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Western Clarion Dec 16, 1911

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\     WiijifTi 3
ORIA. 3. C'
Bnbecription Price m, A A
Misunderstanding of the Term Leads to Confusion
---Every Socialist Should Understand
It Clearly.
According to an old adage, "A little
knowledge Is a dangerous thing." Like
, other proverbs, however, this one is
f not always true. It is only true when
Ithe possesor of that little knowledge
lis not aware that it is little. As a
[matter of fact, no man that lives, or
[ever lived, knows or knew much when
(the sum total of knowledge Is taken
[into consideration. Profundity is com-
Fparative, and the most profound are
lonly so when compared with those
[who are less so. It often happens that
[individuals who have absorbed an im-
fmense amount of knowledge, making
I them, in the comparative sense raen-
Itioned, marvels of profundity, are not
Jclear in understanding, having merely
(absorbed and not digested.
In the writer's opinion, clarity 18
Imore important than profundity. It
lis better to know a little well, than to
|be the repository of an immense
■amount of ill-digested facts. There
lare quite a number who think lt suf-
[ficient to read largely and memorize
{well what "great" writers have writ-
I ten, witttout, in any degree,- thinking
lover what they have read. All such
[can do is to, parrot-like, repeat from
[memory; they are economic phono-
Igraphs; they drink in what they have
■ read like sand drinks in water, and
[give lt off like sand gives off vapor
land with about as much intelligence
The purpose of the writer is to deal
I with the lack of clarity shown by so
Imany in their understanding of the
Iword "capital," In Socialist econo-
Every science has its own terminology. The terminology used by Marx
lis that adopted in the study of the
(science of Socialism. In this science
■the terms used have a certain definite
(meaning, the term "Capital" among
fthem and above and before all other
(terms it ls necessary to have a perfectly clear understanding of this
■term, for without lt a clear understanding of Socialism Is Impossible. In
himself to endeavoring to simplify the
one point—the meaning of Capital.
Tliere wlll probably be some readers
of this article who will still insist that
'we don't want to do away with Capital," etc. I would ask such if they
ever saw a piece of Capital, if they
ever 'felt a piece of Capital, If they
can produce a small quantity of Capital and will oblige the writer by forwarding it to him? No, it will be no
use to send on a piece of Iron. Iron
is Iron nnd not Capital.
It won't do to ship along a railway
A railway engine is a railway engine
and not Capital.
Truly, these and all other things
under the form of ownership previously mentioned, function as Capital, but
It ls the function that is Capital, not
the material thing. Capital ls a form
of ownership.
Capitalism ls a system of society
based upon Capital. So long as the
foundation remains the system remains. The only way to abolish Capitalism is to destroy Capital.
What stands in the way? Behind
the property rights of the Capitalist
class stand the powers of government
the Capitalists will use those powers
ln any way they find necessary to defend their property-rights, yes, in any
way. If they found it necessary, and
had tlffe power, they would slaughter
half the working class to keep the
other half down. If they found lt necessary, and had the power to do so
they would dump all the Socialist ballots In the waste paper basket. In
short, they will take any measure
they flnd necessary to conserve their
interests as capitalists, without ruth
or scruple, and small blame to them.
We, on our side, must be equally unscrupulous.
Knowing the direct and Irreconcilable conflict of interests between our
class and the ruling class, the ques-
The Socialist omelette cannot be
made unless you break the capitalist
"If I have to take money from you
does it. matter whether I take lt from
your right or your left pocket?"—J.
As the workers must be robbed by
the capitalist class, does it matter to
the former whether the latter call
themselves Canadians, Britishers or
Tho apologists of the capitalist system declare that the "common people"'
rule in this democratic age. . The following quotation will be handy when a
Socialist runs up against such con
Says the "Fortunes made in Business." (Harmsworth, England): "The
house of Rothschild is one of the
greatest powers in the world today.
Its members exercise more direct influence on human affairs than perhaps
any king. Its agents, mostly unknown,
are at work in a hundred lands. It
creates new nations. At the bidding
of its members kings stay their campaigns. . . . The total of their
wealth can only be imagined. In the
great capitals of Europe they hold
their court, the money lords of the
Eastern World. Their nod could produce, If they wished, the greatest financial panic the world has ever seen,
sending hundreds of thousands to ruin
alniost in a day." The Rothschilds
are Jews.   Shall the people rule?
You betcher!
Ask Uncle J. P. Morgan!
W. D,
■short, a knowledge of Socialism must tion we have to ask is, "How can we
be built upon a foundation of a clear
Conception of what Is meant by "Capl-
How exasperatingly often one hears
Buch statements as   "we   don't   want
Ito   do  away  with   capital,   but   with
[capitalism."   Some time ago the writer—who makes no pretensions to profundity—was conducting an economic
is,  endea\orlng  to  impart  to  the
students the little knowledge he had
In order to make it >.. siei1 for them to
(earn more, when a freakish female
|)f the giggling, Ill-behaved and ignorant type, who had spent a few months
p.mong well-posted Socialists and picked  up a number of economic  terms
(without   understanding   them,   turned
up at the class one evening and undertook to sot the writer right (?) ln
his understanding of the term Capital,
btating that he "didn't ought to tell
phe   people   we   wanted   to  do  away
vlth Capital, hut with Capitalism." On
endeavoring to put this lady (?) right
to what was meant by "Capital,"
|she threw down the copy of "Value,
Price and Profit," she held and said:
["Oh, you only want to hear yourself
Italk."    Now, It ls not for such opinionated Individuals    as    this   person
Jthat this is written, but for those who
(really wish to clearly understand and
are prepared to be corrected If they
(have understood wrongly.
Now, what ls Capital?   Capital is a
certain definite form   of   ownership.
|Capltal ls an abstract condition, not a
concrete thing.   Capital Is that form
pf ownership which prevails at present, under which all the Instruments
pf production and raw materials—the
passive factor in production—are owned by one class and used by them as a
[weapon to force the other class to
sell their property,  labor-power—the
■active  factor  In   production—to   the
■owners of the material means of production at a price called wages.
While, for brevity's sake, we speak
|of the railways as Capital, of the mines as Capital, and so on all along the
pine, lt must be distinctly understood
(that these things are not In themselves
The writer does not intend to go ln-
Ito  the  various  qualifications  of this
(condition such as  'constant capital"
land "variable capital," that is beyond
Ithe scope of this article, but to confine
most effectually attack capitalist Interests? and the answer ls "Educate
the Working Class," for behind all the
powers of government in the control
of the Capitalists ls the only real
strength of the ruling class—the Ignorance of the working class.
When we have enough of the workers who know what Is really the matter, their knowledge will Impel them
to use any means they flnd necessary
to wrench the club of government from
the hands of the master class, that
club that has always been swung above
the heads of the working class since
classes came into existence and has
often descended upon their heads.
In possession of that club, the working class will use It in whatever way
nec;ssary to put the Inst ruling class
down and out and then—fling the
club away, no  longer necessary.
With the beginning of classes, government began; with the end of classes government will end and be replaced by collective administration of industry.
Government cannot fexlst without
a governing class and a class to be
Classes cannot exist except as masters and slaves, owners and dispossessed.
With all members of society having equal rights to the use of the
means of production, classes and government are impossible, unthinkable.
When Capital ls destroyed the means
of life will remain and they will be
ours collectively owned, co-operatively used and the results individually
enjoyed. It ls not our part no v to
draw up details of that future state
of society. When It comes we (let us
hope lt will be "we") shall know more
and see clearer than now. It Is for us
to stir up and educate the working
class to take the world and all that
it contains, knowing full well that
when they have the Intelligence to do
that, they will certainly have the Intelligence to manage and enjoy their
own property and we will share in the
Comrades, speed the day in the only
way lt can be speeded by educating
yourselves In order to educate your
A clerk in the war department at
Washington has furnished some interesting data on the civil war. He
finds that this war was fought largely
by boys. Of the 2, 278,588 enlisted
In that war on the union side all but
118,000 were less than 21 years old!
If Confederate statistics were available they would likely reveal similar
conditions in that army. The list
is as follows:
25 boys—10 years of age.
38 boys—11 years of age.
225 boys—12 years of age.
300 boys—13 years of age.
105,000 boys—14 and 15 years of age.
126,000 boys—-16 years of age.
613,000 boys—17 years of age.
307,000 boys—18 years of age.
1,001,000 boys—18 to 21 years of
There never has been an occasion
when the appeal was more strongly
one of patriotism and love and freedom than this. Yet even in this case
it will be seen that the old and experienced' did not enlist to fight. The
wars of the world have been fought
by youths, who, because of Inexperience, did not and could not understand the significance of war. The
masters could not maintain themselves a year if they appealed to
those who understood the game. It
is only hy deceiving the hot-headed,
unsophisticated youth that they are
able to maintain the barbarism of
war to this day.
