owners, nominally as apprentices, but
in reality as mere slaves, who got no
wages, and whom it was not worth
while even to feed and to clothe properly, because they were so cheap and
their places could so easily be supplied.   It was often arranged by the
■parish authorities, in order to get rid
of imbeciles, that one idot should be
taken by the mill owner with every
twenty sane children.   The   fate   of
these unhappy idots was even worse
than that of the others.   The secret
of their final end has never been disclosed, but we can form some idea of
their awful sufferings ffom the hardships of the other victims of capitalist greed and  cruelty.    Their treatment was most inhuman.   The hours
of their labor were only limited by exhaustion after many modes of torture
had been unavailingly applied to force
continued work.   Children were often
worked sixteen hours a day, by day and
by night   Even Sunday was used as
a convenient time to clean the machinery.
The Poor Law's Proteges.
"The author of 'The History of the
Factory Movement' writes: 'In stench,
in heated rooms, amid the constant
whirling of a thousand wheels, little
fingers and little feet were kept in
ceaseless action, forced into unnatural activity by blows from the heavy
hands and feet of the merciless overlooker, and the Infliction of bodily
pain by instruments of punishment invented by the sharpened ingenuity of
insatiable selfishness. They were fed
upon the coarsest and cheapest food,
often with the same as that served
out to the pigs ot their master. They
slept in relays, ln filthy beds which
were never cool; for one set of children were sent to sleep ln them as
soon as the others had gone off to
their daily or nightly toil.   There was
ly to cause injury to health." The following is an extract from a capitalist
contemporary's report of the case.
"The elder . . .carried on an institution called the . . . Home, where she
received a number of children, and it
is alleged, neglected them.
"Three medical witnesses were called, one stating that he had never seen
a more miserable lot of children. The
tips of their noses, their chins, their
lips, and their hands and feet were
blue with cold. There was not a smile
amongst them.
"Another doctor Bald it was one of
the worst cases he had ever seen.
"Suffer little children to come unto
me." has been made a common precept, but Its practical application today becomes, for the most part, a fiendish mockery.    The similar cases not
a great while since reported in Essex
of gross, inhuman   neglect   towards
children, dictated by the hunger for
the financial gain; the Parish notices
of the  intention to "emigrate"   (the
term   "transpor**" has gone out of fashj-
ion, but the operation persists under
other names) deserted children of all
ages  and   their  atrocious   treatment
meted out to the defenceless "Barn-
ado's brats" by our God-fearing colonial cousins in Canada (the facts about
which are now breaking through the
interested conspiracy of silence) combine to make it clear that the traffic
in children is as rampant as ever, and
that private individuals and public institutions alike are as ready as ever
to deliver them to untold misery for
the sake of a handful of gold, or to get
rid of their unwelcome charges. These
cruel facts, intruding themselves upon
one's notice  with  something like a
shock, make one ask whether men and
women wlll remain content to allow
such suffering to continue.    Of the
facts there can be no mistake.   Capitalist conditions of employment—and
un-employment—"life on a   pound   a
week," render lt quite impossible for
millions of infants to receive the nourishing food that medical opinion declares is essential to well-being and
unrestricted physical and mental development. Here, then, is quite sufficient explanation of the debility and
physical degeneracy that ls so terribly
and Increasingly apparent; and at the
same time, a mortal  Indictment of
these same capitalist conditions—sufficient reason for ending them, and for
substituting in their place social conditions wherein the common interest
is the chief object of human activity,
and not the sordid, narrow interest of
the few.
We socialists boldly, confidently, advance our cause aB the sole remedy
for these and other terrible working
class evils, as the only hope of both
children and adults. Of course our
opponents, Jealous guardians of capitalist institutions that they are, reply;
"but your proposals constitute a menace to happy English homes—to woman and the child."
Have these worthy critics of our
put their tongues in their cheeks or
are they blind? Have they never seen
those long lists of deserted children
posted up outside the police-
and workhouses? If they have not let
them read them, and then ask themselves the very searching question
whether It is Socialism that fills those
lists of children whom nobody wants,
or whether it is not rather men and
economic conditions under capitalism.