But even the young are awakening
to the meaning of war. They are
refusing to enlist even in the army
or navy. Something of the corrupting nature of army life is shown by
the official statement that one-fourth
of the soldiers and sailors are treated
for venereal diseases. It is not only
those who are killed in battle; war
kills the souls of the young even
when living.
You have heard of the Boy Scouts
movement?   Well, "There's a reason.
—Political Action.
I have just read in an English paper
an advertising scheme of the competition variety, which seems to be so
popular amongst the slaves of that
country. After all their prattling of
never being slaves they have perhaps
been more fooled, more ruled and more
robbed than the slave class of any
other country.
That the masters are of the opinion
that the slave's minds are still far
from the point where they cease to
think just as they dictate, through
their various organs and institutions,
ls shown by this competition to which
I refer. For behold, as a prize to the
winner they offer, not a paltry sum
of money, not a free university
course, not a trip around the world
or a time of leisure, but that which is
to the slave mind the greatest of all
boons and most sacred of all things,
a steady job and a permanent master.
,Oh, you self-styled freemen of a subject class who never cease to talk of
"your country," which you do not
own, who talk of "your rights" which
do not and never did exist, when will
you ever wake up to the fact that
your mind is in a greater state of
apathy and subjection than that of
any slave class that ever existed?
No need to bind you to your slavery
by force, no need to club you to subjection. You are always and at all
times ready to obey and applaud your
masters; you take thin words as truth
and to revolt against them who fool
you in order that they may perpetuate their rule and robbery, has never
entered your mind. It is difficult to
think of you as members of a class
which will overthrow this last form
of slavery, but so it ls determined by
the economic forces which cannot be
Conditions wlll compel you sooner
or later to become an active factor in
this class struggle, whether you like
it or not.
Be it the activity of your brain or
the hunger pangs of your stomach,
you must come, our way.
I hope it will be soon.
Streets Filled With Homeless Workers Seeking Jobs
—Situation Is Worst in Years—Will Be
Hard Winter.
There have been many comments
lately because some bankers who are
at present occupying quarters in the
Tombs prison enjoy too many privileges. J. G. Robin, it appears, has had
desk room In the warden's office, while
W. J. Cummins finds the ordinary quarters too small and has been permitted
to use the private rooms of the warden. Why' not have the Tombs overhauled so as to provide proper facilities for such guests? There should
be stock tickers, telephones connecting
with exchanges, and, above all, private consulting roms.—New York Herald.
The choice between stealing and
prostitution that faces so many women today who desire to live independent lives was vividly brought out
yesterday In Jefferson Market Police
Court, when Miss Dorothy G. Palmer,
of 69 Hamilton avenue, Yonkers, was
charged with buying clotheB and ornaments and having them charged to her
wealthy neighbor, Mrs. John K.
Miss Palmer Is 19 years of age, and
is a refined-looking and pretty girl.
She was arrested in a Fifth avenue department store. She made the following statement ln court:—
"A girl must be up-to-date to get
work. Even the most ordinary employer wants the young woman who
works for him to wear silks and satins,
pretty hats ami silk stockings. I
could not manage it on $5.00 a week
and keep my self-respect. That is
why I stole.
"I am not the sort to cry over spilled milk," Bhe said. "My crying days
are over. I have no tears left. I
may smile, but there ls an ache under
the smile. I have lived ten years
during the past two. I am only 191
years old, but 1 feel like a woman of
30, and I know what a woman of 30
Will E. Boxall please call at Clarion
offlce for some mall.
Studied your position in society?
Connected the ballot you cast last
election with the policeman's club,
that came ln contact with your skull
when you dared to strike for more
Wondered why you have nothing
left of your wages at the end of the
Been up against it and wondered
Heard the Liberal or Conservative
ask you to study their methods of
Thought that there must be some
reason for feeling scared about your
If so, you will be surprised how
easy these questions answer themselves after studying a little Socialist literature. Some of them are answered In every Issue of the Western
Clarion. Send In your sub. and get
S. L.
"Maybe if want one hundert laborer, maybe get it chance for job," said
a "foreigner" in front of the Civic'
Employment Bureau, where he and a
crowd of his fellows stood waiting in
a forlorn hope that a chance would
offer to "get on."
It was comparatively quiet when I
visited the bureau this (Tuesday)
morning, but one hundred jobs would
by no means have taken away all the
eager job-seekers who vainly scanned
the bare bulletin boards or kept tbe
clerks monotonously busy telling them
there were no Jobs. Not a single Job
did the Bureau have to offer, and
mighty few has it had since it started.
In front of a wicket some forty or
fifty struggled and fought for a chance
to register so as to be in line for the
next job. A little to one side, a
group of men stood discussing the situation.   I joined them.
"It's hell," said a young fellow,
"and it's going to get worse. I know
a fellow that slept in a shed last
night, nearly froze to death. If something doesn't turn up soon, I'm going
to go to the police station."
"You won't get in," chimed in a
fellow-unfortunate, "there are no accommodations. Eighty men were
turned away last night."
"Hundreds of men," remarked a
discursive Englishman, "have been
brought here on the promise of good
times, now there's nothing for them to I
do, or eat either. Yet there was a
damned fool here yesterday who said
he was loyal and true to his king.
The C. P. R.'s the god and king of
this country." "Even if you do get a
job," spoke up another, "It don't last.
Three months at a time Is a 'steady
job' out here."
My visit had lasted quite long
enough to let me know that Vancouver
faces another unemployed problem
more severe than the last. And this
is Vancouver, not London or New
York. This is the Sunset City where
prosperity reigns and single tax gives
everybody a chance to be Independent!
Just how many men are out of work
at present it is difficult to say, but
that it reaches the thousands is certain. Aside from the employment
agencies, free and otherwise, one sees
everywhere little knots of men talking dejectedly of how "tight" things
are. It ls impossible to get through
the district around Carrall, Cordova
and Powell streets without being
"touched" several times for the price
of a meal or a bed. By healthy, honest-looking young fellows, too.
A good many foolish people think
they are doing some good by trying to
bring "employer and employe together." As If It were possible to
create jobs by eliminating the employment agent's fee. The fact Is,
there is no work to be had. And
there is no food or Bhelter to be had
either, for a large number. The jails
are full of men who have no place
else to sleep.
Here   are   some  examples   of   the
"want  ads."   appearing   dally  in  the
WANTED—Strong man must have
work, supporting parents, tow
wages, anything. Apply Box Q-20.
WANTED—Respectable young man Is
willing to do any kind of work for
small  wages,  or room  and  board;
what can you do for me.   Box P-36,
WANTED—Work hy young man; will
work   for  small   wages;   also   Blgn
contract for six months.   Box P-5,
WANTED—By carpenter, Job as Improver, finisher; would take $3; reliable.    Box N-5, World.
WANTED—By   young   man,   steady,
served  part time at  baking trade,
wishes   employment  of   any   kind.
Small   wages.    Apply   H.   Hartley
772 Hamilton street.
"Give us work of any kind at any
wages," is the tone that runB through
them all.    There is one thing about
It:  a very large proportion of these
men   are  beginning   to   realize  what
they are up against.   It is very hard
to tell them that it ls all due to their
evil  qualities, or their  unbelief,  disloyalty   or  other   such   stuff.    They
know better.
You can't scare them when they talk
Socialism by telling them that Social-
Ism will take away their homes, or
reduce them all to a dead level. They
would tell you that there are rubbing
elbows there, Englishmen, Italians,
Swedes, Americans, Canadians, Protestants, Catholics, Agnostics, Atheists, bright men, stupid men, clerks,
carpenters, engineers, philosophers,
men with educations they can't Bell
and laborers; all without homes, all
levelled to the one condition, all
actuated by one thought, all in terror of the same fate, and all filled
with one common, compelling emotion—the desire for a job, of any
But they will listen eagerly if you
come to them with the message of
truth. If you tell them that they are
the unresponsible victims of the capitalist system. That the wealth they
have produced in the past has gone
to idlers. That they are slaves because the tools of production that
workers use, belong to capitalists and
that those tools may some day belong
to the workers who will no longer
have to beg hungrily for jobs.
That is -the Socialist mission, to
carry such a message, and to stir up
the revolt lying dormant in the minds
of these social outcasts. Let ub look
to our duty.
The Ignorance of the working class
is the power of the capitalist class.
The Cros" "ountain mine explosion
is another result of the Ignorance of '
the working class. A press report
says the average wage of the Cross
Mountain miner is $35 a month. Some
of the miners have families of eight
and ten. They contemplated protesting against conditions for some time,
but feared to face starvation if they
went on strike. An attempt to organize a union was made, but it would
not hold together.
The miners as a whole are the most
class-conscious body of men today,
and it is only the ignorance of the
other portions of the working class
that forces tbem to work In unsafe
mines. Most mine disasters have
been forecasted by workers ln the
mines, but what can they do? If they
refuse to go In the mine they lose the
job. If they report they lose the
job, and so it is that the miner has
to take his chance with the rest of
labor, against conditions which can,
but will not be remedied by the owners because of the expense.
It is time that every man who says
that the present Bystem Is all right,
who condemns the Socialist for trying to cause discontent amongst the
workers, it Is time, I say, that he was
charged with the murdor of these
miners and other victims of disasters;
nnd it should be the duty of every
class-conscious worker to charge them,
because lt ls through them that our
conditions are so deplorable; that our
lives are in danger; that children are
forced into the factories and mines;
that women are forced to sell their
bodies. We cannot charge It to the
capitalist class because lt Is not to
their Interest to remedy conditions
which are all right for them, although
they call themselves Christians. It ls
tho interest of the working class to better conditions, therefore such disasters
sb Cherry Mine, Naomi, Triangle Are
and all disasters which can be averted; also strikes, lockouts and unemployment can only be charged to that
portion of the working class who are
satisfied with the present system.
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre PAGE TWO
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No class of people of which history
gives any record has ever equalled the
present ruling class ln the wily cunning by which they entice slaves to
abrogate all the rights which belong
to free men. The ancient priests who,
to better delude and overawe their
credulous dupes crawled inside the material images of Immortal gods, manipulated the huge heads, and thundered
forth messages of direful portent,
were exceedingly coarse in their methods when compared with the controllers ot modern education.
We refer more particularly to a
publication entitled "The School Magazine," published by the B. C. Department of Education and edited by Clive
Phlllips-Wolley. It is distributed
monthly to the children in the various
Apart from its particular political
purpose, which is to boost the Conservative Party by reaching the parents through the children, this magazine has a far-reaching and sinister
object If we are to judge from the
flrst number, that object is to fill the
children with a superstitious reverence for royalty, and an idea that the
British Empire is of divine origin and
that therefore, its political institutions are stable and everlasting. Along
with these untruths are their usual
compan' as—an apotheosis of slaughter and a glorification of work. The
following passage is an example of
the soporific buncombe vu th which the
work Is filled:
"The world admits this, but It ls
still worth while to consider exactly
what a nation is. The great authorities upon such matters tell us that any
large body of men and women who
are sprung from the same race, who
have (roughly) the same religion, the
same language, the same geographical
position, the same manners, history,
and laws, constitutes a nation, and
that when such a body produces a recognizable type, or standard man and
woman, of its kind, and ls guided by
a common or general thought, such a
nation becomes perfect.
"It seems to me that it would be
very difficult to find any considerable
body of men and women who would
quite satisfy these conditions, or, as
we should say out here, who would
quite fill this bill; but I think Canada
comes nearer to doing so as most of
the existing nations. AH her people
worship the same God: all her people
serve the same King: all her people
are governed by practically the some
laws; all her people share alike in
the same magnificent heritage of land:
all her people have much the same
manners: most of the speak the same
language: all of them share ln the history of the last three hundred years."
It is true the author of this may
make a distinction between the terms
"people" and "slaves," confining the
former to the class by whom labor is
regarded with proper abhorrence, and
the latter to the working class. But
the Intended readers of his misleading statements can make no such distinction and neither shall we. In this
connection we shall regard "people"
as meaning all the population.
The people of Canada worship a multiplicity of gods, and a great proportion
no god at all. They all serve the same
king, It is true, because at present they
have to. That king ls not George V.,
however, but Capital. George Is mere
ly a sort of sandwich man who parades around, advertising the glory and
might of our real rulers, the Princes
of Commerce and Industry. But the
statement we are more particularly
concerned with ts that "all her people
share alike ln the same magnificent
heritage of land."
This is addressed to schools full of
children, ninety or more percent, of
whom will never know what it is to
own a foot of Canadian territory, foredoomed by the social system into
which they are born and by which
they are trained to lives of toll and insecurity in the service of an impersonal and Inhuman master—Capital.
Such teaching is baneful and pernicious in the extreme for it leaves the
children with an utterly false conception of the world into which they are
to enter. The land of Canada belongs
largely to people who have never seen
it It is bought, sold and traded in
without the slightest regard to the
well-being of the millions who will
in future come to its shores, or the
coming generations, by whose labor its
value will be raised. Nor should we
expect it to be otherwise as long as
profit remains the sole incentive for
human activity. The business of educationalists ls to teach Ideas that will
ln no way endanger the property or
profits of the "upper classes," and
to avoid the truth at all hazards.
There is one bright ray cutting its
way through this somewhat pessimistic outlook, and that is that by the
time the present occupants of the
schools are ready to wrestle with the
problem of securing a livelihood, the
capitalist system wlll have demonstrated its own weakness to such an extent that the new generation will grasp
its intricacies much more readily than
the old and thus give it its final quietus. Our task at present is to vigorously inculcate the Truth wherever
possible, as an antidote to the narcotics Injected by such human hypodermic syringes as Clive Phlllips-Wolley.
The statement that crimes such as
those of which the McNamaros were
guilty, are the result of Socialist teaching, or of agnosticism, Is extremely,
ludicrous in the light of the facts.
The McNamaras are both Roman
Catholics, and neither of them are
Socialists. The remarks of Daniel
DeLeon ln connection with Roman
Catholicism and assassination are
brought forcibly, to mind by this incident. He says in "Anarchism versus
"It is no accident, for instance, that
Balthasar Gerard, the assassin of William the Silent, a leader in the Protestant Revolution; that Jacques
Clement, the assassin of Henry III. of
France; that Ravalllac, the assassin
of Henry IV., also of France; and,
coming down to the history of our
own days, that Kullman, the would-be
assassin of Bismarck; Santos, the assassin of President Carnot ot France;
Bresci, the assassin of King Humbert
of Italy; Luechini, the assassin of the
Empress of Austria; Algonclllo, the
assassin of the Spanish Prime Minister Canovas del Castillo;—it is no
accident that all of these, down to
Czolgosz (assassin of McKinley) are
"It is no accident that these were
all brought up by the Roman Catholic
Hierarchy during the tender years
which that same Hierarchy recognizes as the most Important in shaping the future man's mind. I say it
ls no accident. Not, Indeed, that the
Roman Catholic Hierarchy makes it
a practice of preaching assassination;
not that. But that, unable, as it would
seem, to free Itself from its patriarchal and subsequent feudal habits, and
becoming ln our days the handmaid
of the capitalist system ot despotism,
it instils into its pupils, not the today
true and elevating principle that government is a reflex of social conditions, but the today false and degrading theory that social conditions are
a reflex of government: a theory that
by exaggerating the value of the Individual act, by thus inflating the Individual self-love, needs but to fall
upon favorable soil to inevitably
breed the assassin."
Many an individual, bitterly resenting the indignities and sufferings
daily Imposed upon the working class
in the pursuit of its livelihood, and
unable to reason clearly because- of
the distorted teaching which comprises standard education, turns
blindly to assassination .and destruc
tion of property for revenge and in
the vain hope of relief. Murder is
the natural result of the capitalist
system itself. It ls a boomerang
thrown by the capitalists in their
struggle for profits.
In their struggles to defend a hopeless case, the prostitutes of capitalism will resort to the most vicious
methods. A Vancouver paper, the
policy of which ls subversive of all
truth, and the highest Ideal of which
is to snap at the heels of public men,
or whine about a board fence, expresses the following pleasant sentiment:
'Murder and incendiarism are the
twin progeny of the Vancouver brand
of Socialism, and that brand is ram-'
pant throughout the West"
The coarse brutality of this deliberate lie is sufficient to brand its
author as the slimiest of journalistic
sycophants. He knows, if he knows
anything at all, that the very nature
of Socialist propaganda is to point
out the uselessness of such methods
and to occupy workmen's minds with
something more dignified and important.
Not that it is out ot any respect for
the persons of capitalists or their
tools that we decry their assassination. The blood of a million workers
sacrificed on the altar of cheapness
is justification enough. It is the utter
inadequacy of such acts to accomplish any definite purpose that places
them outside the pale of working class
effort. To assassinate one capitalist
or one politician Is merely to gratify
the ambitions of a competitor who is
secretly pleased though walling in
public. To burn the property of one
manufacturer is to .make business for
No one, however, would presume to
deny that the present form of society
was inaugurated with murder, incendiarism, fraud, trickery, torture and
piracy. The "best" and most wealthy
classes today are the immediate descendants of buccanneers, bandits,
thieving traders, slave-grabbers, and
grasping, cheating usurers. A good
many of the fortunes made right here
in British Columbia are the direct
result of the lowest form of swindling
—the robbery of innocent barbarians
by making fair promises in the name
of the "good Queen." To paraphrase
our friend: "Modern business and
modern-laws are the twin progeny of
murder and robbery."