The writer of this article was Informed when in Canada, of the vile
treatment of emigrated children, and
he had excellent reason to believe the
reports.   But when he told eminently
(Continued from Page 1)
had anything to do with the question
really. It was, undoubtedly, the Abolitionists who set the torch alight, who
began the whole thing. And it is cur
ious to note that from the slaves themselves they received, not merely very
little assistance, but hardly any sympathy even; and when, at the close ot*
the war, the slaves found themselves
free—found themselves, Indeed, so absolutely free that they were free to
starve—many of them bitterly regretted the new state of things. To the
thinker, the most tragic fact in the
whole of the French Revolution is not
that Marie Antoinette was killed for
being a queen, but that the starved
peasant of the Vendee voluntarily
went out to die for the hideous cause
of feudalism.
often no discrimination of Bexes; and . , .,    _   ,. .     ... ...„
.. , .    , ,   I respectable English citizens of these
disease, misery and vice grew as in       '      , "    .,        ...     .,   . ..
.....       ,.        „ ...       I things, he was curtly notified that the
a hot bed of contagion.   Some of these „,.,.___,_      __t   ,_    A	
miserable beings tried to run away. To
prevent their doing so, those suspected of this tendency had irons riveted
on their ankles with long links reaching up to the hips, and were compelled to work and sleep In these chains,
young women and girls, as well as
boys, suffering this brutal treatment.
Many died and were burled secretly
at night ln some desolate spot, lest
people should notice the number of
the graves; and many committed suicide. The catalogue of cruelty and
misery is too long to recite here; it
may be read in tbe "Memoirs of Robert Blincoe," himself an apprentice,
or in the pages of the Blue-books of
the beginning of this century, ln which
even the methodical, dry official language ls startled Into life by the misery
lt has to relate. It ls, perhaps, not
well for me to say more about the
subect, for one dares not trust oneself to try and set down calmly this
awful page in the history of industrial
So much for capitalism's past. Calmly and pa8s!onleBSly as lt Is related
It reveals the bloodstained character
of the cotton lords' fortunes in particular, and perhaps of capital in general.
But those who suppose that child-life
has assumed any sacred character in
capitalism's eyes are sadly mistaken.
At the present day the Press continually reminds us that children are still
used as a means of securing profit and
treated accordingly.
A recent case which may le cited as
an example ls that ln which a woman
aged 74, who declared that she was
"called to the work," and another,
were punished for "wilfully neglecting
a number of children ln a manner like-
statements were not in accordance
with fact, and threatened, if he had the
temerity to repeat them, with the visitation of all the terrors of that law
which is designed only to protect
scoundrels whose nefarious actions
will not stand the light of day—the
law of libel.
However, your Socialist is not to be
greatly deterred by such obstacles, and
the curdling thought of the pitiful
plight of the martyrs of the Canadian
farm ("the Barnado brats"), of the
victims of capitalist "homes" and "Institutions, of the requirements of his
own family, spur him on to the work
of levelling capitalism to the ground—
to the work of rearing the Socialist
Commonwealth, wherein man, woman,
and child may enjoy an assured comfort, health, and leisure and live happily together.
H. B. in Socialist Standard.
Dear Comrade,—As my subscription
expires with No. 632, find enclosed
renewal. It is difficult here to get
farmers to subscribe for Socialist
papers, but times are changing and I
do not think It will be long until they
will be glad to avail themselves of
Socialism to help them out, for the
plutes are tightening the screws more
every year, and this new country will
ere long he ln as bad a condition as
the older countries.
The Clarion is doing good work, and
I wish it all success. After 40 years
ln this battle for our rights as producers and accomplishing seemingly
little, it Is refreshing to know that at
last the people are awakening.
It is clear, then, that no authoritarian Socialism will do. For while,
under the present system, a very large
number of people can lead lives of a
certain amount of freedom and expression and happiness, under an industrial-barrack system, or a system
of economic tyranny, nobody would be
able to have any such freedom at all.
It Is to be regretted that a portion of
our community should be practically in
slavery, but to propose to solve the
problem by enslaving the entire community is childish. Every man must
be left quite free to choose his own
work. No form of compulsion must
be exercised over him. If there is,
his work will not be good for him,
will not be good in Itself, and will not
be good for others. And by work I
simply mean activity of any kind.
I hardly think that any Socialist,
nowadays, would seriously propose
that an Inspector should call every
morning at each house to see that
each citizen rose up and did manual
labor for eight hours. Humanity has
got beyond that stage, and reserves
such a form of life for the people
whom, in a very arbitrary manner, lt
chooses to call criminals. But I confess that many of the Socialistic views
that I have come across, seem to me
to be tainted with ideas of authority,
if not of actual compulsion. Of course,
authority and compulsion are out of
the question. All association must be
quite voluntary. It is only in voluntary associations that man is fine.
But lt may be asked how individualism, which ls now more or less dependent on the existence ot private
property for its development, will benefit by the abolition of such private
property. The answer ls very simple.
It is true that, under existing conditions, a few men who have had private
means of their own, such as Byron,
Shelley, Browning, Victor Hugo, Baudelaire and others, have been able to
realize their personality more or less
completely. Not one ot these men
ever did a single day's work for hire.
They were relieved from poverty. They
had an immense advantage. The question is whether it would be for the
good of individualism that such an
stations I advantage should be taken away. Let
us suppose that It Is taken away. What
happens then to individualism? How
will it benefit?
It will benefit in this way. Under
the new conditions individualism will
be freer, far finer, and far more intensified than it is now. I am not
talking of the great imaginatively-
realized individualism of such poets
as I have mentioned, but of the great
actual Individualism latent and potential in mankind generally. For the
recognition of private property has
really harmed individualism, and obscured it, by confusing a man with
what he possesses. It has led individualism entirely aBtray. It has made
gain, not growth, its aim. So that
man thought that the important thing
was to have, and did not know that
the Important thing is to be. The
true perfection of man lies, not in
what man has, but in what man Ib.
Private property has crushed true Individualism, and set up an individualism that is false. It has debarred
one part of the community from being individual by starving them. It
has debarred the other part of the
community from being Individual by
putting them on the wrong road, and
encumbering them. Indeed, so completely has man's personality been absorbed by his possessions that the
English law has always treated offences against a man's property with
far more severity than offences against
his person, and property is still the
test of complete citizenship. The Industry necessary for the making
money is also very demoralizing. In
a community like ours, where property confers immense distinction, social position, honor, respect, titles,
and other pleasant things ot the kind,
man, being naturally ambitious, makes
lt his aim to accumulate this property,
and goes on wearily and tediously accumulating it long after he has got
far more than he wants, or can use,
or enjoy, or perhapB even knows of.
Man will kill himself by overwork In
order to secure .property, and really,
considering the enormous advantages
that property brings, one is hardly
surprised. One's regret ls that society should be constructed on such a
basis that man has been forced into
a groove In which he cannot freely
develop what ls wonderful and fascinating and delightful in him—in which,
in fact, he misses the true pleasure
and joy of living. He is also, under
existing conditions, very insecure. An
enormously wealthy merchant may be
—often ls—at every -moment of his
life at the mercy of things that are
not under his control. If the wind
blows an extra point or so, or the
weather suddenly changes, or some
trivial thing happens, his ship may
Jealousy, which is an extraordinary
source of crime in modern life, is an
emotion closely bound up with our
conceptions of property, and under
Socialism and individualism will die
out. tl is remarkable that in communistic tribeB jealousy is entirely
Now, as the state is not to govern,
it may be asked what the state Is to
 ..do.    The state is to be a voluntary
go   down,  his   speculations   may  go i association  that  will organize  labor,
wrong, and he finds himself a  poor '
man, with his social position quite
gone. Now, nothing should be able to
harm a man except himself. Nothing
should be able to rob a man at all.