The contemplated purpose of So
clallsm ls viewed with far greater horror by capitalists and their respectable hangerson than so commonplace
a crime as killing. We propose to
touch them in their real nerve centres,
their pockets. We Intend to take
away their property, the property that
Labor has given them. This, to them,
is an act unthinkably heinous. A
crime of such magnitude that to prevent it they would spill oceans of
blood — had they the courage — then
fold their hands and raise their eyes
ln devout thankfulness that their dollars were saved.      >
To keep the workers loyal it ls
necessary for capitalist journals to
lie, and do lt enthusiastically. Against
the fundamental facts that Labor produces all wealth, that wages represent only a fraction of the wealth produced, that If Industry was collectively owned by the workers they would
receive all the wealth they produced
and that their condition would be immediately improved thereby, all argument is vain. Our enemies know
this, that's why they are dumb on
these points.
It had not occurred to me to give
any reasons for resigning the executive secretaryship and the editorship
of the Clarion as the occurrence did
not appear to have sufficient importance to warrant it. But being urged
to give them in order to squelch the
reasons which appear to have been
kindly supplied by apparently deeply
interested parties, here they are, or
rather, here it Is. I resigned because
I had for some time found myself unable to fill the bill to my own satisfaction. That the actions of the recent B. C. convention had anything to
do • with it is a cheerful untruth,
which should be quite obvious to anyone who attended the convention. I
admit a temporary .spasm of disgust
at the utter vapidity and futility of
the aforesaid convention, but on consideration, particularly in view of Its
after affects, the results of the convention are not without their satisfactory features. It has acted upon the
party ln much the same way as lake-
water upon a ship after a sea voyage
the barnacles are dropping off.
In this connection, being now in the
rank and file and therefore
quite irresponsible, a word or
two might not be out of
place. The futility of the convention was largely due to the facts that
the majority had a program which
they were unable to put through, and
the minority's only possible program
was to defend themselves from the
majority. Consequently nobody arrived anywhere.
Owing to the negligence of a number of the real S. P. of C. Locals the
majority was composed of delegates
representative of an element entirely
out of sympathy with the platform
and principles of the S. P. of C. But
while they had the numerical superiority they completely lacked any
vestige of backbone. And so they
failed to carry out the neat little program they had mapped out They
came to "settle" the Hawthornthwaite
affair—and left it where It was. So
anxious were they to do it up right
that they appointed a press committee that was to make extended notes
and inform the workers of Vancouver
Island of the truth of the Nanaimo
affair, through their official organ, the
Nanalmo Herald. When, in spite of
"sealed lips," the truth of the Nanaimo affair did leak out, the press
committee so far forgot its enthusiasm for the enlightenment of the
aforesaid workers that they gave
their report to the flames. They returned Local Nanaimo's charter In
the morning and took it away again
In the afternoon. They declared the
Executive's action unconstitutional,
but were unable to say why. They
came to take the secretary's scalp
and went away after raising his salary—on paper. Finally they brought
ln a motion to declare all their previous actions null and void, and, being unable to pass it, some of them
bolted. And, since then, without
waiting for the convention proceedings to be deciphered and submitted
to referendum, a number of them are
ostentatiously leaving the party, the
wisest thing they have done yet and
certainly the best thing they have
ever done for the party.
-LOCAL MOTTE,  B.  O., WO.  3»,  „..
eecond Sunday, 7:30 p.m., in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberta,
local nun, ft t. at o., aim
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
Send a quarter for our assortment
of pamphlets. Don't wait, send it
The crew of half Canada's navy deserted ln Vancouver. He got a better
"Satan finds some mischief still for
Idle hands to do." Very well. See
that everybody works. What's the
Cheer up! "Lots of railroads in
sight There will be plenty of slaves
here soon. Who knows? We may
beat New York yet! Boost her along,
The emperor of India has announced his Intention of contributing a Bum
of money for educational purposes ln
that country. We thought he was doing fairly well up to that time. The
millions spent on the Durbar were
not intended to be spent for amusement At least we did not take the
business that way.
"Socialist   Party  Directory
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. R. I.
Matthews Secretary, 579 Homer-
Hicharda lane.   Vanoouver, B. C.
' Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday,   R.   I.   Matthews,   Secretary.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada
Meets every alternate Monday in Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. Bast, opposite post-
office. Secretary wtll be pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement In the province. F.
Danby,   Secretary,   Box   617,   Calgary,
Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
secretary, w. H. Stebblngs Address,
816 Good Street Winnipeg.
SASKATCHEWAN FBOVUfCIAX, Executive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every flrst and third
Saturday in the month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters. Matn Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. L. Budden,
Secy., Box 101, North Battleford, Sask.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays ln the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace nay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay, N. S.
locax. fbbhxb, s. p. of c, holds
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting flrst Sunday In each
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary, Box 101.
LOCAL   OBEEHWOOD,   B.   C,    BO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades invited to call. C.
Prlmerlle, Secretary.
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlandcrs' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 64, Rossland.
LOCAL MtOXSL, B. C, BO. 18, ». T.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Crahan's HaU. A hearty Invitation ls
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the tlrst
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 am. ln the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday In
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
LOOAL SAB-DOB, B. 0., HO. 38, B. T. OF
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
In the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. in Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; - Andrew Allen,
LOOAL  VAHCOUVEB,  B.  C,  HO.  1,  B.
P. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 133
Water Street. F. Perry, Secretary, 618
Hornby St.
LOOAL YAHCOUTBB,  B.   C,   HO.   48,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 2237
Main Street.   Secretary, Wm. Mynttl.
LOOAL TBBHOH,  B.  0., HO. 38, ■. V.
of C. Meets every Tuesday, 8:00 p.m.
sharp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St
W. H. Gilmore, Secretary.
LOOAL    OOLBHAW,    ALTA.,    HO.    t.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 68,
Coleman, Alta Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room ls open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organlaer, W. Stephenson.
ot C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p. m. at Hoom 25, Mackle (Block;
Eighth avenue and Second street W.
Club and reading room Bame address.
Frank Tipping,  Secretary,  Box 647.
every Sunday, Trades Hall, 8 p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, 8
p.m., Trades Hall. B. Simmons, secretary, 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Itossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class, Friday at 8 p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalteo, 2*9 First St.,
Brandon, Man.
S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays In the month, at 4 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock, Box 1983.
OF O.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunday, 7:30 p. in., in the Trades Halt.
Economic Class every Sunday, 8 p.m.
D. McMillan, Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask,; A. Stewart, Organlaer,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves welcome.
ft P. OF C—Headquarters 528% Main
Street, Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting every
Sunday morning, at 11; economic class
Wednesdays, at 8 p. m. Secretary's
address,   270   Young   Street.     Propa-
flanda meeting every Sunday evening
n Dreamland Theatre, Main Street, at
8 o'clock.    Discussion  Invited.
Business meetings flrst * Sunday ln
month in Labor HaU, 44 Bank St. A.
G. McCallum, Secretary, 140 Augusta
LOCAL  OLACB BAT,  HO.  1,  OF H. ft
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's HaU, Union Street. AU are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, office in D. N,
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
, The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession of the
reinr of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by'
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering tbe
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
program of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
5   Yearlies - -
10 1-2 Yearlies -
-   4.00
20 Quarterlies  -
-   4.00
Since I returned from the "east I
have assisted the Comrades *with 22
meetings ln Alberta and two in B. C,
from the collections received outside
of the striking distiict I received
$17.70. The assembly ta now ln session and I am answering the roll-call.
Commissioners Por Voters' List*.
Will Locals throughout Yale-Cariboo
, send in as soon as possible, the names
(in full), age, occupation and plane
(of residence, of those thoy wish to
I be appointed as Commissioners to take
^Affidavits for 1912?
Also comrades in isolated comraunr-
Ities who wish to be appointed, please
| no-fit? -wSHh full particulars. i
Dist Secty.    ]
Mara, B. <C.|
WANTED—At the Ymir Gen-
eral Hospital, a nurse, muit be a
graduate of some well established
hospital. For particulars write
W. B. McISAAC,    '
'Cash in hand *$   2.00
o'llected by F. E. Bossley  '**9:25
Collected by E. Waterson  :26.00
Collected by J. Mclnnls  15.00
Collected by Geo. McKay , 5.00
Collected by R. W. Northey..,. 2.00
Collected by Claude F. Orchard 10.00
jiollected by W. H. Gilniore... 20.00
pollected by G. Mackie  6.00
tollected by W. Elson  11.75
Collected by H. GUdemeester... 4.00
tollected by J. F. Johnson  33.00
Collected by J. Pllklngton  5.00
"bollection at meeting, Enderfoy 8.10
Contributed by Anonymoas,
Hedley     8.00
Oar propaganda efforts should never
Bo let ne commence right now with
propaganda and organization work.
Some parties ln the Boundary district will notice that their contributions rnre absent from tl.is account -of
Tecetpts. This is due to the fact that
the collector, Gerald Desmond, did
not give me any account of theBe contributions, nor did he remit any money
to me.
I have some Yale-Cariboo voters'
lists left, which may be -reeful to
locals throughout the district. Send
In your wants. These voters' "lists
can be split up for the different provincial constituencies or left -whole.
I am compelled by lack of time to
resign as district secretary an the I'st
of January next Will some comrade
volunteer to take up the work?
District Secretary.
Mara, B. C.
Contributed by J. H. Hayes...
pontributed by R. B. Kerr	
Contributed by Geo. E. Winkler
pontributed by Phoenix Public
Service   Union   No.   liS,   I.
A special meeting of the B. C Provincial Executive Committee Is hereby called for Monday, December l*th,
8 p.m.
W. W ■•    BO-*" Socialism and Unionism So
pontributed by J. Pritchard....     2.00 slave of the Farm  5c
pontributed by Local Merritt..     2.00 j struggle  for Existence  5c
  Proletarian In Politics "5c
Total • -1262.10 The State and Government  5c
ro deposit for candidate $200.00
ro expenses, J. F. Johnson....    17.50
Po stationery  and  postage     10.55
ro telegrams      4.40
ro expenses, F. E. Bossley      4.00
fo printing       23.60
Total f260.05
total receipts  (262.10
total expenditure    260.06
Editor of the Western Clarion,
Vancouver, B. C.
Dear Comrade:—
In response to the call for help
of the Western Clarion, I have gathered the Inclosed eleven yearly subscriptions. For the other $10.00 send us
sub. cards. This la all we can guarantee for the present, but the comrades
are thinking of trying the Vancouver
method of distributing envelopes, we
ctw but try. It ls doubtful if lt will
come to anything as the people are
scared to part with a dollar ln this
quarter. I had forty-two miserable
cent-pieces put ln the collection last
Sunday, which totalled 11.42. You
can just about judge what it means
for the (comrades in this dark and superstitious quarter of the Globe,
The comrades are thinking of trying to arrange a smoking concert or a
dance to raise funds to forward on to
yon to help keep the Clarion, as I assure you we don't want to nee lt go
under, but I must confess "that the
articles are a bit too deep tor the
wooden headed wage slaves of Eastern Canada and it has been a job to
secure subscriptions even from some
so-called Socialists. I wonld suggest
that if things are favorable for Its continuation, it would be a good thing to
use the front page for the purpose
of explaining Socialism in the most
simple manner, just publish the A.B.C.
as it were, the rest of the paper could
be used for deeper articles to suit the
real Socialists.
I must confess that we need as the
good christian says: "yonr prayers to
wake up this dark part," I think Comrade  Gribble  could  give  us  another
look round to good effect   Kindly acknowledge receipt of money order and
Yours in the fight,
.......     ; Sec. S. P. of C,
St. John Local No. 6.
•    •     Si
To the Publisher of the Clarion,
Dear Sir:—
I have received the Clarion for some
time and I am not aware of who is
sending it to me as I gave no order
for it and I might say have no use tor
lt or any other paper that ls opposed
to priest or preacher, as without the
influence  of   those   people   I   fear  it
would be a terrible state of affairs.
Five-cent pamphlets at 80 cento per' Trusting you wlll discontinue the pa-
hundred |Per * am respectfully,
Ten-cent   pamphlets   at   fUS   -per! JOSEPH F. REDMOND,
Two thousand new yearly subs, by
January 15th will put us on Easy
Street. We must not have a deficit
this month. Do your best comrades,
for the next month and get us that
(By Karl Kautsky)
(Continued from last Issue)
The existence of the exploiter is
not bound up with that of the exploited.    The worker and his  wife and
two thousand. Then we will stop talk-! children can at any moment be turning about it for awhile and go after.<*  «>to  the street,  with  starvation
the enemy.   The following are doing >*****• tbem to the face, without caus-
their part; It's up to you: lnB tne slightest change ln the posl-
Local St. John, N. B n ! Uon of the exploiter who has fattened
B. Kuhn, Brandon, Man.  8 'on aim-
T. B. Legge, Brandon, Man  b|    And Uie misery of unemployment
W.  Bennett, City 5 , ls today rarely the consequence of dls-
D. McMillan. South" Hlll^ SaA.'' - 5 Jtnrbances In  production  through  ex-
R. Thomas, Merrltt, B. C  4 ternal, overpowering Influences, it is
F   Tipping   Calgary   Alta  . 4 •*ow m fact tne natural consequence
E. Fulcher,'Brandon! Man."!.!!."!! 3 of P™lo<-tfon itoelf.   Disturbances In'lively.
N  K  Pugh  Victoria, B   C 2 Production  under  present  conditions
E. Simpson,' Victoria, b! c!!!!!!!!! 2latten  wcrease  the  opportuniUes  for
T. A. Austin, Nelson, B. C  2 !***«"* Instead of lessening them:  one
Singles-L.   M.   Gordon,   Hamilton, ***  OT,y  ca"  t0  mlnd  the  conBe*
Ont;   Fred   Teeple,   Brandon,  Man.;  *lu*-mcOT of the war m 1870 to the econ*
S.  Lefeaux, City;   Jas.   C.   Dawson, I *-*-» ■« j>»« ot Germany and Francedur;
Charlotte, Sask.;  Claude Swan, Shell-
brook,  Sask.-,   R.  F.   Smith,  Youngs-
town," Alta.; Peter F. Olsen, Copeville, .^torleo  the  income  of   the _
Alta.; C. F. Webber, Carmack, Y. T.;  Producing on his own account grew l-|-ve-lhood ,„ tnat way completeIy ott
H. Noakes, Victoria, B. C; W. DaTen- ia*-Ser the more Industrious he proved thelr feet and to force them mt0 ^
ing the Immediately succeeding years.
Under the domination of petty en-
need not, therefore, diminish In number. Petty trading,, becomes the last
refuge of those'who have gone bankrupt among the small producers.
In the German empire there were
employed per   thousand   workers   ia
each particular group:—
Establishments Industrial Commercial: I
(including Licensed Victuallers.**
1882 1895 1882 1895-
1 to 5 employees   551   399   757   697
6 to 50 employees 186   238   202   243-
Over 50 employes   263   363     41     60)
From this table lt will be gathered
that In commercial and licensed establishments petty enterprise predominates far more than In Industry and
declines less rapidly—speaking rela-
Speaking absolutely, petty en>
terprlse is on tbe increase in commerce and the licensed victuallers*'
trade. The number of employees in i
these callings increased from l,013,981i
ln 1882 to 1, 509,453 in 1895.
To restrict petty trading—for ln^
stance by restricting hawking or peddling—would mean nothing else but
to sweep those who are getting their.
We- netad aioitT and we want to
| make way for new pamphlets.   There-
10.00 fore we make the following offer:
100 Manifesto of S. P. of C 10c
Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism 10c
This Is all excellent propaganda
matter. Order quick, as the stock Ib
not likely to last long.
palance in hand $
Audited and found coirect.
j The total vote for Yale-Cariboo was
k8, no doubt disappointing to all,
Jut a vote which is stripped of an
npathizers. I have received many
nqulries re the comparatively small | Many a man thmks t„at ,t „ ^
■oto and I take this opportunity of ness that keeps him from crime, when
Vmtodtng the comrades that in the it is only his full stomach. On half
1st analysis they themselves are to allowance he would be as ugly and
fame for not pushing the propagau- *g* ?orX°.^es ^ "^
actively between campaigns. jyje
A contented slave Is in exactly the
same position from an intellectual
standpoint as any other domesticated
•    *    s>
"Britons never shall be slaves." If
not slaves now, we wonder what they
would look like if they were?
-Thomas Car-
Is The Key Note of Socialism
Our Co-operative Loan Contract* Enables lhe
to become independent of the landlord in a short time
Own your own home by small monthly payments less than rent
Make small monthly savings earn over 20% for you
Ask for Booklet
Home Loan & Contract
Company, Limited
640 Hastings Street West        Phone Sey. 6704
Gopher Head, Alta.
• •   *
We have at last forced them to notice us here in Montreal. After a long
course of "silent contempt" the press
took a definite stand today, when they
informed us that we would have to
pay full rates for a "display" ad. for
our meetings.