What a man really has, Is what is ln
him. What Is outside him should be
a matter of no importance.
With the abolition of private property, then, we shall have true, beautiful, healthy individualism. Nobody
will waste his life in accumulating
things and the symbols for things.
One will live. To live is the rarest
thing in the world. Most people exist
—that is all.
Individualism, then, ls what through
Socialism we are to attain to. As a
natural result the state must give up
all idea of government. It must give
it up because, as a wise man once
said many centuries before Christ,
there is such a thing as leaving mankind alone; there Is no such thing as
governing mankind. All modes of government are failures. Despotism is
unjust to everybody, Including the
despot, who was probably made for
better things. Oligarchies are unjust
to the many, and ochlocracies are unjust to the few. High hopes were
once formed of democracy; but democracy simply means the bludgeoning
of the people by the people for the
people. It has been found out. I must
say that it was high time, for all
authority is quite degrading. It degrades those who exercise it, and degrades those over whom it ls exercised. When it is violently, grossly,
and cruelly used, it produces a good
effect, by creating, or at any rate
bringing out, the spirit of revolt and
individualism that is to kill it. When
it is used with a certain amount of
kindness, and accompanied by prizes
and rewards, it is dreadfully demoralizing. People, in that case, are less
conscious of the horrible pressure that
is being put on them, and so go
through their lives in a sort of coarse
comfort, like petted animals, without
ever realizing that they are probably
thinking other people's thoughts, living by other people's standards, wearing practically what one may call other
people's secondhand clothes, and never
being themselves for a single moment. "He who would be free," says
a fine thinker, "must not conform."
And authority, by bribing people to
conform, produces a very gross kind
of overfed barbarism among us.
With authority, punishment will
pass away. This will be a great gain
—a gain, In fact, of incalculable value.
As one reads history—not in the expurgated editions written for schoolboys and passmen, but in the original
authorities of each time—one is absolutely sickened, not by the crimes that
the wicked have committed, but by
the punishment that the good have
inflicted; and a community is infinitely more brutalized by tbe habitual
employment of punishment, than it is
by the occasional occurrence ot crime,
lt obviously follows that the more punishment is inflicted, the more crime
is produced, and most modern legislation has clearly recognized this, and
has made it its task to diminish punishment as far as it thinks it can.
Wherever it has really diminished It,
the results have always been extremely good. The less punishment, the
less crime. When there is no punishment at all, crime will either cease to
exist, or, If lt occurs, will be treated
by physicians as a very distressing
form of dementia to be cured by care
and kindness. For what are called
criminals nowadays are not criminals
at all. Starvation, and not Bin, ls the
parent of modern crime. That, in
deed, is tbe reason why our criminals are, as a class, so abundantly
uninteresting from any psychological
point of view. They are not marvelous MacBeths and terrible Vautrlns
They are merely what ordinary, respectable, commonplace people would
be if they had not got enough to eat.
When private property is abolished,
there will be no necessity for crime,
no demand for lt; lt will cease to exist.
Of course, all crimes are not crimes
against property, though such are the
crimes that the English law, valuing
what a man has more than what a
man is, punishes with the harshest
and moBt horrible severity, If we except the crime of murder, and regard
as worse than penal servitude, a point
on which our criminals, I believe, disagree. But though a crime may not
be against property, it may spring
from the misery and rage and depression produced by our wrong system
of property-holding, and so, when that
system is abolished, will disappear.