We had been compelled to make use
of cheaper ads. In the "wants" and
''miscellaneous" columns through lack
of funds, but we were Informed today
by the "Montreal Star" that, these insertions of ours had been and would
ln future be classed as "OBJECTIONABLE," and that the full rate would
be charged as a deterrent.
They bave had to sit up and take
notice. The flrst big gun has been
fired In Montreal.
Yours in revolt,
Montreal Local, S. P. ot C.
• •   »
Copeville, Alta., Dec. 1, 1911.
Dear Comrade,—Am very much
pleased to see our paper out again as
a weekly and believe me or not, if
those soreheads are made to go down
the road and air their views. Instead
of using valuable space in our paper,
we will be able to build her up and
keep her up.
Will state here that Comrades A. P.
and Mrs. Olsen of Red Deer just left
for Copenhagen, Denmark, to take up
residence there, after a stay of 31
years on this continent.
Yours scrapfully,
port, Brantford, Ont; G. C. Hansel-
man, Saskatoon, Sask.; W. E. Cocks,
Regina, Sask.; W. K. Bryce, De Maine,
Sask.; J. N. Hintsa, Gibson's • Landing, B. C; John C. Turner, Fernle,
B. C.j Jos. Naylor, Cumberland, B. C;
A. E. Tipper, Chas. Mulcahey, O. Ray-
ner, City.
Bundles—J. S. Odegaard, Prince
Rupert, B. C, 5; Wm. Allen, Sydney
Mines, N. S., 5.
Sub. Cards Issued.
Local St. John, N. B $10.00
Maritime Executive        8.00
E. Fulcher, Brandon, Man     5.00
Thos. E. Mason, Montreal, Que. 4.00
W. E. Cocks, Regina, Sask     4.00
Some Chicago women who can think
of other things besides frivolous society capers have put a petition into
circulation demanding the freedom of
Agelina Napolltano, who is ,*JQW serving a life sentence in a Canadian prison for having killed her husband.
Mrs. Napolltano killed her worthless
spouse after he had tried to force
her to sell her body upon the streets
and support him. He had been tried
once before on the charge of threatening his wife's life and was sentenced
to three years in prison, but was pardoned after serving three weeks.
Perhaps Mrs. Napolltano had obeyed
the demands of her swine husband
she.would not now be condemned to
a living death in a Canadian penitentiary, but might be a successful rival
of Oaby Dealys in the pleasing pastime
of entertaining the vicious and degenerate "smart set" of New York—the
to he. Laziness ruined him and caused his unemployment Today the longer the workers work the more unemployment increases. The worker
causes his unemployment by his own
work. Like many another maxim from
the world of petty enterprise, the one
that the worker's good fortune depends upon his being industrious has
been changed to its opposite by the
large capitalist enterprise. And another maxim still mouthed today by
many a Philistine, presumably for
the benefit of the worker, has become
an untruth, namely, that anyone willing to work can flnd work.
Just as little as small property is
a sure protection against want and
misery, so is possession of labor-power. While the ghost of bankruptcy is
continually hovering over the peasant
owner and Uie handicraftsman, the
ghost of unemployment haunts the
wage-worker all his life.
This continual insecurity Is, of all
the evils of the present mode of production; the most tormenting, and also
the most atrocious, the evil that stirs
up the feeling of the worker unspeakably and scatters completely to the
winds all his conservative notions.
This eternal insecurity of his own position undermines his belief in the security of the existing state of things
and extinguishes his interest ln its
retention. And he who continually
dreads the existing state of things
Anally loses all fear for new conditions.
The capitalist mode of production
brings tn its train overwork, unemployment, and dissolution of the family for the working-clasb, and it has
at the same time the effect of fore-
parasites who rob the tolling, moiling
milUons of workers that they may poi- in« VTo}e!&riali.co^on\upon.J^:
son the social conscience with their
riotous debauchery and obscurity.
In our humble opinion the poor Italian woman who protected her virtue
IOCialUrt Gains—are made chiefly by the printed propaganda.
£you have a friend who won't listen to your arguments, put his name
■*•*. this coupon and send it in with a $1, 50c or 25c.
Hnclosed Find $..
[Western Clarion to
for which send the
| Address
Vancouver, B. C.
--at the RO.
if you do not
get your
If that does
not work
Write Us
and we will
see that you
get it.
and the honor of her children by killing a scoundrel is a heroine, and the
barbarous judge and jury who condemned her to die upon the scaffold deserve to be transported to the jungles
ot Africa to associate with and learn
a few lessons in morality from wild
beasts, for even lions and tigers protect their young.
Words can but tamely express our
loathing tor tbe Canadian canaille
who have learned to walk upon their
hind legs and gain keen pleasure in
torturing a poor weak woman because
she employed a natural law to defend
her life and soul from an inhuman
Those whose hearts possess some of
the milk of human kindness, who appreciate the eternal fitness of things
and who can spare a few hours' of
time occasionally to labor for justice
and common decency should write to
Iris Smith, 4538 Hazel Avenue, Chicago, 111., secure some petitions and
further Information regarding the
movement to secure freedom for Mrs.
The King goes to India to overawe
the toiling millions there and to subdue the voices crying out against oppression. Let us hope the day is not
far distant wben the masses will not
be dazzled into subjection by the
wealth which has been filched from
Our civilization Is essentially a machine civilization; the machine is its
typical representative. The steamship
and the locomotive which play an Immense role in our modern life are essentially machines. All the products
we consume have- the stamp of the
machine upon them; either they are
fashioned by the machine or the machine brings them to us. The next social revolution will be fought around
the machine—the machine will be its
storm centre. Modern society cannot
live for a day without the machine and
unlesB it is to be always at the mercy
of a decreasing handful of machine
owners, it must make the machine social property—which again means the
triumph of Socialism—Arthur Morrow
Lewis.     ,
ther sections of society, thus visibly
making these conditions the general
conditions of the great mass of the
The Commercial and the "Educated"
it is not on'.y by the extension of Industry on a large scale that the cap!
talist mode of production makes the
proletarian conditions general. It is
also caused by the position of the
wage-workers ln industries on a large
scale becoming the standard for the
position of the wage-workers in other
spheres of activity. And their conditions of work and life are revolutionized by the large scale Industries.
The advantages which these workers may perhaps have possessed over
those employed in capitalist Industries
are now, by the influence of the latter,
changed Into so many disadvantages.
Where, for instance, today the worker
of a handicraft still boards and lodges
with his master, the aforesaid change
results ln this handicraft worker being worse fed and housed than the
wage-worker who has a household of
his own. The long apprenticeship was
in times gone by, a means for pre-
ranks of the loafing class; that is to ■'
say, to compel them to become beg- *
gars, vagabonds, or jailbirds—-which
would indeed be typical social reform.
The influence of the development ot
industry on a  large scale as far as.
petty trading is concerned, does not:
flnd expression ln a decrease in they
number   of   small  trading   concerns,
but in their actual dwindling away.
The existence of   petty    traders   on
their own  account becomes  continually more insecure and more like that
of the proletarians.   Besides, there la
a steady increase in the number ot
those employed In large concerns, who-
become real  proletarians,   and   have-
no prospect of ever going into business on their own account; chlld-and-
woman-Iabor continues to extend, the-,
latter, accompanied by increased proa- -
titution.     Overwork,   unemployment,..
and the cutting down of wages also -
enter this sphere of employment. The-
positlon of the commercial employee-
is approaching that of the industrial
proletarian.   The former can be distinguished from the latter almost ln
oiife -3ne way, namely, by his keeping
up the appearau.". at a great sacrifice, ot a higher social poJ*'on, while:
the industrial proletarian knows not*;
ing of practising such deception.
And yet another category of proletarians begins to develop; the educated proletariat To be educated has,,
in our present mode of production, be- -
come quite a separate business. The
scope of knowledge has grown immensely and is widening from day to day.
And capitalist society as well as the
capitalist state, require more and more
men of science and art for the conduct of their affairs, for the subjection of the forces of nature, be it for
the purpose of production or destruction, or for the luxurious utilization -
of their increasing affluence. But not
only the peasant, the handicraftsman
or proletarian, but even the merchant,
the manufacturer, the banker, the.
stock-exchange gambler and the large-
land-owner have no time to devote-
to art or science. Their time ls fully
taken up by their business and amusements. In present Society lt is not,
as under former systems of society;,
the exploiters themselves, or at least
a section of them, who foster art and
science.- They leave that occupation
to a separate class, whom they pay
for their services. Education becomes
a commodity.