When each member of the community
has sufficient for his wants, and is not
interfered with by his neighbor, it
will not be an object of any interest
to him to interfere with anybody else.
and be the manufacturer and distributor of  necessary commodities.    The
state is to make what is useful.   The
individual is to make what is beautiful.    And  aB  I  have  mentioned  the
word labor, I cannot help saying that
a great deal of nonsense Is being written and  talked  nowadays about the
dignity of manual   labor.    There    is
nothing   necessarily   dignified   about
manual labor at all, and most of it is
absolutely degrading.    It is mentally
and morally Injurious to man to do
anything in which he does not flnd
pleasure, and many forms of labor are:
quite    pleasureless    activities,    and
should be regarded as such.   To sweep
a slushy crossing for eight hours on a
day when the east wind is blowing is
a disgusting occupation.   To sweep it
with mental,  moral or physical dignity seems to me to be impossible.
To sweep it with joy would be appalling.   Man is made for something better than disturbing dirt.   All work of
that kind should be done by a machine.
And I have no doubt that it will be
so.   Up to the present, man has been,
to a certain extent, the slave of machinery, and there is something tragic
in the fact that as soon as man had
invented a machine to do his work he
began to starve.    This, however, is,
of course, the result of our property
system and our system of competition.
One man owns a machine which does
the work of five hundred men.   Five
hundred   men   are,   in   consequence,
thrown out of employment, and, having no work to do, become hungry and
take to thieving.   The one man secures the produce of the machine and
keeps lt, and has Ave hundred times
as much as he could have, and probably, which ls of much more importance, a great deal more than he really  wants.    Were that   machine   the
property of all, every one would benefit by it.   It would be an immense advantage to the community.    All un-,
intellectual labor; all monotonous, dull
labor; all labor that deals with dreadful  things,   and  involves  unpleasant
conditions, must be done by machinery.   Machinery must work fop us ln
coal mines, and do all sanitary services, and be the stoker of steamers,
and clean the streets, and run messages on rainy days, and do anything
that ls  tedious   or   distressing.    At
present  machinery  competes against
man.    Under  proper  conditions  machinery will serve man.   There is no
doubt at all that this is the future of
machinery;   and just as trees  grow
while the country gentleman is asleep,
so while humanity will be amusing itself, or enjoying cultivated leisure—
which, and not labor, is the aim of
man—or making beautiful thingB, or
reading  beautiful things,   or   simply
contemplating the world with admiration  and  delight, machinery will  be
doing all the necessary and unpleasant
work.   The fact is, that civilization requires slaves.   The Greeks were quite
right there.   UnleSB there are slaves to
do  the  ugly,  horrible,  uninteresting
work,  culture and  contemplation  become almost Impossible.   Human slavery is wrong, insecure, and demoralizing.    On mechanical slavery, on the
slavery of the machine, the future of
the world depends.   And when scientific men are no longer called upon to
go down to a depressing East End and
distribute bad cocoa and worse blankets to starving people, they will have
delightful leisure in which to devise
wonderful  and  marvelous  things  for
their own joy and the joy of everyone
else.   There wlll be great storages of
force  for  every city, and  for  every
house if required, and this force will
convert Into heat, light or motion, ac
cording to his nee*ds.  Is this Utopian?
A map of the world that does not include Utopia is not worth even glancing at, for it leaves out the one country at which humanity is always landing.   And when humanity lands there,
it looks  out, and,   seeing   a   better
country,  sets sail.    Progress is the
realization of Utopias.
their industrious and well-paid servant. It ls greatly to be regretted, for
both their sakes. Behind the barricade there may be much that is noble
and heroic. But what is there behind
the leading article but prejudice, stupidity, cant, and twaddle? And when
these four are joined together they
make a terrible force, and constitute
the new authority.
In old,days men had the rack. Now
they have the press. That is an improvement, certainly. Hut still it ls
very bad and wrong and demoralizing.
Somebody—was it Burke?—called
journalism the fourth estate. That
was true at the time, no doubt. But
at the present moment it really is the
only estate. It has eaten up the other
three. The Lords Temporal say nothing, the Lords Spiritual have nothing
to say, and the House of Commons has
nothing to say and says lt. We are
dominated by journalism. In America
the president reigns for four years,
and journalish* governs forever and
.ever. Fortunately, ln America journalism has carried its authority to the
grossest and most brutal extreme. As
a natural consequence, it has begun
to create a spirit of revolt. People
are amused by it, or disgusted by lt,
according to their temperaments. But
it is no longer the real force It was.