But until several decades ago lt was' ■
still a rare commodity. There were
but few schools, and study involved
considerable expense. The peasants
were mostly not in a position to be
able to raise the means for sending
tbelr sons to the higher schools. Handicraft and commerce on the other hand
were still ln a prosperous condition;
hence, whosoever was engaged In
these callings remained in them; only
the fact of being specially gifted or
in exceptional circumstances induced
the son of the handicraftsman or mer-
ventlng a glut of workers in hand!- chant *° taKe »P tho **tu*ly of «t and
craft; today the system of apprenticeship is the most effective means of
producing a glut of cheap workers in
handicraft and of depriving the adult
workers of their livelihood.
Here also, as in other directions,
things that under the domination of
petty enterprise were reasonable and
a boon, have become nonsensical and
a hindrance owing to the capitalist
mode of production.
The endeavor of guild-masters to
revive the old guild system may In
the main be ascribed to the desire to
create, by the revival of the old forms,
new means for the purpose of exploiting their workmen. They seek
to save themselves from the bog by
throwing down and stepping on proletarian bodies.
And these gentiemen grow indignant when the working class falls
to become enthusiastic over this method of delaying somewhat the Inevitable extinction of petty enterprise.
Commercial trading undergoes a
similar development to handicraft
The large enterprise squeezes ont of
existence the petty enterprise, even
in the sphere of petty trading.
The small commercial undertakings
science. While the demand for officials, technical experts, medical men,
teachers, artists, etc., increased, the
supply was almost entirely restricted to the progeny from such circles.
The commodity education commanded therefore a high price. Its possession brought at least a comfortable
living to those who turned it to practical account, like lawyers, officials.
medical men, professors, etc.,—often
fame and honor also. The artist, the
poet, the philosopher were the companions of kings. The Intellectual
aristocrat considered himself superior to the aristocrat by birth or money,
his only concern was the development
of his intellectual gifts. Consequently the educated could be ldealists,and
often were such. They stood above
the other classes and their material
aspirations and antagonisms. Education meant power, happiness, and aml-
ableness; therefore the conclusion lay
near, that, In order to make all men
happy and amiable, to surmount ait
class antagonism and to abolish poverty and degradation, nothing more
was required than the diffusion of education.
(Continued  Next Week) PAGE FOUR
At the present time, when this ter-
arestrlal globe is swamped with a galaxy of stump orators, too colossal to
^enumerate, each with his own pet
Aheory or idea of the eternal fitness of
■things, visible and invisible, most of
tthem with some well-designed plan
enf a future state of society, even to the
most minute details; almost without
^exception holding a philosophy built
*npon tbe shifting sands of idealism,
Ht behooveB those who profess to voice
Jrhe revolutionary proposition to make
stheir position clear in plain and unmistakable language.
The writer himself hails from a country where so-called Socialist parties
»re so numerous and varied—each dis-
tinguislied from the rest by the all-
Important qualifying adjective—and
Ideas about Socialism so peculiar and
-conflicting that the honest seeker after
facts, is apt to become entangled In a
labyrinth of ideas, leading nowhere.
Thus many, seeing the awful confusion
-existing among parties professedly
voicing the interests of the working
(class, have either lapsed into absolute
apathy, or descended into the quagmire of anarchy. Therefore the pur-
arose of this somewhat incoherent mass
cot phrases is to attempt to outline
*a few salient points in the Socialist
^philosophy and the policy a party admitting all that such a philosophy im-
jplles should adopt.
Engels, whom Labrlola rightly term-
-Bd a professor of professors, although
without a chair, in that masterly little
■■work, entitled "Socialism, Utopian, and
Scientific," says at the end of Chapter
"UL, "These two discoveries, the materialist conception of history and the
^revelation of the secret of Capitalist
.'Production, through surplus value we
•owe to Marx. By these discoveries the
•teachings of Socialism became a
The materialist conception of his-
*tory explains all man's activities, mental and physical, as resulting from the
methods adopted in the production and
-distribution of wealth.
There Is nothing that history brings
out more clearly than the fact that
man constantly changes his cusl-*un>,
'laws, and methods, •"■..most any elementary bcI»--m boy can describe the
■Bwrcessive changes in dress, habitat
and weapons. Take for one moment
the evolution of the latter: flrst the
-club, then the stone axe, then the sling
and javelin; then the bow and arrow;
then the steel plate armour with lance
sand sword, then with the discovery of
Uhe use of gunpowder it was found a
man could use powder and ball with
deadlier effect than the steel-clad,
■mounted knight with his long lance or
asword, and so firearms appeared on
the scene with flrst, the flint-lock musket, then the percussion lock, then the
repeating rifle and finally our modern
.■automatic maxim gun, etc.
Alongside of this gradual change in
• the methods of defense, can be observed the same gradual change in the
method of production; so that from
the crudely shaped, primitive club,
probably the flrst instrument used by
: primitive man to obtain his livelihood
- easier, we have in our midst today the
gigantic social machine of production
operated by a vast aiid well-organized
Industrial army. It might here be noted that the motive for each successive
change in the tools of wealth production, was man's desire to live easier,
that he might ln fact, produce from
mother earth, life's necessities more
Every change in the method of producing and distributing wealth all alon
this line of evolution has resulted in
n corresponding change in man's ideas
and In the Institutions by which he
"is surrounded. As Engels, in chap. III.
*ot the work before referred to, Bays:
■"The manner in which wealth Is distributed and society divided Into classes or orders is dependent upon what
Ib produced, how lt is produced, and
low the products are exchanged. From
this point of view, the final causes
of all the social changes and Political
Revolutions are to be sought, not In
men's brains, not in man's better insight Into eternal truth and justice, but
changes In tbe modes of production
and exchange. They are to be sought
aot ln the philosophy, but In the economics of each particular epoch."
Ever since the dawn of private property ln the means of production society has been composed of classes
known at various time under various
titles—masters and chattel slaves, feudal lords and serfs, capitalists and
wage workers—and a struggle is everywhere manifest between these classes of diverse economic interests.
The class struggle (the struggle for
ownership) is a corrollary of the struggle for existence. In the same way the
Darwinian law explains organic evolution, the Marxian law explains social
evolution. The subjection of the working class, being due to the fact that
the means of production are ln the
possession of another class, makes the
Interests of these two classes diametrically opposite, and the class struggle
"The evolution of the tool and wea-
-pom crudely outlined earlier, have resulted in the existence of two mighty
factors in modern society, the state
or machinery of government and the
mighty forces of wealth production.
And every class that at any period ln
history has been made the recipient
of the benefits accruing -rom the operation of the economic forces, has been
able to retain that position only thro
the possession of that which had Its Inception In the primitive, crudely-shap-
en, club, the State.
The materialist conception of history, explaining all man's Ideas of religion, moral codes, justice, goodness
etc., as arising from and being built
upon the economic basis, cannot entertain any metaphysical reasoning or
idea of the miraculous; or such a thing
as the existence of eternal—(natural
or divine)—laws governing and guiding the human race.
Surplus Value: The revelation of
the secret of capitalist exploitation
through surplus value which as Engels said, we owe to Marx. This brilliant, yet much despised economist demonstrated conclusively that commodities—articles produced for sale upon
tie world's market—exchange one with
another at value, Buch value being determined by the amount of average necessary human labor In the abstract
incorporated therein, measured by
time. PriceB of course are but the
monetary expression of values and
though these may fluctuate owing to
supply and demand, and—(this being
the most important factor)—the fluctuation in exchange value of gold itself, still it remains a fact that seeing
these fluctuations necessarily concel
one another, prices cannot rise
above value on the average. Now the
laborer, owing to the fact that the
means, of production are in the possession of another class ln society
than that to which he belongs, is compelled to sell the only thing he has in
order to keep alive. This is his labor
power, his physical or mental energy.
Labor power Is thus an article of merchandise, bought and sold upon the
labor market, ln exchange for which
the worker receives a certain sum of
money, called wages. This Is simply
the price of another value, the value
contained ln his labor power,- which
value like all others is, determined by
Its cost of production measured ln
labor time. The cost of production of
the workers' labor power Is the value
contained in his life necessities, food,
clothing,  shelter.
The opportunity the worker has of
exercising this privilege (glorious prlvl-
ege) of selling his lifes force at so
much per hour, day, week or month is
regulated by the competition he finds
upon the labor market with his fellow
laborers. This competition by the
way, is daily increasing owing to the
constant improvement in the machine,
and because of such improvement the
wages received are harder to obtain,
more difficult to maintain and easier
to push down; and this in spite of the
existence of any form of unionism.
The amount received in wages fluctuates around the cost of subsistence, and
though we may admit that this line
is moveable, still it ls around this
line that the struggle Is to-day taking
place. Thus any organization that interests itself ln the working class as
peddlers of commodities cannot be effectual tn helping that class materially
The peculiarity of the commodity
labor power Is that it imparts a greater value than its cost—a value greater than the value of the labor power expended. As Marx says: "He (the
capitalist) sells dearer, not because
he obtains more than the value of his
commodity, but because his commodity contains a greater value than that
contained in the natural elements of
Its production." Thus surplus value
Is crystallized, unpaid labor, that portion of the workers' product appropriated by the capitalist class. It ls
the difference between what it costs
the capitalist to produce his commodl
ties nnd what he realizes for them
when sold upon the world's market.