It Is not seriously treated. In England, journalism, not, except in a few
well-known instances, having been
carried to such excesses of brutality,
is still a great factor, a really remarkable power. The tyranny that it proposes to exercise over people's private
lives seems to me to be quite extraordinary. The fact is, that the public
have an Insatiable curiosity to know
everything except what is worth knowing. Journalism, conscious of this,,
and having tradesmanlike habits, supplies their demands. In centuries before ours the public nailed the ears
of journalists to the pump. This was
quite hideous. In this century journalists have nailed their own ears to
the keyhole.   That is much worse.
Indeed, there is much more to be
said ln favor of the physical force of
the public than there is in favor of
the public's opinion. The former may
be fine. The latter must be foolish.
It is often said that force is no argument. That, however, entirely depends on what one wants to prove.
Many of the most important problems
of the last few centuries, such as the
continuance of personal government
in England, or of feudalism in France,
have been solved entirely by means of
physical force. The very violence of
a revolution may make the public
grand and splendid for a moment. It
was a fatal day when the public discovered that the pen is mightier than
the paving-stone, and can be made as
offensive as the brickbat. They at
once sought for the journalist, found
Wealthy people are, as a class, better than impoverished people—more
moral, more intellectual, more
well-behaved. There is only one
class ln the community that
thinks more about money than
the rich, and that Is the poor.
The poor can think of nothing else.
That is the misery of being poor.
There are three kinds of despots.
There is the despot who tyrannizes
over the body. There is the despot
who tyrannizes over the bouI. There
is the despot who tyrannizes over
soul and body alike. The first is called the Prince. The second ls called
the Pope. The third is called the People. The Prince may be cultivated.
Many Princes have been. Yet, ln the
Prince there Is danger. One thinks of
Dante at the bitter feast in Verona,
of Tasso in Ferrara's madman's cell.
It ls better for the artist not to live
with Princes. The Pope may be cultivated. Many Popes have been; the
bad Popes have been. The bad Popes
loved beauty almost as passionately,
nay, with as much passion, as the good
Popes hated thought. To the wickedness of the Papacy humanity owes
much. The goodness of the Papacy
owes a terrible debt to humanity. Yet,
though the Vatican has kept the rhetoric of its thunders and lost the rod
of its lightning, it is better for the
artist not to live with Popes. It was
a Pope who said of Cellini to a conclave of cardinals that "common laws
and common authority were not made
for such men as he; but it was a Pope
who thrust Cellini into prison, and
kept him there till he sickened with
rage, and created unreal visions for himself and saw the
gilded sun enter his room and
gre so enamored of it that he
sought to escape, and crept from tower
to tower, and falling through dizzy
air at dawn, maimed himself, and was
by a vine-dresser covered with vine
leaves, and carried In a cart to one
who, loving beautiful things, had care
of him. There is danger in Popes. And
as for the People, what of them and
their authority? Perhaps of them and
their authority one has spoken enough.
Their authority is a thing blind, hideous, grotesque, tragic, amusing, serious and obscene. It Ib impossible for
the artist to live with the People. All
despots bribe. The People bribe and
brutalize. Who told them to exercise authority? They were made to
live, to listen, and to love. Some one
has done them a great wrong. They
have married themselves by Imitation
of their Inferiors. They have taken
th sceptre of the Prince. How Bhould
they use it? They have taken the
triple tiara of the Pope. How should
they carry its burden? They are as
a clown whose heart ls broken. They
are as a priest whose soul ls not yet
born. Let all who love beauty pity
them. Though they themselves love
not beauty, yet let them pity themselves. Who taught them the trick ot
A judge can't obstruct the sidewalk
in Vancouver. Judge Mclnnes tried lt
the other day and a policeman got
reprimanded for thinking he was succeeding. Many another person does tt
him, developed him, and made him J without trying.


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