The contention of certain would-be
critics, who point out that since according to our view of the matter, the
worker in selling his labor power for
wages obtains value for value, cannot
therefore be subject to the exploitation we make so much complaint of,
falls entirely to the ground. The capitalist engages ln production for the
sole purpose of obtaining this surplus
value. He buys and sells labor power
and corrals for himself the difference
between what he pays for it and-what
he obtains for the product it create?
The capitalist can make nothing in
the buying and selling of the other
factors in production—raw material,
machinery, etc—their value ls merely consumed tn the process of manufacture and passes over and is embodied in the finished commodity, but
without increase. It is only the living
commodity, labor power, that transfers to the new product an additional
value—a value exceeding Its own
value. This Ib what, as pointed out
previously, constitutes surplus value.
After the foregoing rather brief outline of a few of the fundamental
points ln the Socialist philosophy, let
us try and flnd out what the policy of
a party accepting the same should be.
Realizing that the working class, becoming more and more subject to oppression owing to Increasing competi
tion for jobs, can do nothing by so-
called Industrial organization, or by
the obtaining dt concessions or reforms from the master class, our policy must be to educate the working
class to the fact that they are numerically stronger, in the ratio, approximately, of 9 to 1, than their masters,
but that their very numbers on the
industrial field spell defeat in any action they may take. But upon the
field upon which the master class are
organized, the political field—the
plane of power—their numbers must
inevitably spell victory, for there
alone are their interests in harmony'.
"The proletariat must first of all
acquire political supremacy" is a quotation from Marx not sufficiently
recognized at the present time. Our
object must be the capturing of the
state, whose function is to enable one
class to subjugate another; and it is
because the capitalist class are at
present ln possession of the reins of
government, that they can ride on the
backs of the workers and continue
to extract surplus value from their
We are told by a certain number of
people today, that because all Institutions, social, political and religious,
arise from the economic basis upon
which society stands, therefore political power, that is, the state, is merely a reflex. But. granting it be reflex,
it by no means follows that it ls a
shadow or myth, as these very enlightened individuals would have us
wall may be the reflex of modern
believe. We can say that a certalr
bricklaying, but anyone can see that
this does not make lt a shadow. Far
from it. Let anyone doubting this try
his head against it. Recently, in
many places all over the world we
have heard of policemen batoning In-
tc subjection, wage slaves who dared
to interfere with their masters' affairs. This ls where the shadow (the
policeman's club) meets the substance
(the wage plug's cranium). Suppose
any of us were to do anything considered detrimental to our masters' Interests, we are Instaetlybrought face
to face witSf political power in the
shape of a fairly well armed policeman. He compels submission, because we realize that behind the individual policeman stands the police
force as a whole, then the njilitia,
standing army and all the naval and
military equipment that go to make
up the machinery of law and order.
Behind these mighty forces are the
henchmen of the ruling class, placed
in office to do their masters' bidding
by the votes of the majority of the
working class, behind which vote
stands the colossal Ignorance of that
class. Our policy therefore Is to make
clear our principles in order that this
ignorance might be dispelled and the
workers brought to a sense of their
position in society and their historic
mission as a class.
What conceals from the working
class at the present moment the method of their exploitation is the form of
money In which they are .paid their
wages. If, like the chattel slaves of
old, they received as a return for the
expenditure of their energy so much
of the corn, wheat, oats or meat which
they themselves raised and procured
for their masters, they would be under no delusion as to the meaning of
the transaction, however little power
they might have to effect their freedom. Or, if they were serfs compelled to surrender to their lord, the
result of three or four days' toil without any payment whatever, they
would hardly conceive, however thickheaded and mule-like they might be,
that their interests were identical
with those of their masters.
But the fact that the modern wage
slave is free (?), so perfectly free
that he can travel wherever he
pleases and still possess nothing; so
free that, even if sufficiently Independent to leave his master if he so
desire, he ls compelled to sell his
labor power at subsistence cost or
starve—-this keeps their eyes blinded
to the fact that the owners of the
means of production and distribution,
simply because they are owners, can
appropriate from two-thirds to four-
fifths of the product of their toll.
In order to dispel this crass ignorance our propaganda must be clear
cut and revolutionary, so that when
the members of our class realize the
game now practiced upon them, they
will not be led away from the one and
only Issue, by any sentimental will-o'-
the-wlBp idea, to which their notice
might be attracted. The utter futility of striving after reform, trying to
patch up this present horrible system,
compromising here and there iu order
to gain this or that concession, must
be clearly pointed out. To the workers who as yet do not realize that conditions can only be made better for
them by ending the present system of
production for profit, we can point to
another of Marx's well-known statements: "That Instead of having on
your banners 'A fair day's wage for a
fair day's work,' you should inscribe
the revolutionary watchword, 'The
abolition oi the wage system'." This
can only be accomplished by a class-
conscious movemer* and the capture
of political power.
Then let us ever hew to the line,
keeping our eyes on the goal, turning
neither to the right hand or tho left,
so that when the time ls due, we may
hurl all the paraphernalia of nonsense,
degradation, misery, oppression and
uselessness connected with this present system, into oblivion. May the
good Lord preserve us to behold the
W. A. P.
There are 102,329 prisoners In penitentiaries and 23,786 children In juvenile institutions. There are a total
of 199,981 paupers. Three million
pauperized citizens apply for assistance to charitable institutions each
There are 500,000 prostitutes in the
United States, 100,000 of which die
each year of diseases peculiar to their
profession. There are 63,807 illegitimate children, 101,009 Insane persons
and  76,895  feeble-minded.
There has been an Increase of 600
per cent, in Insanity in the last fifty
years. There ls being $3 per year
spent on each child to educate it,
while **17 per year is spent to keep
Its father drunk.
There are 8,246,857 persons above
the age of ten years who can neither
read nor write. Out of 22,000,000
school children, 6,000,000 never enter
the schools.
Say, Mr. Workingman, are you sure
there isn't something wrong with a
system which produces such terrible
•   •   *
A capitalist politician ls quite right
when he addresses an audience of
wage slaves with votes as an intelligent and good looking audience; from
a capitalistic point of view they have
certainly proved themselves to be so.
Know Why
Socialism is Coming
Don't be a socialist unless you know why you are one.   Know wl.
Socialism is coming.   Trace the economic development of civilizatic
through from slavery to the present and know why socialism
Victor L. Berger says
"A few soclaltot phrases to not sufficient to make a •dentil
socialist.   In order to know   WHY  SOCIALISM IS COMING,
socialist should have an Idea of evolution, he must know hlstoi
ho must know something of economic development.
Wo aa socialists aro vitally Interested In th* development
civilization. History for ue to not a collection of shallow villa
tales, tha story of coronations, weddings and burials of kings. F
us tha true lesson of history is the story of progress of mankind I
gradual steps from brutal slavery to enlightenment, cultu
and humanity, *
Tho manner In which one system has grown out of anothi
feudalism out of slavery and capitalism out of feudalism to mc
suggestive of tho manner by which the Socialist Republic w
gradually develop out of the present system.
To show how the Soclaltot Republic will gradually develop o
of tha present systom, tho Library of Original Sources haa bo
published.   It Is a treasure mine."
The Library of Original Source
(In the original documents—translated)
clears away the bigotry and superstition that has accumulated around religion, Is
government- education- etc.—brings to light the naked truth and shows wh$ aoci
ism ia coming. This wonderful library gives the authoritative sources of knowlec
in all fields of thought—socialism philosophy, science, education, etc. The rock-botti
facts which for centuries capitalist writers have deliberately kept from the people.
Thousands of the Comrades in evil parte of the United States fk\
Ce-.ne-.da he.ve secured thle library on our co-operative pla,n. e-j
without a single exception e-.ro enthusiastic over It,   Letters
like these com© pouring In with every maih
John Spargo: "cTVtost helpful. Ought
to be In every library."
Waiter Lohrentz, Wash.: "A boon to
workingmen who have not time nor
money to get a college education."
A. M. Simons: "Superior to encyclopedias; will be read when novels are
C, E. Kline, Wash.: "I am urging all
my friends to secure your great
Geo. Pae, cAlberta, Can.: "just the
thing *3 hf-p i'im the wheels of
Fred Warren:  "Most important production;
Local could not make a better investment.
The most valuable part
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to stark Local) $5.00
Membership Cards, each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform   and   application   blank
per  100   25
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 50
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Constitutions, each 20
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